This is a modern-English version of The Former Philippines Thru Foreign Eyes, originally written by Comyn, Tomás de, Jagor, Fedor, Virchow, Rudolf, Wilkes, Charles.
It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling,
and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If
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Copyright, 1916, by Austin Craig
Copyright, 1916, by Austin Craig
[iii]
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Preface
Among the many wrongs done the Filipinos by Spaniards, to be charged against their undeniably large debt to Spain, one of the greatest, if not the most frequently mentioned, was taking from them their good name.
Among the many injustices the Spaniards inflicted on the Filipinos, which contribute to their undeniable large debt to Spain, one of the greatest, if not the most frequently cited, was robbing them of their good name.
Spanish writers have never been noted for modesty or historical accuracy. Back in 1589 the printer of the English translation of Padre Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza’s “History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China” felt it necessary to prefix this warning: * * * the Spaniards (following their ambitious affections) do usually in all their writings extoll their own actions, even to the setting forth of many untruthes and incredible things, as in their descriptions of the conquistes of the east and west Indies, etc., doth more at large appeare.
Spanish writers have never been known for their humility or historical accuracy. Back in 1589, the printer of the English translation of Padre Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza’s “History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China” found it necessary to add this warning: ***the Spaniards (driven by their ambitious nature) usually praise their own actions in all their writings, often including many falsehoods and unbelievable claims, as is clearly shown in their accounts of the conquests of the East and West Indies, etc.***
Of early Spanish historians Doctor Antonio de Morga seems the single exception, and perhaps even some of his credit comes by contrast, but in later years the rule apparently has proved invariable. As the conditions in the successive periods of Spanish influence were recognized to be indicative of little progress, if not actually retrogressive, the practice grew up of correspondingly lowering the current estimates of the capacity of the Filipinos of the conquest, so that always an apparent advance appeared. This in the closing period, in order to fabricate a sufficient showing for over three centuries of pretended progress, led to the practical denial of human attributes to the Filipinos found here by Legaspi.
Of the early Spanish historians, Doctor Antonio de Morga seems to be the only exception, and maybe some of his credibility comes from being contrasted with others. However, in later years, the pattern apparently became unchanging. As the conditions during the various periods of Spanish influence were seen as showing little progress, if not actually regressive, people began to lower their current views on the abilities of the Filipinos at the time of the conquest, so that an apparent advancement always seemed to be there. This, in the later period, in order to create a sufficient record for over three centuries of supposed progress, led to effectively denying the humanity of the Filipinos encountered by Legaspi.
Against this denial to his countrymen of virtues as well as rights, Doctor Rizal opposed two briefs whose English titles are “The Philippines A Century Hence” and “The Indolence of the Filipino.” Almost every page therein shows the influence of the young student’s early reading of the hereinafter-printed studies by the German scientist Jagor, friend and counsellor in his maturer years, and the liberal Spaniard Comyn. Even his acquaintance with Morga, which eventually led to Rizal’s republication of the 1609 history long lost to Spaniards, probably was owing to Jagor, although the life-long resolution for that action can be traced to hearing of Sir John Bowring’s visit to his uncle’s home and the proposed Hakluyt Society English translation then mentioned.
Against the denial of both virtues and rights to his fellow countrymen, Doctor Rizal presented two essays titled “The Philippines A Century Hence” and “The Indolence of the Filipino.” Almost every page reflects the influence of the young student’s early readings of the studies by the German scientist Jagor, who was a friend and advisor in his later years, and the liberal Spaniard Comyn. His connection with Morga, which eventually prompted Rizal to republish the 1609 history that had been lost to the Spaniards, was likely due to Jagor as well, although the long-standing commitment to that endeavor stemmed from hearing about Sir John Bowring’s visit to his uncle’s home and the proposed English translation by the Hakluyt Society that was mentioned at that time.
[iv]The present value and interest of these now rare books has suggested their republication, to make available to Filipino students a course of study which their national hero found profitable as well as to correct the myriad misconceptions of things Philippine in the minds of those who have taken the accepted Spanish accounts as gospel truths.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The current value and interest of these now rare books have led to the idea of republishing them, to provide Filipino students with a course of study that their national hero found beneficial and to fix the countless misconceptions about the Philippines held by those who have taken the accepted Spanish accounts as absolute truths.
Dr. L. V. Schweibs, of Berlin, made the hundreds of corrections, many reversing the meanings of former readings, which almost justify calling the revised Jagor translation a new one. Numerous hitherto-untranslated passages likewise appear. There have been left out the illustrations, from crude drawings obsolete since photographic pictures have familiarized the scenes and objects, and also the consequently superfluous references to these. No other omission has been allowed, for if one author leaned far to one side in certain debatable questions the other has been equally partisan for the opposite side, except a cerement on religion in general and discussion of the world-wide social evil were eliminated as having no particular Philippine bearing to excuse their appearance in a popular work.
Dr. L. V. Schweibs from Berlin made hundreds of corrections, many of which changed the meanings of earlier translations, which almost makes it fair to call the updated Jagor translation a new version. Additionally, there are many previously untranslated passages included. The illustrations have been removed, as the crude drawings are outdated since photographs have made the scenes and objects more familiar, along with the unnecessary references to them. No other omissions have been made; if one author favored one side on certain debatable issues, the other equally represented the opposing view, except for some content related to religion in general and discussions about global social issues, which were omitted since they didn't specifically relate to the Philippines to justify their inclusion in a popular work.
The early American quotations of course are for comparison with the numerous American comments of today, and the two magazine extracts give English accounts a century apart. Virchow’s matured views have been substituted for the pioneer opinions he furnished Professor Jagor thirty years earlier, and if Rizal’s patron in the scientific world fails at times in his facts his method for research is a safe guide.
The early American quotations are meant for comparing with the many American comments we see today, and the two magazine excerpts provide English accounts from a century apart. Virchow’s developed views have replaced the initial opinions he shared with Professor Jagor thirty years ago, and although Rizal’s supporter in the scientific community sometimes falters in his facts, his research method is a reliable guide.
Finally, three points should constantly be borne in mind: (1) allowance must be made for the lessening Spanish influence, surely more foreign to this seafaring people than the present modified Anglo-Saxon education, and so more artificial, i.e., less assimilable, as well as for the removal of the unfavorable environment, before attempting to from an opinion of the present-day Filipino from his prototype pictured in those pages; (2) foreign observers are apt to emphasize what is strange to them in describing other lands than their own and to leave unnoted points of resemblance which may be much more numerous; (3) Rizal’s judgment that his countrymen were more like backward Europeans than Orientals was based on scientific studies of Europe’s rural districts and Philippine provincial conditions as well as of oriental country life, so that it is entitled to more weight than the commoner opinion to the contrary which though more popular has been less carefully formed.
Finally, three points should always be kept in mind: (1) we need to consider the decreasing Spanish influence, which is definitely more foreign to this seafaring culture than the current adapted Anglo-Saxon education, making it more artificial and less easily absorbed, as well as the change in the negative surroundings, before forming an opinion about the modern Filipino compared to the earlier version described in those pages; (2) foreign observers tend to highlight what seems unusual to them when describing lands other than their own and often overlook similarities that might be much more common; (3) Rizal’s view that his fellow countrymen were more similar to backward Europeans than to Asians was based on scientific studies of Europe’s rural areas and the conditions in Philippine provinces, as well as oriental rural life, making his perspective carry more weight than the more common, but less well-founded, contrary opinion.
University of the Philippines,
UP (University of the Philippines)
Manila, March 11th, 1916. [v]
Manila, March 11, 1916. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
Contents
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(The out-of-print 1875 English translation corrected from the original German text)
(The out-of-print 1875 English translation corrected from the original German text)
State of the Philippines in 1810. By Tomas de Comyn 357
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. By Tomas de Comyn 357
(William Walton’s 1821 translation modernized)
William Walton’s 1821 translation updated
Manila and Sulu in 1842. By Com. Chas. Wilkes, U.S.N. 459
Manila and Sulu in 1842. By Com. Chas. Wilkes, U.S.N. 459
(Narrative of U. S. Exploring Expedition 1838–42, Vol. 5)
(Narrative of U. S. Exploring Expedition 1838–42, Vol. 5)
Manila in 1819. By Lieut. John White, U.S.N. 530
Manila in 1819. By Lieut. John White, U.S.N. 530
(From the “History of a Voyage to the China Sea”)
(From the “History of a Voyage to the China Sea”)
The Peopling of the Philippines. By Doctor Rudolf Virchow 536
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. By Dr. Rudolf Virchow 536
(O. T. Mason’s translation; Smithsonian Institution 1899 Report)
(O. T. Mason’s translation; Smithsonian Institution 1899 Report)
People and Prospects of the Philippines. By An English Merchant, 1778, and A Consul, 1878 550
People and Prospects of the Philippines. By An English Merchant, 1778, and A Consul, 1878 550
(From Blackwood’s and the Cornhill Magazine)
(From Blackwood’s and the Cornhill Magazine)
Filipino Merchants of the Early 1890s. By F. Karuth, F.R.G.S. 552
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. By F. Karuth, F.R.G.S. 552
The Former Philippines thru Foreign Eyes
Jagor’s Travels in the Philippines
I
Difference from European time.When the clock strikes twelve in Madrid,1 it is 8 hours, 18 minutes, and 41 seconds past eight in the evening at Manila; that is to say, the latter city lies 124° 40′ 15″ to the east of the former (7 hours, 54 minutes, 35 seconds from Paris). Some time ago, however, while the new year was being celebrated in Madrid, it was only New Year’s eve at Manila.
Difference from European time zone. When the clock strikes twelve in Madrid, 1 it's 8 hours, 18 minutes, and 41 seconds past eight in the evening in Manila; this means that Manila is located 124° 40′ 15″ to the east of Madrid (7 hours, 54 minutes, 35 seconds from Paris). Not long ago, while the new year was being celebrated in Madrid, it was still New Year's Eve in Manila.
Magellan’s mistake in reckoning.As Magellan, who discovered the Philippines in his memorable first circumnavigation of the globe, was following the sun in its apparent daily path around the world, every successive degree he compassed on his eastern course added four minutes to the length of his day; and, when he reached the Philippines, the difference amounted to sixteen hours. This, however, apparently escaped his notice, for Elcano, the captain of the only remaining vessel, was quite unaware, on his return to the longitude of his departure, why according to his ship’s log-book, he was a day behind the time of the port which he had reached again by continuously sailing westward.23
Magellan's calculation error.As Magellan, who discovered the Philippines during his famous first trip around the world, was tracking the sun's apparent daily path, every degree he traveled eastward added four minutes to his day; by the time he arrived in the Philippines, the discrepancy had grown to sixteen hours. This, however, seemed to escape his attention, as Elcano, the captain of the only remaining ship, was completely unaware, upon returning to the longitude of his departure, why, according to his ship's log, he was a day behind the time of the port he had reached after sailing west continuously.23
[2]Change to the Asian day.The error remained also unheeded in the Philippines. It was still, over there the last day of the old year, while the rest of the world was commencing the new one; and this state of things continued till the close of 1844, when it was resolved, with the approval of the archbishop, to pass over New Year’s eve for once altogether.4 Since that time the Philippines are considered to lie no longer in the distant west, but in the far east, and are about eight hours in advance of their mother country. The proper field for their commerce, however, is what is to Europeans the far west; they were colonized thence, and for centuries, till 1811, they had almost no other communication with Europe but the indirect one by the annual voyage of the galleon between Manila and Acapulco. Now, however, when the eastern shores of the Pacific are at last beginning to teem with life, and, with unexampled speed, are pressing forward to grasp their stupendous future, the Philippines will no longer be able to remain in their past seclusion. No tropical Asiatic colony is so favorably situated for communication with the west coast of America, and it is only in a few matters that the Dutch Indies can compete with them for the favors of the Australian market. But, Future in American and Australian trade.on the other hand, they will have to abandon their traffic with China, whose principal emporium Manila originally was, as well as that with those westward-looking countries of Asia, Europe’s far east, which lie nearest to the Atlantic ports.56
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Change to Asian Day.The mistake was also ignored in the Philippines. It was still, over there, the last day of the old year while the rest of the world was starting the new one; and this continued until the end of 1844, when it was decided, with the archbishop’s approval, to skip New Year’s Eve altogether for once. 4 Since then, the Philippines are viewed as being no longer in the distant west, but rather in the far east, and are about eight hours ahead of their mother country. However, their ideal market for trade is what Europeans consider the far west; they were colonized from there, and for centuries, up until 1811, they had almost no other connection to Europe except the indirect trade through the annual galleon voyage between Manila and Acapulco. Now, though, as the eastern shores of the Pacific are finally beginning to flourish and are rapidly moving towards an incredible future, the Philippines will no longer be able to remain isolated in their past. No tropical Asian colony is better positioned for trade with the west coast of America, and there are only a few areas where the Dutch Indies can compete with them for access to the Australian market. But, Future in American and Australian trade.on the other hand, they will need to give up their trade with China, which Manila was originally the main hub for, as well as with those westward-looking countries in Asia, Europe’s far east, which are closest to the Atlantic ports.56
[3]Commercially in the New World.When the circumstances mentioned come to be realized, the Philippines, or, at any rate, the principal market for their commerce, will finally fall within the limits of the western hemisphere, to which indeed they were relegated by the illustrious Spanish geographers at Badajoz.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Business in the New World.Once the conditions mentioned are met, the Philippines, or at least their main trade market, will be considered part of the western hemisphere, which is where the famous Spanish geographers at Badajoz had previously placed them.
The Pope’s world-partitive.The Bull issued by Alexander VI,7 on May 4, 1493, which divided the earth into two hemispheres, decreed that all heathen lands discovered in the eastern half should belong to the Portuguese; in the western half to the Spaniards. According to this arrangement, the latter could only claim the Philippines under the pretext that they were situated in the western hemisphere. The demarcation line was to run from the north to the south, a hundred leagues to the south-west of all the so-called Azores and Cape de Verde Islands. In accordance with the treaty of Tordesillas, negotiated between Spain and Portugal on June 7, 1494, and approved by Julius II, in 1506, this line was drawn three hundred and seventy leagues west of the Cape de Verde Islands.
The Pope’s global community.The Bull issued by Alexander VI on May 4, 1493, divided the world into two hemispheres, declaring that all non-Christian lands discovered in the eastern half would belong to the Portuguese, while those in the western half would belong to the Spaniards. Under this agreement, the Spaniards could only claim the Philippines by arguing that they were located in the western hemisphere. The boundary line was to stretch from north to south, a hundred leagues southwest of all the so-called Azores and Cape de Verde Islands. According to the Treaty of Tordesillas, negotiated between Spain and Portugal on June 7, 1494, and approved by Julius II in 1506, this line was established three hundred seventy leagues west of the Cape de Verde Islands.
Faulty Spanish and Portuguese geography.At that time Spanish and Portuguese geographers reckoned seventeen and one-half leagues to a degree on the equator. In the latitude of the Cape de Verde Islands, three hundred and seventy leagues made 21° 55′. If to this we add the longitudinal difference between the westernmost point of the group and Cadiz, a difference of 18° 48′, we get 40° 43′ west, and 139° 17′ east from Cadiz (in round numbers 47° west and 133° east), as the limits of the Spanish hemisphere. At that time, however, the existing means for such calculations were entirely insufficient.
Incorrect Spanish and Portuguese geography.At that time, Spanish and Portuguese geographers calculated seventeen and a half leagues to a degree at the equator. In the latitude of the Cape Verde Islands, three hundred and seventy leagues equated to 21° 55′. If we add the longitudinal difference between the westernmost point of the group and Cadiz, which is 18° 48′, we arrive at 40° 43′ west and 139° 17′ east from Cadiz (roughly 47° west and 133° east) as the boundaries of the Spanish hemisphere. However, at that time, the methods available for making such calculations were completely inadequate.
Extravagant Spanish claims thru ignorance.The latitude was measured with imperfect astrolabes, or wooden quadrants, and calculated from very deficient [4]tables; the variation of the compass, moreover, was almost unknown, as well as the use of the log.8 Both method and instruments were wanting for useful longitudinal calculations. It was under these circumstances that the Spaniards attempted, at Badajoz, to prove to the protesting Portuguese that the eastern boundary line intersected the mouths of the Ganges, and proceeded to lay claim to the possession of the Spice Islands.
Extravagant Spanish claims from ignorance.The latitude was measured using flawed astrolabes or wooden quadrants, and calculated from very inadequate [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] tables; the variation of the compass was also mostly unknown, along with the use of the log.8 Both the methods and instruments were lacking for accurate longitudinal calculations. It was in this context that the Spaniards tried, in Badajoz, to convince the protesting Portuguese that the eastern boundary line crossed the mouths of the Ganges and went on to claim the Spice Islands.
Spain’s error in calculation.The eastern boundary should, in reality, have been drawn 46½° further to the east, that is to say, as much further as it is from Berlin to the coast of Labrador, or to the lesser Altai; for, in the latitude of Calcutta 46½° are equivalent to two thousand five hundred and seventy-five nautical miles. Albo’s log-book gives the difference in longitude between the most eastern islands of the Archipelago and Cape Fermoso (Magellan’s Straits), as 106° 30′, while in reality it amounts to 159° 85′.
Spain's miscalculation.The eastern boundary should actually have been drawn 46½° further east, which is the same distance as from Berlin to the coast of Labrador or to the lesser Altai; because at the latitude of Calcutta, 46½° equals two thousand five hundred and seventy-five nautical miles. Albo’s logbook records the difference in longitude between the easternmost islands of the Archipelago and Cape Fermoso (Magellan’s Straits) as 106° 30′, while the actual difference is 159° 85′.
Moluccan rights sold to Portugal.The disputes between the Spaniards and the Portuguese, occasioned by the uncertainty of the eastern boundary—Portugal had already founded a settlement in the Spice Islands—were set at rest by an agreement made in 1529, in which Charles V. abandoned his pretended rights to the Moluccas in favor of Portugal, for the sum of 350,000 ducats. The Philippines, at that time, were of no value.
Moluccan rights sold to Portugal.The conflicts between the Spanish and the Portuguese, caused by the unclear eastern boundary—Portugal had already established a presence in the Spice Islands—were resolved by an agreement made in 1529, in which Charles V. gave up his claimed rights to the Moluccas in favor of Portugal for 350,000 ducats. At that time, the Philippines had no value.
Foreign mail facilities.The distance from Manila to Hongkong is six hundred fifty nautical miles, and the course is almost exactly south-east. The mail steamer running between the two [5]ports makes the trip in from three to four days. This allows of a fortnightly postal communication between the colony and the rest of the world.9
International mail services.The distance from Manila to Hong Kong is six hundred fifty nautical miles, and the route is almost directly southeast. The mail steamer that operates between the two [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]ports completes the journey in about three to four days. This enables biweekly postal communication between the colony and the rest of the world.9
Slight share in world commerce.This small steamer is the only thing to remind an observer at Hongkong, a port thronged with the ships of all nations, that an island so specially favored in conditions and fertility lies in such close proximity.
Minor stake in global trade.This small steamer is the only thing that reminds someone in Hong Kong, a port bustling with ships from all over the world, that an island with such great conditions and fertility is so nearby.
Little commerce with Spain.Although the Philippines belong to Spain, there is but little commerce between the two countries. Once the tie which bound them was so close that Manila was wont to celebrate the arrival of the Spanish mail with Te Deums and bell-ringing, in honor of the successful achievement of so stupendous a journey. Until Portugal fell to Spain, the road round Africa to the Philippines was not open to Spanish vessels. The condition of the overland route is sufficiently shown by the fact that two Augustinian monks who, in 1603, were entrusted with an important message for the king, and who chose the direct line through Goa, Turkey, and Italy, needed three years for reaching Madrid.10
Limited trade with Spain. Although the Philippines are part of Spain, there is very little trade between the two countries. There was a time when their connection was so strong that Manila would celebrate the arrival of Spanish mail with Te Deums and the ringing of bells, honoring the successful completion of such an incredible journey. Before Portugal became part of Spain, Spanish ships couldn't take the route around Africa to the Philippines. The condition of the overland route is clearly illustrated by the fact that two Augustinian monks, who were tasked with delivering an important message to the king in 1603 and chose the direct route through Goa, Turkey, and Italy, took three years to reach Madrid.10
Former Spanish ships mainly carried foreign goods.The trade by Spanish ships, which the merchants were compelled to patronize in order to avoid paying an additional customs tax, in spite of the protective duties for Spanish products, was almost exclusively in foreign goods to the colony and returning the products of the latter for foreign ports. The traffic with Spain was limited to the conveyance of officials, priests, and [6]their usual necessaries, such as provisions, wine and other liquors; and, except a few French novels, some atrociously dull books, histories of saints, and similar works.
Previous Spanish ships primarily transported imported goods.The trade conducted by Spanish ships, which merchants had to use to avoid an extra customs tax, despite the protective tariffs on Spanish products, mostly involved bringing in foreign goods to the colony and taking the colony's products back to foreign ports. The traffic with Spain was limited to transporting officials, priests, and their usual necessities, like food, wine, and other beverages; and, aside from a few French novels, some painfully boring books, hagiographies, and similar texts.
Manila’s fine bay.The Bay of Manila is large enough to contain the united fleets of Europe; it has the reputation of being one of the finest in the world. The aspect of the coast, however, to a stranger arriving, as did the author, at the close of the dry season, falls short of the lively descriptions of some travellers. The circular bay, one hundred twenty nautical miles in circumference, the waters of which wash the shores of five different provinces, is fringed in the neighborhood of Manila by a level coast, behind which rises an equally flat table land. The scanty vegetation in the foreground, consisting chiefly of bamboos and areca palms, was dried up by the sun; while in the far distance the dull uniformity of the landscape was broken by the blue hills of San Mateo. In the rainy season the numerous unwalled canals overflow their banks and form a series of connected lakes, which soon, however, change into luxuriant and verdant ricefields.
Manila’s beautiful bay.The Bay of Manila is big enough to hold the combined fleets of Europe; it's known as one of the best in the world. However, for a newcomer like the author arriving at the end of the dry season, the coast doesn't quite match the lively descriptions given by some travelers. The circular bay, which is about one hundred twenty nautical miles around and washes the shores of five different provinces, is bordered near Manila by a flat coastline, behind which rises an equally flat plateau. The sparse vegetation in the foreground, mainly consisting of bamboos and areca palms, was parched by the sun; meanwhile, in the far distance, the dull sameness of the landscape was interrupted by the blue hills of San Mateo. During the rainy season, the many unprotected canals overflow and create a series of interconnected lakes, which soon transform into lush green rice fields.
City’s appearance mediaeval European.Manila is situated on both sides of the river Pasig. The town itself, surrounded with walls and ramparts, with its low tiled roofs and a few towers, had, in 1859, the appearance of some ancient European fortress. Four years later the greater part of it was destroyed by an earthquake.
City looks like medieval Europe. Manila is located on both sides of the Pasig River. The town, enclosed by walls and ramparts, with its low tiled roofs and a few towers, looked like an ancient European fortress in 1859. Four years later, most of it was destroyed by an earthquake.
The 1863 earthquake.On June 3, 1863, at thirty-one minutes past seven in the evening, after a day of tremendous heat while all Manila was busy in its preparations for the festival of Corpus Christi, the ground suddenly rocked to and fro with great violence. The firmest buildings reeled visibly, walls crumbled, and beams snapped in two. The dreadful shock lasted half a minute; but this little interval [7]was enough to change the whole town into a mass of ruins, and to bury alive hundreds of its inhabitants.11 A letter of the governor-general, which I have seen, states that the cathedral, the government-house, the barracks, and all the public buildings of Manila were entirely destroyed, and that the few private houses which remained standing threatened to fall in. Later accounts speak of four hundred killed and two thousand injured, and estimate the loss at eight millions of dollars. Forty-six public and five hundred and seventy private buildings were thrown down; twenty-eight public and five hundred twenty-eight private buildings were nearly destroyed, and all the houses left standing were more or less injured.
The 1863 earthquake.On June 3, 1863, at 7:31 PM, after a scorching day while all of Manila was busy preparing for the Corpus Christi festival, the ground suddenly began to shake violently. The sturdiest buildings swayed noticeably, walls crumbled, and beams snapped in half. The terrifying shock lasted for half a minute; but that brief moment [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]was enough to turn the entire town into a heap of rubble and bury hundreds of its residents alive.11 A letter from the governor-general that I've seen says the cathedral, the government house, the barracks, and all public buildings in Manila were completely destroyed, and the few private houses that stood were on the verge of collapsing. Later reports mention four hundred people killed and two thousand injured, estimating the total loss at eight million dollars. Forty-six public and five hundred seventy private buildings were demolished; twenty-eight public and five hundred twenty-eight private buildings were severely damaged, and all the remaining houses were more or less harmed.
Damage in Cavite.At the same time, an earthquake of forty seconds’ duration occurred at Cavite, the naval port of the Philippines, and destroyed many buildings.
Damage in Cavite.At the same time, a forty-second earthquake hit Cavite, the naval port of the Philippines, and caused significant destruction to many buildings.
Destruction in walled city.Three years afterwards, the Duc d’Alencon (Lucon et Mindanao; Paris, 1870, S. 38) found the traces of the catastrophe everywhere. Three sides of the principal square of the city, in which formerly stood the government, or governor’s, palace, the cathedral, and the townhouse, were lying like dust heaps overgrown with weeds. All the large public edifices were “temporarily” constructed of wood; but nobody then seemed to plan anything permanent.
Destruction in fortified city.Three years later, the Duc d’Alencon (Lucon et Mindanao; Paris, 1870, S. 38) found signs of the disaster everywhere. Three sides of the main square of the city, where the government palace, the cathedral, and the town hall used to stand, were reduced to piles of debris covered in weeds. All the major public buildings were “temporarily” built out of wood, but it didn’t seem like anyone was planning anything permanent.
Former heavy shocks.Manila is very often subject to earthquakes; the most fatal occurred in 1601; in 1610 (Nov. 30); in 1645 (Nov. 30); in 1658 (Aug. 20); in 1675; in 1699; in 1796; in 1824; in 1852; and in 1863. In 1645, six hundred12, or, according to some accounts, three thousand13 persons perished, buried under the ruins of their houses. Their [8]monastery, the church of the Augustinians, and that of the Jesuits, were the only public buildings which remained standing.
Old heavy impacts. Manila frequently experiences earthquakes; the deadliest ones happened in 1601, 1610 (November 30), 1645 (November 30), 1658 (August 20), 1675, 1699, 1796, 1824, 1852, and 1863. In 1645, six hundred12, or according to some reports, three thousand13 people died, trapped under the debris of their homes. Their [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] monastery, the church of the Augustinians, and the one belonging to the Jesuits were the only public structures that survived.
Frequent minor disturbances.Smaller shocks, which suddenly set the hanging lamps swinging, occur very often and generally remain unnoticed. The houses are on this account generally of but one story, and the loose volcanic soil on which they are built may lessen the violence of the shock. Their heavy tiled roofs, however, appear very inappropriate under such circumstances. Earthquakes are also of frequent occurrence in the provinces, but they, as a rule, cause so little damage, owing to the houses being constructed of timber or bamboo, that they are never mentioned.
Frequent small disruptions. Smaller shocks that suddenly make the hanging lamps swing happen quite often and usually go unnoticed. Because of this, the houses are typically only one story high, and the loose volcanic soil they’re built on helps reduce the intensity of the shocks. However, their heavy tiled roofs seem quite unsuitable for these conditions. Earthquakes also happen frequently in the provinces, but they generally cause so little damage, since the houses are made of wood or bamboo, that they rarely get mentioned.
Scanty data available.M. Alexis Perrey (Mém. de l’Académie de Dijon, 1860) has published a list, collected with much diligence from every accessible source, of the earthquakes which have visited the Philippines, and particularly Manila. But the accounts, even of the most important, are very scanty, and the dates of their occurrence very unreliable. Of the minor shocks, only a few are mentioned, those which were noticed by scientific observers accidentally present at the time.
Limited data available.M. Alexis Perrey (Mém. de l’Académie de Dijon, 1860) put together a list, gathered meticulously from every available source, of the earthquakes that have affected the Philippines, especially Manila. However, even the accounts of the most significant events are quite minimal, and the dates they occurred remain very uncertain. Only a few minor shakes are noted, specifically those that were recorded by scientific observers who just happened to be there at the time.
The 1610 catastrophe.Aduarte (I. 141) mentions a tremendous earthquake which occurred in 1610. I briefly quote his version of the details of the catastrophe, as I find them mentioned nowhere else.
The 1610 disaster.Aduarte (I. 141) talks about a massive earthquake that happened in 1610. I’ll share a brief quote of his account of the disaster, as I haven’t found it referenced anywhere else.
3 According to Albo’s ship journal, he perceived the difference at the Cape de Verde Islands on July 9, 1522; “Y este día fué miercoles, y este día tienen ellos pot jueves.” (And this day was Wednesday and this day they had as Thursday.)
3 According to Albo’s ship journal, he noticed the difference at the Cape Verde Islands on July 9, 1522; “And this day was Wednesday, and they have it for Thursday.” (And this day was Wednesday and this day they had as Thursday.)
4 In a note on the 18th page of the masterly English (Hakluyt Society) translation of Morga, I find the curious statement that a similar rectification was made at the same time at Macao, where the Portuguese, who reached it on an easterly course, had made the mistake of a day the other way.
4 In a note on the 18th page of the impressive English (Hakluyt Society) translation of Morga, I find the interesting statement that a similar correction was made at the same time in Macao, where the Portuguese, who arrived there from the east, had made a mistake of a day in the opposite direction.
5 Towards the close of the sixteenth century the duty upon the exports to China amounted to $40,000 and their imports to at least $1,330,000. In 1810, after more than two centuries of undisturbed Spanish rule, the latter had sunk to $1,150,000. Since then they have gradually increased; and in 1861 they reached $2,130,000.
5 By the end of the sixteenth century, the export taxes to China were $40,000, while imports were at least $1,330,000. In 1810, after over two centuries of stable Spanish control, imports had dropped to $1,150,000. Since then, they have gradually increased, reaching $2,130,000 in 1861.
8 According to Gehler’s Phys. Lex. VI, 450, the log was first mentioned by Purchas in an account of a voyage to the East Indies in 1608. Pigafetta does not cite it in his treatise on navigation; but in the forty-fifth page of his work it is said: “Secondo la misura che facevamo del viaggio colla cadena a poppa, noi percorrevamo 60 a 70 leghe al giorno.” This was as rapid a rate as that of our (1870) fastest steamboats—ten knots an hour.
8 According to Gehler’s Phys. Lex. VI, 450, the log was first mentioned by Purchas in an account of a voyage to the East Indies in 1608. Pigafetta doesn't mention it in his navigation treatise; however, on the forty-fifth page of his work, it states: “According to the measurements we took of the journey with the chain at the stern, we covered 60 to 70 leagues a day.” This was as fast as our (1870) quickest steamboats—ten knots per hour.
9 The European mail reaches Manila through Singapore and Hongkong. Singapore is about equidistant from the other two places. Letters therefore could be received in the Philippines as soon as in China, if they were sent direct from Singapore. In that case, however, a steamer communication with that port must be established, and the traffic is not yet sufficiently developed to bear the double expense. According to the report of the English Consul (May, 1870), there is, besides the Government steamer, a private packet running between Hongkong and Manila. The number of passengers it conveyed to China amounted, in 1868, to 441 Europeans and 3,048 Chinese; total, 3,489. The numbers carried the other way were 330 Europeans and 4,664 Chinese; in all, 4,994. The fare is $80 for Europeans and $20 for Chinamen.
9 European mail gets to Manila via Singapore and Hong Kong. Singapore is roughly equidistant from the other two locations. This means letters could be received in the Philippines just as quickly as in China if they were sent directly from Singapore. However, for that to happen, a regular steamer service would need to be established with that port, and the current traffic isn’t developed enough to justify the extra costs. According to a report from the English Consul (May 1870), in addition to the government steamer, there's a private ship operating between Hong Kong and Manila. In 1868, it transported 441 Europeans and 3,048 Chinese to China, totaling 3,489. The reverse trip had 330 Europeans and 4,664 Chinese, making a total of 4,994. The fare is $80 for Europeans and $20 for Chinese.
11 Dr. Pedro Pelaez, in temporary charge of the diocese and dying in the cathedral, was the foremost Filipino victim. Funds raised in Spain for relief never reached the sufferers, but not till the end of Spanish rule was it safe to comment on this in the Philippines.—C.
11 Dr. Pedro Pelaez, who was temporarily in charge of the diocese and died in the cathedral, was the most notable Filipino victim. The money collected in Spain for aid never actually made it to the people in need, but it wasn’t safe to talk about this in the Philippines until the end of Spanish rule.—C.
II
Customhouse red tape.The customs inspection, and the many formalities which the native minor officials exercised without any consideration appear all the more wearisome to the new arrival when contrasted with the easy routine of the English free ports of the east he has just quitted. The guarantee of a respectable merchant obtained for me, as a particular favor, permission to disembark after a detention of sixteen hours; but even then I was not allowed to take the smallest article of luggage on shore with me.
Customs bureaucracy. The customs inspection, along with the numerous formalities enforced by the local minor officials without any regard, feels even more exhausting to the newcomer when compared to the smooth process of the English free ports in the east that he has just left. A respectable merchant helped me out by getting permission, as a special favor, to disembark after being held up for sixteen hours; but even then, I wasn’t allowed to take a single piece of luggage with me to shore.
Shelter for shipping.During the south-west monsoon and the stormy season that accompanies the change of monsoons, the roadstead is unsafe. Larger vessels are then obliged to seek protection in the port of Cavite, seven miles further down the coast; but during the north-east monsoons they can safely anchor half a league from the coast. All ships under three hundred tons burden pass [10]the breakwater and enter the Pasig, where, as far as the bridge, they lie in serried rows, extending from the shore to the middle of the stream, and bear witness by their numbers, as well as by the bustle and stir going on amongst them, to the activity of the home trade.
Shipping shelter.During the southwest monsoon and the stormy season that comes with the change of monsoons, the anchorage is unsafe. Larger ships have to take shelter in the port of Cavite, which is seven miles down the coast; however, during the northeast monsoons, they can safely anchor half a league from the shore. All ships under three hundred tons pass [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]the breakwater and enter the Pasig, where, as far as the bridge, they lay in neat rows, stretching from the shore to the midpoint of the river, showcasing their numbers and the hustle and bustle around them, reflecting the vibrancy of the local trade.
Silting up of river mouth.In every rain-monsoon, the Pasig river sweeps such a quantity of sediment against the breakwater that just its removal keeps, as it seems, the dredging machine stationed there entirely occupied.
River mouth silting.Every rainy season, the Pasig River carries so much sediment against the breakwater that it seems that just removing it keeps the dredging machine stationed there completely busy.
Few foreign vessels.The small number of the vessels in the roadstead, particularly of those of foreign countries, was the more remarkable as Manila was the only port in the Archipelago that had any commerce with foreign countries. It is true that since 1855 three other ports, to which a fourth may now be added, had gotten this privilege; but at the time of my arrival, in March, 1859, not one of them had ever been entered by a foreign vessel, and it was a few weeks after my visit that the first English ship sailed into Iloilo to take in a cargo of sugar for Australia.1
Few foreign ships.The small number of ships in the harbor, especially those from other countries, was especially notable since Manila was the only port in the Archipelago engaged in trade with foreign nations. While it's true that since 1855 three other ports, and now a fourth, had received this privilege, at the time of my arrival in March 1859, none of them had ever been visited by a foreign vessel. It was only a few weeks after my visit that the first English ship arrived in Iloilo to pick up a load of sugar for Australia.1
Antiquated restrictions on trade.The reason of this peculiarity laid partly in the feeble development of agriculture, in spite of the unexampled fertility of the soil, but chiefly in the antiquated and artificially limited conditions of trade. The customs duties were in themselves not very high. They were generally about seven per cent. upon merchandise conveyed under the Spanish flag, and about twice as much for that carried in foreign bottoms. When the cargo was of Spanish production, the duty was three per cent. if carried in national vessels, eight per cent. if in foreign ships. The latter were only allowed, as a rule, to enter the port in ballast.2
Outdated trade barriers.The reason for this situation was partly due to the weak state of agriculture, despite the extraordinary fertility of the soil, but mainly because of the outdated and artificially restricted trade conditions. The customs duties weren’t very high. They were generally around seven percent on goods transported under the Spanish flag and about twice that for foreign ships. If the cargo was produced in Spain, the duty was three percent if carried by national vessels and eight percent if transported by foreign ships. Typically, foreign vessels were only allowed to enter the port in ballast.2
[11]Discouragements for foreign ships.As, however, the principal wants of the colony were imported from England and abroad, these were either kept back till an opportunity occurred of sending them in Spanish vessels, which charged nearly a treble freight (from £4 to £5 instead of from £1½, to £2 per ton), and which only made their appearance in British ports at rare intervals, or they were sent to Singapore and Hongkong, where they were transferred to Spanish ships. Tonnage dues were levied, moreover, upon ships in ballast, and upon others which merely touched at Manila without unloading or taking in fresh cargo; and, if a vessel under such circumstances landed even the smallest parcel, it was no longer rated as a ship in ballast, but charged on the higher scale. Vessels were therefore forced to enter the port entirely devoid of cargo, or carrying sufficient to cover the expense of the increased harbor dues; almost an impossibility for foreign ships, on account of the differential customs rates, which acted almost as a complete prohibition. The result was that foreign vessels came there only in ballast, or when summoned for some particular object.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Discouragements for foreign vessels.Since the main needs of the colony were imported from England and other places, these goods were either held back until there was a chance to send them on Spanish ships, which charged nearly three times the freight (from £4 to £5 instead of £1.50 to £2 per ton), and only showed up at British ports occasionally, or they were routed to Singapore and Hong Kong, where they were transferred to Spanish vessels. Additionally, tonnage fees were charged for ships carrying no cargo and for those that made brief stops in Manila without unloading or taking on new cargo; if a ship in such a situation unloaded even the smallest package, it was no longer considered a ballast ship and faced higher charges. Consequently, vessels had to enter the port completely empty or with enough cargo to cover the increased harbor fees; this was nearly impossible for foreign ships because of the different customs rates, which effectively acted as a complete ban. As a result, foreign vessels only came in empty or when specifically called for a particular purpose.
Export taxes.The exports of the colony were almost entirely limited to its raw produce, which was burdened with an export duty of three per cent. Exports leaving under the Spanish flag were only taxed to the amount of one per cent.; but, as scarcely any export trade existed with Spain, and as Spanish vessels, from their high rates of freight, were excluded from the carrying trade of the world, the boon to commerce was a delusive one.3
Export duties.The colony's exports were mostly just its raw materials, which faced an export tax of three percent. Exports shipped under the Spanish flag were taxed at only one percent; however, since there was barely any export trade with Spain and Spanish ships were too expensive to compete globally, this supposed benefit to trade was misleading.3
Laws drove away trade.These inept excise laws, hampered with a hundred suspicious forms, frightened away the whole carrying trade from the port; and its commission merchants were [12]frequently unable to dispose of the local produce. So trifling was the carrying trade that the total yearly average of the harbor dues, calculated from the returns of ten years, barely reached $10,000.
Laws chased away business.These poorly designed excise laws, filled with numerous confusing forms, scared off all shipping work from the port; and the local commission merchants were [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]often unable to sell the local produce. The carrying trade was so minimal that the total yearly average of harbor fees, calculated from the past ten years, barely reached $10,000.
Manila’s favorable location.The position of Manila, a central point betwixt Japan, China, Annam, the English and Dutch ports of the Archipelago and Australia, is in itself extremely favorable to the development of a world-wide trade.4 At the time of the north-eastern monsoons, during our winter, when vessels for the sake of shelter pass through the Straits of Gilolo on their way from the Indian Archipelago to China, they are obliged to pass close to Manila. They would find it a most convenient station, for the Philippines, as we have already mentioned, are particularly favorably placed for the west coast of America.
Manila’s great location.The location of Manila, situated between Japan, China, Annam, the British and Dutch ports of the Archipelago, and Australia, is highly advantageous for developing global trade.4 During the northeast monsoons, in our winter, when ships seek shelter by passing through the Straits of Gilolo en route from the Indian Archipelago to China, they are required to go near Manila. They would find it to be a very convenient stop, as the Philippines, as we've mentioned, are ideally positioned for the west coast of America.
The 1869 reform.A proof that the Spanish Ultramar minister fully recognizes and appreciates these circumstances appears in his decree, of April 5, 1869, which is of the highest importance for the future of the colony. It probably would have been issued earlier had not the Spanish and colonial shipowners, pampered by the protective system, obstinately struggled against an innovation which impaired their former privileges and forced them to greater activity.
The 1869 update.A clear indication that the Spanish Ultramar minister fully understands and values these conditions is shown in his decree from April 5, 1869, which is crucial for the future of the colony. This decree likely would have been issued sooner if the Spanish and colonial shipowners, who were used to the benefits of the protective system, had not stubbornly resisted a change that threatened their previous privileges and pushed them to be more proactive.
Bettered conditions.The most noteworthy points of the decree are the moderation of the differential duties, and their entire extinction at the expiration of two years; the abrogation of all export duties; and the consolidation of the more annoying port dues into one single charge.
Improved conditions.The key aspects of the decree are the reduction of the extra duties, which will be completely eliminated in two years; the removal of all export duties; and the merging of the more inconvenient port fees into a single charge.
Pre-Spanish foreign commerce.When the Spaniards landed in the Philippines they found the inhabitants clad in silks and cotton stuffs, which were imported by Chinese ships to exchange for [13]gold-dust, sapan wood,5 holothurian, edible birds’ nests, and skins. The Islands were also in communication with Japan, Cambodia, Siam,6 the Moluccas, and the Malay Archipelago. De Barros mentions that vessels from Luzon visited Malacca in 1511.7
Pre-Spanish international trade. When the Spaniards arrived in the Philippines, they found the locals dressed in silks and cotton fabrics, which were brought by Chinese ships in exchange for [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] gold dust, sapan wood, 5 sea cucumbers, edible birds’ nests, and animal skins. The Islands also had trade links with Japan, Cambodia, Siam, 6 the Moluccas, and the Malay Archipelago. De Barros notes that ships from Luzon sailed to Malacca in 1511. 7
Early extension under Spain.The greater order which reigned in the Philippines after the advent of the Spaniards, and still more the commerce they opened with America and indirectly with Europe, had the effect of greatly increasing the Island trade, and of extending it beyond the Indies to the Persian Gulf. Manila was the great mart for the products of Eastern Asia, with which it loaded the galleons that, as early as 1565, sailed to and from New Spain (at first to Navidad, after 1602 to Acapulco), and brought back silver as their principal return freight.8
Early expansion under Spain.The greater order established in the Philippines after the Spanish arrived, along with the trade connections they created with America and indirectly with Europe, significantly boosted island trade and expanded it beyond the Indies to the Persian Gulf. Manila became the main hub for products from Eastern Asia, which loaded the galleons that, starting in 1565, sailed to and from New Spain (initially to Navidad, and after 1602 to Acapulco), bringing back silver as their main return cargo.8
Jealousy of Seville monopolists.The merchants in New Spain and Peru found this commerce so advantageous, that the result was very damaging to the exports from the mother country, whose manufactured goods were unable to compete with the Indian cottons and the Chinese silks. The spoilt monopolists of Seville demanded therefore the abandonment [14]of a colony which required considerable yearly contributions from the home exchequer, which stood in the way of the mother country’s exploiting her American colonies, and which let the silver of His Majesty’s dominions pass into the hands of the heathen. Since the foundation of the colony they had continually thrown impediments in its path.9 Their demands, however, were vain in face of the ambition of the throne and the influence of the clergy; rather, responding to the views of that time the merchants of Peru and New Spain were forced, in the interests of the mother country, to obtain merchandise from China, either directly, or through Manila. The inhabitants of the Philippines were alone permitted to send Chinese goods to America, but only to the yearly value of $250,000. The return trade was limited to $500,000.10
Jealousy of Seville monopolies.The merchants in New Spain and Peru found this trade so beneficial that it seriously hurt exports from the home country, where manufactured goods couldn't compete with Indian cottons and Chinese silks. The spoiled monopolists of Seville therefore called for the abandonment [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] of a colony that needed significant yearly contributions from the home treasury, which hindered the mother country’s ability to exploit her American colonies and allowed the silver from His Majesty’s territories to end up in the hands of non-Christians. Since the colony was established, they had constantly placed obstacles in its way.9 However, their demands were futile against the ambitions of the throne and the influence of the clergy; instead, reflecting the views of that time, the merchants of Peru and New Spain were compelled, for the sake of the home country, to obtain goods from China, either directly or through Manila. Only the residents of the Philippines were allowed to send Chinese goods to America, but only up to a yearly value of $250,000. The return trade was limited to $500,000.10
Prohibition of China trading.The first amount was afterwards increased to $300,000, with a proportionate augmentation of the return freight; but the Spanish were forbidden to visit China, so that they were obliged to await the arrival of the junks. Finally, in 1720, Chinese goods were strictly prohibited throughout the whole of the Spanish possessions in both hemispheres. A decree of 1734 (amplified in 1769) once more permitted trade with China, and increased the maximum value of the annual freightage to Acapulco to $500,000 (silver) and that of the return trade to twice the amount.
Ban on trading with China.The first amount was later raised to $300,000, along with a proportional increase in the return freight; however, the Spanish were not allowed to go to China, forcing them to wait for the arrival of the junks. Eventually, in 1720, Chinese goods were completely banned across all Spanish territories in both hemispheres. A decree from 1734 (expanded in 1769) allowed trade with China again and raised the maximum value of annual freight to Acapulco to $500,000 (in silver) and the value of the return trade to double that amount.
Higher limit on suspension of galleon voyages.After the galleons to Acapulco, which had been maintained at the expense of the government treasury, had stopped their voyages, commerce with America was [15]handled by merchants who were permitted in 1820, to export goods up to $750,000 annually from the Philippines and to visit San Blas, Guayaquil and Callao, besides Acapulco.
Increased limit on suspending galleon voyages.After the galleons to Acapulco, which had been funded by the government, stopped sailing, trade with America was [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]managed by merchants who were allowed in 1820 to export goods worth up to $750,000 each year from the Philippines and visit San Blas, Guayaquil, and Callao, in addition to Acapulco.
British occupation inspired new wants.This concession, however, was not sufficient to compensate Philippine commerce for the injuries it suffered through the separation of Mexico from Spain. The possession of Manila by the English, in 1762, made its inhabitants acquainted with many industrial products which the imports from China and India were unable to offer them. To satisfy these new cravings Spanish men-of-war were sent, towards the close of 1764, to the colony with products of Spanish industries, such as wine, provisions, hats, cloth, hardware, and fancy articles.
British occupation sparked new desires.This concession, however, was not enough to make up for the damage Philippine commerce experienced due to the separation of Mexico from Spain. When the English took over Manila in 1762, its residents became familiar with many industrial products that imports from China and India couldn't provide. To meet these new demands, Spanish warships were dispatched to the colony toward the end of 1764, bringing goods from Spanish industries, including wine, food, hats, cloth, hardware, and luxury items.
Manila oppositions to trade innovations.The Manila merchants, accustomed to a lucrative trade with Acapulco, strenuously resisted this innovation, although it was a considerable source of profit to them, for the Crown purchased the Indian and Chinese merchandise for its return freights from Manila at double their original value. In 1784, however, the last of these ships arrived.
Manila's resistance to trade updates.The merchants in Manila, used to making good profits from trade with Acapulco, strongly opposed this change, even though it brought them significant profits since the Crown bought Indian and Chinese goods for transport back to Manila at twice their original value. In 1784, though, the last of these ships arrived.
Subterfuges of European traders.After the English invasion, European vessels were strictly forbidden to visit Manila; but as that city did not want to do without Indian merchandise, and could not import it in its own ships, it was brought there in English and French bottoms, which assumed a Turkish name, and were provided with an Indian sham-captain.
Deceptions of European traders. After the English invasion, European ships were completely banned from coming to Manila; however, since the city wanted to continue receiving Indian goods and couldn’t bring them in on its own ships, they were transported there in English and French vessels that took on a Turkish name and hired a fake Indian captain.
The “Philippine Company” monopoly.In 1785, the Compañía de Filipinas obtained a monopoly of the trade between Spain and the colony, but it was not allowed to interfere with the direct traffic between Acapulco and Manila. The desire was to acquire large quantities of colonial produce, silk, indigo, cinnamon, cotton, pepper, etc., in order to export it somewhat [16]as was done later on by the system of culture in Java; but as it was unable to obtain compulsory labor, it entirely failed in its attempted artificial development of agriculture.
The "Philippine Company" monopoly. In 1785, the Compañía de Filipinas gained a monopoly on trade between Spain and the colony, but it was prohibited from interfering with direct shipping between Acapulco and Manila. The aim was to acquire large amounts of colonial products like silk, indigo, cinnamon, cotton, and pepper to export them, similar to what would later be done in Java with their cultivation system. However, the company couldn't secure forced labor, leading to its complete failure in artificially developing agriculture.
Losses by bad management.The Compañía suffered great losses through its erroneous system of operation, and the incapacity of its officials (it paid, for example, $13.50 for a picul of pepper which cost from three to four dollars in Sumatra).
Losses due to poor management.The Compañía faced huge losses due to its flawed operating system and the incompetence of its officials (for instance, it paid $13.50 for a picul of pepper that cost only three to four dollars in Sumatra).
Entrance of foreign ships and firms.In 1789 foreign ships were allowed to import Chinese and Indian produce, but none from Europe. In 1809 an English commercial house obtained permission to establish itself in Manila.11 In 1814, after the conclusion of the peace with France, the same permission, with greater or less restrictions, was granted to all foreigners.
Entry of foreign ships and companies.In 1789, foreign ships were allowed to import goods from China and India, but not from Europe. In 1809, an English trading company received permission to set up in Manila.11 In 1814, following the peace agreement with France, the same permission, with varying restrictions, was granted to all foreigners.
Trade free but port charges discriminating. In 1820 the direct trade between the Philippines and Spain was thrown open without any limitations to the exports of colonial produce, on the condition that the value of the Indian and Chinese goods in each expedition should not exceed $50,000. Ever since 1834, when the privileges of the Compañía expired, free trade has been permitted in Manila; foreign ships, however, being charged double dues. Four new ports have been thrown open to general trade since 1855; and in 1869 the liberal tariff previously alluded to was issued.
Trade is open, but port fees are unreasonable. In 1820, direct trade between the Philippines and Spain was opened up without any restrictions on the exports of colonial produce, as long as the value of Indian and Chinese goods for each shipment didn’t exceed $50,000. Since 1834, when the privileges of the Compañía expired, free trade has been allowed in Manila; however, foreign ships have to pay double fees. Four new ports were opened to general trade since 1855, and in 1869, the previously mentioned liberal tariff was introduced.
Port’s importance lessened under Spain. Today, after three centuries of almost undisturbed Spanish rule, Manila has by no means added to the importance it possessed shortly after the advent of the Spaniards. The isolation of Japan and the Indo-Chinese empires, a direct consequence of the importunities and pretensions of the Catholic missionaries,12 [17]the secession of the colonies on the west coast of America, above all the long continuance of a distrustful commercial and colonial policy—a policy which exists even at the present day—while important markets, based on large capital and liberal principles, were being established in the most favored spots of the British and Dutch Indies; all these circumstances have contributed to this result and thrown the Chinese trade into other channels. The cause is as clear as the effect, yet it might be erroneous to ascribe the policy so long pursued to short-sightedness. The Spaniards, in their schemes of colonization, had partly a religious purpose in view, but the government discovered a great source of influence in the disposal of the extremely lucrative colonial appointments. The crown itself, as well as its favorites, thought of nothing but extracting the most it could from the colony, and had neither the intention or the power to develop the natural wealth of the country by agriculture and commerce. Inseparable from this policy, was the persistent exclusion of foreigners.13 It seemed even more necessary in the isolated Philippines than in America to cut off the natives from all contact with foreigners, if the Spaniards had any desire to remain in undisturbed possession of the colony. In face, however, of the developed trade of today and the claims of the world to the productive powers of such an extraordinarily fruitful soil, the old restrictions can no longer be maintained, and the lately-introduced liberal tariff must be hailed as a thoroughly well-timed measure.
Port’s importance decreased under Spain. Today, after three centuries of nearly unbroken Spanish rule, Manila hasn’t improved its significance from the time shortly after the Spaniards arrived. The isolation of Japan and the Indo-Chinese empires, which was a direct result of the persistent pressure and attitudes of the Catholic missionaries, 12 [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] the secession of the colonies on the west coast of America, and especially the long-standing distrustful commercial and colonial policies—a policy that still exists today—while major markets based on large investments and liberal principles were being developed in the British and Dutch Indies; all these factors have contributed to this outcome and redirected the Chinese trade elsewhere. The cause is as clear as the effect, yet it could be misleading to attribute the long-held policy solely to shortsightedness. The Spaniards had partly a religious agenda in their colonization efforts, but the government saw a significant source of power in managing the highly profitable colonial positions. The crown and its favorites focused only on getting as much as possible from the colony, showing neither the intention nor the capacity to develop the country’s natural wealth through agriculture and commerce. This policy was closely tied to the ongoing exclusion of foreigners. 13 It seemed even more crucial in the isolated Philippines than in America to prevent the locals from interacting with foreigners if the Spaniards wanted to keep control of the colony. However, given today's developed trade and the global demands for such a remarkably fertile land, the old restrictions can no longer hold, and the recently introduced liberal tariff should be recognized as a very timely measure.
Galleon story sidelight on colonial history. The oft-mentioned voyages of the galleons betwixt Manila and Acapulco hold such a prominent position [18]in the history of the Philippines, and afford such an interesting glimpse into the old colonial system, that their principal characteristics deserve some description.
Galleon story highlights colonial history. The frequently talked about voyages of the galleons between Manila and Acapulco hold a significant place [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] in the history of the Philippines, and provide an intriguing look into the old colonial system, making their main features worthy of some description.
Chinese part in galleon trade. In the days of Morga, towards the close of the sixteenth century, from thirty to forty Chinese junks were in the habit of annually visiting Manila (generally in March); towards the end of June a galleon used to sail for Acapulco. The trade with the latter place, the active operations of which were limited to the three central months of the year, was so lucrative, easy, and safe, that the Spaniards scarcely cared to engage in any other undertakings.
Chinese role in galleon trade. In the time of Morga, near the end of the sixteenth century, around thirty to forty Chinese junks would visit Manila every year (usually in March); then, towards the end of June, a galleon would set sail for Acapulco. The trade with Acapulco, which mainly took place during the three central months of the year, was so profitable, straightforward, and secure that the Spaniards hardly wanted to pursue any other ventures.
Favoritism in allotment of cargo space. As the carrying power of the annual galleon was by no means proportioned to the demand for cargo room, the governor divided it as he deemed best; the favorites, however, to whom he assigned shares in the hold, seldom traded themselves, but parted with their concessions to the merchants.
Favoritism in assigning cargo space. Since the carrying capacity of the annual galleon didn't match the demand for cargo space, the governor distributed it as he saw fit; however, the favorites, who were given shares in the hold, rarely traded themselves but sold their allocations to the merchants.
Division of space and character of cargo.According to De Guignes,14 the hold of the vessel was divided into 1,500 parts, of which the majority were allotted to the priests, and the rest to favored persons. As a matter of fact, the value of the cargo, which was officially limited to $600,000, was considerably higher. It chiefly consisted of Indian and Chinese cottons and silk stuffs (amongst others fifty thousand pairs of silk stockings from China), and gold ornaments. The value of the return freight amounted to between two and three millions of dollars.
Separation of space and type of cargo.According to De Guignes,14 the hold of the ship was divided into 1,500 sections, most of which were given to the priests, with the rest going to select individuals. In reality, the worth of the cargo, which was officially capped at $600,000, was much higher. It mainly included Indian and Chinese cottons and silks (among other items, fifty thousand pairs of silk stockings from China) and gold jewelry. The value of the return freight was between two and three million dollars.
Profit in trade.Everything in this trade was settled beforehand; the number, shape, size, and value of the bales, and even their selling price. As this was usually double the original cost, the permission to ship goods to a certain amount was equivalent, under ordinary circumstances, to the bestowal of a present of a like value. These [19]permissions or licenses (boletas) were, at a later period, usually granted to pensioners and officers’ widows, and to officials, in lieu of an increase of salary; these favorites were forbidden, however, to make a direct use of them, for to trade with Acapulco was the sole right of those members of the Consulado (a kind of chamber of commerce) who could prove a long residence in the country and the possession of a capital of at least $8,000.
Profit from trading.Everything in this trade was arranged in advance; the number, shape, size, and value of the bales, and even their selling price. Since the selling price was typically double the original cost, the approval to ship goods up to a certain amount effectively meant receiving a gift of equal value. These [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]permissions or licenses (boletas) were, later on, usually given to pensioners, officers’ widows, and officials as a substitute for a salary increase; however, these individuals were prohibited from using them directly, as trading with Acapulco was exclusively reserved for members of the Consulate (a kind of chamber of commerce) who could demonstrate a long-term residency in the country and have a capital of at least $8,000.
Evasion of regulations.Legentil, the astronomer, gives a full description of the regulations which prevailed in his day and the manner in which they were disobeyed. The cargo consisted of a thousand bales, each composed of four packets,15 the maximum value of each packet being fixed at $250. It was impossible to increase the amount of bales, but they pretty generally consisted of more than four packets, and their value so far exceeded the prescribed limits, that a boleta was considered to be worth from $200 to $225. The officials took good care that no goods should be smuggled on board without a boleta. These were in such demand, that, at a later period, Comyn16 saw people pay $500 for the right to ship goods, the value of which scarcely amounted to $1,000. The merchants usually borrowed the money for these undertakings from the obras pias, charitable foundations, which, up to our own time, fulfil in the Islands the purposes of banks.17 In the early days of the trade, the galleon used to leave Cavite in July and sail with a south-westerly wind beyond the tropics, [20]until it met with a west wind at the thirty-eighth or Route outward. fortieth parallel.18 Later on the vessels were ordered to leave Cavite with the first south-westerly winds to sail along the south coast of Luzon, through San Bernardino straits, and to continue along the thirteenth parallel of north latitude19 as far to the east as possible, until the north-easterly trade wind compelled them to seek a north-west breeze in higher latitudes. They were then obliged to try the thirtieth parallel as long as possible, instead of, as formerly, the thirty-seventh. The captain of the galleon was not permitted to sail immediately northward, although to have done so would have procured him a much quicker and safer passage, and would have enabled him to reach the rainy zone more rapidly. To effect the last, indeed, was a matter of the greatest importance to him, for his vessel, overladen Water-supply crowded out by cargo. with merchandise, had but little room crowded out for water; and although he had a crew of from four hundred to six hundred hands to provide for, he was instructed to depend upon the rain he caught on the voyage; for which purpose, the galleon was provided with suitable mats and bamboo pails.20
Regulatory evasion. Legentil, the astronomer, gives a detailed account of the rules that were in place during his time and how they were often ignored. The cargo included a thousand bales, each made up of four packets, 15 with the maximum value of each packet set at $250. While they couldn't increase the number of bales, they typically contained more than four packets, and their value frequently far exceeded the established limits, making a boleta worth between $200 and $225. The officials made sure that no goods were smuggled on board without a boleta. These were so sought after that, later on, Comyn 16 saw people paying $500 for the right to ship goods that were barely worth $1,000. Merchants usually borrowed the money for these ventures from the obras pias, charitable foundations that still serve as banks in the Islands today. 17 In the early days of the trade, the galleon would leave Cavite in July and sail with the south-westerly wind beyond the tropics, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] until it encountered a west wind at the thirty-eighth or Exit route. fortieth parallel. 18 Later, ships were instructed to leave Cavite with the first south-westerly winds, sailing along the south coast of Luzon, through San Bernardino straits, and to continue as far east as possible along the thirteenth parallel of north latitude 19 until the north-easterly trade wind forced them to seek a north-west breeze in higher latitudes. They were then required to follow the thirtieth parallel for as long as they could, instead of the thirty-seventh as before. The captain of the galleon was not allowed to sail directly north, even though that would have provided a much quicker and safer route and helped him reach the rainy zone sooner. Achieving this was crucial for him, as his vessel, overloaded Water supply blocked by cargo. with cargo, had little room for water; despite having a crew of four hundred to six hundred men to provide for, he was instructed to rely on the rain collected during the voyage; for this purpose, the galleon was equipped with appropriate mats and bamboo pails. 20
Length of voyage.Voyages in these low latitudes were, owing to the inconstancy of the winds, extremely troublesome, and often lasted five months and upwards. The fear of exposing the costly, cumbrous vessel to the powerful and sometimes stormy winds of the higher latitudes, appears to have been the cause of these sailing orders.
Voyage duration.Voyages in these low latitudes were, due to the unpredictable winds, very challenging and often lasted five months or more. The concern about putting the expensive, bulky ship at risk from the strong and sometimes stormy winds of the higher latitudes seems to have been the reason for these sailing orders.
[21]California landfall.As soon as the galleon had passed the great Sargasso shoal, it took a southerly course, and touched at the southern point of the Californian peninsula (San Lucas), where news and provisions awaited it.21 In their earlier voyages, however, they must have sailed much further to the north, somewhere in the neighborhood of Cape Mendocino, and have been driven southward in sight of the coast; for Vizcaino, in the voyage of discovery he undertook in 1603, from Mexico to California, found the principal mountains and capes, although no European had ever set his foot upon them, already christened by the galleons, to which they had served as landmarks.22
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]California landfall.Once the galleon navigated past the vast Sargasso shoal, it headed southward and arrived at the southern tip of the California peninsula (San Lucas), where it was greeted with news and supplies. 21 In their previous journeys, though, they likely sailed much further north, around Cape Mendocino, and were pushed southward while still in view of the coast; for Vizcaino, during his exploratory voyage in 1603 from Mexico to California, discovered the main mountains and capes, even though no European had set foot on them before, already named by the galleons that had used them as navigational markers. 22
Speedy return voyage.The return voyage to the Philippines was an easy one, and only occupied from forty to sixty days.23 The galleon left Acapulco in February or March, sailed southwards till it fell in with the trade wind (generally in from 10° to 11° of north latitude), which carried it easily to the Ladrone Islands, and thence reached Manila by way of Samar.24
Quick round trip.The return trip to the Philippines was smooth and took just forty to sixty days.23 The galleon set off from Acapulco in February or March, headed south until it picked up the trade winds (usually around 10° to 11° north latitude), which then brought it swiftly to the Ladrone Islands, and from there, it continued on to Manila via Samar.24
Galleon’s size and armament.A galleon was usually of from twelve hundred to fifteen hundred tons burden, and carried fifty or sixty guns. The latter, however, were pretty generally banished to the hold during the eastward voyage. When the ship’s bows were turned towards home, and there was no longer any press of space, the guns were remounted.
Galleon's size and weaponry.A galleon typically weighed between twelve hundred and fifteen hundred tons and carried about fifty to sixty guns. However, these guns were often stored away in the hold during the journey east. When the ship was headed back home and there was more space available, the guns were put back in place.
Capture of “Santa Anna”.San Augustin says of the Santa Anna, which Thomas Candish captured and burnt in 1586 off the Californian coast: “Our people sailed so carelessly that they used their guns for ballast; .... the pirate’s venture was such a fortunate one that he returned to London with [22]sails of Chinese damask and silken rigging.” The cargo was sold in Acapulco at a profit of 100 per cent., and was paid for in silver, cochineal, quicksilver, etc. Value of return freight The total value of the return freight amounted perhaps to between two and three million dollars,25 of which a quarter of a million, at least, fell to the king.
Capture of "Santa Anna." San Augustin talks about the Santa Anna, which Thomas Candish captured and burned in 1586 off the California coast: “Our people sailed so carelessly that they used their guns as ballast; .... the pirate’s venture was so lucky that he returned to London with [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] sails of Chinese damask and silk rigging.” The cargo was sold in Acapulco for a profit of 100 percent, and they received payment in silver, cochineal, quicksilver, etc. Return freight value The total value of the return freight was probably between two and three million dollars, 25 of which at least a quarter of a million went to the king.
Gambling rather than commerceThe return of a galleon to Manila, laden with silver dollars and new arrivals, was a great holiday for the colony. A considerable portion of the riches they had won as easily as at the gaming table, was soon spent by the crew; when matters again returned to their usual lethargic state. It was no unfrequent event, however, for vessels to be lost. They were too often laden with a total disregard to seaworthiness, and wretchedly handled. It was favor, not capacity, that determined the patronage of these lucrative appointments.26 Many galleons fell into the hands of English and Dutch cruisers.27 “Philippine Company” and smugglers cause change.But these tremendous profits gradually decreased as the Compañía obtained the right to import Indian cottons, one of the principal articles of trade, into New Spain by way of Vera Cruz, subject to a customs duty of 6 per cent; and when English and American adventurers began to smuggle these and other goods into the country.28 Spanish coins in circulation on China coast.Finally, it may be mentioned that Spanish dollars found their way in the galleons to China and the further Indies, where they are in circulation to this day. [23]
Betting instead of businessThe return of a galleon to Manila, loaded with silver dollars and new arrivals, was a huge celebration for the colony. A significant portion of the riches, won as easily as at the casino, was quickly spent by the crew; then things returned to their usual slow pace. However, it wasn't uncommon for ships to be lost. They often set sail without any regard for seaworthiness and were poorly handled. It was connections, not skill, that decided who got these profitable positions.26 Many galleons fell victim to English and Dutch raiders.27 “Philippine Company” and smugglers create change.But these massive profits gradually declined as the Compañía gained the right to import Indian cotton, a key trade item, into New Spain via Vera Cruz at a 6 percent customs duty; and as English and American traders began to smuggle these and other goods into the country.28 Spanish coins circulating along the coast of China.Finally, it's worth mentioning that Spanish dollars made their way on the galleons to China and beyond, where they are still in circulation today. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
1 The opening of this port proved so advantageous that I intended to have given a few interesting details of its trade in a separate chapter, chiefly gathered from the verbal and written remarks of the English Vice-Consul, the late Mr. N. Loney, and from other consular reports.
1 The opening of this port turned out to be so beneficial that I planned to include some interesting details about its trade in a separate chapter, mainly collected from the spoken and written observations of the English Vice-Consul, the late Mr. N. Loney, as well as from other consular reports.
2 In 1868, 112 foreign vessels, to the aggregate of 74,054 tons, and Spanish ships to the aggregate of 26,762 tons, entered the port of Manila. Nearly all the first came in ballast, but left with cargoes. The latter both came and left in freight. (English Consul’s Report, 1869.)
2 In 1868, 112 foreign ships totaling 74,054 tons and Spanish vessels totaling 26,762 tons docked at the port of Manila. Almost all of the foreign ships arrived empty but departed with cargo. The Spanish ships both arrived and departed with freight. (English Consul’s Report, 1869.)
3 In 1868 the total exports amounted to $14,013,108; of this England alone accounted for $4,857,000, and the whole of the rest of Europe for only $102,477. The first amount does not include the tobacco duty paid to Spain by the colony, $3,169,144. (English Consul’s Report, 1869.)
3 In 1868, total exports reached $14,013,108; of this, England alone was responsible for $4,857,000, while the rest of Europe combined accounted for just $102,477. The first figure doesn't include the tobacco duty paid to Spain by the colony, which was $3,169,144. (English Consul’s Report, 1869.)
4 La Pérouse said that Manila was perhaps the most fortunately situated city in the world.
4 La Pérouse mentioned that Manila might be the best-located city in the world.
5 Sapan or Sibucao, Caesalpinia Sapan. Pernambuco or Brazil wood, to which the empire of Brazil owes its name, comes from the Caesalpinia echinat and the Caesalpinia Braziliensis. (The oldest maps of America remark of Brazil: “Its only useful product is Brazil (wood).”) The sapan of the Philippines is richer in dye stuff than all other eastern asiatic woods, but it ranks below the Brazilian sapan. It has, nowadays, lost its reputation, owing to its being often stupidly cut down too early. It is sent especially to China, where it is used for dyeing or printing in red. The stuff is first macerated with alum, and then for a finish dipped in a weak alcoholic solution of alkali. The reddish brown tint so frequently met with in the clothes of the poorer Chinese is produced from sapan.
5 Sapan or Sibucao, Caesalpinia Sapan. Pernambuco or Brazil wood, which gives Brazil its name, comes from the Caesalpinia echinat and the Caesalpinia Braziliensis. (The earliest maps of America note that Brazil's only useful product is Brazil wood.) The sapan from the Philippines has more dye content than other Eastern Asian woods, but it is less valuable than the Brazilian sapan. It has lost its reputation today because it is often cut down too early. It is mainly shipped to China, where it is used for dyeing or printing in red. The wood is first soaked with alum, and then finished by being dipped in a weak alcoholic solution of alkali. The reddish-brown color commonly seen in the clothing of poorer Chinese people comes from sapan.
6 Large quantities of small mussel shells (Cypraea moneta) were sent at this period to Siam, where they are still used as money.
6 A lot of small mussel shells (Cypraea moneta) were shipped to Siam during this time, where they are still used as currency.
8 Manila was first founded in 1571, but as early as 1565, Urdaneta, Legaspi’s pilot, had found the way back through the Pacific Ocean while he was seeking in the higher northern latitudes for a favorable north-west wind. Strictly speaking, however, Urdaneta was not the first to make use of the return passage, for one of Legaspi’s five vessels, under the command of Don Alonso de Arellano, which had on board as pilot Lope Martin, a mulatto, separated itself from the fleet after they had reached the Islands, and returned to New Spain on a northern course, in order to claim the promised reward for the discovery. Don Alonso was disappointed, however, by the speedy return of Urdaneta.
8 Manila was first established in 1571, but as early as 1565, Urdaneta, the pilot for Legaspi, discovered the route back through the Pacific Ocean while searching in the higher northern latitudes for a favorable north-west wind. However, technically, Urdaneta wasn’t the first to use the return passage; one of Legaspi’s five ships, commanded by Don Alonso de Arellano, who had a mulatto pilot named Lope Martin, broke away from the fleet after they reached the Islands and returned to New Spain on a northern route to claim the promised reward for the discovery. Don Alonso was disappointed, however, by Urdaneta’s quick return.
10 At first the maximum value of the imports only was limited, and the Manila merchants were not over scrupulous in making false statements as to their worth; to put an end to these malpractices a limit was placed to the amount of silver exported. According to Mas, however, the silver illegally exported amounted to six or eight times the prescribed limit.
10 Initially, the maximum value of imports was capped, and the merchants in Manila weren't very cautious about lying about their worth; to stop these dishonest practices, a cap was set on the amount of silver that could be exported. According to Mas, though, the silver that was smuggled out was six to eight times the allowed limit.
11 La Pérouse mentions a French firm (Sebis), that, in 1787, had been for many years established in Manila.
11 La Pérouse mentions a French company (Sebis) that, in 1787, had been operating in Manila for many years.
12 R. Cocks to Thomas Wilson (Calendar of State Papers, India, No. 823) .... “The English will obtain a trade in China, so they bring not in any padres (as they term them), which the Chinese cannot abide to hear of, because heretofore they came in such swarms, and are always begging without shame.”
12 R. Cocks to Thomas Wilson (Calendar of State Papers, India, No. 823) .... “The English will secure a trade in China, so they’re not bringing any missionaries (as they call them), which the Chinese can’t stand to hear about, because in the past they came in such large numbers and are always shamelessly begging.”
13 As late as 1857 some old decrees, passed against the establishment of foreigners, were renewed. A royal ordinance of 1844 prohibits the admission of strangers into the interior of the colony under any pretext whatsoever.
13 As late as 1857, some old laws that restricted foreigners from settling were still being enforced. A royal decree from 1844 bans the entry of outsiders into the interior of the colony for any reason at all.
15 Each packet was 5 × 2½ × 1½ = 18.75 Spanish cubic feet. St. Croix.
15 Each packet measured 5 × 2½ × 1½ = 18.75 Spanish cubic feet. St. Croix.
17 The obras pias were pious legacies which usually stipulated that two-thirds of their value should be advanced at interest for the furtherance of maritime commercial undertakings until the premiums, which for a voyage to Acapulco amounted to 50, to China 25, and to India 35 per cent., had increased the original capital to a certain amount. The interest of the whole was then to be devoted to masses for the founders, or to other pious and benevolent purposes. A third was generally kept as a reserve fund to cover possible losses. The government long since appropriated these reserve funds as compulsory loans, “but they are still considered as existing.”
17 The obras pias were charitable legacies that typically required two-thirds of their value to be invested at interest to support maritime trade ventures until the profits, which for a trip to Acapulco were 50%, to China 25%, and to India 35%, had increased the original capital to a specified amount. The interest from the total was then meant to fund masses for the founders or other charitable and benevolent causes. A third was usually reserved as a fund to cover potential losses. The government has long taken these reserve funds as mandatory loans, “but they are still considered to be in existence.”
[20n]When the trade with Acapulco came to an end, the principals could no longer be laid out according to the intentions of the founders, and they were lent out at interest in other ways. By a royal ordinance of November 3, 1854, a junta was appointed to administer the property of the . The total capital of the five endowments (in reality only four, for one of them no longer possessed anything) amounted to nearly a million of dollars. The profits from the loans were distributed according to the amounts of the original capital, which, however, no longer existed in cash, as the government had disposed of them.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]When trade with Acapulco ended, the main assets could no longer be managed according to the founders' plans and were instead lent out at interest in different ways. By a royal decree on November 3, 1854, a committee was formed to oversee the property of the . The total capital of the five endowments (actually only four, since one had lost all its assets) was nearly a million dollars. The profits from the loans were distributed based on the amounts of the original capital, which, however, no longer existed in cash, as the government had sold them off.
19 According to Morga, between the fourteenth and fifteenth.
19 According to Morga, from the fourteenth to the fifteenth.
23 In Morga’s time, the galleons took seventy days to the Ladrone Islands, from ten to twelve from thence to Cape Espiritu Santo, and eight more to Manila.
23 Back in Morga’s day, the galleons took seventy days to reach the Ladrone Islands, then another ten to twelve days to get to Cape Espiritu Santo, and an additional eight days to arrive in Manila.
24 A very good description of these voyages may be found in the 10th chapter of Anson’s work, which also contains a copy of a sea map, captured in the Cavadonga, displaying the proper track of the galleons to and from Acapulco.
24 A solid description of these voyages can be found in the 10th chapter of Anson’s book, which also includes a copy of a sea map captured in the Cavadonga, showing the correct route of the galleons to and from Acapulco.
26 The officer in command of the expedition, to whom the title of general was given, had always a captain under his orders, and his share in the gain of each trip amounted to $40,000. The pilot was content with $20,000. The first lieutenant (master) was entitled to 9 per cent on the sale of the cargo, and pocketed from this and from the profits of his own private ventures upwards of $350,000. (Vide Arenas.)
26 The officer in charge of the expedition, referred to as the general, always had a captain reporting to him, and his earnings from each trip totaled $40,000. The pilot was satisfied with $20,000. The first lieutenant (master) received 9 percent of the cargo sale and made more than $350,000 from this and his own private ventures. (See Arenas.)
27 The value of the cargoes Anson captured amounted to $1,313,000, besides 35,682 ounces of fine silver and cochineal. While England and Spain were at peace, Drake plundered the latter to the extent of at least one and a half million of dollars. Thomas Candish burnt the rich cargo of the Santa Anna, as he had no room for it on board his own vessel.
27 The value of the cargoes that Anson captured was $1,313,000, along with 35,682 ounces of fine silver and cochineal. While England and Spain were at peace, Drake raided the latter for at least one and a half million dollars. Thomas Candish burned the valuable cargo of the Santa Anna because he didn't have space for it on his own ship.
28 For instance, in 1786 the San Andres, which had a cargo on board valued at a couple of millions, found no market for it in Acapulco; the same thing happened in 1787 to the San Jose, and a second time in 1789 to the San Andres.
28 For example, in 1786, the San Andres, which had a cargo worth a couple of million, couldn’t find a market for it in Acapulco; the same thing happened in 1787 with the San Jose, and again in 1789 with the San Andres.
III
The walled city of Manila.The city proper of Manila, inhabited by Spaniards, Creoles, the Filipinos directly connected with them, and Chinese, lies, surrounded by walls and wide ditches, on the left or southern bank of the Pasig, looking towards the sea.1 It is a hot, dried-up place, full of monasteries, convents, barracks, and government buildings. Safety, not appearance, was the object of its builders. It reminds the beholder of a Spanish provincial town, and is, next to Goa, the oldest city in the Indies. Foreigners reside on the northern bank of the river; in Binondo, the headquarters of wholesale and retail commerce, or in the pleasant suburban villages, which blend into a considerable whole. Population.The total population of city and suburbs has been estimated, perhaps with some exaggeration, at 200,000. Bridges.A handsome old stone bridge of ten arches serves as the communication between the two banks of the Pasig, which, more recently, has also been spanned by an iron suspension bridge.2 Very little intercourse exists between the inhabitants of Manila and Binondo. Friction between classes.Life in the city proper cannot be very pleasant; pride, envy, place-hunting, and caste hatred, are the order of the day; the Spaniards consider themselves superior to the creoles, who, in their turn, reproach the former with the taunt that they have only come to the colony to save themselves from starvation. [24]A similar hatred and envy exists between the whites and the mestizos. This state of things is to be found in all Spanish colonies, and is chiefly caused by the colonial policy of Madrid, which always does its best to sow discord between the different races and classes of its foreign possessions, under the idea that their union would imperil the sway of the mother country.3
The fortified city of Manila. The central area of Manila, home to Spaniards, Creoles, Filipinos closely tied to them, and Chinese, is encircled by walls and wide moats on the southern bank of the Pasig River, facing the sea.1 It's a hot, dry place, filled with monasteries, convents, barracks, and government buildings. The builders prioritized safety over aesthetics. It resembles a Spanish provincial town and is, after Goa, the oldest city in the Indies. Foreigners live on the northern side of the river, in Binondo, the hub of wholesale and retail trade, or in the pleasant suburban neighborhoods that create a larger community. Population. The combined population of the city and its suburbs is estimated, perhaps with some exaggeration, at 200,000. Bridges. A beautiful old stone bridge with ten arches connects both banks of the Pasig, which has also been crossed by a more recent iron suspension bridge.2 There is very little interaction between the residents of Manila and Binondo. Class conflict. Life in the heart of the city cannot be very enjoyable; pride, envy, ambition, and class hatred are common; the Spaniards view themselves as superior to the Creoles, who, in turn, accuse the Spaniards of coming to the colony just to escape poverty. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] A similar animosity and envy exists between whites and the mestizos. This situation is typical in all Spanish colonies and is largely driven by the colonial policy of Madrid, which tends to instigate discord among different races and classes in its territories, believing that their unity could threaten the control of the mother country.3
Few large landowners.In Manila, moreover, this state of things was rendered worse by the fact that the planter class, whose large landed possessions always give it a strong interest in the country of its inhabitance, was entirely wanting. At the present day, however, the increasing demand for the produce of the colony seems to be bringing about a pleasant change in this respect. Spaniards transient.The manner in which the Spanish population of the Islands was affected by the gambling ventures of the galleons, at one time the only source of commercial wealth, is thus described by Murillo Velarde (page 272):—“The Spaniards who settle here look upon these Islands as a tavern rather than a permanent home. If they marry, it is by the merest chance; where can a family be found that has been settled here for several generations? The father amasses wealth, the son spends it, the grandson is a beggar. The largest capitals are not more stable than the waves of the ocean, across the crests of which they were gathered.”
Few big landowners. In Manila, this situation was made worse by the absence of the planter class, which typically has a vested interest in the land due to their large estates. However, these days, the rising demand for the colony's produce seems to be creating a positive change in this regard. Spaniards are temporary residents. The way the Spanish population in the Islands was influenced by the gambling ventures of the galleons, which were once the only source of commercial wealth, is described by Murillo Velarde (page 272):—“The Spaniards who settle here view these Islands as a bar rather than a lasting home. If they marry, it’s by sheer luck; how many families have been established here for generations? The father accumulates wealth, the son squanders it, and the grandson ends up poor. The largest fortunes are no more stable than the ocean’s waves, from which they were amassed.”
Discomforts and the high cost of living.There is nothing like the same amount of sociability amongst the foreigners in Binondo as prevails in English and Dutch colonies; and scarcely any intercourse at all with the Spaniards, who envy the strangers and almost seem to look upon the gains the latter make in the country as so many robberies committed upon themselves, its owners. Besides all this, living is very expensive, [25]much more so than in Singapore and Batavia. To many, the mere cost of existence seems greatly out of proportion to their official salaries. The (European style) houses, which are generally spacious, are gloomy and ugly, and not well ventilated for such a climate. Instead of light jalousies, they are fitted with heavy sash windows, which admit the light through thin oyster shells, forming small panes scarcely two square inches in area, and held together by laths an inch thick. The ground floors of the houses are, on account of the great damp, sensibly enough, generally uninhabited; and are used as cellars, stables, and servant’s offices.
Discomforts and the high cost of living.There's not much socializing among the foreigners in Binondo compared to what you see in English and Dutch colonies. They hardly interact with the Spaniards, who seem to resent the foreigners and view their profits in the country as theft from them, the rightful owners. On top of that, living expenses are very high, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]much more so than in Singapore and Batavia. For many, the cost of just getting by feels way out of whack with their official salaries. The (European style) houses, which are usually spacious, are dark and unattractive, and not well-ventilated for the climate. Instead of light slatted windows, they have heavy sash windows that let in light through thin oyster shells, forming tiny panes barely two square inches in size, held together by inch-thick slats. The ground floors of these houses are mostly left empty due to the dampness and are instead used as cellars, stables, and servant’s quarters.
Native houses comfortable and unchanged.The unassuming, but for their purposes very practical houses, of boards, bamboos, and (nipa) palm leaves, are supported on account of the damp on isolated beams or props; and the space beneath, which is generally fenced in with a railing, is used as a stable or a warehouse; such was the case as early as the days of Magellan. These dwellings4 are very lightly put together. La Pérouse estimates the weight of some of them, furniture and all, at something less than two hundred pounds. Nearly all these houses, as well as the huts of the natives, are furnished with an azotea, that is, an uncovered space, on the same level as the dwelling, which takes the place of yard and balcony. The Spaniards appear to have copied this useful contrivance from the Moors, but the natives were acquainted with them before the arrival of the Europeans, for Morga mentions similar batalanes.
Traditional homes cozy and authentic.The simple, yet very practical houses made of wood, bamboo, and nipa palm leaves, are elevated on beams or supports due to the dampness; the area underneath, usually enclosed with a railing, is used as a stable or storage space. This was true as early as the time of Magellan. These homes4 are put together very lightly. La Pérouse estimates the total weight of some of them, including furniture, at just under two hundred pounds. Almost all of these houses, along with the natives' huts, feature an azotea, which is an open space at the same level as the home, serving as a yard and balcony. The Spaniards seem to have adapted this practical idea from the Moors, but the natives were already familiar with it before the Europeans arrived, as Morga notes similar batalanes.
Neglected river and canals offensive.In the suburbs nearly every hut stands in its own garden. The river is often quite covered with green scum; and dead cats and dogs surrounded with weeds, which look like cabbage-lettuce, frequently adorn its [26]waters. In the dry season, the numerous canals of the suburbs are so many stagnant drains, and at each ebb of the tide the ditches around the town exhibit a similar spectacle.
Neglected river and canals are offensive.In the suburbs, almost every house has its own garden. The river is often completely covered in green scum, and dead cats and dogs surrounded by weeds that look like cabbage leaves frequently decorate its [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]w waters. During the dry season, the many canals in the suburbs turn into stagnant drains, and at every low tide, the ditches around the town show a similar sight.
Dreary and unprogressive life.Manila offers very few opportunities for amusement. There was no Spanish theatre open during my stay there, but Tagalog plays (translations) were sometimes represented. The town possessed no club, and contained no readable books. Never once did the least excitement enliven its feeble newspapers, for the items of intelligence, forwarded fortnightly from Hongkong, were sifted by priestly censors, who left little but the chronicles of the Spanish and French courts to feed the barren columns of the local sheets.5 The pompously celebrated religious festivals were the only events that sometimes chequered the wearisome monotony.
Dull and stagnant life. Manila offers very few chances for entertainment. There was no Spanish theater open during my stay, but sometimes Tagalog plays (translations) were shown. The town didn't have any clubs and had no interesting books. Never once did any excitement liven up its weak newspapers, since the news items sent every two weeks from Hong Kong were filtered by priestly censors, who left very little besides updates from the Spanish and French courts to fill the dull columns of the local papers.5 The grandly celebrated religious festivals were the only events that occasionally broke the tedious monotony.
Cock-fighting.The chief amusement of the Filipinos is cock-fighting, which is carried on with a passionate eagerness that must strike every stranger. Nearly every man keeps a fighting cock. Many are never seen out of doors without their favorite in their arms; they pay as much as $50 and upwards for these pets, and heap the tenderest caresses [27]on them. The passion for cock-fighting can well be termed a national vice; but the practice may have been introduced by the Spaniards, or the Mexicans who accompanied them, as, in a like manner, the habit of smoking opium among the Chinese, which has become a national curse, was first introduced by the English. Probably Malay Custom.It is, however, more probable that the Malays brought the custom into the country. In the eastern portion of the Philippines, cock-fighting was unknown in the days of Pigafetta. The first cock-fight he met with was at Palawan. “They keep large cocks, which from a species of superstition, they never eat, but keep for fighting purposes. Heavy bets are made on the upshot of the contest, which are paid to the owner of the winning bird.”6 The sight is one extremely repulsive to Europeans. The cockpit.The ring around the cockpit is crowded with men, perspiring at every pore, while their countenances bear the imprint of the ugliest passions. Each bird is armed with a sharp curved spur, three inches long capable of making deep wounds, and which always causes the death of one or both birds by the serious injuries it inflicts. If a cock shows symptoms of fear and declines the encounter, it is plucked alive. Incredibly large sums, in proportion to the means of the gamblers, are wagered on the result. Its bad influence.It is very evident that these cock-fights must have a most demoralising effect upon a people so addicted to idleness and dissipation, and so accustomed to give way to the impulse of the moment. Their effect is to make them little able to resist the temptation of procuring money without working for it. The passion for the game leads many to borrow at usury, to embezzlement, to theft, and even to [28] highway robbery. The land and sea pirates, of whom I shall speak presently, are principally composed of ruined gamesters.7
Cockfighting.The main pastime for Filipinos is cock-fighting, which is carried out with a fervent enthusiasm that surprises any newcomer. Almost every man has a fighting cock. Many are rarely seen outside without their favorite bird in their arms; they pay as much as $50 or more for these pets and shower them with affection [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]. The obsession with cock-fighting can certainly be called a national vice; however, this practice may have been introduced by the Spaniards or the Mexicans who traveled with them, similar to how the habit of smoking opium among the Chinese, which has turned into a national curse, was first introduced by the English. Probably Malay tradition.More likely, the Malays brought this custom to the Philippines. In the eastern part of the Philippines, cock-fighting was not known during Pigafetta’s time. The first cock-fight he witnessed was in Palawan. “They keep large cocks, which due to a certain superstition, they never eat, but keep for fighting. Heavy bets are placed on the outcome of the match, which are then given to the owner of the winning bird.” 6 This scene is particularly repulsive to Europeans. The cockpit.The area around the cockpit is packed with men, sweating profusely, their faces showing the worst of emotions. Each bird is equipped with a sharp, curved spur that is three inches long and capable of inflicting deep wounds, often resulting in the death of one or both birds due to the serious injuries inflicted. If a cock shows signs of fear and refuses to fight, it is plucked while still alive. Astoundingly large amounts of money, relative to the means of the gamblers, are wagered on the outcome. Its negative influence.It is clear that these cock-fights must have a deeply demoralizing effect on a people already prone to idleness and excess, who are easily swayed by impulse. Their impact makes it harder for them to resist the temptation of obtaining money without working for it. The passion for the game drives many to borrow at high interest, to steal, and even to [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] resort to highway robbery. The land and sea pirates, which I will discuss shortly, are mainly made up of financially ruined gamblers.7
Feminine attractiveness.In the comeliness of the women who lend animation to its streets Manila surpasses all other towns in the Indian Archipelago. Mallat describes them in glowing colors. A charming picture of Manila street life, full of local color, is given in the very amusing Aventures d’un Gentilhomme Breton.8
Female attractiveness. In terms of the beauty of the women who bring life to its streets, Manila outshines all other towns in the Indian Archipelago. Mallat paints them in vivid detail. A delightful glimpse of Manila street life, rich in local flavor, is presented in the very entertaining Aventures d’un Gentilhomme Breton.8
Mestizas.How many of the prettiest Filipinas are of perfectly unmixed blood, it is, I confess, difficult to decide. Many of them are very fair and of quite an European type, and are thereby easily distinguished from their sisters in the outlying provinces. The immediate environs of Manila can boast many beautiful spots, but they are not the resort of the local rank and fashion, the object of whose daily promenade is the display of their toilettes, and not the enjoyment of nature. In the hot season, all who can afford it are driven every evening along the The Luneta.dusty streets to a promenade on the beach, which was built a short time back, where several times a week the band of a native regiment plays fairly good music, and there walk formally up and down. All the Spaniards [29]The Angelas.are in uniform or in black frock coats. When the bells ring out for evening prayer, carriages, horsemen, pedestrians, all suddenly stand motionless; the men take off their hats, and everybody appears momentarily absorbed in prayer.
Mixed women.It's hard to tell how many of the most beautiful Filipinas are of completely pure lineage. A lot of them are very fair and resemble Europeans, making it easy to spot them compared to their sisters from the more remote provinces. The immediate areas around Manila have many lovely spots, but they aren’t the places where the local elite gather; they’re more focused on showcasing their outfits than enjoying nature. During the hot season, everyone who can afford it heads out every evening along the Rizal Park.dirt roads to a newly built promenade by the beach, where the band from a local regiment plays decent music several times a week, and people walk back and forth in a formal manner. All the Spaniards [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The Angelas.are dressed in uniforms or black frock coats. When the bells chime for evening prayers, carriages, horseback riders, and pedestrians all come to a halt; the men remove their hats, and everyone seems to pause momentarily in prayer.
Botanical gardens.The same governor who laid out the promenade established a botanical garden. It is true that everything he planted in it, exposed on a marshy soil to the full heat of a powerful sun, soon faded away; but its ground was enclosed and laid out, and though it was overgrown with weeds, it had at least received a name. At present it is said to be in better condition.9
Botanical gardens.The same governor who designed the walkway also created a botanical garden. It's true that everything he planted there, sitting on marshy soil under the intense sun, quickly withered; but the land was fenced in and organized, and even though it was filled with weeds, it at least had a name. Today, it's said to be in better shape.9
Pretty girls in gay garments.The religious festivals in the neighborhood of Manila are well worth a visit, if only for the sake of the numerous pretty Filipinas and mestizas in their best clothes who make their appearance in the evening and promenade up and down the streets, which are illuminated and profusely decked with flowers and bright colors. They offer a charming spectacle, particularly to a stranger lately arrived from Malaysia. The Filipinas are very beautifully formed. They have luxuriant black hair, and large dark eyes; the upper part of their bodies is clad in a homespun but often costly material of transparent fineness and snow-white purity; and, from their waist downwards, they are wrapped in a brightly-striped cloth (saya), which falls in broad folds, and which, as far as the knee, is so tightly compressed with a dark shawl (lapis), closely drawn around the [30]figure, that the rich variegated folds of the saya burst out beneath it like the blossoms of a pomegranate. This swathing only allows the young girls to take very short steps, and this timidity of gait, in unison with their downcast eyes, gives them a very modest appearance. On their naked feet they wear embroidered slippers of such a small size that their little toes protrude for want of room, and grasp the outside of the sandal.10
Pretty girls in vibrant outfits.The religious festivals around Manila are worth checking out, especially for the numerous beautiful Filipinas and mestizas who show up in their best outfits in the evening, strolling through the streets, which are lit up and decorated with flowers and vibrant colors. They create a lovely scene, especially for someone who has just arrived from Malaysia. The Filipinas are incredibly attractive. They have thick black hair and large dark eyes; the upper part of their bodies is dressed in a handmade, sometimes luxurious, material that is delicately sheer and pure white; from the waist down, they are wrapped in a brightly-striped cloth (saya) that drapes in wide folds, and up to the knee, it's tightly secured with a dark shawl (lapis) wrapped snugly around their [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]figures, causing the rich, varied folds of the saya to burst out beneath it like the petals of a pomegranate. This wrapping restricts the young girls to taking very small steps, and this shy way of walking, combined with their lowered eyes, gives them a very demure look. On their bare feet, they wear embroidered slippers that are so small their little toes stick out from lack of space, clinging to the outside of the sandal.10
Dress of the poorer women.The poorer women clothe themselves in a saya and in a so-called chemise, which is so extremely short that it frequently does not even reach the first fold of the former. In the more eastern islands grown-up girls and women wear, with the exception of a Catholic amulet, nothing but these two garments, which are, particularly after bathing, and before they get dried by the sun, nearly transparent.
Dress of low-income women.The poorer women dress in a saya and what’s called a chemise, which is so short that it often doesn’t even reach the first fold of the saya. In the more eastern islands, grown women and girls wear only these two pieces, along with a Catholic amulet. These garments, especially after bathing and before they dry in the sun, are almost see-through.
Men’s clothing.A hat, trousers, and a shirt worn outside them, both made of coarse Guinara cloth, compose the dress of the men of the poorer classes. The shirts worn by the wealthy are often made of an extremely expensive home-made material, woven from the fibers of the pineapple or the banana. Some of them are ornamented with silk stripes, some are plain. They are also frequently manufactured entirely of jusi (Chinese floret silk), in which case they will not stand washing, and can only be worn once. The hat (salacot), a round piece of home-made plaiting, is used as both umbrella and sunshade, and is often adorned with silver ornaments of considerable value. The “Principales”.The principalia class enjoy the special privilege of wearing short jackets above their shirts, and are usually easily recognizable by their amusing assumption of dignity, and by the faded cylindrical hats, yellow with age, family heirlooms, constantly [31]worn. The dandies.The native dandies wear patent leather shoes on their naked feet, tight-fitting trousers of some material striped with black and white or with some other glaringly-contrasted colors, a starched plaited shirt of European make, a chimney-pot silk hat, and carry a cane in their hands. The servants.The servants waiting at dinner in their white starched shirts and trousers are by no means an agreeable spectacle, and I never realised the full ludicrousness of European male costume till my eye fell upon its caricature, exemplified in the person of a “Manila dandy.”
Men's fashion.A hat, pants, and a shirt worn over them, all made of rough Guinara fabric, make up the outfit of men from lower-income backgrounds. The shirts of the wealthy are often crafted from an extremely pricey homemade material woven from pineapple or banana fibers. Some are decorated with silk stripes, while others are plain. They’re also commonly made entirely of jusi (Chinese floret silk), which means they can’t be washed and can only be worn once. The hat (salacot), a round piece made from braiding at home, serves as both an umbrella and a sunshade, and is often embellished with valuable silver ornaments. The "Main Characters."The principalia class has the special privilege of wearing short jackets over their shirts and are usually easy to spot because of their amusingly serious demeanor and their faded cylindrical hats, yellowed with age, which are family heirlooms and consistently [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]worn. The stylish individuals.The local dandies wear shiny leather shoes on their bare feet, tight-fitting pants made of a material striped in black and white or some other bold contrasting colors, a starched plaited shirt of European design, a tall silk hat, and carry a cane. The staff.The servants waiting at dinner in their white starched shirts and pants are anything but a pleasant sight, and I never fully appreciated the ridiculousness of European male fashion until I saw its caricature represented by a “Manila dandy.”
Mestiza costume.The mestizas dress like the Filipinas, but do not wear the tapis, and those of them who are married to Europeans are generally clad in both shoes and stockings. Many of the mestizas are extremely pretty, but their gait drags a little, from their habit of wearing slippers. As a rule they are prudent, thrifty, and Clever business women.clever business women, but their conversation is often awkward and tedious. Their want of education is, however, not the cause of this latter failing, for Andalusian women who never learn anything but the elementary doctrines of Christianity, are among the most charming creatures in the world, in their youth. Ill at ease in society.Its cause lies rather in this equivocal position; they are haughtily repelled by their white sisters, whilst they themselves disown their mother’s kin. They are wanting in the ease, in the tact, that the women of Spain show in every relation of existence.
Mestiza outfit.The mestizas dress like Filipinas but don’t wear the tapis, and those who are married to Europeans usually wear both shoes and stockings. Many of the mestizas are very pretty, but their walk is a bit sluggish due to their habit of wearing slippers. Generally, they are sensible, thrifty, and Smart businesswomen. clever business women, but their conversations can often feel awkward and boring. Their lack of education isn’t the reason for this issue, as Andalusian women who only learn basic Christian teachings can be some of the most charming people in the world when they are young. Uncomfortable in social settings. The problem lies more in their ambiguous situation; they are proudly rejected by their white counterparts, while they themselves reject their mother's side of the family. They lack the confidence and social skills that Spanish women display in every aspect of life.
Mestizos.The mestizos, particularly those born of Chinese and Tagal mothers, constitute the richest and the most enterprising portion of the native population. They are well acquainted with all the good and bad qualities of the Filipino inhabitants, and use them unscrupulously for their own purposes. [32]
Mestizos.The mestizos, especially those born to Chinese and Tagalog mothers, make up the most affluent and ambitious part of the local population. They know all the strengths and weaknesses of the Filipino people and exploit them without hesitation for their own gain. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
1 In 1855 its population consisted of 586 European Spaniards, 1,378 Creoles, 6,323 Malay Filipinos and mestizos, 332 Chinamen, 2 Hamburgers, 1 Portuguese, and 1 Negro.
1 In 1855, the population included 586 European Spaniards, 1,378 Creoles, 6,323 Malay Filipinos and mestizos, 332 Chinese, 2 Germans, 1 Portuguese, and 1 Black person.
2 The earthquake of 1863 destroyed the old bridge. It is intended, however, to restore it; the supporting pillars are ready, and the superincumbent iron structure is shortly expected from Europe (April, 1872).—The central span, damaged in the high water of 1914, was temporarily replaced with a wooden structure and plans have been prepared for a new bridge, permitting ships to pass and to be used also by the railway, nearer the river mouth.—C.
2 The earthquake of 1863 destroyed the old bridge. It is planned to restore it; the supporting pillars are ready, and the iron structure is expected to arrive from Europe soon (April, 1872).—The central span, damaged during the high water in 1914, was temporarily replaced with a wooden structure, and plans have been made for a new bridge that will allow ships to pass and also be used by the railway, closer to the river mouth.—C.
4 A brief description of a nipa house, accompanying an illustration, is here omitted.—C.
4 A short description of a nipa house, along with an illustration, is not included here.—C.
5 The following figures will give an idea of the contents of the newspapers. I do not allude to the Bulletin Official, which is reserved for official announcements, and contains little else of any importance. The number lying before me of the Comercio (Nov. 29, 1858), a paper that appears six times a week, consists of four pages, the printed portion in each of which is 11 inches by 17; the whole, therefore, contains 748 square inches of printed matter. They are distributed as follows:—
5 The following figures will provide an overview of the contents of the newspapers. I'm not referring to the Bulletin Official, which is reserved for official announcements and has little else of significance. The issue in front of me of the Comercio (Nov. 29, 1858), a newspaper published six days a week, has four pages, with each page measuring 11 inches by 17 inches; thus, it contains a total of 748 square inches of printed content. They are distributed as follows:—
Title, 27½ sq. in.; an essay on the population of Spain, taken from a book, 102½ sq. in.; under the heading “News from Europe,” an article, quoted from the Annals of La Caridad, upon the increase of charity and Catholic instruction in France, 40½ sq. in.; Part I, of a treatise on Art and its Origin (a series of truisms), 70 sq. in.; extracts from the official sheet, 20½ sq. in.; a few ancient anecdotes, 59 sq. in. Religious portion (this is divided into two parts—official and unofficial). The first contains the saints for the different days of the year, etc., and the announcements of religious festivals; the second advertises a forthcoming splendid procession, and contains the first half of a sermon preached three years before, on the anniversary of the same festival, 99 sq. in., besides an instalment of an old novel, 154, and advertisements, 175 sq. in.; total, 748 sq. in. In the last years, however, the newspapers sometimes have contained serious essays, but of late these appear extremely seldom.
Title, 27½ sq. in.; an essay on the population of Spain, taken from a book, 102½ sq. in.; under the heading “News from Europe,” an article quoted from the Annals of La Caridad about the increase of charity and Catholic education in France, 40½ sq. in.; Part I of a treatise on Art and its Origin (a series of truisms), 70 sq. in.; excerpts from the official sheet, 20½ sq. in.; a few old anecdotes, 59 sq. in. Religious portion (this is divided into two parts—official and unofficial). The first contains the saints for different days of the year, etc., and announcements of religious festivals; the second promotes an upcoming grand procession and includes the first half of a sermon preached three years earlier, on the anniversary of the same festival, 99 sq. in., along with an installment of an old novel, 154 sq. in., and advertisements, 175 sq. in.; total, 748 sq. in. In recent years, however, newspapers have sometimes included serious essays, though these have become extremely rare lately.
7 Cock-fighting is not alluded to in the “Ordinances of good government,” collected by Hurtado Corcuera in the middle of the seventeenth century. In 1779 cock-fights were taxed for the first time. In 1781 the government farmed the right of entrance to the galleras (derived from gallo, rooster) for the yearly sum of $14,798. In 1863 the receipts from the galleras figured in the budget for $106,000.
7 Cockfighting isn't mentioned in the “Ordinances of Good Government,” compiled by Hurtado Corcuera in the mid-seventeenth century. In 1779, cockfights were taxed for the first time. By 1781, the government sold the entry rights to the galleras (from gallo, meaning rooster) for an annual fee of $14,798. In 1863, the revenue from the galleras was included in the budget for $106,000.
A special decree of 100 clauses was issued in Madrid on the 21st of March, 1861, for the regulation of cock-fights. The 1st clause declares that since cock-fights are a source of revenue to the State, they shall only take place in arenas licensed by the Government. The 6th restricts them to Sundays and holidays; the 7th, from the conclusion of high mass to sunset. The 12th forbids more than $50 to be staked on one contest. The 38th decrees that each cock shall carry but one weapon, and that on its left spur. By the 52nd the fight is to be considered over when one or both cocks are dead, or when one shows the white feather. In the London Daily News of the 30th June, 1869, I find it reported that five men were sentenced at Leeds to two months’ hard labor for setting six cocks to fight one another with iron spurs. From this it appears that this once favorite spectacle is no longer permitted in England.
A special decree of 100 clauses was issued in Madrid on March 21, 1861, to regulate cockfights. The first clause states that since cockfights generate revenue for the State, they can only occur in arenas licensed by the Government. The sixth clause limits them to Sundays and holidays; the seventh, from the end of high mass to sunset. The twelfth prohibits more than $50 from being wagered on a single contest. The thirty-eighth states that each cock may carry only one weapon, which should be attached to its left spur. According to the fifty-second clause, the fight is considered over when one or both cocks are dead, or when one shows the white feather. In the London Daily News on June 30, 1869, it was reported that five men were sentenced to two months of hard labor in Leeds for setting six cocks to fight each other with iron spurs. This indicates that this once-popular spectacle is no longer allowed in England.
8 The raw materials of these adventures were supplied by a French planter, M. de la Gironiere, but their literary parent is avowedly Alexander Dumas.
8 The raw materials for these adventures came from a French planter, M. de la Gironiere, but their literary origin is clearly Alexander Dumas.
9 Botanical gardens do not seem to prosper under Spanish auspices. Chamisso complains that, in his day, there were no traces left of the botanical gardens founded at Cavite by the learned Cuellar. The gardens at Madrid, even, are in a sorry plight; its hothouses are almost empty. The grounds which were laid out at great expense by a wealthy and patriotic Spaniard at Orotava (Teneriffe), a spot whose climate has been of the greatest service to invalids, are rapidly going to decay. Every year a considerable sum is appropriated to it in the national budget, but scarcely a fraction of it ever reaches Orotava. When I was there in 1867, the gardener had received no salary for twenty-two months, all the workmen were dismissed, and even the indispensable water supply had been cut off.
9 Botanical gardens don't seem to thrive under Spanish management. Chamisso notes that, during his time, there was no sign of the botanical gardens that were established in Cavite by the knowledgeable Cuellar. Even the gardens in Madrid are in a bad state; their hothouses are nearly empty. The grounds that were created at great expense by a wealthy and patriotic Spaniard in Orotava (Teneriffe), a place known for its beneficial climate for those unwell, are quickly falling into disrepair. Every year, a significant amount is allocated to it in the national budget, but hardly anything ever makes it to Orotava. When I visited in 1867, the gardener hadn’t been paid for twenty-two months, all the workers had been laid off, and the essential water supply had even been cut off.
IV
Native distrust of Europeans.A Scotch merchant to whom I brought a letter of introduction invited me with such cordiality to come and stay with him, that I found myself unable to refuse. While thus living under the roof and protection of one of the wealthiest and most respected men in the city, the cabmen I employed insisted on being paid beforehand every time I rode in their vehicles. This distrust was occasioned by the scanty feeling of respect most of the Europeans in Manila inspired in the minds of the natives. Many later observations confirmed this impression. What a different state of things exists in Java and Singapore! The reason, however, is easily explained.
Indigenous distrust of Europeans.A Scottish merchant to whom I gave a letter of introduction warmly invited me to come and stay with him, making it impossible for me to say no. While I was living under the roof and protection of one of the wealthiest and most respected men in the city, the cabdrivers I hired insisted on being paid upfront every time I took a ride in their vehicles. This distrust stemmed from the little respect most Europeans in Manila inspired in the minds of the locals. Many later observations backed up this feeling. What a completely different situation exists in Java and Singapore! The reason for this, however, is quite simple.
Dutch and English stand well in their colonies.The Dutch are as little able as the English to acclimatize themselves in tropical countries. They get all they can out of countries in which they are only temporary sojourners, the former by forced service and monopoly, the latter by commerce. In both cases, however, the end is accomplished by comparatively few individuals, whose official position and the largeness of whose undertakings place them far above the mass of the population. In Java, moreover, the Europeans constitute the governing classes, the natives the governed; and even in Singapore where both races are equal before the law the few white men understand how to mark the difference of race so distinctively that the natives without demur surrender to them, though not by means of the law, the privileges of a higher caste. The difference of religion does but widen the gap; and, finally, every European there speaks the language of the country, while the natives are totally ignorant of that spoken by the foreigners.
The Dutch and English are successful in their colonies.The Dutch, like the English, struggle to adapt to tropical climates. They extract as much as they can from nations where they are just temporary visitors, the Dutch through forced labor and control, and the English through trade. In both scenarios, though, this is achieved by a relatively small number of individuals, whose official roles and large-scale endeavors put them far above the general population. In Java, for instance, Europeans are the ruling class, and the natives are the ruled; even in Singapore, where both groups are equal under the law, a few white individuals manage to create a racial divide so clear that the natives willingly accept lesser status without legal coercion, granting the privileges associated with a higher caste. The differences in religion further deepen this divide; ultimately, every European there speaks the local language, while the natives have no knowledge of the languages spoken by the foreigners.
[33]Dutch colonials well educated.The Dutch officials are educated at home in schools specially devoted to the East Indian service. The art of managing the natives, the upholding of prestige, which is considered the secret of the Dutch power over the numerous native populations, forms an essential particular in their education. The Dutch, therefore, manage their intercourse with the natives, no matter how much they intend to get out of them, in strict accordance with customary usage (adat); they never wound the natives’ amor propio and never expose themselves in their own mutual intercourse, which remains a sealed book to the inhabitants.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Dutch colonials were well-educated.The Dutch officials are educated at home in schools specifically focused on the East Indian service. Learning how to manage the local populations and maintain prestige, seen as the key to Dutch power over the various native groups, is a crucial aspect of their education. Therefore, the Dutch conduct their interactions with the natives—regardless of how much they aim to gain from them—strictly according to established customs (adat); they never hurt the natives’ amor propio and keep their own internal communications private, which remains unknown to the local inhabitants.
Spanish officials undesirables.Things are different in the Philippines. With the exception of those officials whose stay is limited by the rules of the service, or by the place-hunting that ensues at every change in the Spanish ministry, few Spaniards who have once settled in the colony ever return home. It is forbidden to the priests, and most of the rest have no means of doing so. A considerable portion of them consist of subaltern officers, soldiers, sailors, political delinquents and refugees whom the mother-country has got rid of; and not seldom of adventurers deficient both in means and desire for the journey back, for their life in the colony is far pleasanter than that they were forced to lead in Spain. These latter arrive without the slightest knowledge of the country and without being in the least prepared for a sojourn there. Many of them are so lazy that they won’t take the trouble to learn the language even if they marry a daughter of the soil. Their servants understand Spanish, and clandestinely watch the conversation and the actions, and become acquainted with all the secrets, of their indiscreet masters, to whom the Filipinos remain an enigma which their conceit prevents them attempting to decipher.
Spanish officials undesirable.Things are different in the Philippines. Aside from those officials whose time is limited by service rules or the constant reshuffling that happens with every change in the Spanish government, few Spaniards who settle in the colony ever go back home. Priests are not allowed to return, and most others can't afford to. Many of them are lower-ranking officers, soldiers, sailors, political outcasts, and refugees that the mother country has discarded; often, they are also adventurers with neither the means nor the desire to make the trip back, since life in the colony is much more enjoyable than the one they had to endure in Spain. These newcomers arrive without any understanding of the country and are completely unprepared for their stay. Many are so lazy they won't bother to learn the language, even if they marry a local woman. Their servants understand Spanish and secretly observe their conversations and behavior, learning all the secrets of their indiscreet masters, while the Filipinos remain a mystery that their arrogance prevents them from trying to understand.
[34]Spanish lack of prestige deserved.It is easy to understand how Filipino respect for Europeans must be diminished by the numbers of these uneducated, improvident, and extravagant Spaniards, who, no matter what may have been their position at home, are all determined to play the master in the colony. Social Standing of Filipinos thus enhanced.The relative standing of the Filipinos naturally profits by all this and it would be difficult to find a colony in which the natives, taken all in all, feel more comfortable than in the Philippines. They have adopted the religion, the manners, and the customs of their rulers; and though legally not on an equal footing with the latter, they are by no means separated from them by the high barriers with which, not to mention Java, the churlish reserve of the English has surrounded the natives of the other colonies.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Spanish's lack of prestige deserved.It's easy to see how Filipino respect for Europeans must be affected by the many uneducated, irresponsible, and flashy Spaniards who, no matter their status back home, are all eager to act like they are in charge in the colony. The social status of Filipinos has therefore improved.The social position of Filipinos naturally improves because of this, and it's hard to find a colony where the locals feel more at ease than in the Philippines. They have embraced the religion, customs, and behaviors of their rulers; and while they may not have the same legal status, they are not as cut off from them by the rigid boundaries that, to say nothing of Java, the unfriendly attitude of the English has placed around the natives in other colonies.
Spanish-Filipino bonds of union.The same religion, a similar form of worship, an existence intermixed with that of the indigenous population, all tend to bring the Europeans and the Indians together. That they have done so is proved by the existence of the proportionately very numerous band of mestizos who inhabit the Islands.
Spanish-Filipino unity.The same religion, a similar way of worship, and a lifestyle intertwined with that of the indigenous people all help to unite the Europeans and the Indians. This is evident in the large number of mestizos living in the Islands.
Latin races better for colonists in the tropics.The Spaniards and the Portuguese appear, in fact, to be the only Europeans who take root in tropical countries. They are capable of permanent and fruitful amalgamation1 with the natives.2
Latin races are more suited for colonists in tropical regions. The Spanish and the Portuguese seem to be the only Europeans who actually settle in tropical countries. They can form lasting and successful unions with the locals.
[35]Initiative and individuality missing.The want of originality, which among the mestizos, appears to arise from their equivocal position, is also to be found among the natives. Distinctly marked national customs, which one would naturally expect to find in such an isolated part of the world, are sought for in vain, and again and again the stranger remarks that everything has been learned and is only a veneer.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Lacking initiative and individuality.The lack of originality, which seems to stem from the mixed heritage of the mestizos, is also evident among the native population. One would expect to find clearly defined national customs in such a remote area, but instead, they are nowhere to be found. Over and over, outsiders notice that everything is just learned behavior and merely a surface layer.
A compromise civilization.As Spain forcibly expelled the civilization of the Moors, and in Peru that of the Incas, so in the Philippines it has understood how to set aside an equally well-founded one, by appropriating in an incredible manner, in order to take root itself the more quickly, all existing forms and abuses.3
A balanced society. Just as Spain forcefully removed the Moors from their land and the Incas from Peru, it also recognized how to disregard a well-established civilization in the Philippines. They did this by remarkably adopting all existing practices and problems to more quickly establish their own presence.3
Imitation instilled and self-respect banished.The uncivilized inhabitants of the Philippines quickly adopted the rites, forms, and ceremonies of the strange religion, and, at the same time, copied the personal externalities of their new masters, learning to despise their own manners and customs as heathenish and barbarian. Nowadays, forsooth, they sing Andalusian songs, and dance Spanish dances; but in what sort of way? They imitate everything that passes before their eyes without using their intelligence to appreciate it. It is this which makes both themselves and their artistic productions wearisome, devoid of character, and, I may add, unnatural, in spite of the skill and patience they devote to them. These two peculiarities, moreover, are invariably to be found amongst nations whose civilization is but little developed; the patience so much admired is often nothing but waste of time and breath, quite [36]out of proportion to the end in view, and the skill is the mere consequence of the backward state of the division of labor.
Imitation has become the norm, and self-respect has disappeared.The uncivilized people of the Philippines quickly adopted the rituals, practices, and ceremonies of the unfamiliar religion and, at the same time, imitated the outward behaviors of their new rulers, learning to look down on their own traditions and customs as primitive and uncivilized. These days, they sing Andalusian songs and perform Spanish dances; but how do they do it? They mimic everything that they see without using their intelligence to understand it. This is what makes both themselves and their artistic works exhausting, lacking in individuality, and, I must say, unnatural, despite the skill and effort they put into them. Furthermore, these two traits are always present among nations with limited development; the patience that is so often praised is frequently just a waste of time and effort, completely [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]out of proportion to the goals they seek, and the skill is merely a result of the underdeveloped division of labor.
Educated Filipino unnatural.If I entered the house of a well-to-do Filipino, who spoke Spanish, I was received with the same phrases his model, a Spaniard, would employ; but I always had the feeling that it was out of place. In countries where the native population remains true to its ancient customs this is not the case; and whenever I have not been received with proper respect, I have remarked that the apparent fact proceeded from a difference in social forms, not more to be wondered at than a difference in weights and measures. In Java, and particularly in Borneo and the Moluccas, the utensils in daily use are ornamented with so refined a feeling for form and color, that they are praised by our artists as patterns of ornamentation and afford a proof that the labor is one of love, and that it is presided over by an acute intelligence. Native art-sense spoiled.Such a sense of beauty is seldom to be met with in the Philippines. Everything there is imitation or careless makeshift. Even the piña embroideries, which are fabricated with such wonderful patience and skill, and are so celebrated for the fineness of the work, are, as a rule, spiritless imitations of Spanish patterns. One is involuntarily led to these conclusions by a comparison of the art products of the Spanish-American communities with those of more barbarous races. The Berlin Ethnographical Museum contains many proofs of the facts I have just mentioned.
Educated Filipino is unnatural.If I entered the home of a wealthy Filipino who spoke Spanish, I was greeted with the same phrases his role model, a Spaniard, would use; however, I always felt it was inappropriate. In countries where the local population sticks to its traditional customs, this isn’t the case; and whenever I haven’t been treated with the right amount of respect, I noticed that this was due to differences in social customs, no more surprising than differences in weights and measures. In Java, especially in Borneo and the Moluccas, the everyday utensils are designed with such a refined sense of form and color that our artists admire them as examples of ornamentation and proof that the work is done with love and overseen by sharp intelligence. Native art appreciation diminished.This kind of aesthetic sense is rarely found in the Philippines. Everything there tends to be imitation or sloppy makeshift. Even the piña embroideries, crafted with incredible patience and skill and renowned for their delicacy, are generally lifeless imitations of Spanish designs. One can't help but reach these conclusions by comparing the art of Spanish-American communities with those of more primitive cultures. The Berlin Ethnographical Museum has many examples to back up what I've just said.
Indolence from absence of incentive.The oars used in the Philippines are usually made of bamboo poles, with a board tied to their extremities with strips of rattan. If they happen to break, so much the better; for the fatiguing labor of rowing must necessarily be suspended till they are mended again.
Laziness from low motivation.The oars used in the Philippines are typically made from bamboo poles, with a board attached to the ends using strips of rattan. If they happen to break, that’s actually a good thing; because the exhausting work of rowing has to stop until they’re repaired.
[37]Carelessness from lack of responsibility.In Java the carabao-carts, which are completely covered in as a protection against the rain, are ornamented with many tasteful patterns. The roofless wagons used in the Philippines are roughly put together at the last moment. When it is necessary to protect their contents from the wet, an old pair of mats is thrown over them, more for the purpose of appeasing the prejudices of the “Castilians” than really to keep off the rain.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Negligence due to irresponsibility.In Java, the carabao carts are fully covered to protect against the rain and are decorated with many stylish designs. The open wagons used in the Philippines are hastily assembled at the last minute. When it's necessary to keep their cargo dry, an old set of mats is tossed over them, mainly to satisfy the biases of the “Castilians” rather than to actually block the rain.
Weakened character and want of dignity.The English and the Dutch are always looked upon as strangers in the tropics; their influence never touches the ancient native customs which culminate in the religion of the country. But the populations whom the Spaniards have converted to their religion have lost all originality, all sense of nationality; yet the alien religion has never really penetrated into their inmost being, they never feel it to be a source of moral support, and it is no accidental coincidence that they are all more or less stamped with a want of dignity....
Weakened character and loss of dignity.The English and the Dutch are always seen as outsiders in the tropics; their impact never reaches the ancient native traditions that are tied to the country's religion. However, the groups that the Spaniards have converted to their faith have lost all originality and sense of national identity; yet this foreign religion has never truly integrated into their core being, and they don’t perceive it as a source of moral strength. It’s no coincidence that they all carry a certain lack of dignity...
Spanish rule not benevolent, but beneficial.With the exception of this want of national individuality, and the loss of the distinguishing manners and customs which constitute the chief charm of most eastern peoples, the Filipino is an interesting study of a type of mankind existing in the easiest natural conditions. The arbitrary rule of their chiefs, and the iron shackles of slavery, were abolished by the Spaniards shortly after their arrival; and peace and security reigned in the place of war and rapine. The Spanish rule in these Islands was always a mild one, not because the laws, which treated the natives like children, were wonderfully gentle, but because the causes did not exist which caused such scandalous cruelties in Spanish America and in the colonies of other nations.
Spanish rule was harsh, but it had its advantages. Aside from the lack of national identity and the loss of the unique customs that give most eastern cultures their appeal, Filipinos represent a fascinating group of people living in a naturally easy environment. The oppressive leadership of their local chiefs and the chains of slavery were eliminated by the Spaniards soon after they arrived, bringing peace and safety in place of conflict and violence. Spanish rule in these Islands was generally mild, not because the laws, which treated the locals like children, were particularly lenient, but because the factors that led to horrific abuses in Spanish America and other nations' colonies simply weren't present.
Circumstances have favored the Filipinos.It was fortunate for the Filipinos that their islands possessed no wealth in the shape of precious metals or valuable spices. In the earlier days of maritime traffic [38]there was little possibility of exporting the numerous agricultural productions of the colony; and it was scarcely worth while, therefore, to make the most of the land. The few Spaniards who resided in the colony found such an easy method of making money in the commerce with China and Mexico, by means of the galleons, that they held themselves aloof from all economical enterprises, which had little attraction for their haughty inclinations, and would have imposed the severest labor on the Filipinos. Taking into consideration the wearisome and dangerous navigation of the time, it was, moreover, impossible for the Spaniards, upon whom their too large possessions in America already imposed an exhausting man-tax, to maintain a strong armed force in the Philippines. The subjection, which had been inaugurated by a dazzling military exploit, was chiefly accomplished by the assistance of the friar orders, whose missionaries were taught to employ extreme prudence and patience. The Philippines were thus principally won by a peaceful conquest.
The situation has favored the Filipinos. It was a good thing for the Filipinos that their islands had no riches in the form of precious metals or valuable spices. In the early days of maritime trade [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__], there was little chance of exporting the many agricultural products of the colony; so it was hardly worth it to make the most of the land. The few Spaniards living in the colony found it easier to make money by trading with China and Mexico through the galleons, which made them uninterested in economic ventures that held little appeal for their proud nature and would have required hard labor from the Filipinos. Considering the challenging and dangerous navigation of the time, it was also impossible for the Spaniards, who were already burdened by their extensive holdings in America, to maintain a strong military presence in the Philippines. The rule that began with a stunning military victory was mostly achieved with the help of the friar orders, whose missionaries were trained to exercise great prudence and patience. Thus, the Philippines were primarily gained through peaceful conquest.
Have fared better than the Mexicans.The taxes laid upon the peoples were so trifling that they did not suffice for the administration of the colony. The difference was covered by yearly contributions from Mexico. The extortions of unconscientious officials were by no means conspicuous by their absence. Cruelties, however, such as were practised in the American mining districts, or in the manufactures of Quito, never occurred in the Philippines.
Have done better than the Mexicans.The taxes imposed on the people were so minimal that they weren't enough to manage the colony's administration. The shortfall was made up by annual contributions from Mexico. The exploitation by unethical officials was certainly present. However, the brutalities seen in the American mining regions or in the factories of Quito never happened in the Philippines.
A land of opportunity.Uncultivated land was free, and was at the service of any one willing to make it productive; if, however, it remained untilled for two years, it reverted to the crown.4
A land of possibilities.Uncultivated land was free and available to anyone ready to make it productive; however, if it stayed untilled for two years, it went back to the crown.4
[39]Low taxes.The only tax which the Filipinos pay is the poll-tax, known as the tributo, which originally, three hundred years ago, amounted to one dollar for every pair of adults, and in a country where all marry early, and the sexes are equally divided, really constituted a family-tax. By degrees the tribute has been raised to two and one-sixteenth dollars. An adult, therefore, male or female, pays one and one-thirty-second dollar, and that from his sixteenth to his sixtieth year. Besides this, every man has to give forty days’ labor every year to the State. This vassalage (polos y servicios) is divided into ordinary and extraordinary services: the first consists of the duties appertaining to a watchman or messenger, in cleaning the courts of justice, and in other light labors; the second in road-making, and similar heavier kinds of work, for the benefit of villages and provinces. The little use, however, that is made of these services, is shown by the fact that any one can obtain a release from them for a sum which at most is not more than three dollars. No personal service is required of women. A little further on, important details about the tax from official sources, which were placed at my disposal in the colonial office, appear in a short special chapter.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Low taxes.The only tax that Filipinos pay is the poll tax, known as the tributo, which originally, three hundred years ago, was one dollar for each pair of adults. In a country where people marry young and the genders are roughly equal, this effectively served as a family tax. Over time, the tribute has increased to two dollars and one-sixteenth. An adult, whether male or female, pays one dollar and one-thirty-second from age sixteen to sixty. Additionally, every man is required to provide forty days of labor to the State each year. This labor requirement (polos y servicios) is split into ordinary and extraordinary services: ordinary services involve tasks like being a watchman or messenger, cleaning courthouses, and other light work; extraordinary services involve more demanding tasks like road construction, benefiting villages and provinces. The limited use of these services is evident, as anyone can pay a fee to be excused from them, which typically does not exceed three dollars. There is no personal service obligation for women. More detailed information about the tax from official sources, which I received from the colonial office, will be included in a brief special chapter later on.
Fortunate factors.In other countries, with an equally mild climate, and an equally fertile soil, the natives, unless they had reached a higher degree of civilization than that of the Philippine Islanders, would have been ground down by native princes, or ruthlessly plundered and destroyed by foreigners. In these isolated Islands, so richly endowed by nature, where pressure from above, impulse from within, and every stimulus from the outside are wanting, the satisfaction of a few trifling wants is sufficient for an existence with ample comfort. Of all countries in the world, the Philippines have the greatest claim to be considered a lotos-eating Utopia. The traveller, whose [40]knowledge of the dolce far niente is derived from Naples, has no real appreciation of it; it only blossoms under the shade of palm-trees. These notes of travel will contain plenty of examples to support this. One trip across the Pasig gives a foretaste of life in the interior of the country. Low wooden cabins and bamboo huts, surmounted with green foliage and blossoming flowers, are picturesquely grouped with areca palms, and tall, feather-headed bamboos, upon its banks. Sometimes the enclosures run down into the stream itself, some of them being duck-grounds, and others bathing-places. The shore is fringed with canoes, nets, rafts, and fishing apparatus. Heavily-laden boats float down the stream, and small canoes ply from bank to bank between the groups of bathers. The most lively traffic is to be seen in the tiendas, large sheds, corresponding to the Javanese harongs, which open upon the river, the great channel for traffic.
Lucky factors. In other countries with a similar mild climate and fertile soil, the locals, unless they had achieved a higher level of civilization than the people of the Philippines, would have been oppressed by local rulers or brutally exploited and destroyed by outsiders. In these remote islands, abundantly blessed by nature, where there is no external pressure, internal drive, or outside influence, fulfilling a few minor needs is enough for a life of considerable comfort. Of all the countries in the world, the Philippines can most justifiably be seen as a lotus-eating Utopia. A traveler whose understanding of dolce far niente comes from Naples doesn't truly grasp its essence; it only flourishes beneath the palm trees. These travel notes will provide many examples to illustrate this. A single trip across the Pasig offers a glimpse of life in the country's interior. Low wooden cabins and bamboo huts, topped with greenery and blooming flowers, are charmingly clustered with areca palms and tall, feathered bamboos along its banks. Sometimes the enclosures stretch right down to the river, with some serving as duck ponds and others as swimming spots. The shoreline is lined with canoes, nets, rafts, and fishing gear. Heavily loaded boats drift down the stream, and small canoes shuttle back and forth between groups of bathers. The most bustling activity can be found in the tiendas, large sheds similar to the Javanese harongs, which open onto the river, the main channel for trade.
River resorts.They are a source of great attraction to the passing sailors, who resort to them for eating, drinking, and other convivialities; and while away the time there in gambling, betel chewing, and smoking, with idle companions of both sexes.
Waterfront resorts. They attract passing sailors, who stop by to eat, drink, and enjoy socializing; they spend their time gambling, chewing betel, and smoking, in the company of idle friends of all genders.
Sleeping pilots.At times somebody may be seen floating down the stream asleep on a heap of coconuts. If the nuts run ashore, the sleeper rouses himself, pushes off with a long bamboo, and contentedly relapses into slumber, as his eccentric raft regains the current of the river. One cut of his bolo-knife easily detaches sufficient of the husk of the nuts to allow of their being fastened together; in this way a kind of wreath is formed which encircles and holds together the loose nuts piled up in the middle.
Sleeping pilots.Sometimes you might see someone drifting down the stream, asleep on a pile of coconuts. If the coconuts wash ashore, the person wakes up, pushes off with a long bamboo pole, and happily drifts back into sleep as their quirky raft picks up the river's current again. With a quick cut of his bolo knife, he easily removes enough of the husk from the nuts to tie them together; this way, a sort of wreath is created that wraps around and secures the loose nuts piled up in the center.
Labor-saving conditions.The arduous labors of many centuries have left as their legacy a perfect system of transport; but in these Islands man can obtain many of his requirements direct [41]with proportionately trifling labor, and a large amount of comfort for himself.
Labor-saving solutions.The hard work of countless centuries has given us an excellent transportation system; however, in these Islands, people can get a lot of what they need directly [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]with relatively little effort, and enjoy a significant amount of comfort.
Easy food.Off the Island of Talim, in the great Lagoon of Bay, my boatmen bought for a few cuartos several dozens of fish quite twelve inches long; and those which they couldn’t eat were split open, salted, and dried by a few hours’ exposure to the heat of the sun on the roof of the boat. When the fishermen had parted with their contemplated breakfast, they stooped down and filled their cooking-vessels with sand-mussels (paludina costata, 2.a G.), first throwing away the dead ones from the handfuls they picked up from the bottom of the shallow water.
Easy meals.Off the Island of Talim, in the large Lagoon of Bay, my boatmen bought several dozen fish about twelve inches long for just a few cuartos. The fish that they couldn't eat were split open, salted, and dried after being left in the sun on the roof of the boat for a few hours. After selling their planned breakfast, the fishermen bent down and filled their cooking pots with sand-mussels (paludina costata, 2.a G.), discarding the dead ones from the handfuls they picked up from the shallow water's bottom.
River’s importance.Nearly all the dwellings are built by the water’s edge. The river is a natural self-maintaining highway, on which loads can be carried to the foot of the mountains. The huts of the people, built upon piles, are to be seen thickly scattered about its banks, and particularly about its broad mouths. The appropriateness of their position is evident, for the stream is at once the very center of activity and the most convenient spot for the pursuit of their callings. At each tide the takes of fish are more or less plentiful, and at low-water the women and children may be seen picking up shell-fish with their toes, for practice has enabled them to use their toes as deftly as their fingers, or gathering in the sand-crabs and eatable seaweed.
Significance of rivers.Almost all the homes are built right by the water. The river serves as a natural highway, allowing goods to be transported to the base of the mountains. The people's huts, raised on stilts, are densely spread along its banks, especially near its wide mouths. Their location makes perfect sense because the river is both the hub of activity and the most convenient place for their work. At each tide, fish are caught in varying amounts, and during low tide, you can see women and children using their toes to pick up shellfish, as they've become skilled at using them just like their fingers, or collecting sand crabs and edible seaweed.
Riverside gaiety. The riverside is a pretty sight when men, women, and children are bathing and frolicking in the shade of the palm-trees; and others are filling their water-vessels, large bamboos, which they carry on their shoulders, or jars, which they bear on their heads; and when the boys are standing upright on the broad backs of the carabaos and riding triumphantly into the water.
Riverside fun. The riverside looks beautiful when men, women, and children are swimming and playing in the shade of the palm trees; others are filling their water containers, large bamboos that they carry on their shoulders, or jars that they balance on their heads; and the boys are standing proudly on the broad backs of the water buffalo, riding triumphantly into the water.
[42]Coco-palms.It is here too that the coco-palm most flourishes, a tree that supplies not only their food and drink, but also every material necessary for the construction of huts and the manufacture of the various articles which they use. While the greatest care is necessary to make those growing further inland bear even a little fruit, the palm-trees close to the shore, even when planted on wretched soil, grow plentiful crops without the slightest trouble. Has a palm-tree ever been made to blossom in a hothouse? Thomson5 mentions that coco-trees growing by the sea-side are wont to incline their stems over the ocean, the waters of which bear their fruit to desert shores and islands, and render them habitable for mankind. Thus the coco-tree would seem to play an essential part in the ocean vagabondage of Malaysia and Polynesia.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Coconut palms.This is where the coco-palm thrives best, a tree that provides not just food and drink, but also all the materials needed to build huts and create the various items they use. While it takes a lot of care to get coco-palms growing further inland to produce even a small amount of fruit, the ones near the shore yield abundant crops easily, even in poor soil. Has anyone ever managed to make a palm tree bloom in a greenhouse? Thomson5 points out that coco-trees by the seaside often lean their trunks over the ocean, whose waters carry their fruit to isolated shores and islands, making them livable for people. Therefore, the coco-tree seems to play a crucial role in the ocean wandering of Malaysia and Polynesia.
Nipa-palms.Close to the coco-trees grow clumps of the stunted nipa-palms, which only flourish in brackish waters;6 their leaves furnish the best roof-thatching. Sugar, brandy, and vinegar are manufactured from their sap. Three hundred and fifty years ago Pigafetta found these manufactures in full swing, but nowadays they seem to be limited to the Philippines. Besides these, the pandanus-tree, from the leaves of which the softest mats are woven, is always found in near proximity to the shore.
Nipa palms. Near the coconut trees, you can find clusters of small nipa-palms, which thrive only in brackish water;6 their leaves make the best thatch for roofs. Sugar, brandy, and vinegar are made from their sap. Three hundred and fifty years ago, Pigafetta saw these products being made, but today they seem to be mostly found in the Philippines. In addition, the pandanus tree, known for its leaves that are used to weave the softest mats, is typically found close to the shore.
Fertile fields.Towards the interior the landscape is covered with rice-fields, which yearly receive a fresh layer of fertile soil, washed down from the mountains by the river, and spread over their surface by the overflowing of its waters; and which in consequence never require any fertilizer. The carabao.The carabao, the favorite domestic animal of the Malays, and which they keep especially for agricultural [43]purposes, prefers these regions to all others. It loves to wallow in the mud, and is not fit for work unless permitted to frequent the water.
Fertile lands.Inland, the landscape is filled with rice fields that receive a fresh layer of rich soil every year, brought down from the mountains by the river and spread across the land when the waters overflow. This means they never need any fertilizer. The water buffalo.The carabao, the beloved domestic animal of the Malays, is primarily kept for farming. It prefers these areas over any other, enjoys rolling in the mud, and isn’t suitable for work unless it can spend time in the water. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
Bamboo.Bamboos with luxuriant leafy tops grow plentifully by the huts in the rice-fields which fringe the banks of the river. In my former sketches of travel I have endeavored to describe how much this gigantic plant contributes to the comfort and convenience of tropical life. Since then I have become acquainted with many curious purposes to which it is turned, but to describe them here would be out of place.7 I may be allowed, however, to briefly cite a few examples showing what numerous results are obtained from simple means. Nature has endowed these splendid plants, which perhaps surpass all others in beauty, with so many useful qualities, and delivered them into the hands of mankind so ready for immediate use, that a few sharp cuts suffice to convert them into all kinds of various utensils. Strength.The bamboo possesses, in proportion to its lightness, an extraordinary strength; the result of its round shape, and the regularity of the joints in its stem. The parallel position and toughness of its fibers render it easy to split, and, when split, its pieces are of extraordinary pliability and elasticity. To the gravelly soil on which it grows it owes its durability, and its firm, even, and always clean surface, the brilliancy and color of which improve by use. Convenience.And finally, it is a great thing for a population with such limited means of conveyance that the bamboo is to be found in such abundance in all kinds of localities and of all dimensions, from a few millimeters to ten or fifteen centimeters in diameter, even [44]sometimes to twice this amount; and that, on account of its unsurpassed floating power, it is pre-eminently fitted for locomotion in a country poor in roads but rich in watercourses. A blow with a bolo is generally enough to cut down a strong stem. Usefulness.If the thin joints are taken away, hollow stems of different thicknesses can be slid into one another like the parts of a telescope. From bamboos split in half, gutters, troughs, and roofing tiles can be made. Split into several slats, which can be again divided into small strips and fibers for the manufacture of baskets, ropes, mats, and fine plaiting work, they can be made into frames and stands. Two cuts in the same place make a round hole through which a stem of corresponding diameter can be firmly introduced. If a similar opening is made in a second upright, the horizontal stem can be run through both. Gates, closing perpendicularly or horizontally in frames moving without friction on a perpendicular or horizontal axis, can be made in this way.
Bamboo.Bamboos with lush leafy tops grow abundantly near the huts in the rice fields that line the riverbanks. In my earlier travel sketches, I tried to describe the many ways this enormous plant adds to the comfort and convenience of life in tropical regions. Since then, I've learned about many interesting uses for it, but mentioning them here would be inappropriate. 7 However, I can briefly mention a few examples showing the many results that can be achieved from simple means. Nature has blessed these beautiful plants, which may surpass all others in appearance, with numerous useful qualities and made them ready for immediate use by humans, so that just a few quick cuts can turn them into all sorts of various tools. Strength.The bamboo is remarkably strong compared to its light weight; this strength comes from its round shape and the uniformity of the joints in its stem. The arrangement and toughness of its fibers make it easy to split, and when split, its pieces are highly flexible and elastic. Its durability comes from the gravelly soil it grows in, and its smooth, consistent, and always clean surface gets shinier and more colorful with use. Convenience.It's also incredibly beneficial for a population with limited transport options that bamboo is found in such abundance in various locations and comes in all sizes, from a few millimeters to ten or fifteen centimeters in diameter, and sometimes even up to double that; and because of its unmatched buoyancy, it is perfectly suited for movement in an area lacking roads but rich in waterways. Generally, a single strike with a bolo is enough to fell a sturdy stem. Usefulness.If the thin joints are removed, hollow stems of different thicknesses can slide into one another like telescope parts. From split bamboos, you can create gutters, troughs, and roofing tiles. When split into slats, they can be further divided into smaller strips and fibers for making baskets, ropes, mats, and fine weaving work, and they can also be turned into frames and stands. Two cuts in the same spot create a round hole that allows a stem of matching diameter to fit securely. If a similar hole is made in a second upright, a horizontal stem can easily connect both. Gates that close vertically or horizontally in frames moving smoothly on perpendicular or horizontal axes can be made this way.
Two deep cuts give an angular shape to the stem; and when its two sides are wide enough apart to admit of a cross-stem being placed between them, they can be employed as roof-ridges or for the framework of tables and chairs; a quantity of flat split pieces of bamboo being fastened on top of them with chair-cane. These split pieces then form the seats of the chairs and the tops of the tables, instead of the boards and large bamboo laths used at other times. It is equally easy to make an oblong opening in a large bamboo in which to fit the laths of a stand.
Two deep cuts create an angular shape on the stem; when the two sides are far enough apart to fit a cross-stem between them, they can be used as roof ridges or for the framework of tables and chairs. A number of flat split bamboo pieces are then secured on top using chair cane. These split pieces serve as the seats of the chairs and the tops of the tables, instead of the boards and larger bamboo slats used at other times. It’s also easy to create a long opening in a large bamboo where the slats for a stand can fit.
A couple of cuts are almost enough to make a fork, a pair of tongs or a hook.
A couple of cuts are nearly enough to create a fork, a pair of tongs, or a hook.
If one makes a hole as big as the end of one’s finger in a large bamboo close under a joint, one obtains by fastening a small piece of cloth to the open end, a syphon [45]or a filter. If a piece of bamboo is split down to the joint in strips, and the strips be bound together with others horizontally interlaced, it makes a conical basket. If the strips are cut shorter, it makes a peddler’s pack basket. If a long handle is added, and it is filled with tar, it can be used as a signal torch. If shallower baskets of the same dimensions, but with their bottoms cut off or punched out, are placed inside these conical ones, the two together make capital snare baskets for crabs and fish. If a bamboo stem be cut off just below the joint, and its lower edge be split up into a cogged rim, it makes, when the partition of the joint is punched out, an earth-auger, a fountain-pipe, and many things of the kind.
If you make a hole the size of your fingertip in a large bamboo just below a joint, and then tie a small piece of cloth to the open end, you create a siphon or a filter. If you split a piece of bamboo down to the joint into strips and bind those strips together with others woven horizontally, you get a conical basket. Shortening the strips gives you a peddler’s pack basket. By adding a long handle and filling it with tar, it can serve as a signal torch. If you place shallower baskets of the same size, but with their bottoms cut off or punched out, inside these conical ones, you’ll have great snare baskets for crabs and fish. If you cut a bamboo stem just below the joint and split the lower edge into a cogged rim, once you punch out the partition of the joint, it becomes an earth-auger, a fountain-pipe, and various other things like that.
Pleasures of travel.Strangers travelling in the interior have daily fresh opportunities of enjoying the hospitality of nature. The atmosphere is so equitably warm that one would gladly dispense with all clothing except a sun-hat and a pair of light shoes. Should one be tempted to pass the night in the open air, the construction of a hut from the leaves of the palm and the fern is the work of a few minutes; Village rest houses.but in even the smallest village the traveller finds a “common house” (casa real), in which he can take up his quarters and be supplied with the necessaries of life at the market price. There too he will always meet with semaneros (those who perform menial duties) ready to serve him as messengers or porters for the most trifling remuneration. But long practice has taught me that their services principally consist in doing nothing. On one occasion I wanted to send a man who was playing cards and drinking tuba (fresh or weakly-fermented palm-sap) with his companions, on an errand. Pleasant prison life.Without stopping his game the fellow excused himself on the ground of being a prisoner, and [46]one of his guardians proceeded in the midst of the intense heat to carry my troublesome message. Prisoners have certainly little cause to grumble. Frequent floggings little regarded.The only inconvenience to which they are exposed are the floggings which the local authorities very liberally dispense by the dozens for the most trifling offences. Except the momentary bodily pain, however, these appear in most cases to make little impression on a people who have been accustomed to corporal punishment from their youth upwards. Their acquaintances stand round the sufferers, while the blows are being inflicted, and mockingly ask them how it tastes.
Travel delights.Strangers traveling in the countryside have daily fresh chances to enjoy nature's hospitality. The weather is so comfortably warm that one would happily ditch all clothing except for a sunhat and a pair of light shoes. If someone is tempted to spend the night outdoors, building a hut from palm leaves and ferns takes just a few minutes; Community guest houses.but in even the smallest village, travelers find a "common house" (casa real), where they can settle in and get the essentials at market prices. There, they'll also meet semaneros (those who do menial work) ready to help as messengers or porters for very little pay. But long experience has shown me that their services mainly consist of doing nothing. One time, I asked a guy who was playing cards and drinking tuba (fresh or weakly-fermented palm sap) with his friends to run an errand for me. Comfortable prison life.Without pausing his game, he said he couldn't because he was a prisoner, and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]one of his guards then trudged through the intense heat to deliver my annoying message. Prisoners certainly have little to complain about. Frequent beatings barely noticed.The only drawback they face are the floggings that local authorities generously hand out by the dozens for the smallest offenses. Except for the quick physical pain, these seem to have little impact on a people who have been accustomed to corporal punishment from a young age. Their friends gather around while the blows are being administered, mockingly asking them how it feels.
Change from Malayan character.A long residence amongst the earnest, quiet, and dignified Malays, who are most anxious for their honor, while most submissive to their superiors, makes the contrast in character exhibited by the natives of the Philippines, who yet belong to the Malay race, all the more striking. The change in their nature appears to be a natural consequence of the Spanish rule, for the same characteristics may be observed in the natives of Spanish America. The class distinctions and the despotic oppression prevalent under their former chiefs doubtless rendered the Filipinos of the past more like the Malays of today.
Change from Malaysian character.A long stay among the earnest, quiet, and dignified Malays, who are very protective of their honor while being quite respectful to their superiors, makes the difference in character seen in the natives of the Philippines, who are also part of the Malay race, even more noticeable. This shift in their nature seems to be a natural outcome of Spanish rule, as similar traits can be noticed in the natives of Spanish America. The class divisions and the harsh oppression under their previous leaders likely made Filipinos in the past more akin to the Malays of today.
1 Bertillon (Acclimatement et Acclimatation, Dict. Encycl. des Science, Médicales) ascribes the capacity of the Spaniards for acclimatization in tropical countries to the large admixture of Syrian and African blood which flows in their veins. The ancient Iberians appear to have reached Spain from Chaldea across Africa; the Phoenicians and Carthaginians had flourishing colonies in the peninsula, and, in later times, the Moors possessed a large portion of the country for a century, and ruled with great splendor, a state of things leading to a mixture of race. Thus Spanish blood has three distinct times been abundantly crossed with that of Africa. The warm climate of the peninsula must also largely contribute to render its inhabitants fit for life in the tropics. The pure Indo-European race has never succeeded in establishing itself on the southern shores of the Mediterranean, much less in the arid soil of the tropics.
1 Bertillon (Acclimatement et Acclimatation, Dict. Encycl. des Science, Médicales) credits the Spaniards' ability to adapt to tropical countries to the significant mix of Syrian and African ancestry in their bloodlines. The ancient Iberians are thought to have arrived in Spain from Chaldea through Africa; the Phoenicians and Carthaginians established thriving colonies in the peninsula, and later, the Moors occupied a significant part of the country for a century, ruling with great opulence, resulting in a blending of races. Therefore, Spanish blood has been mixed with African blood on three distinct occasions. Additionally, the warm climate of the peninsula likely plays a major role in making its inhabitants suitable for life in tropical regions. The pure Indo-European race has never been able to establish itself on the southern shores of the Mediterranean, let alone in the dry tropics.
In Martinique, where from eight to nine thousand whites live on the proceeds of the toil of 125,000 of the colored race, the population is diminishing instead of increasing. The French creoles seem to have lost the power of maintaining themselves, in proportion to the existing means of subsistence, and of multiplying. Families which do not from time to time fortify themselves with a strain of fresh European blood, die out in from three to four generations. The same thing happens in the English, but not in the Spanish Antilles, although the climate and the natural surroundings are the same. According to Ramón de la Sagra, the death-rate is smaller among the creoles, and greater among the natives, than it is in Spain; the mortality among the garrison, however, is considerable. The same writer states that the real acclimatization of the Spanish race takes place by selection; the unfit die, and the others thrive.
In Martinique, where about eight to nine thousand whites profit from the labor of 125,000 people of color, the population is decreasing instead of growing. The French Creoles seem to have lost the ability to sustain themselves relative to the available resources and to reproduce. Families that don’t periodically mix with new European blood die out in three to four generations. The same situation occurs in English territories, but not in the Spanish Caribbean, even though the climate and environment are similar. According to Ramón de la Sagra, the death rate is lower among Creoles and higher among natives than in Spain; however, the mortality rate among the garrison is quite high. The same author notes that the real adaptation of the Spanish race occurs through selection; the unfit die off, while the others thrive.
3 Depons, speaking of the means employed in America to obtain the same end, says, “I am convinced that it is impossible to engraft the Christian religion on the Indian mind without mixing up their own inclinations and customs with those of Christianity; this has been even carried so far, that at one time theologians raised the question, whether it was lawful to eat human flesh? But the most singular part of the proceeding is, that the question was decided in favor of the anthropophagi.”
3 Depons, talking about the methods used in America to achieve the same goal, states, “I believe it's impossible to implant Christianity in the Indian mindset without blending their own desires and traditions with those of Christianity; this has even gone as far as theologians debating whether it was acceptable to eat human flesh. However, the most remarkable part of the discussion is that the question was resolved in favor of the cannibals.”
4 As a matter of fact, productive land is always appropriated, and in many parts of the Islands is difficult and expensive to purchase. Near Manila, and in Bulacan, land has for many years past cost over $225 (silver) an acre.
4 In fact, usable land is always taken, and in many areas of the Islands, it's hard and costly to buy. Near Manila and in Bulacan, land has been priced at over $225 (silver) per acre for many years.
6 In Buitenzorger’s garden, Java, the author observed, however, some specimens growing in fresh water.
6 In Buitenzorger’s garden, Java, the author noticed, however, some plants growing in fresh water.
7 Boyle, in his Adventures among the Dyaks, mentions that he actually found pneumatic tinder-boxes, made of bamboo, in use among the Dyaks; Bastian met with them in Burmah. Boyle saw a Dyak place some tinder on a broken piece of earthenware, holding it steady with his thumb while he struck it a sharp blow with a piece of bamboo. The tinder took fire. Wallace observed the same method of striking a light in Ternate.
7 Boyle, in his Adventures among the Dyaks, mentions that he actually found bamboo tinder-boxes being used by the Dyaks; Bastian encountered them in Burma. Boyle watched a Dyak put some tinder on a broken piece of pottery, holding it steady with his thumb while he hit it hard with a piece of bamboo. The tinder ignited. Wallace noted the same technique for starting a fire in Ternate.
V
The familiar field for travellers.The environs of Manila, the Pasig, and the Lagoon of Bay, which are visited by every fresh arrival in the colony, have been so often described that I have restricted myself to a few short notes upon these parts of the country, and intend to relate in detail only my excursions into the south-eastern provinces of Luzon, Camarines, and Albay, and the islands which lie to the east of them, [47]Samar and Leyte. Before doing this, however, it will not be out of place to glance at the map and give some slight description of their geographical conditions.
The well-known spot for travelers.The areas around Manila, the Pasig River, and the Bay Lagoon that every newcomer to the colony visits have been described so often that I've decided to limit myself to a few brief notes about these regions. Instead, I plan to share detailed accounts of my trips to the southeastern provinces of Luzon, specifically Camarines and Albay, as well as the islands to the east of them, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Samar and Leyte. Before proceeding, though, it would be helpful to take a look at the map and provide a brief overview of their geographical features.
Archipelago’s great extent.The Philippine Archipelago lies between Borneo and Formosa, and separates the northern Pacific Ocean from the China Sea. It covers fourteen and one-half degrees of latitude, and extends from the Sulu Islands in the south, in the fifth parallel of north latitude, to the Babuyans in the north in latitude 19° 30′. If, however, the Bashee or Batanes Islands be included, its area may be said to extend to the twenty-first parallel of north latitude. But neither southwards or northwards does Spanish rule extend to these extreme limits, nor, in fact, does it always reach the far interior of the larger islands. From the eastern to the western extremity of the Philippines the distance is about nine degrees of longitude. Two islands, Luzon, with an area of two thousand, and Mindanao, with one of more than one thousand five hundred square miles, are together larger than all the rest. The seven next largest islands are Palawan, Samar, Panay, Mindoro, Leyte, Negros, and Cebu; of which the first measures about two hundred and fifty, and the last about one hundred square miles. Then come Bohol and Masbate, each about half the size of Cebu; twenty smaller islands, still of some importance; and numerous tiny islets, rocks, and reefs.
Extensive archipelago.The Philippine Archipelago is located between Borneo and Taiwan, separating the northern Pacific Ocean from the South China Sea. It spans fourteen and a half degrees of latitude, extending from the Sulu Islands in the south at the fifth parallel of north latitude to the Babuyans in the north at latitude 19° 30′. If the Bashee or Batanes Islands are included, its area reaches up to the twenty-first parallel of north latitude. However, Spanish rule does not cover these extreme limits to the south or north, nor does it always extend to the far interior of the larger islands. The distance from the eastern to the western edge of the Philippines is about nine degrees of longitude. Two islands, Luzon, covering two thousand square miles, and Mindanao, which has more than one thousand five hundred square miles, are larger combined than all the others. The seven next largest islands are Palawan, Samar, Panay, Mindoro, Leyte, Negros, and Cebu; the first is about two hundred and fifty square miles, and the last is about one hundred square miles. After that are Bohol and Masbate, each about half the size of Cebu, followed by twenty smaller islands that are still significant, along with numerous tiny islets, rocks, and reefs.
Favored by position and conditions.The Philippines are extremely favored by their position and conditions. Their extension from north to south, over 16° of latitude, obtains for them a variety of climate which the Dutch Indies, whose largest diameter, their extent in latitude north and south of the equator being but trifling, runs from the east to the west, by no means enjoy. The advantages accruing from their neighborhood to the equator are added to those [48]acquired from the natural variety of their climate; and the produce of both the torrid and temperate zones, the palm-tree and the fir, the pine-apple, the corn ear and the potato, flourish side by side upon their shores.
Favored by circumstances and status.The Philippines are highly advantaged by their location and circumstances. Their span from north to south, covering over 16° of latitude, gives them a diverse climate that the Dutch Indies, which have a much smaller range in latitude and stretch from east to west, do not experience. The benefits of being near the equator are combined with those [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] gained from the natural diversity of their climate; here, the products of both tropical and temperate zones, like palm trees and firs, as well as pineapples, corn, and potatoes, thrive side by side along their shores.
Harbors and water highways.The larger islands contain vast inland seas, considerable navigable rivers, and many creeks running far into the interior; they are rich, too, in safe harbors and countless natural ports of refuge for ships in distress. Another attribute which, though not to be realized by a glance at the map, is yet one of the most fortunate the Islands possess, is the countless number of small streams which pour down from the inland hills, and open out, ere they reach the ocean, into broad estuaries; up these watercourses coasting vessels of shallow draught can sail to the very foot of the mountains and take in their cargo. Soil and sea alike productive.The fertility of the soil is unsurpassed; both the sea around the coasts and the inland lakes swarm with fish and shell-fish, while in the whole archipelago there is scarcely a wild beast to be found. It seems that only two civets happen to appear: Miro (paradoxurus philippinensis Tem.) and galong (viverra tangalunga Gray). Luzon surpasses all the other islands, not only in size, but in importance; and its fertility and other natural superiority well entitle it to be called, as it is by Crawfurd, “the most beautiful spot in the tropics.”
Ports and waterways.The larger islands have vast inland seas, significant navigable rivers, and many creeks that flow deep into the interior. They are also rich in safe harbors and numerous natural ports of refuge for ships in distress. Another fortunate aspect that isn’t obvious just by looking at a map is the countless small streams that flow down from the inland hills, widening into broad estuaries before reaching the ocean. Shallow-draft coastal vessels can navigate these waterways right up to the base of the mountains to load their cargo. Soil and sea are both productive.The soil’s fertility is unmatched; both the sea surrounding the coasts and the inland lakes are full of fish and shellfish, while there are hardly any wild animals in the entire archipelago. It seems that only two civets are found: Miro (paradoxurus philippinensis Tem.) and galong (viverra tangalunga Gray). Luzon stands out among the other islands, not only in size but also in significance; its fertility and other natural advantages certainly justify calling it, as Crawfurd does, “the most beautiful spot in the tropics.”
Luzon.The mainland of the isle of Luzon stretches itself in a compact long quadrangle, twenty-five miles broad, from 18° 40′ north latitude to the Bay of Manila (14° 30′); and then projects, amid large lakes and deep creeks, a rugged promontory to the east, joined to the main continent by but two narrow isthmuses which stretch east and west of the large inland Lagoon of Bay. Many traces of recent upheavals betoken that the two portions were once separated and formed two distinct islands. The large eastern promontory, well-nigh as long as the [49]northern portion, is nearly cut in half by two deep bays, which, starting from opposite points on the south-eastern and north-western coasts, almost merge their waters in the center of the peninsula; the Bay of Ragay, and the Bay of Sogod. In fact, the southern portion of Luzon may be better described as two small peninsulas lying next to one another in parallel positions, and joined together by a narrow neck of land scarcely three miles broad. Two small streams which rise nearly in the same spot and pour themselves into the two opposite gulfs, make the separation almost complete, and form at the same time the boundary between the province of Tayabas on the west, and that of Camarines on the east. The western portion, indeed, consists almost entirely of the first-named district, and the eastern is divided into the provinces of North Camarines, South Camarines, and Albay. The first of these three is divided from Tayabas by the boundary already mentioned, and from South Camarines by a line drawn from the southern shore of the Bay of San Miguel on the north to the opposite coast. The eastern extremity of the peninsula forms the province of Albay; separated from South Camarines by a line which runs from Donzol, on the south coast, northwards across the volcano of Mayon, and which then, inclining to the west, reaches the northern shore. A look at the map will make these explanations clearer.
Luzon.The main part of the island of Luzon is shaped like a compact rectangle, twenty-five miles wide, stretching from 18° 40′ north latitude to the Bay of Manila (14° 30′). It then protrudes, surrounded by large lakes and deep inlets, into a rugged landform on the east, connected to the main continent by just two narrow isthmuses that extend east and west of the large inland Lagoon of Bay. Signs of recent geological activity indicate that these two sections were once separate and formed two distinct islands. The large eastern landform, almost as long as the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]northern section, is nearly divided in half by two deep bays, which start from opposite ends on the southeastern and northwestern coasts and nearly merge their waters at the center of the peninsula: the Bay of Ragay and the Bay of Sogod. In fact, the southern part of Luzon can be better described as two small peninsulas next to each other in parallel, connected by a narrow strip of land barely three miles wide. Two small rivers that originate almost in the same place and flow into the two opposite gulfs create almost a complete separation and simultaneously form the boundary between the province of Tayabas on the west and Camarines on the east. The western part mainly consists of the Tayabas district, while the eastern side is divided into the provinces of North Camarines, South Camarines, and Albay. The first of these three is separated from Tayabas by the aforementioned boundary and from South Camarines by a line that runs from the southern shore of the Bay of San Miguel in the north to the opposite coast. The eastern tip of the peninsula comprises the province of Albay, which is separated from South Camarines by a line that goes from Donzol on the southern coast, northwards across the volcano of Mayon, then veers west until it reaches the northern shore. Checking the map will make these details clearer.
The monsoons.There are two seasons in the Philippines, the wet and the dry. The south-west monsoon brings the rainy season, at the time of our summer, to the provinces which lie exposed to the south and west winds. On the northern and eastern coasts the heaviest downpours take place (in our winter months) during the north-eastern monsoons. The ruggedness of the country and its numerous mountains cause, in certain districts, many variations in these normal meteorological conditions. [50]The dry season lasts in Manila from November till June (duration of the north-east monsoon); rain prevails during the remaining months (duration of the south-west monsoon). The heaviest rainfall occurs in September; March and April are frequently free from rain. From October to February inclusively the weather is cool and dry (prevalence of N.W., N., and N.E. winds); March, April, and May are warm and dry (prevalence of E.N.E., E., and E.S.E. winds); and from June till the end of September it is humid and moderately warm.
The monsoon season. There are two seasons in the Philippines: the wet season and the dry season. The southwest monsoon brings rain during our summer to the provinces that face the south and west winds. On the northern and eastern coasts, the heaviest rainfall occurs (in our winter months) during the northeastern monsoons. The country's rugged terrain and numerous mountains lead to significant variations in these typical weather patterns in certain areas. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] The dry season in Manila lasts from November to June (when the northeast monsoon is in effect); rain dominates the remaining months (when the southwest monsoon is active). The heaviest rainfall typically happens in September, while March and April are often dry. From October to February, the weather is cool and dry (with prevailing N.W., N., and N.E. winds); March, April, and May are warm and dry (with prevailing E.N.E., E., and E.S.E. winds); and from June until the end of September, it is humid and moderately warm.
There has been an observatory for many years past in Manila under the management of the Jesuits. The following is an epitome of the yearly meteorological report for 1867, for which I am indebted to Professor Dove: Barometrical readings.—The average height of the mercury was, in 1867, 755.5; in 1865, 754.57; and in 1866, 753.37 millimeters.
There has been an observatory in Manila for many years run by the Jesuits. Below is a summary of the annual meteorological report for 1867, which I owe to Professor Dove: Barometrical readings.—The average height of the mercury was 755.5 mm in 1867, 754.57 mm in 1865, and 753.37 mm in 1866.
In 1867 the difference between the highest and lowest barometrical readings was not more than 13.96 millimetres, and would have been much less if the mercury had not been much depressed by storms in July and September. The hourly variations amounted to very few millimeters. Daily reading of the barometer.—The mercury rises in the early morning till about 9 a.m., it then falls up to 3 or 4 p.m., from then it rises again till 9 p.m., and then again falls till towards day-break. Both the principal atmospheric currents prevalent in Manila exercise a great influence over the mercury in the barometer; the northern current causes it to rise (to an average height of 756 millimeters), the southern causes it to fall (to about 753 millimeters). Temperature.—The heat increases from January till the end of May, and then decreases till December. [51]Average yearly temperature, 27.9° C. The highest temperature ever recorded (on the 15th of April at 3 p.m.) was 37.7° C.; the lowest (on the 14th of December and on the 30th of January at 6 a.m.), 19.4° C. Difference, 18.3° C.1 Thermometrical variations.—The differences between the highest and lowest readings of the thermometer were, in January, 13.9°; in February, 14.2°; in March, 15°; in April, 14.6°; in May, 11.1°; in June, 9.9°; in July, 9°; in August, 9°; in September, 10°; in October, 11.9°; in November, 11.8°; and in December, 11.7°. Coolest months.—November, December and January, with northerly winds. Hottest months.—April and May. Their high temperature is caused by the change of monsoon from the north-east to the south-west. The state of the temperature is most normal from June to September; the variations are least marked during this period owing to the uninterrupted rainfall and the clouded atmosphere. Daily variations of the thermometer.—The coolest portion of the day is from 6 to 7 a.m.; the heat gradually increases, reaches its maximum about 2 or 3 p.m., and then again gradually decreases. During some hours of the night the temperature remains unchanged, but towards morning it falls rapidly.
In 1867, the difference between the highest and lowest barometric readings was only 13.96 millimeters, and it would have been even less if the mercury hadn’t dropped significantly due to storms in July and September. The hourly variations were just a few millimeters. Daily reading of the barometer.—The mercury rises in the early morning until about 9 a.m., then falls until around 3 or 4 p.m. After that, it rises again until 9 p.m., then falls again until daybreak. Both major atmospheric currents in Manila have a significant impact on the mercury in the barometer; the northern current makes it rise (to an average height of 756 millimeters), while the southern current causes it to drop (to about 753 millimeters). Temperature.—The heat increases from January until the end of May, then decreases until December. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] Average yearly temperature is 27.9° C. The highest temperature ever recorded (on April 15 at 3 p.m.) was 37.7° C; the lowest (on December 14 and January 30 at 6 a.m.) was 19.4° C. Difference: 18.3° C.1 Thermometrical variations.—The differences between the highest and lowest thermometer readings were: in January, 13.9°; in February, 14.2°; in March, 15°; in April, 14.6°; in May, 11.1°; in June, 9.9°; in July, 9°; in August, 9°; in September, 10°; in October, 11.9°; in November, 11.8°; and in December, 11.7°. Coolest months.—November, December, and January, with northerly winds. Hottest months.—April and May. Their high temperatures are caused by the change of monsoon from the northeast to the southwest. The temperature is most stable from June to September; variations are less noticeable during this time due to constant rainfall and a cloudy atmosphere. Daily variations of the thermometer.—The coolest part of the day is from 6 to 7 a.m.; the heat gradually increases, reaching its peak around 2 or 3 p.m., and then steadily decreases. During some hours of the night, the temperature stays steady, but it drops quickly towards morning.
Winds.The direction of the wind is very regular at all seasons of the year, even when local causes make it vary a little. In the course of a twelvemonth the wind goes around the whole compass. In January and February north winds prevail; in March and April they blow from the south-east; and in May, June, July, August, and September, [52]from the south-west. In the beginning of October they vary between south-east and south-west, and settle down towards the close of the month in the north-east, in which quarter they remain tolerably fixed during the two following months. The two changes of monsoon always take place in April and May, and in October. As a rule, the direction of both monsoons preserves its equilibrium; but in Manila, which is protected towards the north by a high range of hills, the north-east monsoon is often diverted to the south-east and north-west. The same cause gives greater force to the south-west wind.
Winds.The wind direction is pretty consistent throughout the year, even when local factors cause slight variations. Over the span of a year, the wind moves all around the compass. In January and February, north winds are dominant; in March and April, they come from the southeast; and from May to September, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]they blow from the southwest. At the start of October, the winds shift between southeast and southwest, then stabilize towards the end of the month in the northeast, where they stay fairly steady for the next two months. The two monsoon shifts typically occur in April and May, and again in October. Generally, the direction of both monsoons remains balanced; however, in Manila, which is shielded to the north by a high mountain range, the northeast monsoon often shifts to the southeast and northwest. This same factor also enhances the strength of the southwest wind.
Sunshine and rain.The sky is generally partially clouded; entirely sunny days are of rare occurrence, in fact, they only occur from January to April during the north-east monsoons. Number of rainy days in the year, 168. The most continuous and heaviest rain falls from June till the end of October. During this period the rain comes down in torrents; in September alone the rainfall amounted to 1.5 meters, nearly as much as falls in Berlin in the course of the whole year, 3,072.8 millimeters of rain fell in the twelve month; but this is rather more than the average.
Sun and rain.The sky is usually partly cloudy; completely sunny days are rare, occurring only from January to April during the northeast monsoons. There are about 168 rainy days a year. The heaviest and most consistent rain happens from June to the end of October. During this time, the rain pours down in torrents; in September alone, the rainfall reached 1.5 meters, which is almost as much as Berlin gets in an entire year. In total, 3,072.8 millimeters of rain fell over the twelve months, which is slightly above average.
The evaporation only amounted to 2,307.3 millimeters; in ordinary years it is generally about equal to the downfall, taking the early averages, not those of single months.
The evaporation was only 2,307.3 millimeters; in typical years, it usually matches the rainfall, considering the early averages, not just those of individual months.
The average daily evaporation was about 6.3 millimeters.
The average daily evaporation was around 6.3 millimeters.
Storms.The changes of monsoons are often accompanied with tremendous storms; during one of these, which occurred in September, the velocity of the wind was as much as thirty-seven or thirty-eight meters per second. An official report of the English vice-consul mentions a typhoon which visited the Islands on September 27, 1865, and which did much damage at Manila, driving seventeen vessels ashore.
Storms.The changing monsoons often bring intense storms; during one event in September, the wind speed reached thirty-seven or thirty-eight meters per second. An official report from the English vice-consul notes a typhoon that hit the Islands on September 27, 1865, causing significant damage in Manila and pushing seventeen vessels onto the shore.
[53]Provinces and districts.The Philippines are divided into provinces (P), and districts (D), each of which is administered by an alcalde of the 1st (A1), 2nd (A2), or 3rd class (A3) (de termino, de ascenso, de entrada); by a political and military governor (G), or by a commandant (C). In some provinces an alcalde of the 3rd class is appointed as coadjutor to the governor. These divisions are frequently changed.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Provinces and districts.The Philippines are split into provinces (P) and districts (D), each managed by an alcalde of the 1st (A1), 2nd (A2), or 3rd class (A3) (de termino, de ascenso, de entrada); by a political and military governor (G), or by a commandant (C). In some provinces, a 3rd class alcalde is appointed as an assistant to the governor. These divisions often change.
Population.The population is estimated approximately at about five millions.
Population.The population is estimated to be around five million.
Language and dialects.In spite of the long possessions of the Islands by the Spaniards their language has scarcely acquired any footing there. A great diversity of languages and dialects prevails; amongst them the Bisayan, Tagalog, Ilocano, Bicol, Pangasinan, and Pampangan are the most important.
Languages and dialects.Despite being under Spanish rule for a long time, their language has hardly made any impact there. A wide variety of languages and dialects can be found; among them, Bisayan, Tagalog, Ilocano, Bicol, Pangasinan, and Pampangan are the most significant.
Luzon Provinces and their languages and populations.
Luzon provinces, along with their languages and populations.
Island of Luzon
Rank of Official | Rank of District | Name | Prevailing Dialect | Population | Pueblos |
G. | P. | Abra | Ilocano | 34,337 | 5 |
A1. | P. | Albay | Bicol | 330,121 | 34 |
A2. | P. | Bataan | Tagalog, Pampangan | 44,794 | 10 |
A1. | P. | Batangas | Tagalog | 280,100 | |
D. | Benguet | Igorot, Ilocano, Pangasinan | 8,465 | ||
D. | Bontoc | Suflin, Ilocano, Igorot | 7,052 | ||
A1. | P. | Bulacan | Tagalog | 240,341 | 23 |
A1. | P. | Cagayan | Ibanag, Itanes, Idayan, Gaddan, Ilocano, Dadaya, Apayao, Malaneg | 64,437 | 16 |
A2. | P. | Camarines Norte | Tagalog, Bicol | 25,372 | 7 |
A2(?) | P. | Camarines Sur | Bicol | 81,047 | 31 |
A3. | P. | Cavite | Spanish, Tagalog | 109,501 | 17 |
A1. | P. | Ilocos Norte | Ilocano, Tinguian | 134,767 | 12 |
A1. | P. | Ilocos Sur | Ilocano | 105,251 | 18 |
C. | D. | Infanta | Tagalog | 7,813 | 2 |
G. | P. | Isabela | Ibanag, Gaddan, Tagalog | 29,200 | 9 |
A1. | P. | Laguna | Tagalog, Spanish | 121,251 | 25 |
D. | Lepanto | Igorot, Ilocano | 8,851 | 48 | |
3A1. | P. | Manila | Tagalog, Spanish, Chinese | 323,683 | 23 |
C. | D. | Morong | Tagalog | 44,239 | 12 |
A2. | P. | Nueva Ecija | Tagalog, Pangasinan, Pampangan, Ilocano | 84,520 | 12 |
A3. | P. | Nueva Vizcaya | Gaddan, Ifugao, Ibilao, Ilongote | 32,961 | 8 |
A1. | P. | Pampanga | Pampangan, Ilocano | 193,423 | 24 |
A1. | P. | Pangasinan | Pangasinan, Ilocano | 253,472 | 25 |
D. | Porac | Pampangan | 6,950 | 1 | |
C. | D. | Principe | Tagalog, Ilocano, Ilongote | 3,609 | 3 |
D. | Saltan | Gaddan | 6,540 | ||
A2. | P. | Tayabas | Tagalog, Bicol | 93,918 | 17 |
D. | Tiagan | Different Igorot dialects | 5,723 | ||
G. | P. | Union | Ilocano | 88,024 | 11 |
A2. | P. | Zambales | Zambal, Ilocano, Acta, Pampangan, Tagalog, Pangasinan | 72,936 | 16 |
[54]
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
Bisayas.
Visayans.
Islands between Luzon and Mindanao
G a3. | P. | Antique (Panay) | Bisayan | 88,874 | 13 |
G a3. | P. | Bohol | Bisayan | 187,327 | 26 |
C. | Burias | Bicol | 1,786 | 1 | |
G a3. | P. | Capiz (Panay) | Bisayan | 206,288 | 26 |
G a2. | P. | Cebu | Bisayan | 318,715 | 44 |
G a3. | P. | Iloilo (Panay) | Bisayan | 565,500 | 35 |
G a3. | P. | Leyte | Bisayan | 170,591 | 28 |
D. | Masbate, Ticao | Bisayan | 12,457 | 9 | |
A2. | P. | Mindoro | Tagalog | 23,050 | 10 |
G a3. | P. | Negros | Cebuan, Panayan, Bisayan | 144,923 | 31 |
D. | Romblon | Bisayan | 21,579 | 4 | |
G a3. | P. | Samar | Bisayan | 146,539 | 28 |
Mindanao.
Mindanao.
Mindanao
D. | Cotabato | Spanish, Manobo | 1,103 | 1 | |
G a3. | D. | Misamis (J) | Bisayan | 63,639 | 14 |
G a3. | D. | Surigao (J) | 24,104 | 12 | |
D. | Zamboanga (J) | Mandaya, Spanish | 9,608 | 2 | |
G a3. | D. | Davao | Bisayan | 1,537 |
Outlying Islands.
Remote Islands.
Distant Islands
G a3. | P. | Batanes | Ibanag | 8,381 | 6 |
G a3. | P. | Calamianes | Coyuvo, Agutaino Calamiano | 17,703 | 5 |
G. | P. | Marianas | Chamorro, Carolino | 5,940 | 6 |
Unreliability of government reports.The statistics of the above table are taken from a small work, by Sr. [Vicente] Barrantes, the Secretary-General of the Philippines; but I have arranged them differently to render them more easily intelligible to the eye. Although Sr. Barrantes had the best official materials at his disposal, too much value must not be attributed to his figures, for the sources from which he drew them are tainted with errors to an extent that can hardly be realized in Europe. For example, he derives the following contradictory statements from his official sources:—The population of Cavite is set down as 115,300 and 65,225; that of Mindoro as 45,630, and 23,054; that of Manila as 230,443, and 323,683; and that of Capiz as 788,947, and 191,818. [55]
Unreliable government reports.The statistics in the table above come from a small work by Sr. [Vicente] Barrantes, the Secretary-General of the Philippines; however, I've rearranged them to make them easier to read. Even though Sr. Barrantes had access to the best official materials, we shouldn't place too much trust in his figures, as the sources he relied on are filled with errors that are hard to comprehend in Europe. For instance, he cites the following contradictory figures from his official sources:—The population of Cavite is reported as 115,300 and 65,225; Mindoro as 45,630 and 23,054; Manila as 230,443 and 323,683; and Capiz as 788,947 and 191,818. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
VI
To Bulacan by steamer. My first excursion was to the province of Bulacan, on the northern shore of the Bay of Manila. A couple of hours brought the steamer to the bar of Binuanga (not Bincanga as it is called in Coello’s map), and a third to Bulacan, the capital of the province, situated on the flat banks of an influent of the Pampanga delta. I was the only European passenger, the others were composed of Tagalogs, mestizos, and a few Chinese; the first more particularly were represented by women, who are generally charged with the management of all business affairs, for which they are much better fitted than the men. As a consequence, there are usually more women than men seen in the streets, and it appears to be an admitted fact that the female births are more numerous than the male. According, however, to the church-record which I looked through, the reverse was, at any rate in the eastern provinces, formerly the case.
To Bulacan by boat. My first trip was to the province of Bulacan, on the northern shore of Manila Bay. A couple of hours took the steamer to the bar of Binuanga (not Bincanga as it's labeled on Coello’s map), and another hour to reach Bulacan, the capital of the province, located on the flat banks of a river that flows into the Pampanga delta. I was the only European passenger; the rest were Tagalogs, mestizos, and a few Chinese. The Tagalog representation, in particular, was mainly women, who typically handle all business matters, as they are generally better suited for it than the men. As a result, there are usually more women than men seen in the streets, and it's commonly accepted that female births outnumber male ones. However, according to the church records I reviewed, this was actually the opposite in the eastern provinces at one time.
Carromatas. At the landing-place a number of carromatas were waiting for us,—brightly painted, shallow, two-wheeled boxes, provided with an awning, and harnessed to a couple of horses, in which strangers with money to spend are quickly driven anywhere they may desire.
Carriages. At the dock, several carromatas were waiting for us—brightly painted, shallow, two-wheeled carts with awnings, pulled by a pair of horses, ready to take well-off travelers wherever they want to go.
Town of Bulacan. The town of Bulacan contains from 11,000 to 12,000 inhabitants; but a month before my arrival, the whole of it, with the exception of the church and a few stone houses, had been burnt to the ground. All were therefore occupied in building themselves new houses, which, oddly enough, but very practically, were commenced at the roof, like houses in a drawing. Long rows of roofs composed of palm-leaves and bamboos were laid in readiness on the ground, and in the meantime were used as tents.
Bulacan Town. The town of Bulacan has about 11,000 to 12,000 residents; however, a month before I arrived, almost everything, except for the church and a few stone houses, had been burned to the ground. Everyone was busy rebuilding their homes, which, interestingly enough, and quite practically, started with the roofs, like houses in a drawing. Long rows of roofs made of palm leaves and bamboo were prepared on the ground and were temporarily used as tents.
[56]Frequence of fires. Similar destructive fires are very common. The houses, which with few exceptions are built of bamboo and wood, become perfectly parched in the hot season, dried into so much touchwood by the heat of the sun. Their inhabitants are extremely careless about fire, and there are no means whatever of extinguishing it. If anything catches fire on a windy day, the entire village, as a rule, is utterly done for. During my stay in Bulacan, the whole suburb of San Miguel, in the neighborhood of Manila, was burnt down, with the exception of the house of a Swiss friend of mine, which owed its safety to the vigorous use of a private fire-engine, and the intermediation of a small garden full of bananas, whose stems full of sap stopped the progress of the flames.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Fire frequency. Similar destructive fires are very common. The houses, which are mostly made of bamboo and wood, become incredibly dry during the hot season, turning into perfect kindling because of the sun's heat. The people living there are extremely careless about fires, and there are no ways to put them out. If something catches fire on a windy day, the entire village is typically doomed. When I was in Bulacan, the whole suburb of San Miguel, near Manila, burned down, except for the house of a Swiss friend of mine, which was saved thanks to the active use of a private fire engine and a small garden full of banana plants, whose watery stems helped stop the flames.
To Calumpit by carriage. I travelled to Calumpit, a distance of three leagues, in the handsome carriage of an hospitable friend. The roads were good, and were continuously shaded by fruit-trees, coco and areca palms. The aspect of this fruitful province reminded me of the richest districts of Java; but the pueblos here exhibited more comfort than the desas there. The houses were more substantial; numerous roomy constructions of wood, in many cases, even, of stone, denoted in every island the residence of official and local magnates. But while even the poorer Javanese always give their wicker huts a smart appearance, border the roads of their villages with blooming hedges, and display everywhere a sense of neatness and cleanliness, there were here far fewer evidences of taste to be met with. I missed too the alun-alun, that pretty and carefully tended open square, which, shaded by waringa trees, is to be met with in every village in Java. And the quantity and variety of the fruit trees, under whose leaves the desas of Java are almost hidden, were by no means as great in this province, although it is the garden of the Philippines, as in its Dutch prototype.
To Calumpit by carriage. I traveled to Calumpit, a journey of three leagues, in the beautiful carriage of a generous friend. The roads were good and were consistently shaded by fruit trees, coconut, and areca palms. The scenery of this fertile province reminded me of the wealthiest regions of Java; however, the pueblos here offered more comfort than the desas there. The houses were sturdier; numerous spacious wooden buildings, and in many cases even stone ones, indicated the presence of local officials and notable residents on every island. But while even the poorer Javanese always make their wicker huts look nice, line the roads of their villages with flowering hedges, and show a strong sense of neatness and cleanliness, there were far fewer signs of taste to be found here. I also missed the alun-alun, that lovely and well-kept open square, which is surrounded by waringa trees in every village in Java. Moreover, the number and variety of fruit trees, under whose canopies the desas of Java are almost concealed, were not nearly as abundant in this province, even though it is the garden of the Philippines, as in its Dutch counterpart.
[57]Calumpit. I reached Calumpit towards evening, just as a procession, resplendent with flags and torches, and melodious with song, was marching round the stately church, whose worthy priest, on the strength of a letter of introduction from Madrid, gave me a most hospitable reception. Calumpit, a prosperous place of 12,250 inhabitants, is situated at the junction of the Quingua and Pampanga rivers, in an extremely fruitful plain, fertilized by the frequent overflowing of the two streams.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Calumpit. I arrived in Calumpit in the evening, just as a vibrant procession, filled with flags and torches, and accompanied by singing, was going around the impressive church. The kind priest, bolstered by a letter of introduction from Madrid, welcomed me warmly. Calumpit, a thriving community of 12,250 residents, is located at the confluence of the Quingua and Pampanga rivers, in a highly fertile area that benefits from the regular flooding of the two rivers.
Mt. Arayat. About six leagues to the north-west of Calumpit, Mount Arayat, a lofty, isolated, conical hill, lifts its head. Seen from Calumpit, its western slope meets the horizon at an angle of 20°, its eastern at one of 25°; and the profile of its summit has a gentle inclination of from 4° to 5°.
Mount Arayat. About six leagues northwest of Calumpit, Mount Arayat, a tall, standalone, cone-shaped hill, rises up. From Calumpit, its western slope touches the horizon at a 20° angle, and the eastern slope at a 25° angle; the profile of its peak has a gentle slope of about 4° to 5°.
Picking fish. At Calumpit I saw some Chinese catching fish in a peculiar fashion. Across the lower end of the bed of a brook which was nearly dried up, and in which there were only a few rivulets left running, they had fastened a hurdle of bamboo, and thrown up a shallow dam behind it. The water which collected was thrown over the dam with a long-handled winnowing shovel. The shovel was tied to a bamboo frame work ten feet high, the elasticity of which made the work much easier. As soon as the pool was emptied, the fisherman was easily able to pick out of the mud a quantity of small fish (Ophiocephalus vagus). These fishes, which are provided with peculiar organisms to facilitate respiration, at any rate, enabling them to remain for some considerable time on dry land, are in the wet season so numerous in the ditches, ponds, and rice-fields, that they can be killed with a stick. When the water sinks they also retire, or, according to Professor Semper, bore deeply into the ooze at the bottom of the watercourses, where, protected by a hard crust of earth from the persecutions of mankind, [58]they sleep away the winter. This Chinese method of fishing seems well adapted to the habits of the fish. The circumstances that the dam is only constructed at the lower end of the watercourse, and that it is there that the fish are to be met with in the greatest numbers, seem to indicate that they can travel in the ooze, and that as the brooks and ditches get dried up, they seek the larger water channels.
Fishing. In Calumpit, I saw some Chinese people fishing in a unique way. They had built a bamboo barrier across the lower end of a nearly dried-up stream, where only a few small water flows remained. Behind this barrier, they created a shallow dam. They used a long-handled winnowing shovel to throw the water over the dam. The shovel was attached to a bamboo frame about ten feet high, which made the work much easier thanks to its flexibility. Once the pool was drained, the fisherman could easily scoop up a bunch of small fish (i>Ophiocephalus vagus). These fish have special adaptations that help them breathe, allowing them to survive for a good amount of time on dry land. During the wet season, they are so abundant in ditches, ponds, and rice fields that you can easily catch them with a stick. When the water level drops, they either move away or, as Professor Semper notes, burrow deep into the mud at the bottoms of the waterways. There, they are protected by a hard layer of soil from humans and hibernate through the winter. This Chinese fishing technique seems perfectly suited to the fish's behavior. The fact that the dam is only built at the end of the watercourse and that the fish are most abundant there suggests that they can navigate through the mud and that, as the streams and ditches dry up, they move towards larger water bodies.
To Baliwag. Following the Quingua in its upward and eastward course as it meandered through a well-cultivated and luxuriantly fertile country, past stone-built churches and chapels which grouped themselves with the surrounding palm-trees and bamboo-bushes into sylvan vignettes, Father Llano’s four-horsed carriage brought me to the important town of Baliwag, the industry of which is celebrated beyond the limits of the province.
To Baliwag. Following the Quingua as it flowed upward and eastward through a well-tended and fertile landscape, passing by stone churches and chapels that nestled among the palm trees and bamboo groves in picturesque scenes, Father Llano’s four-horse carriage took me to the notable town of Baliwag, known for its industry that is famous beyond the borders of the province.
Board houses and their furniture. I visited several families and received a friendly reception from all of them. The houses were built of boards and were placed upon piles elevated five feet above the ground. Each consisted of a spacious dwelling apartment which opened on one side into the kitchen, and on the other on to an open space, the azotea; a lofty roof of palm-trees spread itself above the dwelling, the entrance to which was through the azotea. The latter was half covered by the roof I have just mentioned. The floor was composed of slats an inch in width, laid half that distance apart. Chairs, tables, benches, a cupboard, a few small ornaments, a mirror, and some lithographs in frames, composed the furniture of the interior. The cleanliness of the house and the arrangement of its contents testified to the existence of order and prosperity.
Boarded houses and their furniture. I visited several families and was warmly welcomed by all of them. The houses were made of wooden boards and were raised on piles, five feet above the ground. Each had a spacious living area that opened on one side into the kitchen and on the other to an open space, the azotea; a tall roof of palm trees covered the house, with the entrance through the azotea. The azotea was partially shaded by the roof I just mentioned. The floor was made of slats an inch wide, spaced half an inch apart. Chairs, tables, benches, a cupboard, a few small decorations, a mirror, and some framed lithographs made up the interior furniture. The cleanliness of the house and the organization of its belongings reflected a sense of order and prosperity.
Tapis weaving. I found the women in almost all the houses occupied in weaving tapis, which have a great reputation in the Manila market. They are narrow, thickly-woven silk [59]scarves, six varas in length, with oblique white stripes on a dark-brown ground. They are worn above the sarong.
Rug weaving. I saw that the women in nearly every house were busy weaving tapis, which are well-known in the Manila market. These are narrow, tightly-woven silk [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]scarves, six varas long, featuring diagonal white stripes on a dark-brown background. They are worn over the sarong.
Petaca cigar cases. Baliwag is also especially famous for its petaca1cigar-cases, which surpass all others in delicacy of workmanship. They are not made of straw, but of fine strips of Spanish cane, and particularly from the lower ends of the leaf-stalks of the calamusart, which is said to grow only in the province of Nueva Ecija.
Cigar cases. Baliwag is also particularly known for its petaca1cigar cases, which are unmatched in the delicacy of their craftsmanship. They aren't made of straw, but rather fine strips of Spanish cane, especially from the lower parts of the leaf-stalks of the calamusart, which is said to grow only in the province of Nueva Ecija.
Preparation of material. A bundle of a hundred selected stalks, a couple of feet long, costs about six reals. When these stalks have been split lengthways into four or five pieces, the inner wood is removed, till nothing but the outer part remains. The thin strips thus obtained are drawn by the hand between a convex block and a knife fixed in a sloping position, and between a couple of steel blades which nearly meet.
Material preparation. A bundle of one hundred chosen stalks, each about two feet long, costs around six reals. Once these stalks are split lengthwise into four or five pieces, the inner wood is taken out until only the outer part is left. The resulting thin strips are worked by hand between a curved block and a knife set at an angle, as well as between two steel blades that are almost touching.
Costly weaving. It is a task requiring much patience and practice. In the first operation, as a rule, quite one-half of the stems are broken, and in the second more than half, so that scarcely twenty per cent of the stalks survive the final process. In very fine matting the proportionate loss is still greater. The plaiting is done on wooden cylinders. A case of average workmanship, which costs two dollars on the spot, can be manufactured in six days’ uninterrupted labor. Cigar-cases of exceptionally intricate workmanship, made to order for a connoisseur, frequently cost upwards of fifty dollars.
Expensive weaving. It’s a job that takes a lot of patience and practice. Usually, in the first step, about half of the stems get broken, and in the second step, more than half break as well, leaving barely twenty percent of the stalks to make it through the final process. For very fine mats, the loss is even greater. The weaving happens on wooden cylinders. A piece made with average skill, which costs two dollars right away, can be made in six days of continuous work. Cigar cases with especially intricate designs, made to order for a collector, often cost over fifty dollars.
Volcanic stone quarries. Following the Quingua from Baliwag up its stream, we passed several quarries, where we saw the thickly-packed strata of volcanic stone which is used as a building material. The banks of the river are thickly studded with prickly bamboos from ten to twelve feet high. [60]The water overflows in the rainy season, and floods the plain for a great distance. Hence the many shells of large freshwater mussels which are to be seen lying on the earth which covers the volcanic deposit. The country begins to get hilly in the neighborhood of Tobog, a small place with no church of its own, and dependent for its services upon the priest of the next parish. The gentle slopes of the hills are, as in Java, cut into terraces and used for the cultivation of rice. Except at Lucban I have never observed similar sawas anywhere else in the Philippines. Several small sugar-fields, which, however, the people do not as yet understand how to manage properly, show that the rudiments of agricultural prosperity are already in existence. The roads are partly covered with awnings, beneath which benches are placed affording repose to the weary traveller. I never saw these out of this province. One might fancy oneself in one of the most fertile and thickly-populated districts of Java.
Volcanic rock quarries. Following the Quingua River from Baliwag upstream, we passed several quarries where we saw the densely packed layers of volcanic stone used as building material. The banks of the river are lined with prickly bamboos that reach ten to twelve feet high. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] During the rainy season, the water overflows and floods the plains for quite a distance. This explains the many shells of large freshwater mussels scattered on the ground over the volcanic deposit. The landscape starts to rise near Tobog, a small place without its own church, relying on the priest from the neighboring parish for services. The gentle hillsides are, like in Java, shaped into terraces used for rice cultivation. Aside from Lucban, I haven't seen similar sawas anywhere else in the Philippines. A few small sugar fields are present, though the locals don't yet know how to manage them properly, indicating that the basics of agricultural prosperity are already emerging. Some roads are partially covered with awnings, with benches underneath where tired travelers can rest. I’ve never seen these outside of this province. One might feel as if they are in one of the most fertile and densely populated areas of Java.
A convento and the parish priest.I passed the night in a convento, as the dwelling of the parish priest is called in the Philippines. It was extremely dirty, and the priest, an Augustinian, was full of proselytish ardor. I had to undergo a long geographical examination about the difference between Prussia and Russia; was asked whether the great city of Nuremberg was the capital of the grand-duchy or of the empire of Russia; learnt that the English were on the point of returning to the bosom of the Catholic Church, and that the “others” would soon follow, and was, in short, in spite of the particular recommendation of Father Llanos, very badly received. Some little time afterwards I fell into the hands of two young Capuchins, who tried to convert me, but who, with the exception of this little impertinence, treated me capitally. They gave me pâtés de foie gras boiled in water, which I quickly [61]recognized by the truffles swimming about in the grease. To punish them for their importunity I refrained from telling my hosts the right way to cook the pâtés, which I had the pleasure of afterwards eating in the forest, as I easily persuaded them to sell me the tins they had left. These are the only two occasions on which I was subjected to this kind of annoyance during my eighteen months’ residence in the Philippines.
A convent and the parish priest.I spent the night in a convento, as the parish priest's home is called in the Philippines. It was really dirty, and the priest, who was an Augustinian, was eager to convert me. I had to answer a long geography quiz about the differences between Prussia and Russia; I was asked if the big city of Nuremberg was the capital of the grand-duchy or of the empire of Russia; I learned that the English were about to return to the Catholic Church, and that the "others" would soon follow. In short, despite Father Llanos' recommendation, I was very poorly received. A little while later, I encountered two young Capuchins who tried to convert me but, aside from their little annoyance, treated me well. They served me pâtés de foie gras boiled in water, which I quickly [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]recognized by the truffles floating in the grease. To get back at them for their insistence, I didn’t tell my hosts the proper way to cook the pâtés, which I later enjoyed eating in the forest after I convinced them to sell me the leftover tins. These are the only two times I faced this kind of annoyance during my eighteen months in the Philippines.
Arrangements for travellers.The traveller who is provided with a passport is, however, by no means obliged to rely upon priestly hospitality, as he needs must do in many isolated parts of Europe. Every village, every hamlet, has its commonhouse, called casa real or tribunal, in which he can take up his quarters and be supplied with provisions at the market price, a circumstance that I was not acquainted with on the occasion of my first trip. The traveller is therefore in this respect perfectly independent, at least in theory, though in practice he will often scarcely be able to avoid putting up at the conventos in the more isolated parts of the country. In these the priest, perhaps the only white man for miles around, is with difficulty persuaded to miss the opportunity of housing such a rare guest, to whom he is only too anxious to give up the best bedroom in his dwelling, and to offer everything that his kitchen and cellar can afford. Everything is placed before the guest in such a spirit of sincere and undisguised friendliness, that he feels no obligation, but on the contrary easily persuades himself that he is doing his host a favor by prolonging his stay. Upon one occasion, when I had determined, in spite of an invitation from the padre, to occupy the casa real, just as I was beginning to instal myself, the priest appeared upon the scene with the municipal officials and a band of music which was in the neighborhood pending the preparations for a religious festival. [62]He made them lift me up, chair and all, and with music and general rejoicing carried me off to his own house.
Travel plans.The traveler who has a passport doesn’t have to rely on the hospitality of priests, as one might have to in many remote areas of Europe. Every village and every small community has its common house, called casa real or tribunal, where he can stay and get food at market prices, something I didn’t know on my first trip. In this way, travelers are supposed to be completely independent, at least in theory, though in reality, they often find it hard to avoid staying at the conventos in more isolated regions. There, the priest, often the only white man for miles, is sometimes hard to convince to let such a rare guest stay anywhere else, as he eagerly gives up the best bedroom in his home and offers everything his kitchen and cellar can provide. Everything is offered to the guest with genuine warmth and friendliness, making him feel no obligation—in fact, he can easily convince himself that he’s doing the host a favor by staying longer. On one occasion, despite an invitation from the padre, I decided to go to the casa real. Just as I was settling in, the priest arrived with the local officials and a band playing nearby for a religious festival. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] They picked me up, chair and all, and with music and celebration, took me to his house.
Kupang iron-foundry.On the following day I paid a visit to Kupang, an iron-foundry lying to the N.N.E of Angat, escorted by two armed men, whose services I was pressed to accept, as the district had a bad reputation for robberies. After travelling three or four miles in a northerly direction, we crossed the Banauon, at that time a mere brook meandering through shingle, but in the rainy season an impetuous stream more than a hundred feet broad; and in a couple of hours we reached the iron-works, an immense shed lying in the middle of the forest, with a couple of wings at each end, in which the manager, an Englishman, who had been wrecked some years before in Samar, lived with his wife, a pretty mestiza. If I laid down my handkerchief, my pencil, or any other object, the wife immediately locked them up to protect them from the kleptomania of her servants. These poor people, whose enterprise was not a very successful one, had to lead a wretched life. Two years before my visit a band of twenty-seven robbers burst into the place, sacked the house, and threw its mistress, who was alone with her maid at the time, out of the window. She fortunately alighted without receiving any serious hurt, but the maid, whom terror caused to jump out of the window also, died of the injuries she received. The robbers, who turned out to be miners and residents in Angat, were easily caught, and, when I was there, had already spent a couple of years in prison awaiting their trial.
Kupang iron foundry. The next day, I visited Kupang, an iron foundry located to the N.N.E of Angat, with the protection of two armed escorts, which I was strongly encouraged to accept due to the area's notorious reputation for robberies. After traveling around three or four miles north, we crossed the Banauon, which was just a small stream winding through the gravel at that time, but during the rainy season, it became a raging river over a hundred feet wide. A couple of hours later, we arrived at the ironworks, a huge building situated in the middle of the forest, with extensions on either end. The manager, an Englishman who had been shipwrecked in Samar years earlier, lived there with his attractive mestiza wife. If I put down my handkerchief, pencil, or any other item, she would quickly lock them up to protect them from her thieving servants. This unfortunate couple, whose business was not very successful, led a miserable life. Two years before my visit, a group of twenty-seven robbers had invaded their home, ransacked the place, and threw the mistress, who was alone with her maid at the time, out of the window. Fortunately, she landed safely and wasn’t seriously injured, but the maid, frightened into jumping out as well, died from her injuries. The robbers, who turned out to be miners and residents of Angat, were easily captured, and by the time I was there, they had already spent a couple of years in prison waiting for their trial.
A negrito family.I met a negrito family here who had friendly relations with the people in the iron-works, and were in the habit of exchanging the produce of the forest with them for provisions. The father of this family accompanied me on a hunting expedition. He was armed with a bow [63]and a couple of arrows. The arrows had spear-shaped iron points a couple of inches long; one of them had been dipped into arrow-poison, a mixture that looked like black tar. The women had guitars (tabaua) similar to those used by the Mintras in the Malay peninsula. They were made of pieces of bamboo a foot long, to which strings of split chair-cane were fastened.2
A Black family.I met a negrito family here who had good relationships with the folks at the ironworks. They often traded forest products with them for food supplies. The father of this family joined me on a hunting trip. He was carrying a bow [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]and a couple of arrows. The arrows had spear-shaped iron tips a few inches long; one of them was coated in arrow poison, a mixture that looked like black tar. The women had guitars (tabaua) similar to those played by the Mintras in the Malay Peninsula. They were made from short pieces of bamboo, about a foot long, with strings made from split chair-cane attached. 2
Unwelcome hospitality.Upon my return, to avoid spending the night at the wretched convento where I had left my servant with my luggage, I took the advice of my friends at the iron-works and started late, in order to arrive at the priest’s after ten o’clock at night; for I knew that the padre shut up his house at ten, and that I could therefore sleep, without offending him, beneath the roof of a wealthy mestizo, an acquaintance of theirs. About half-past ten I reached the latter’s house, and sat down to table with the merry women of the family, who were just having their supper. Suddenly my friend the parson made his appearance from an inner room, where with a couple of Augustinian friars, he had been playing cards with the master of the house. He immediately began to compliment me upon my good fortune, “for had you been but one minute later,” said he, “you certainly wouldn’t have got into the convento.”
Unwanted hospitality. When I got back, to avoid spending the night at the miserable convent where I had left my servant with my luggage, I took my friends' advice from the ironworks and started late, so I would arrive at the priest’s after ten o’clock at night. I knew that the padre locked up his house at ten, which meant I could stay without upsetting him under the roof of a wealthy mestizo, a friend of theirs. Around half-past ten, I reached this friend's house and joined the cheerful women of the family, who were just having their dinner. Suddenly, my friend the parson appeared from a back room, where he had been playing cards with a couple of Augustinian friars and the homeowner. He immediately started complimenting me on my good luck, saying, “If you had arrived just one minute later, you definitely wouldn’t have gotten into the convent.”
1 Tylor (Anahuac 227) says that this word is derived from the Mexican petlatl, a mat. The inhabitants of the Philippines call this petate, and from the Mexican petla-calli, a mat “house,” derive petaca, a cigar case.
1 Tylor (Anahuac 227) states that this word comes from the Mexican petlatl, meaning mat. The people of the Philippines refer to this as petate, and from the Mexican petla-calli, meaning “mat house,” we get petaca, a cigar case.
VII
The Lagoon of Bay.My second trip took me up the Pasig to the great Lagoon of Bay. I left Manila at night in a banca, a boat hollowed out of a tree-trunk, with a vaulted roof made of bamboo and so low that it was almost impossible to sit upright under it, which posture, indeed, the banca-builder appeared to have neglected to consider. A [64]bamboo hurdle placed at the bottom of the boat protects the traveller from the water and serves him as a couch. Jurien de la Gravière1 compares the banca to a cigar-box, in which the traveller is so tightly packed that he would have little chance of saving his life if it happened to upset. The crew was composed of four rowers and a helmsman; their daily pay was five reals apiece, in all nearly seven pesos, high wages for such lazy fellows in comparison with the price of provisions, for the rice that a hard-working man ate in a day seldom cost more than seven centavos (in the provinces often scarcely six), and the rest of his food (fish and vegetables), only one centavo. We passed several villages and tiendas on the banks in which food was exposed for sale. My crew, after trying to interrupt the journey under all sorts of pretences, left the boat as we came to a village, saying that they were going to fetch some sails; but they forgot to return. At last, with the assistance of the night watchman I succeeded in hauling them out of some of their friends’ houses, where they had concealed themselves. After running aground several times upon the sandbanks, we entered the land and hill-locked Lagoon of Bay, and reached Jalajala early in the morning.
Bay Lagoon.My second trip took me up the Pasig to the big Lagoon of Bay. I left Manila at night in a banca, a boat carved out of a tree trunk, with a bamboo roof so low that sitting up straight was almost impossible, something the banca builder clearly didn’t consider. A [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]bamboo barrier at the bottom of the boat protects the traveler from the water and serves as a couch. Jurien de la Gravière1compares the banca to a cigar box, where the traveler is so tightly packed that he would have little chance of survival if it tipped over. The crew consisted of four rowers and a helmsman; they each earned five reals a day, totaling nearly seven pesos, which was high pay for such lazy workers compared to food prices, as the rice a hardworking man ate in a day rarely cost more than seven centavos (often just six in the provinces), and the rest of his food (fish and vegetables) only one centavo. We passed several villages and tiendas along the banks where food was for sale. My crew, after trying various excuses to delay the trip, left the boat when we reached a village, claiming they were going to get some sails, but they forgot to come back. Eventually, with the help of the night watchman, I managed to drag them out of some of their friends’ houses, where they had hidden. After running aground several times on the sandbanks, we entered the land-locked Lagoon of Bay and arrived in Jalajala early in the morning.
The Pasig.The Pasig forms a natural canal, about six leagues long, between the Bay of Manila and the Lagoon of Bay, a fresh water lake, thirty-five leagues in circumference, that washes the shores of three fertile provinces, Manila, Laguna and Cavite. Formerly large vessels full of cargo used to be able to sail right up to the borders of the lake; now they are prevented by sandbanks. Even flat-bottomed boats frequently run aground on the [65]Napindan and Taguig banks.2 Were the banks removed, and the stone bridge joining Manila to Binondo replaced by a swing bridge, or a canal made round it, the coasting vessels would be able to ship the produce of the lagoon provinces at the very foot of the fields in which they grow. The traffic would be very profitable, the waters would shrink, and the shallows along the shore might be turned into rice and sugar fields. A scheme of this kind was approved more than thirty years ago in Madrid, but it was never carried into execution. The sanding up of the river has, on the contrary, been increased by a quantity of fish reels, the erection of which has been favored by the Colonial Waterways Board because it reaped a small tax from them.
The Pasig River.The Pasig is a natural canal, about six leagues long, connecting Manila Bay and the Lagoon of Bay, a freshwater lake with a circumference of thirty-five leagues, which borders three fertile provinces: Manila, Laguna, and Cavite. In the past, large cargo ships could sail right up to the edge of the lake; now, they are blocked by sandbanks. Even flat-bottomed boats often run aground on the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Napindan and Taguig banks.2 If the banks were removed and the stone bridge linking Manila to Binondo was replaced with a swing bridge, or a canal was built around it, coastal vessels could transport products from the lagoon provinces right at the foot of the fields where they are grown. The trade would be very beneficial, the waters would recede, and the shallow areas along the shore could be turned into rice and sugar fields. A plan like this was approved in Madrid over thirty years ago, but it was never put into action. Instead, the silt buildup in the river has increased due to numerous fish reels, which the Colonial Waterways Board has encouraged because it earned a small tax from them.
A famous plantation.Jalajala, an estate which occupies the eastern of the two peninsulas which run southward into the lake, is one of the first places visited by strangers. It owes this preference to its beautiful position and nearness to Manila, and to the fantastic description of it by a former owner, De la Gironnière. The soil of the peninsula is volcanic; its range of hills is very rugged, and the watercourses bring down annually a quantity of soil from the mountains, which increases the deposits at their base. The shore-line, overgrown with grass and prickly sensitive-plants quite eight feet high, makes capital pasture for carabaos. Behind it broad fields of rice and sugar extend themselves up to the base of the hills. Towards the north the estate is bounded by the thickly-wooded Sembrano, the highest mountain in the peninsula; on the remaining sides it is surrounded with water. With [66]the exception of the flat shore, the whole place is hilly and overgrown with grass and clumps of trees, capital pasture for its numerous herds—a thousand carabaos, one thousand five hundred to two thousand bullocks, and from six to seven hundred nearly wild horses. As we were descending one of the hills, we were suddenly surrounded by half-a-dozen armed men, who took us for cattle-thieves, but who, to their disappointment, were obliged to forego their expected chance of a reward.
A well-known plantation. Jalajala, an estate located on the eastern of the two peninsulas that extend southward into the lake, is one of the first places that visitors check out. It’s popular because of its stunning location and its proximity to Manila, along with the vivid description provided by a previous owner, De la Gironnière. The peninsula's soil is volcanic; its hills are very rugged, and the streams annually carry a significant amount of soil from the mountains, which enhances the deposits at their bases. The shoreline, covered with grass and prickly sensitive-plants almost eight feet tall, makes for excellent grazing for carabaos. Behind it, broad fields of rice and sugar stretch out up to the base of the hills. To the north, the estate is bordered by the densely forested Sembrano, the tallest mountain in the peninsula; on the other sides, it is surrounded by water. With the exception of the flat shoreline, the whole area is hilly and covered in grass and clusters of trees, making it great pastureland for its large herds—about a thousand carabaos, one thousand five hundred to two thousand cattle, and six to seven hundred nearly wild horses. As we were going down one of the hills, we were suddenly surrounded by half a dozen armed men who mistook us for cattle thieves, but to their disappointment, they had to give up their anticipated reward.
Los Baños hot springs.Beyond Jalajala, on the south coast of the Lagoon of Bay, lies the hamlet of Los Baños, so called from a hot spring at the foot of the Makiling volcano. Even prior to the arrival of the Spaniards, the natives used its waters as a remedy,3 but they are now very little patronized. The shore of the lake is at this point, and indeed all round its circumference, so flat that it is impossible to land with dry feet from the shallowest canoe. It is quite covered with sand mussels. North-west of Los Baños there lies a small volcanic lake fringed with thick woods, called Dagatan (the enchanted lagoon of travellers), to distinguish it from Dagât, as the Tagals call the great Lagoon of Bay. I saw nothing of the crocodiles which are supposed to infest it, but we flushed several flocks of wild fowl, disturbed by our invasion of their solitude. From Los Baños I had intended to go to Lupang Puti (white earth), where, judging from the samples shown me, there is a deposit of fine white silicious earth, which is purified in Manila and used as paint. I did not reach the place, as the guide whom I had with difficulty obtained, pretended, after a couple of miles, to be dead beat. From the inquiries [67]I made, however, I apprehend that it is a kind of solfatara. Several deposits of it appear to exist at the foot of the Makiling.4
Los Baños hot springs.Beyond Jalajala, on the southern shore of Laguna de Bay, is the village of Los Baños. It’s named after a hot spring at the base of Mount Makiling. Even before the Spaniards arrived, the locals were using its waters for healing, but now they're not used much. The shore of the lake here—and really all around it—is so flat that it’s impossible to get out of the shallowest canoe without getting your feet wet. It’s totally covered with sand mussels. To the northwest of Los Baños, there’s a small volcanic lake surrounded by dense woods called Dagatan (the enchanted lagoon of travelers), which is named to differentiate it from Dagât, the larger Laguna de Bay. I didn’t see any of the crocodiles that are said to lurk there, but we did startle several flocks of wild birds that were disturbed by our presence. I had planned to go to Lupang Puti (white earth), where, judging by the samples I was shown, there’s a deposit of fine white silicious earth that gets refined in Manila and used as paint. I didn’t make it there because the guide I’d managed to find pretended to be too exhausted after just a couple of miles. However, from the questions I asked, I gather that it’s a kind of solfatara. There seem to be several deposits of it at the foot of Mount Makiling.4
Talim island.On my return I paid a visit to the Island of Talim, which, with the exception of a clearing occupied by a few miserable huts, is uninhabited and thickly overgrown with forest and undergrowth. In the center of the Island is the Susong-Dalaga (maiden’s bosom), a dolerite hill with a beautifully formed crest. Upon the shore, on a bare rock, I found four eggs containing fully developed young crocodiles. When I broke the shells the little reptiles made off.
Talim Island.On my way back, I visited the Island of Talim, which, aside from a small clearing with a few rundown huts, is uninhabited and densely filled with forest and underbrush. In the middle of the island is Susong-Dalaga (maiden’s bosom), a dolerite hill with a beautifully shaped peak. On the shore, on a bare rock, I found four eggs with fully developed young crocodiles inside. When I cracked the shells, the little reptiles scurried away.
M. de la Gironnière.Although the south-west monsoons generally occur later in Jalajala than in Manila, it was already raining so hard that I decided to go to Calauan, on the southern shore of the lake, which is protected by Mount Makiling, and does not experience the effect of the rainy monsoons till later in the season. I met M. de la Gironnière in Calauan, the “gentilhomme Breton” who is so well known for telling the most terrible adventures. He had lately returned from Europe to establish a large sugar manufactory. His enterprise, however, was a failure. The house of the lively old gentleman, whose eccentricity had led him to adopt the dress and the frugal habits of the natives, was neither clean or well kept, although he had a couple of friends to assist him in the business, a Scotchman, and a young Frenchman who had lived in the most refined Parisian society.
M. de la Gironnière. Although the southwest monsoons usually hit Jalajala later than Manila, it was already pouring so heavily that I decided to head to Calauan, located on the southern shore of the lake, which is sheltered by Mount Makiling and doesn't feel the impact of the rainy season until later. I ran into M. de la Gironnière in Calauan, the “Breton gentleman” known for sharing the most incredible tales. He had just returned from Europe to set up a large sugar factory. Unfortunately, his venture turned out to be a bust. The lively old gentleman’s house, whose quirky nature led him to adopt the clothes and simple lifestyle of the locals, was neither clean nor well-maintained, even though he had a couple of friends helping him with the business—a Scotsman and a young Frenchman who had come from the most sophisticated circles of Parisian society.
[68]Llanura de Imuc.There were several small lakes and a few empty volcanic basins on the estate. To the south-west, not very far from the house, and to the left of the road leading to San Pablo, lies the Llanura de Imuc, a valley of dolerite more than a hundred feet deep. Large blocks of basalt enable one to climb down into the valley, the bottom of which is covered with dense growths. The center of the basin is occupied by a neglected coffee plantation laid out by a former proprietor. The density of the vegetation prevented my taking more precise observations. There is another shallower volcanic crater to the north of it. Its soil was marshy and covered with cane and grass, but even in the rainy season it does not collect sufficient water to turn it into a lake. It might, therefore, be easily drained and cultivated. To the south-west of this basin, and to the right of the road to San Pablo, lies the Tigui-mere.Tigui-mere. From a plain of whitish-grey soil, covered with concentric shells as large as a nut, rises a circular embankment with gently-sloping sides, intersected only by a small cleft which serves as an entrance, and which shows, on its edges denuded of vegetation, the loose rapilli of which the embankment is formed. The sides of this natural amphitheatre tower more than a hundred feet above its flat base. A path runs east and west right through the center. The northern half is studded with cocopalm trees and cultivated plants; the southern portion is full of water nearly covered with green weeds and slime. The ground consists of black rapilli.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Imuc Plain.There were several small lakes and a few empty volcanic basins on the estate. To the southwest, not far from the house, and to the left of the road leading to San Pablo, lies the Llanura de Imuc, a valley of dolerite that’s over a hundred feet deep. Large blocks of basalt make it possible to climb down into the valley, which is filled with dense vegetation. The center of the basin has a neglected coffee plantation from a previous owner. The thickness of the plants made it hard for me to take precise observations. There’s another shallower volcanic crater to the north of it. Its soil is marshy and covered with cane and grass, but even during the rainy season, it doesn’t collect enough water to become a lake. So, it could easily be drained and farmed. To the southwest of this basin and to the right of the road to San Pablo, lies the Tigui-mere.Tigui-mere. From a plain of whitish-grey soil, covered with concentric shells the size of nuts, rises a circular embankment with gently-sloping sides, intersected only by a small opening that serves as an entrance. The edges of this opening are bare of vegetation, revealing the loose rapilli that forms the embankment. The sides of this natural amphitheater rise over a hundred feet above its flat base. A path runs east and west right through the center. The northern half is dotted with cocopalm trees and cultivated plants; the southern part is filled with water nearly covered in green weeds and slime. The ground is made up of black rapilli.
Leaf imprints in lava. From the Tigui-mere I returned to the hacienda a bank formed of volcanic lava two feet in thickness and covered with indistinct impressions of leaves. Their state of preservation did not allow me to distinguish [69]their species, but they certainly belonged to some tropical genus, and are, according to Professor A. Braun, of the same kind as those now growing there.
Leaf prints in lava. From the Tigui-mere, I went back to the hacienda, which had a bank made of volcanic lava that was two feet thick and covered with faint impressions of leaves. Their condition didn’t let me identify their species, but they definitely belonged to some tropical genus, and according to Professor A. Braun, they’re similar to the ones currently growing there. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
There are two more small lakes half a league to the south-east. The road leading to them is composed of volcanic remains which cover the soil, and large blocks of lava lie in the bed of the stream.
There are two more small lakes half a mile to the southeast. The road leading to them is made up of volcanic debris that covers the ground, and big chunks of lava are scattered in the streambed.
Maycap Lake. The first of the two, the Maycap Lake, is entirely embanked with the exception of a small opening fitted with sluices to supply water to a canal; and from its northern side, which alone admits of an open view, the southern peak of San Cristobal may be seen, about 73° to the north-east. Its banks, which are about eighty feet high, rise with a gentle slope in a westerly direction, till they join Mount Maiba, a hill about 500 feet high. The soil, like that of the embankments of the other volcanic lakes, consists of rapilli and lava, and is thickly wooded.
Maycap Lake. The first of the two, Maycap Lake, is completely surrounded by an embankment except for a small opening fitted with sluices to provide water to a canal. From its northern side, which is the only area with an open view, you can see the southern peak of San Cristobal, located about 73° to the northeast. Its banks rise about eighty feet high, sloping gently westward until they connect with Mount Maiba, a hill that stands about 500 feet tall. The soil, like that of the embankments of the other volcanic lakes, is made up of volcanic rock and lava, and it's densely forested.
Lake Palakpakan. Close by is another lake, Palakpakan, of nearly the same circumference, and formed in a similar manner (of black sand and rapilli). Its banks are from thirty to one hundred feet high. From its north-western edge San Cristobal lifts its head 70° to the northeast. Its waters are easily reached, and are much frequented by fishermen.
Lake Palakpakan. Nearby is another lake, Palakpakan, which is about the same size and was formed in a similar way (made of black sand and volcanic rock). Its banks rise between thirty to one hundred feet high. From its northwestern edge, San Cristobal stands at a 70° angle to the northeast. Its waters are easily accessible and are often visited by fishermen.
Palm brandy. About nine o’clock, a.m., I rode from Calauan to Pila, and thence in a northeasterly direction to Santa Cruz, over even, broad, and well-kept roads, through a palm-grove a mile long and a mile and a half broad, which extends down to the very edge of the lagoons. The products of these palm trees generally are not used for the production of oil but for the manufacture of brandy. Their fruit is not allowed to come to maturity; but the buds are slit open, and the sweet sap is collected [70] as it drips from them. It is then allowed to ferment, and subjected to distillation.5 As the sap is collected twice a day, and as the blossoms, situated at the top of the tree, are forty or fifty feet above the ground, bamboos are fastened horizontally, one above the other, from one tree to another, to facilitate the necessary ascent and descent. The sap collector stands on the lower cross-piece while he holds on to the upper.
Palm liquor. Around nine in the morning, I rode from Calauan to Pila, and then headed northeast to Santa Cruz, traveling along smooth, wide, and well-maintained roads, through a palm grove that's a mile long and a mile and a half wide, stretching right down to the edge of the lagoons. The products of these palm trees are usually not used for making oil, but for producing brandy. Their fruit isn't allowed to ripen; instead, the buds are cut open, and the sweet sap is collected as it drips from them. It is then allowed to ferment and goes through distillation. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] Since the sap is collected twice a day, and the blossoms, located at the top of the tree, are forty or fifty feet up, bamboos are tied horizontally, one above the other, from tree to tree to make it easier to climb up and down. The sap collector stands on the lower cross-piece while holding onto the upper one. 5
Bought by government.The sale of palm-brandy was at the time of my visit the monopoly of the government, which retailed it in the Estanco (government sale rooms) with cigars, stamped paper, and religious indulgences. The manufacture was carried on by private individuals; but the whole of the brandy was of necessity disposed of to the administration, which, however, paid such a high price for it that the contractors made large profits.
Purchased by the government.The sale of palm-brandy was a government monopoly during my visit, and it was sold at the Estanco (government sales rooms) alongside cigars, stamped paper, and religious indulgences. Private individuals handled the manufacturing, but all the brandy had to be sold to the administration, which paid such a high price that the contractors made significant profits.
Profit in manufacture.I afterwards met a Spaniard in Camarines who, according to his own account, must have made considerable and easy gains from these contracts. He had bought palm-trees at an average price of five reals apiece (they usually cost more, though they can be sometimes purchased for two reals). Thirty-five palms will furnish daily at least thirty-six quarts of tuba (sugar-containing sap), from which, after fermentation and distillation, six quarts of brandy of the prescribed strength can be manufactured. One man is sufficient to attend to them, and receives for his trouble half the proceeds. The [71]administration pays six cuartos for a quart of brandy. My friend the contractor was in annual receipt, therefore, from every thirty-five of his trees, of 360 × ½ × 5 cuartos = $40.50. As the thirty-five trees only cost him $21.875, his invested capital brought him in about 200 per cent.
Manufacturing profit.I later met a Spaniard in Camarines who claimed to have made a significant and easy profit from these contracts. He bought palm trees for an average of five reals each (they usually cost more, but can sometimes be found for two reals). Thirty-five palms can produce at least thirty-six quarts of tuba (sugar-containing sap) daily, which can be processed through fermentation and distillation to produce six quarts of brandy at the required strength. One person can manage the palms and takes half of the profits. The [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]administration pays six cuartos for a quart of brandy. Therefore, my contractor friend earns about 360 × ½ × 5 cuartos = $40.50 annually from every thirty-five trees. Since the thirty-five trees only cost him $21.875, his investment yielded about a 200 percent return.
Wine and liquor monopoly a failure. The proceeds of this monopoly (wines and liquors) were rated at $1,622,810 in the colonial budget for 1861; but its collection was so difficult, and so disproportionately expensive, that it nearly swallowed up the whole profit. It caused espionage, robberies of all sorts, embezzlement, and bribery on a large scale. The retail of the brandy by officials, who are paid by a percentage on the consumption, did a good deal to injure the popular respect for the government. Moreover, the imposition of this improper tax on the most important industry of the country not only crippled the free trade in palms, but also the manufacture of raw sugar; for the government, to favor their own monopoly, had forbidden the sugar manufacturers to make rum from their molasses, which became in consequence so valueless that in Manila they gave it to their horses. The complaints of the manufacturers at last stirred up the administration to allow the manufacture of rum; but the palm-brandy monopoly remained intact. The Filipinos now drank nothing but rum, so that at last, in self-defence, the government entirely abandoned the monopoly (January, 1864). Since that, the rum manufacturers pay taxes according to the amount of their sale, but not upon the amount of their raw produce. In order to cover the deficit occasioned by the abandonment of the brandy monopoly, the government has made a small increase in the poll-tax. The practice of drinking brandy has [72]naturally much increased; it is, however, a very old habit.6 With this exception, the measure has had the most favorable consequences.
The wine and liquor monopoly is a failure. The revenue from this monopoly (wines and liquors) was estimated at $1,622,810 in the colonial budget for 1861; however, collecting it was so challenging and so disproportionately costly that it nearly consumed the entire profit. It led to espionage, all kinds of theft, embezzlement, and widespread bribery. The retail sale of brandy by officials, who earned a commission based on consumption, significantly harmed public trust in the government. Furthermore, imposing this unfair tax on the country's most important industry not only hindered free trade in palm products but also affected the production of raw sugar; to protect their monopoly, the government banned sugar producers from making rum from their molasses, which became so worthless that in Manila, they used it to feed their horses. The complaints from manufacturers eventually prompted the administration to allow rum production, but the palm-brandy monopoly stayed in place. Filipinos then consumed nothing but rum, leading the government to completely abandon the monopoly in January 1864 as a self-defense measure. Since then, rum manufacturers pay taxes based on their sales rather than the amount of raw product they produce. To make up for the lost revenue from ending the brandy monopoly, the government has slightly increased the poll tax. The consumption of brandy has [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] naturally increased; however, it remains a very old habit.6 Aside from this exception, the measure has resulted in very positive outcomes.
Santa Cruz. Santa Cruz is a lively, prosperous place (in 1865 it contained 11,385 inhabitants), through the center of which runs a river. As the day on which we passed through it was Sunday, the stream was full of bathers, amongst them several women, their luxuriant hair covered with broad-brimmed hats to shade them from the sun. From the ford the road takes a sharp turn and inclines first to the east and then to the south-east, till it reaches Magdalena, between which and Majaijai the country becomes hilly. Just outside the latter, a viaduct takes the road across a deep ravine full of magnificent ferns, which remind the traveller of the height—more than 600 feet—above the sea level to which he has attained. The spacious convento at Majaijai, built by the Jesuits, is celebrated for its splendid situation. The Lagoon of Bay is seen to extend far to the north-east; in the distance the Peninsula of Jalajala and the Island of Talim, from which rises the Susong-Dalaga volcano, terminate the vista. From the convento to the lake stretches an endless grove of coco-trees, while towards the south the slope of the distant high ground grows suddenly steeper, and forms an abruptly precipitous conical hill, intersected by deep ravines. This is the Banajao or Majaijai volcano, and beside it Mount San Cristobal rears its bell-shaped summit.
Santa Cruz. Santa Cruz is a vibrant, thriving town (in 1865 it had 11,385 residents), and a river flows through its center. Since we passed through on a Sunday, the river was crowded with people swimming, including several women with their long hair covered by wide-brimmed hats to shield them from the sun. After the ford, the road makes a sharp turn that first heads east and then south-east, leading to Magdalena. Between there and Majaijai, the landscape becomes hilly. Just outside Majaijai, a viaduct carries the road over a deep ravine filled with stunning ferns, reminding travelers of the elevation—over 600 feet—above sea level they've reached. The large convento in Majaijai, built by the Jesuits, is famous for its beautiful location. The Lagoon of Bay stretches far to the north-east, with the distant Peninsula of Jalajala and the Island of Talim in the background, featuring the Susong-Dalaga volcano. From the convento to the lake, there’s an endless grove of coconut trees, while to the south, the slope of the distant high ground suddenly steepens, forming a sharply rising conical hill marked by deep ravines. This is the Banajao or Majaijai volcano, alongside which Mount San Cristobal stands with its bell-shaped peak.
Scenery along Lucban-Maubon road.As everybody was occupied with the preparations for an ensuing religious festival, I betook myself, through Lucban on the eastern shore, to Mauban, situated amidst deep ravines and masses of lava at the foot of Mount [73]Majaijai. The vegetation was of indescribable beauty, and the miserable road was enlivened with cheerful knots of pedestrians hastening to the festival.7
Scenery on Lucban-Maubon road.While everyone was busy getting ready for an upcoming religious festival, I made my way through Lucban on the eastern shore to Mauban, which is nestled among deep ravines and fields of lava at the base of Mount [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Majaijai. The landscape was stunningly beautiful, and the rough road was brightened by groups of happy pedestrians rushing to the festival.7
Lucban.I reached Lucban in three hours; it is a prosperous place of 13,000 inhabitants, to the north-east of Majaijai. A year after my visit it burnt to the ground. The agricultural produce of the district is not very important, owing to the mountainous nature of the country; but considerable industrial activity prevails there. The inhabitants weave fine straw hats from the fibre of the leaf of the buri palm-tree (corypha sp.), manufacture pandanus mats, and carry on a profitable trade at Mauban with the placer miners of North Camarines. The entire breadth of the road is covered with cement, and along its center flows, in an open channel, a sparkling rivulet.
Lucban.I arrived in Lucban in three hours; it’s a thriving town with 13,000 residents, located to the northeast of Majaijai. A year after my visit, it was completely destroyed by fire. The agricultural output of the area isn’t very significant due to the mountainous terrain, but there is quite a bit of industrial activity. The locals weave fine straw hats from the fiber of the buri palm tree (corypha sp.), make pandanus mats, and engage in a profitable trade with the placer miners in North Camarines at Mauban. The entire width of the road is paved with cement, and a sparkling stream flows through an open channel down its center.
Java-like rice fields.The road from Lucban to Mauban, which is situated on the bay of Lamon, opposite to the Island of Alabat, winds along the narrow watercourse of the Mapon river, through deep ravines with perpendicular cliffs of clay. I observed several terrace-formed rice-fields similar to those so prevalent in Java, an infrequent sight in the Philippines. Presently the path led us into the very thick of the forest. Nearly all the trees were covered with aroides and creeping ferns; amongst them I noticed the angiopteris, pandanus, and several large specimens of the fan palm.
Rice fields like Java.The road from Lucban to Mauban, located on the bay of Lamon, across from the Island of Alabat, twists along the narrow waterway of the Mapon river, through deep ravines with steep clay cliffs. I saw several terraced rice fields like those commonly found in Java, which are rare in the Philippines. The path soon took us deep into the forest. Almost all the trees were covered with aroides and climbing ferns; among them, I spotted angiopteris, pandanus, and several large specimens of the fan palm.
Mapon river. Three leagues from Lucban the river flows under a rock supported on prismatically shaped pillars, and then runs through a bed of round pebbles, composed of volcanic stone and white lime, as hard as marble, in which impressions of shell-fish and coral can be traced. Further up the river the volcanic rubble disappears, and the [74]containing strata then consist of the marble-like pebbles cemented together with calcareous spar. These strata alternate with banks of clay and coarse-grained soil, which contain scanty and badly preserved imprints of leaves and mussel-fish. Amongst them, however, I observed a flattened but still recognizable specimen of the fossil melania. The river-bed must be quite five hundred feet above the level of the sea.
Mapon River. Three leagues from Lucban, the river flows beneath a rock held up by prism-shaped pillars, and then goes through a bed of round pebbles made of volcanic stone and white lime, as hard as marble, where you can see impressions of shellfish and coral. Further upstream, the volcanic rubble disappears, and the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]containing layers consist of marble-like pebbles stuck together with calcareous spar. These layers alternate with banks of clay and coarse soil, which have few and poorly preserved imprints of leaves and mussel-fish. Among them, however, I spotted a flattened but still recognizable specimen of the fossil melania. The riverbed must be about five hundred feet above sea level.
Bamboo raft ferry.About a league beyond Mauban, as it was getting dusk, we crossed the river, then tolerably broad, on a wretched leaking bamboo raft, which sank at least six inches beneath the water under the weight of our horses, and ran helplessly aground in the mud on the opposite side.
Bamboo raft shuttle.About a mile past Mauban, as it was getting dark, we crossed the river, which was fairly wide, on a terrible leaking bamboo raft that sank about six inches under our horses' weight, and ended up stuck in the mud on the other side.
Visitors to festival.The tribunal or common-house was crowded with people who had come to attend the festival which was to take place on the following day. The cabezas wore, in token of their dignity, a short jacket above their shirts. A quantity of brightly decorated tables laden with fruit and pastry stood against the walls, and in the middle of the principal room a dining-table was laid out for forty persons.
Festival attendees.The hall was packed with people who had come to join the festival happening the next day. The cabezas wore short jackets over their shirts as a sign of their status. A number of brightly decorated tables filled with fruit and pastries were set against the walls, and in the center of the main room, a dining table was prepared for forty people.
Hospitality of tribunal.A European who travels without a servant—mine had run away with some wages I had rashly paid him in advance—is put down as a beggar, and I was overwhelmed with impertinent questions on the subject, which, however, I left unanswered. As I hadn’t had the supper I stood considerably in need of, I took the liberty of taking a few savory morsels from the meatpot, which I ate in the midst of a little knot of wondering spectators; I then laid myself down to sleep on the bench beside the table, to which a second set of diners were already sitting down. When I awoke on the following morning there were already so many people stirring that I had no opportunity of performing my [75]toilet. I therefore betook myself in my dirty travelling dress to the residence of a Spaniard who had settled in the pueblo, and who received me in the most hospitable manner as soon as the description in my passport satisfied him that I was worthy of a confidence not inspired by my appearance.
Tribunal hospitality.A European who travels without a servant—mine had run off with some wages I stupidly paid him in advance—is treated like a beggar, and I was bombarded with rude questions about it, which I chose not to answer. Since I hadn’t had the dinner I really needed, I took the liberty of grabbing a few tasty pieces from the meatpot and ate them in front of a small group of curious onlookers; then I lay down to sleep on the bench next to the table, where a second group of diners was already taking their seats. When I woke up the next morning, there were so many people moving about that I didn’t have a chance to tidy myself up. So, I went in my dirty travel clothes to the home of a Spaniard who had settled in the pueblo, and he welcomed me in a very hospitable manner as soon as my passport showed him I was trustworthy, despite my appearance.
Trade in molaze.My friendly host carried on no trifling business. Two English ships were at that moment in the harbor, which he was about to send to China laden with molave, a species of wood akin to teak.
Trade in molasses.My hospitable host was engaged in serious business. At that moment, two English ships were in the harbor, ready to be sent to China loaded with molave, a type of wood similar to teak.
Butucan waterfall.On my return I visited the fine waterfall of Butucan, between Mauban and Lucban, a little apart from the high road. A powerful stream flows between two high banks of rocky soil thickly covered with vegetation, and, leaping from a ledge of volcanic rock suddenly plunges into a ravine, said to be three hundred and sixty feet in depth, along the bottom of which it is hurried away. The channel, however, is so narrow, and the vegetation so dense, that an observer looking at it from above can not follow its course. This waterfall has a great similarity to that which falls from the Semeru in Java. Here, as there, a volcanic stream flowing over vast rocky deposits forms a horizontal watercourse, which in its turn is overshadowed with immense masses of rock. The water easily forces its way between these till it reaches the solid lava, when it leaves its high, narrow, and thickly-wooded banks, and plunges into the deep chasm it has itself worn away. The pouring rain unfortunately prevented me from sketching this fine fall. It was raining when I reached the convento of Majaijai, and it was still raining when I left it three days later, nor was there any hope of improvement in the weather for another month to come. “The wet season lasts for eight or nine months in Majaijai, and during the whole period scarcely a day passes without the rain falling in torrents.”—Estado geograph.
Butucan Falls.On my way back, I visited the beautiful Butucan waterfall, located between Mauban and Lucban, a bit off the main road. A strong stream flows between two steep banks of rocky soil that are lush with vegetation. It leaps from a volcanic rock ledge and drops into a ravine, which is said to be three hundred and sixty feet deep, rushing away at the bottom. However, the channel is so narrow, and the vegetation so thick, that anyone looking down from above can't trace its path. This waterfall is very similar to the one that cascades from Semeru in Java. In both places, a volcanic stream flows over vast rocky deposits, forming a horizontal watercourse that is overshadowed by massive rocks. The water easily makes its way through these until it hits the solid lava, at which point it leaves its steep, narrow, and densely wooded banks to plunge into the deep chasm it has carved out. Unfortunately, the pouring rain stopped me from sketching this stunning fall. It was raining when I arrived at the convent in Majaijai, and it was still raining when I left three days later, with no signs of improvement in the weather for at least another month. “The wet season lasts for eight or nine months in Majaijai, and during that entire time, hardly a day goes by without heavy rain.” —Estado geograph.
[76]Majaijai.To ascend the volcano was under such circumstances impracticable. According to some notes written by the Majaijai priest, an ascent and survey of Mount Banajao was made on the 22nd of April, 1858, by Senors Roldan and Montero, two able Spanish naval officers, specially charged with the revision of the marine chart of the archipelago. From its summit they took observations of Manila cathedral, of Mayon, another volcano in Albay, and of the Island of Polillo. They estimated the altitude of Banajao to be seven thousand and twenty Spanish feet, and the depth of its crater to be seven hundred. The crater formerly contained a lake, but the last eruption made a chasm in its southern side through which the water flowed away.8
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Majaijai.Climbing the volcano was impossible under these conditions. According to some notes written by the Majaijai priest, an ascent and survey of Mount Banajao was conducted on April 22, 1858, by Senors Roldan and Montero, two skilled Spanish naval officers tasked with updating the marine chart of the archipelago. From the top, they observed the Manila cathedral, Mayon, another volcano in Albay, and the Island of Polillo. They estimated the height of Banajao to be seven thousand and twenty Spanish feet and the depth of its crater to be seven hundred. The crater used to have a lake, but the last eruption created a gap on its southern side, causing the water to drain away.8
Calauan.I reached Calauan in the pouring rain, wading through the soft spongy clay upon wretched, half-starved ponies, and found I must put off my water journey to Manila till the following day, as there was no boat on the lake at this point. The next morning there were no horses to be found; and it was not till the afternoon that I procured a cart and a couple of carabaos to take me to Santa Cruz, whence in the evening the market-vessel started for Manila. One carabao was harnessed in front; the other was fastened behind the cart in order that I might have a change of animals when the first became tired. Carabao number one wouldn’t draw, and number two acted as a drag—rather useless apparatus on a level [77]road—so I changed them. As soon as number two felt the load it laid down. A few blows persuaded it to pick itself up, when it deliberately walked to the nearest pool and dropped into it. It was with the greatest trouble that we unharnessed the cart and pushed it back on to the road, while our two considerate beasts took a mud bath. At last we reloaded the baggage, the carabaos were reharnessed in the original positions, and the driver, leaning his whole weight upon the nose-rope of the leading beast, pulled with might and main. To my great delight the animal condescended to slowly advance with the cart and its contents. Pila.At Pila I managed to get a better team, with which late in the evening, in the midst of a pouring rain, I reached a little hamlet opposite Santa Cruz. The market-vessel had left; our attempts to get a boat to take us across to the village only led to barefaced attempts at extortion, so I entered one of the largest of the hamlet’s houses, which was occupied by a widow and her daughter. After some delay my request for a night’s lodging was granted. I sent for some oil, to give me a little light, and something to eat. The women brought in some of their relations, who helped to prepare the food and stopped in the house to protect its owners. The next morning I crossed the river, teeming with joyous bathers, to Santa Cruz, and hired a boat there to take me across the lake to Pasig, and from thence to Manila. A contrary wind, however, forced us to land on the promontory of Jalajala, and there wait for the calm that accompanies the dawn. Earthquake evidences.Betwixt the extreme southern point of the land and the houses I saw, in several places, banks of mussels projecting at least fifteen feet above the surface of the water, similar to those which are so frequently found on the sea-coast;—a proof that earthquakes have taken place in this neighborhood. [78]
Calauan. I arrived in Calauan during the heavy rain, trudging through the soft, muddy clay on miserable, half-starved ponies. I realized I had to postpone my boat trip to Manila until the next day because there was no boat available on the lake at that moment. The following morning, I couldn't find any horses, and it wasn’t until the afternoon that I managed to get a cart and a couple of carabaos to take me to Santa Cruz, where a market vessel would leave for Manila that evening. One carabao was hitched in front, and the other was tethered at the back of the cart so I could switch them out when the first one got tired. The first carabao wouldn’t budge, while the second one acted like a dead weight—pretty useless on a flat [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] road—so I swapped them. As soon as the second one felt the load, it lay down. A few nudges convinced it to get up, but then it strolled over to the nearest puddle and flopped right into it. We had a tough time unhitching the cart and getting it back on the road while our two stubborn animals enjoyed a mud bath. Finally, we repacked the luggage, re-hitched the carabaos in their original spots, and the driver yanked hard on the nose-rope of the lead animal, pulling with all his strength. To my great relief, the animal finally started to move slowly forward with the cart and its gear. Ball. In Pila, I managed to find a better team, and late that evening, amid pouring rain, I reached a small village across from Santa Cruz. The market vessel had already left, and our efforts to hire a boat to take us to the village were met with blatant attempts at extortion. So, I entered one of the larger houses in the village, which was occupied by a widow and her daughter. After some delay, my request for a place to stay the night was granted. I asked for some oil to provide a little light and something to eat. The women brought in some relatives who helped prepare the food and stayed in the house to protect its owners. The next morning, I crossed the river, bustling with cheerful bathers, to Santa Cruz, and hired a boat there to take me across the lake to Pasig, and then on to Manila. However, an opposing wind forced us to land on the Jalajala promontory, where we had to wait for the calm that comes with dawn. Earthquake evidence. Between the far southern point of the land and the houses I saw, at several places, banks of mussels sticking up at least fifteen feet above the water’s surface, similar to those you often find on the coast—evidence that earthquakes have happened in this area. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
2 According to the report of an engineer, the sand banks are caused by the river San Mateo, which runs into the Pasig at right angles shortly after the latter leaves the Lagoon; in the rainy season it brings down a quantity of mud, which is heaped up and embanked by the south-west winds that prevail at the time. It would, therefore, be of little use to remove the sandbanks without giving the San Mateo, the cause of their existence, a direct and separate outlet into the lake.
2 According to an engineer's report, the sandbanks are formed by the San Mateo River, which flows into the Pasig at a right angle shortly after the Pasig exits the Lagoon. During the rainy season, it carries a lot of mud, which gets piled up and shaped by the prevailing south-west winds at that time. Therefore, it wouldn’t be very helpful to remove the sandbanks without providing the San Mateo, the source of the problem, a direct and separate outlet into the lake.
3 They take baths for their maladies, and have hot springs for this purpose, particularly along the shore of the king’s lake (Estang du Roy, instead of Estang de Bay by a printer’s mistake apparently), which is in the Island of Manila.—Thevenot.
3 They take baths to heal their ailments and use hot springs for this, especially along the shore of the king’s lake (Estang du Roy, instead of Estang de Bay due to what seems to be a printer’s error), which is located in the Island of Manila.—Thevenot.
4 “One can scarcely walk thirty paces between Mount Makiling and a place called Bacon, which lies to the east of Los Baños, without meeting several kinds of natural springs, some very hot, some lukewarm, some of the temperature of the atmosphere, and some very cold. In a description of this place given in our archives for the year 1739, it is recorded that a hill called Natognos lies a mile to the south-east of the village, on the plateau of which there is a small plain 400 feet square, which is kept in constant motion by the volume of vapor issuing from it. The soil from which this vapor issues is an extremely white earth; it is sometimes thrown up to the height of a yard or a yard and a half, and meeting the lower temperature of the atmosphere falls to the ground in small pieces.”—Estado geograph., 1865.
4 "You can hardly walk thirty steps between Mount Makiling and a place called Bacon, which is east of Los Baños, without encountering several types of natural springs—some very hot, some lukewarm, some at the same temperature as the air, and some very cold. An account in our archives from 1739 mentions a hill called Natognos located a mile to the southeast of the village, where there's a small flat area measuring 400 square feet that is constantly stirred by the steam rising from it. The ground from which this steam comes is a very white soil; it's sometimes ejected up to one or one and a half yards high, and when it hits the cooler air, it falls back down in small chunks." —Estado geograph., 1865.
5 Pigafetta says that the natives, in order to obtain palm-wine, cut the top of the tree through to the pith, and then catch the sap as it oozes out of the incision. According to Regnaud, Natural History of the Coco-tree, the negroes of Saint Thomas pursue a similar method in the present day, a method that considerably injures the trees and produces a much smaller quantity of liquor. Hernandez describes an indigenous process of obtaining wine, honey, and sago from the sacsao palm, a tree which from its stunted growth would seem to correspond with the acenga saccharifera. The trees are tapped near the top, the soft part of the trunks is hollowed out, and the sap collects in this empty space. When all the juice is extracted, the tree is allowed to dry up, and is then cut into thin pieces which, after desiccation in the sun, are ground into meal.
5 Pigafetta mentions that the locals, to get palm wine, chop the top of the tree down to the pith and then collect the sap as it drips from the cut. According to Regnaud, Natural History of the Coco-tree, people in Saint Thomas still use a similar technique today, but it seriously damages the trees and yields much less liquor. Hernandez describes a native method for extracting wine, honey, and sago from the sacsao palm, a tree that appears to match the acenga saccharifera due to its short stature. The trees are tapped near the top, the soft part of the trunks is hollowed out, and the sap gathers in this empty space. Once all the juice is taken out, the tree is allowed to dry up, then cut into thin slices, which are dried in the sun and ground into flour.
6 Pigafetta mentions that the natives were in the habit of making oil, vinegar, wine, and milk, from the coco-palm, and that they drank a great deal of the wine. Their kings, he says, frequently intoxicated themselves at their banquets.
6 Pigafetta notes that the natives would make oil, vinegar, wine, and milk from the coco palm and that they consumed a lot of the wine. He points out that their kings often got drunk at their feasts.
7 A number of the Illustrated London News, of December, 1857, or January, 1858, contains a clever drawing, by an accomplished artist, of the mode of travelling over this road, under the title, “A macadamized road in Manila.”
7 An issue of the Illustrated London News from December 1857 or January 1858 features a clever drawing by a skilled artist showing how people travel on this road, titled “A macadamized road in Manila.”
8 Erd and Picketing, of the United States exploring expedition, determined the height to be 6,500 English feet (7,143 Spanish), not an unsatisfactory result, considering the imperfect means they possessed for making a proper measurement. In the Manila Estado geografico for 1865, the height is given, without any statement as to the source whence the estimate is derived, as 7,030 feet. The same authority says, “the large volcano is extinct since 1730, in which year its last eruption took place. The mountain burst into flames on the southern side, threw up streams of water, burning lava, and stones of an enormous size; traces of the last can be observed as far as the village of Sariaya. The crater is perhaps a league in circumference, it is highest on the northern side, and its interior is shaped like an egg-shell: the depth of the crater apparently extends half-way down the height of the mountain.”
8 Erd and Picketing, from the United States exploring expedition, measured the height to be 6,500 feet (7,143 Spanish), which is a decent result considering the limited tools they had for accurate measurement. In the Manila Estado geographical for 1865, the height is reported as 7,030 feet, but there's no mention of where this estimate comes from. The same source states, “the large volcano has been inactive since 1730, the year of its last eruption. The mountain erupted flames on the southern side, spewing streams of water, molten lava, and huge boulders; remnants of this can be seen as far as the village of Sariaya. The crater is possibly a league in circumference, is tallest on the northern side, and has an interior shaped like an eggshell: the depth of the crater appears to reach halfway down the mountain’s height.”
VIII
To Albay by schooner.Towards the end of August I started from Manila for Albay in a schooner which had brought a cargo of hemp and was returning in ballast. It was fine when we set sail; but on the following day the signs of a coming storm increased so rapidly that the captain resolved to return and seek protection in the small but secure harbor of Mariveles, a creek on the southern shore of Bataan, the province forming the western boundary of Manila bay. We reached it about two o’clock in the night after cruising about for fourteen hours before the entrance; and we were obliged to remain here at anchor for a fortnight, as it rained and stormed continuously for that period.
To Albay by boat.At the end of August, I set off from Manila to Albay on a schooner that had just delivered a load of hemp and was heading back empty. It was nice when we left, but by the next day, signs of an approaching storm appeared so quickly that the captain decided to turn back and find shelter in the small but safe harbor of Mariveles, a cove on the southern shore of Bataan, the province that forms the western edge of Manila Bay. We arrived around two in the morning after drifting around for fourteen hours before we reached the entrance. We had to stay anchored there for two weeks because it rained and stormed without stopping during that time.
Mariveles.The weather obliged me to limit my excursions to the immediate neighborhood of Mariveles. Unfortunately it was not till the close of our stay that I learnt that there was a colony of negritos in the mountains; and it was not till just before my departure that I got a chance of seeing and sketching a couple of them, male and female. The inhabitants of Mariveles have not a very good reputation. The place is only visited by ships which run in there in bad weather, when their idle crews spend the time in drinking and gambling. Some of the young girls were of striking beauty and of quite a light color; often being in reality of mixed race, though they passed as of pure Tagal blood. This is a circumstance I have observed in many seaports, and in the neighborhood of Manila; but, in the districts which are almost entirely unvisited by the Spaniards, the natives are much darker and of purer race.
Mariveles.The weather forced me to keep my outings close to Mariveles. Unfortunately, I didn’t discover until the end of our stay that there was a colony of negritos in the mountains; and it was only just before I left that I had the opportunity to see and sketch a couple of them, one male and one female. The locals in Mariveles don’t have a great reputation. The place is mainly frequented by ships that come in during bad weather, when their idle crews spend time drinking and gambling. Some of the young girls were remarkably beautiful and quite light-skinned; often they were actually of mixed heritage, even though they were considered to be of pure Tagal blood. I've noticed this in many coastal towns and around Manila; but in areas that are mostly untouched by the Spaniards, the locals tend to be much darker and of a purer race.
Storm-bound shipping.The number of ships which were seeking protection from the weather in this port amounted to ten, of which three were schooners. Every morning regularly a small [79]pontin1 used to attempt to set sail; but it scarcely got a look at the open sea before it returned, when it was saluted with the jeers and laughter of the others. It was hunger that made them so bold. The crew, who had taken some of their own produce to Manila, had spent the proceeds of their venture, and had started on their return voyage scantily provided with provisions, with the hope and intention of soon reaching their home, which they could have done with any favorable wind. Such cases frequently occur. A few natives unite to charter a small vessel, and load it with the produce of their own fields, which they set off to sell in Manila.
Storm-related shipping delays. The number of ships seeking shelter from the bad weather at this port was ten, three of which were schooners. Every morning without fail, a small [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]pontin1 would try to set sail; but it barely got a glimpse of the open sea before it turned back, greeted by the jeers and laughter of the others. It was hunger that drove them to take that risk. The crew, having taken some of their own crops to Manila, had spent the money they made and started their journey back with very few supplies, hoping to reach home quickly with any favorable wind. Such situations happen often. A few locals come together to charter a small boat and load it with the fruits of their labor, which they take to sell in Manila.
The straits.The straits between the Islands resemble beautiful wide rivers with charming spots upon the banks inhabited by small colonies; and the sailors generally find the weather gets squally towards evening, and anchor till the morning breaks.
The straits.The straits between the Islands look like beautiful wide rivers with lovely places along the banks where small communities live; and the sailors usually notice that the weather gets stormy in the evening, so they anchor until morning.
Filipino hospitality.The hospitable coast supplies them with fish, crabs, plenty of mussels, and frequently unprotected coconuts. If it is inhabited, so much the better. Filipino hospitality is ample, and much more comprehensive than that practised in Europe. The crews are accommodated in the different huts. After a repast shared in common, and washed down by copious draughts of palm-wine, mats are streched on the floor; the lamps—large shells, fitted with rush wicks—are extinguished, and the occupants of the hut fall asleep together. Once, as I was sailing into the bay of Manila after a five day’s cruise, we overtook a craft which had sailed from the same port as we had with a cargo of coconut oil for Manila, and which had spent six months upon its trip. It is by no means uncommon for a crew which makes a long stay [80]in the capital to squander the whole proceeds of their cargo, if they have not done it before reaching town.
Filipino hospitality.The welcoming coast offers fish, crabs, lots of mussels, and often easily accessible coconuts. If there are people living there, that's even better. Filipino hospitality is generous and goes beyond what's usually seen in Europe. The crews are housed in various huts. After enjoying a shared meal, washed down with plenty of palm wine, mats are spread on the floor; the lamps—large shells with rush wicks—are turned off, and everyone in the hut falls asleep together. One time, as I was sailing into Manila Bay after a five-day trip, we caught up with a boat that had left the same port as us, carrying a load of coconut oil to Manila. It had taken six months to make the journey. It's not unusual for a crew that stays a long time [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]in the capital to spend all the money they made from their cargo, if they haven’t blown it before they even get to town.
Coasting Luzon.At last one evening, when the storm had quite passed away, we sailed out of Mariveles. A small, volcanic, pillar-shaped rock, bearing a striking resemblance to the Island of the Cyclops, off the coast of Sicily, lies in front of the harbor—like there, a sharp pyramid and a small, flat island. We sailed along the coast of Cavite till we reached Point Santiago, the southwestern extremity of Luzon, and then turned to the east, through the fine straits that lie between Luzon to the north and the Bisayan islands to the south. As the sun rose, a beautiful spectacle presented itself. To the north was the peak of the Taal volcano, towering above the flat plains of Batangas; and to the south the thickly-wooded, but rock-bound coast of Mindoro, the iron line of which was broken by the harbor of Porto Galera, protected from the fury of the waves by a small islet lying immediately before it. The waters around us were thickly studded with vessels which had taken refuge from the storm in the Bisayan ports, and were now returning to Manila.
Coasting in Luzon. Finally, one evening, after the storm had completely passed, we set sail from Mariveles. A small, volcanic, pillar-shaped rock that looks a lot like the Island of the Cyclops off the coast of Sicily stands in front of the harbor—like there, it has a sharp pyramid shape and a small, flat island. We sailed along the coast of Cavite until we reached Point Santiago, the southwestern tip of Luzon, and then turned east through the beautiful straits between Luzon to the north and the Visayan islands to the south. As the sun rose, a stunning sight unfolded before us. To the north, the peak of the Taal volcano rose high above the flat plains of Batangas; to the south, the densely forested but rocky coast of Mindoro, its jagged line interrupted by the harbor of Porto Galera, shielded from the raging waves by a small islet right in front of it. The waters around us were crowded with ships that had sought refuge from the storm in the Visayan ports and were now heading back to Manila.
Importance of straits.These straits, which extend from the south-east to the northwest, are the great commercial highway of the Archipelago, and remain navigable during the whole year, being protected from the fury of the north-easterly winds by the sheltering peninsula of Luzon, which projects to the south-east, and by Samar, which extends in a parallel direction; while the Bisayan islands shield them from the blasts that blow from the south-west. The Islands of Mindoro, Panay, Negros, Cebu and Bohol, which Nature has placed in close succession to each other, form the southern borders of the straits; and the narrow cross channels between them form as many outlets to the Sea of Mindoro, which is bounded on the west by [81]Palawan, on the east by Mindanao, and on the south by the Sulu group. The eastern waters of the straits wash the coasts of Samar and Leyte, and penetrate through three small channels only to the great ocean; the narrow straits of San Bernardino, of San Juanico, and of Surigao. Several considerable, and innumerable smaller islets, lie within the area of these cursorily explained outlines.
Importance of waterways. These straits, which stretch from the southeast to the northwest, serve as the main trade route of the Archipelago and remain navigable all year round. They are sheltered from the harsh northeast winds by Luzon's protective peninsula to the southeast and Samar, which runs parallel; meanwhile, the Bisayan islands guard them against the southwest gales. The islands of Mindoro, Panay, Negros, Cebu, and Bohol, which are closely situated, form the southern boundaries of the straits, with the narrow channels between them providing several paths to the Sea of Mindoro. This sea is bordered to the west by [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Palawan, to the east by Mindanao, and to the south by the Sulu group. The eastern waters of the straits wash the shores of Samar and Leyte, entering the vast ocean through only three small channels: the narrow straits of San Bernardino, San Juanico, and Surigao. Within this area, there are several larger and countless smaller islets, which lie along the outlines mentioned.
Batangas coast.A couple of bays on the south coast of Batangas offer a road-stead, though but little real protection, to passing vessels, which in stormy weather make for Porto Galera, in the Island of Mindoro, which lies directly opposite. A river, a league and a half in length, joins Taal, the principal port of the province, to the great inland sea of Taal, or Bombon. This stream was formerly navigable; but it has now become so sanded up that it is passable only at flood tides, and then only by very small vessels.
Batangas shoreline.A few bays along the south coast of Batangas provide an anchorage, though they offer little real protection to passing ships, which in bad weather head for Porto Galera on the Island of Mindoro directly across. A river, about one and a half leagues long, connects Taal, the main port of the province, to the large inland sea of Taal or Bombon. This river used to be navigable; however, it has now become so silted that it is only passable during high tides, and then only by very small boats.
Batangas exports.The province of Batangas supplies Manila with its best cattle, and exports sugar and coffee.
Batangas exports goods.The province of Batangas provides Manila with its finest cattle and exports sugar and coffee.
A hilly range bounds the horizon on the Luzon side; the striking outlines of which enable one to conjecture its volcanic origin. Most of the smaller islands to the south appear to consist of superimposed mountainous ranges, terminating seaward in precipitous cliffs. The lofty and symmetrical peak of Mount Mayon is the highest point in the panoramic landscape. Towards evening we sighted Mount Bulusan, in the south-eastern extremity of Luzon; and presently we turned northwards, and sailed up the Straits of San Bernardino, which separate Luzon from Samar.
A hilly range lines the horizon on the Luzon side; its striking outlines suggest a volcanic origin. Most of the smaller islands to the south seem to be made up of stacked mountain ranges, ending in steep cliffs along the sea. The tall and symmetrical peak of Mount Mayon is the highest point in the scenic landscape. In the evening, we spotted Mount Bulusan in the southeastern tip of Luzon; soon after, we headed north and sailed up the Straits of San Bernardino, which separate Luzon from Samar.
Bulusan like Vesuvius.The Bulusan volcano, “which appears to have been for a long time extinct, but which again began to erupt in 1852,”2 is surprisingly like Vesuvius in outline. It [82]has, like its prototype, a couple of peaks. The western one, a bell-shaped summit, is the eruption cone. The eastern apex is a tall, rugged mound, probably the remains of a huge circular crater. As in Vesuvius, the present crater is in the center of the extinct one. The intervals between them are considerably larger and more uneven than the Atrio del Cavallo of the Italian volcano.
Bulusan is like Vesuvius.The Bulusan volcano, “which seems to have been dormant for a long time, but which started erupting again in 1852,”2 is remarkably similar to Vesuvius in shape. It [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]has, like its counterpart, two peaks. The western one, a bell-shaped summit, is the eruption cone. The eastern peak is a tall, rugged mound, likely the remnants of a large circular crater. Similar to Vesuvius, the current crater is located in the middle of the extinct one. The gaps between them are considerably larger and more uneven than the Atrio del Cavallo of the Italian volcano.
San Bernardino current.The current is so powerful in the Straits of San Bernardino that we were obliged to anchor twice to avoid being carried back again. To our left we had continually in view the magnificent Bulusan volcano, with a hamlet of the same name nestling at the foot of its eastern slope in a grove of coco-trees, close to the sea. Struggling with difficulty against the force of the current, we succeeded, with the assistance of light and fickle winds, in reaching Legaspi, the port of Albay, on the following evening. Our skipper, a Spaniard, had determined to accomplish the trip as rapidly as possible.
San Bernardino news.The current is so strong in the Straits of San Bernardino that we had to anchor twice to avoid being swept back again. On our left, we could constantly see the stunning Bulusan volcano, with a small village of the same name nestled at the foot of its eastern slope in a grove of coconut trees, near the sea. Struggling against the current, we managed to reach Legaspi, the port of Albay, the next evening, with the help of light and inconsistent winds. Our captain, a Spaniard, was determined to complete the trip as quickly as possible.
A native captain.On my return voyage, however, I fell into the hands of a native captain; and, as my cruise under his auspices presented many peculiarities, I may quote a few passages relating to it from my diary.... The skipper intended to have taken a stock of vegetables for my use, but he had forgotten them. He therefore landed on a small island, and presently made his reappearance with a huge palm cabbage, which, in the absence of its owner, he had picked from a tree he cut down for the purpose.... On another occasion the crew made a descent upon a hamlet on the north-western coast of Leyte to purchase provisions. Instead of laying in a stock for the voyage at Tacloban, the sailors preferred doing so at some smaller village on the shores of the straits, where food is cheaper, and where their landing gave them a pretext to run about the country. The straits of San Juanico, never more than a mile, and often only eight [83]hundred feet broad, are about twenty miles in length: yet it often takes a vessel a week to sail up them; for contrary winds and an adverse current force it to anchor frequently and to lie to for whole nights in the narrower places. Towards evening our captain thought that the sky appeared very threatening, so he made for the bay of Navo, of Masbate. An intermittent voyage.There he anchored, and a part of the crew went on shore. The next day was a Sunday; the captain thought “the sky still appeared very threatening;” and besides he wanted to make some purchases. So we anchored again off Magdalena, where we passed the night. On Monday a favorable wind took us, at a quicker rate, past Marinduque and the rocky islet of Elefante, which lies in front of it. Elefante appears to be an extinct volcano; it looks somewhat like the Iriga, but is not so lofty. It is covered with capital pasture, and its ravines are dotted with clumps of trees. Nearly a thousand head of half-wild cattle were grazing on it. They cost four dollars a-piece; and their freight to Manila is as much more, where they sell for sixteen dollars. They are badly tended, and many are stolen by the passing sailors. My friend the captain was full of regret that the favorable wind gave him no opportunity of landing; perhaps I was the real obstacle. “They were splendid beasts! How easy it would be to put a couple on board! They could scarcely be said to have any real owners; the nominal proprietors were quite unaware how many they possessed, and the herd was continually multiplying without any addition from its masters. A man lands with a little money in his pocket. If he meets a herdsman, he gives him a dollar, and the poor creature thinks himself a lucky fellow. If not, so much the better. He can do the business himself; a barrel of shot or a sling suffices to settle the matter.”
A local captain. On my return voyage, however, I ended up with a local captain; and since my trip under his guidance had many interesting moments, I’ll share a few excerpts from my diary.... The captain planned to stock up on vegetables for me, but he forgot them. So, he stopped at a small island and soon came back with a massive palm cabbage, which he had taken from a tree he cut down for the purpose.... One time, the crew landed in a small village on the northwestern coast of Leyte to buy supplies. Instead of stocking up in Tacloban, the sailors preferred to do it at a smaller village along the straits, where food is cheaper, and their landing gave them a chance to explore the area. The San Juanico straits, never more than a mile wide and often only eight [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] hundred feet across, stretch about twenty miles in length: yet it often takes a ship a week to navigate through them; due to opposing winds and currents forcing it to anchor frequently and stay overnight in the narrower sections. As evening approached, our captain noticed that the sky looked very threatening, so he headed towards Navo Bay in Masbate. A sporadic trip. There, he dropped anchor, and part of the crew went ashore. The following day was Sunday; the captain thought “the sky still looked very threatening;” plus, he wanted to buy some things. So we anchored again off Magdalena, where we spent the night. On Monday, a favorable wind picked up and we quickly sailed past Marinduque and the rocky islet of Elefante, which lies in front of it. Elefante seems to be an extinct volcano; it resembles Iriga but isn't as tall. It is covered in great pasture, with its ravines filled with clusters of trees. Almost a thousand semi-wild cattle were grazing there. They cost four dollars each; plus, their freight to Manila is another four dollars, where they sell for sixteen dollars. They are poorly cared for, and many get stolen by passing sailors. My captain friend regretted that the good wind didn’t allow him to land; perhaps I was the real barrier. “They were amazing animals! It would be so easy to take a couple on board! They hardly have any real owners; the listed owners didn’t even realize how many they had, and the herd just keeps growing without any help from them. A person lands with a bit of cash in their pocket. If they meet a herdsman, they give him a dollar, and the poor guy thinks he's lucky. If not, that's even better. He can handle it himself; a barrel of shot or a sling is enough to settle things.”
[84]Plunder.As we sailed along we saw coming towards us another vessel, the Luisa, which suddenly executed a very extraordinary tack; and in a minute or two its crew sent up a loud shout of joy, having succeeded in stealing a fishbox which the fishermen of Marinduque had sunk in the sea. They had lowered a hook, and been clever enough to grapple the rope of the floating buoy. Our captain was beside himself with envy of their prize.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Loot.As we sailed along, we saw another ship, the Luisa, approaching us, and it suddenly made a strange maneuver. In a minute or two, its crew let out a loud cheer, having successfully stolen a fishbox that the fishermen of Marinduque had sunk in the sea. They’d lowered a hook and cleverly snagged the rope of the floating buoy. Our captain was overwhelmed with envy of their haul.
Legaspi.Legaspi is the principal port of the province of Albay. Its road-stead, however, is very unsafe, and, being exposed to the north-easterly storms, is perfectly useless during the winter. The north-east wind is the prevailing one on this coast; the south-west breeze only blows in June and July. The heaviest storms occur between October and January. They generally set in with a gentle westerly wind, accompanied with rain. The gale presently veers round to the north or the south, and attains the height of its fury when it reaches the north-east or the south-east. After the storm a calm generally reigns, succeeded by the usual wind of the prevailing monsoon. The lightly-built elastic houses of the country are capitally suited to withstand these storms; but roofs and defective houses are frequently carried away. The traffic between Manila and Legaspi is at its height between January and October; but during the autumn months all communication by water ceases. The letter-post, which arrives pretty regularly every week, is then the only link between the two places. At this season heavy packages can be sent only by a circuitous and expensive route along the south coast, and thence by water to Manila. Much more favorably situated for navigation is the port of Sorsogon.Sorsogon, the mouth of which opens to the west, and is protected by the Island of Bagalao, which lies in front of it. Besides its security as a harbor, it has the advantage of a rapid and unbroken communication [85]with the capital of the archipelago, while vessels sailing from Legaspi, even at the most favorable time of the year, are obliged to go round the eastern peninsula of Luzon, and meet the principal current of the Straits of San Bernardino, frequently a very difficult undertaking; and, moreover, small vessels obliged to anchor there are in great danger of being captured by pirates. The country about Sorsogon, however, is not so fertile as the neighborhood of Legaspi.
Legazpi.Legaspi is the main port of Albay province. However, its harbor is quite unsafe and is completely unusable during winter when it's exposed to northeastern storms. The prevailing wind on this coast is from the northeast, while the southwest breeze only blows in June and July. The strongest storms happen between October and January. They usually start with a gentle westerly wind and rain. The wind then shifts to the north or south and reaches its peak strength when it comes from the northeast or southeast. After a storm, there tends to be calm weather before the usual monsoon winds resume. The lightweight, flexible houses in the area are well-suited to withstand these storms, but roofs and poorly constructed buildings often get damaged. Traffic between Manila and Legaspi is busiest from January to October, but all water communication stops during the fall months. At that time, the weekly letter-post is the only connection between the two places. During this season, heavy packages can only be sent by a longer, more expensive route along the south coast and then by water to Manila. The port of Sorsogon.Sorsogon, which opens to the west and is sheltered by Bagalao Island in front of it, is much better for navigation. In addition to being a secure harbor, it offers quick and uninterrupted communication [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] with the capital of the archipelago. In contrast, vessels leaving from Legaspi, even at the best times of the year, must navigate around the eastern peninsula of Luzon and tackle the main currents of the San Bernardino Strait, which can be quite challenging. Additionally, smaller vessels that have to anchor there risk being captured by pirates. However, the area around Sorsogon is not as fertile as the region near Legaspi.
A worthy official.I took letters of introduction with me to both the Spanish authorities of the province; who received me in the most amiable way, and were of the greatest use to me during the whole of my stay in the vicinity. I had also the good fortune to fall in with a model alcalde, a man of good family and of most charming manners; in short, a genuine caballero. To show the popular appreciation of the honesty of his character, it was said of him in Samar that he had entered the province with nothing but a bundle of papers, and had left it as lightly equipped.
A respectable official.I brought letters of introduction with me to meet the Spanish authorities in the province; they welcomed me in the friendliest way and were incredibly helpful during my entire stay nearby. I was also lucky enough to meet an exemplary mayor, a man from a good background with exceptionally pleasant manners; in short, a true caballero. To highlight how much the people valued his honesty, it was said in Samar that he arrived in the province with just a bundle of papers and left with the same minimal belongings.
IX
Daraga.My Spanish friends enabled me to rent a house in Daraga,1 a well-to-do town of twenty thousand inhabitants at the foot of the Mayon, a league and a half from Legaspi. The summit of this volcano was considered inaccessible until two young Scotchmen, Paton and [86]Stewart by name, demonstrated the contrary.2 Since then several natives have ascended the mountain, but no Europeans.
Daraga. My Spanish friends helped me rent a house in Daraga, 1 a prosperous town of twenty thousand residents at the base of Mayon, about a mile and a half from Legaspi. The peak of this volcano was thought to be unreachable until two young Scots, Paton and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] Stewart, proved otherwise. 2 Since then, several locals have climbed the mountain, but no Europeans have.
Ascent of Mayon.I set out on September 25th, and passed the night, by the advice of Señor Muños, in a hut one thousand feet above the level of the sea, in order to begin the ascent the next morning with unimpaired vigor. But a number of idlers who insisted on following me, and who kept up a tremendous noise all night, frustrated the purpose of this friendly advice; and I started about five in the morning but little refreshed. The fiery glow I had noticed about the crater disappeared with the dawn. The first few hundred feet of the ascent were covered with a tall grass quite six feet high; and then came a slope of a thousand feet or so of short grass succeeded by a quantity of moss; but even this soon disappeared, and the whole of the upper part of the mountain proved entirely barren. We reached the summit about one o’clock. It was covered with fissures which gave out sulphurous gases and steam in such profusion that we were obliged to stop our mouths and nostrils with our handkerchiefs to prevent ourselves from being suffocated. We came to a halt at the edge of a broad and deep chasm, from which issued a particularly dense vapor. Apparently we were on the brink of a crater, but the thick fumes of the disagreeable vapor made it impossible for us to guess [87]at the breadth of the fissure. The absolute top of the volcano consisted of a ridge, nearly ten feet thick, of solid masses of stone covered with a crust of lava bleached by the action of the escaping gas. Several irregular blocks of stone lying about us showed that the peak had once been a little higher. When, now and again, the gusts of wind made rifts in the vapor, we perceived on the northern corner of the plateau several rocky columns at least a hundred feet high, which had hitherto withstood both storm and eruption. I afterwards had an opportunity of observing the summit from Daraga with a capital telescope on a very clear day, when I noticed that the northern side of the crater was considerably higher than its southern edge.
Climbing Mayon.I set out on September 25th and spent the night, as suggested by Señor Muños, in a hut a thousand feet up, so I could start the climb the next morning with full energy. However, a bunch of people who wanted to tag along made a lot of noise all night, ruining that plan, so I began my ascent around five in the morning feeling far from refreshed. The fiery glow I’d seen around the crater faded with the dawn. The first few hundred feet of the climb were overgrown with tall grass about six feet high, followed by a slope of roughly a thousand feet of shorter grass and then some moss; but even that soon vanished, leaving the upper part of the mountain completely barren. We reached the summit around one o’clock. It was filled with cracks spewing out sulfurous gases and steam so thick that we had to cover our mouths and noses with our handkerchiefs to avoid suffocation. We stopped at the edge of a wide, deep chasm where particularly dense vapor was coming out. It seemed we were at the edge of a crater, but thick fumes made it impossible to see [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]the width of the crack. The very top of the volcano was a ridge nearly ten feet thick, made of solid stone covered with a crust of lava bleached by the escaping gas. Several irregular stone blocks scattered around indicated that the peak had once been a bit taller. When the wind occasionally parted the vapor, we could see several rocky columns in the northern corner of the plateau, standing at least a hundred feet high, which had resisted both storms and eruptions. Later, I got a chance to view the summit from Daraga with a great telescope on a clear day and noticed that the northern side of the crater was significantly higher than the southern edge.
The descent.Our descent took some time. We had still two-thirds of it beneath us when night overtook us. In the hope of reaching the hut where we had left our provisions, we wandered about till eleven o’clock, hungry and weary, and at last were obliged to wait for daylight. This misfortune was owing not to our want of proper precaution, but to the unreliability of the carriers. Two of them, whom we had taken with us to carry water and refreshments, had disappeared at the very first; and a third, “a very trustworthy man,” whom we had left to take care of our things at the hut, and who had been ordered to meet us at dusk with torches, had bolted, as I afterwards discovered, back to Daraga before noon. My servant, too, who was carrying a woolen blanket and an umbrella for me, suddenly vanished in the darkness as soon as it began to rain, and though I repeatedly called him, never turned up again till the next morning. We passed the wet night upon the bare rocks, where, as our very thin clothes were perfectly wet through, we chilled till our teeth chattered. As soon, however, as the sun [88]rose we got so warm that we soon recovered our tempers. Towards nine o’clock we reached the hut and got something to eat after twenty-nine hours’ fast.
The fall.Our descent took a while. We still had two-thirds of it left when night fell. Hoping to reach the hut where we had left our supplies, we wandered around until eleven o’clock, feeling hungry and exhausted, and eventually had to wait for daylight. This setback wasn’t due to a lack of caution on our part, but rather because the carriers we relied on were unreliable. Two of them, whom we had brought along to carry water and snacks, had vanished right away; and a third, “a very trustworthy guy,” whom we left in charge of our belongings at the hut and who was supposed to meet us at dusk with torches, had bolted back to Daraga before noon, as I later found out. My servant, who was carrying a woolen blanket and an umbrella for me, suddenly disappeared into the darkness as soon as it started to rain, and even though I called for him repeatedly, he didn’t show up again until the next morning. We spent the wet night on the bare rocks, where, since our thin clothes were completely drenched, we shivered until our teeth chattered. However, as soon as the sun [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]rose, we warmed up quickly and our mood improved. By around nine o’clock, we reached the hut and finally got something to eat after fasting for twenty-nine hours.
A suspicious medal.In the Trabajos y Hechos Nolables de la Soc. Econom. de los Amigos del Pais, for September 4th, 1823, it is said that “Don Antonio Siguenza paid a visit to the volcano of Albay on March 11th,” and that the Society “ordered a medal to be struck in commemoration of the event, and in honor of the aforesaid Siguenza and his companions.” Everybody in Albay, however, assured me that the two Scotchmen were the first to reach the top of the mountain. It is true that in the above notice the ascent of the volcano is not directly mentioned; but the fact of the medal naturally leads us to suppose that nothing less can be referred to. Arenas, in his memoir, says: “Mayon was surveyed by Captain Siguenza. From the crater to the base, which is nearly at the level of the sea, he found that it measured sixteen hundred and eighty-two Spanish feet or four sixty-eight and two-third meters.” A little further on, he adds, that he had read in the records of the Society that they had had a gold medal struck in honor of Siguenza, who had made some investigations about the volcano’s crater in 1823. He, therefore, appears to have had some doubt about Siguenza’s actual ascent.
A questionable medal. In the Trabajos y Hechos Nolables de la Soc. Econom. de los Amigos del Pais, from September 4th, 1823, it states that “Don Antonio Siguenza visited the Albay volcano on March 11th,” and that the Society “ordered a medal to be created to commemorate the event and to honor Siguenza and his companions.” However, everyone in Albay told me that the two Scotsmen were the first to reach the summit of the mountain. It's true that the notice does not directly mention the ascent of the volcano, but the existence of the medal naturally suggests that it must be referring to that. Arenas, in his memoir, states: “Mayon was surveyed by Captain Siguenza. From the crater to the base, which is almost at sea level, he found it measured sixteen hundred and eighty-two Spanish feet or four sixty-eight and two-thirds meters.” A little further, he adds that he read in the Society’s records that they had a gold medal made in honor of Siguenza, who had conducted some research on the volcano’s crater in 1823. Thus, he seems to have had some uncertainty regarding Siguenza’s actual ascent.
An early friar attempt.According to the Franciscan records a couple of monks attempted the ascent in 1592, in order to cure the natives of their superstitious belief about the mountain. One of them never returned; but the other, although he did not reach the summit, being stopped by three deep abysses, made a hundred converts to Christianity by the mere relation of his adventures. He died in the same year, in consequence, it is recorded, of the many variations of temperature to which he was exposed in his ascent of the volcano.
An early friar's attempt. According to the Franciscan records, a pair of monks tried to climb the mountain in 1592 to help the locals overcome their superstitions about it. One of them never came back; however, the other, despite not reaching the top due to three deep chasms, managed to convert a hundred people to Christianity by simply sharing his experiences. He died that same year, reportedly because of the extreme temperature changes he faced during his climb of the volcano.
[89]Estimates of heightSome books say that the mountain is of considerable height; but the Estado Geografico of the Franciscans for 1855, where one could scarcely expect to find such a thoughtless repetition of so gross a typographical error, says that the measurements of Siguenza give the mountain a height of sixteen hundred and eighty-two feet. According to my own barometrical reading, the height of the summit above the level of the sea was twenty-three hundred and seventy-four meters, or eighty-five hundred and fifty-nine Spanish feet.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Height estimatesSome books claim that the mountain is quite tall; however, the Estado Geografico published by the Franciscans in 1855, where you would hardly expect such a careless repetition of such a significant typographical error, states that Siguenza's measurements indicate the mountain's height is sixteen hundred and eighty-two feet. Based on my own barometric reading, the peak's height above sea level was twenty-three hundred and seventy-four meters, or eighty-five hundred and fifty-nine Spanish feet.
1 Officially called Cagsaua. The old town of Cagsaua, which was built higher up the hill and was destroyed by the eruption of 1814, was rebuilt on the spot where formerly stood a small hamlet of the name of Daraga.
1 Officially named Cagsaua. The old town of Cagsaua, which was situated higher up the hill and was destroyed by the eruption of 1814, was rebuilt where a small hamlet called Daraga once stood.
2 I learnt from Mr. Paton that the undertaking had also been represented as impracticable in Albay. “Not a single Spaniard, not a single native had ever succeeded in reaching the summit; in spite of all their precautions they would certainly be swallowed up in the sand.” However, one morning, about five o’clock, they set off, and soon reached the foot of the cone of the crater. Accompanied by a couple of natives, who soon left them, they began to make the ascent. Resting half way up, they noticed frequent masses of shining lava, thrown from the mouth of the crater, gliding down the mountain. With the greatest exertions they succeeded, between two and three o’clock, in reaching the summit, where, however, they were prevented by the noxious gas from remaining more than two or three minutes. During their descent, they restored their strength with some refreshments Sr. Muñoz had sent to meet them; and they reached Albay towards evening, where during their short stay they were treated as heroes, and presented with an official certificate of their achievement, for which they had the pleasure of paying several dollars.
2 I learned from Mr. Paton that the task had also been deemed impossible in Albay. “Not a single Spaniard or native has ever made it to the top; despite all their precautions, they would definitely be swallowed up by the sand.” However, one morning, around five o’clock, they set off and soon reached the base of the crater cone. Accompanied by a couple of locals, who soon left them, they started the ascent. Taking a break halfway up, they noticed frequent streams of shining lava, ejected from the crater, sliding down the mountain. After a lot of effort, they managed to reach the summit between two and three o’clock, but they could only stay for two or three minutes due to the toxic gas. On their way down, they regained their strength with some snacks that Sr. Muñoz had sent to meet them; they arrived in Albay by evening, where during their brief stay they were celebrated as heroes and given an official certificate for their achievement, for which they happily paid several dollars.
X
An accident and a month’s rest.I sprained my foot so badly in ascending Mayon that I was obliged to keep the house for a month. Under the circumstances, I was not sorry to find myself settled in a roomy and comfortable dwelling. My house was built upon the banks of a small stream, and stood in the middle of a garden in which coffee, cacao, oranges, papayas, and bananas grew luxuriantly, in spite of the tall weeds which surrounded them. Several over-ripe berries had fallen to the ground, and I had them collected, roasted, mixed with an equal quantity of sugar, and made into chocolate; an art in which the natives greatly excel. With the Spaniards chocolate takes the place of coffee and tea, and even the mestizos and the well-to-do natives drink a great deal of it.
An accident and a month off.I sprained my foot badly while climbing Mayon, so I had to stay home for a month. Given the situation, I wasn’t too upset to be in a spacious and comfortable place. My house was located by a small stream and was surrounded by a garden where coffee, cacao, oranges, papayas, and bananas thrived, despite the tall weeds around them. Several overripe berries had fallen to the ground, so I had them collected, roasted, mixed with an equal amount of sugar, and turned into chocolate; a skill the locals excel in. With the Spaniards, chocolate serves as a substitute for coffee and tea, and even the mestizos and wealthy locals drink a lot of it.
CacaoThe cacao-tree comes from Central America. It flourishes there between the 23rd parallel north and the 20th south latitude; but it is only at its best in the hottest and dampest climates. In temperate climates, where the thermometer marks less than 23° C., it produces no fruit.
CocoaThe cacao tree originates from Central America. It thrives in regions between the 23rd parallel north and the 20th south latitude, but it performs best in hot and humid climates. In temperate climates, where the temperature is below 23° C., it doesn't produce any fruit.
[90]High quality.It was first imported into the Philippines from Acapulco; either, according to Camarines, by a pilot called Pedro Brabo de Lagunas, in 1670; or, according to Samar, by some Jesuits, during Salcedo’s government, between 1663 and 1668. Since then it has spread over the greater part of the Island; and, although it is not cultivated with any excessive care, its fruit is of excellent quality. The cacao of Albay, if its cheapness be taken into consideration, may be considered at least equal to that of Caracas, which is so highly-prized in Europe, and which, on account of its high price, generally is largely mixed with inferior kinds.1 The bushes are usually found in small gardens, close to the houses; but so great is the native laziness that frequently the berries are allowed to decay, although the local cacao sells for a higher price than the imported. At Cebu and Negros a little more attention is paid to its cultivation; Scanty production.but it does not suffice to supply the wants of the colony, which imports the deficiency from Ternate and Mindanao. The best cacao of the Philippines is produced in the small Island of Maripipi, which lies to the north-west of Leyte; and it is difficult to obtain, the entire crop generally being long bespoke. It costs about one dollar per liter, whereas the Albay cacao costs from two to two and a half dollars per “ganta” (three liters).
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]High quality.It was first brought to the Philippines from Acapulco; either, according to Camarines, by a pilot named Pedro Brabo de Lagunas in 1670; or, according to Samar, by some Jesuits, during Salcedo’s rule, between 1663 and 1668. Since then, it has spread across most of the island; and although it isn't cultivated with much care, the fruit is of excellent quality. The cacao from Albay, considering its low price, can be seen as at least equal to that of Caracas, which is highly valued in Europe and often mixed with cheaper varieties due to its high cost. 1 The bushes are typically found in small gardens near houses; but due to the local laziness, the berries are often left to rot, even though the local cacao sells for more than the imported kinds. In Cebu and Negros, a bit more attention is given to its cultivation; Limited production.but it still doesn't meet the colony's needs, which imports the shortfall from Ternate and Mindanao. The best cacao in the Philippines comes from the small island of Maripipi, located northwest of Leyte; and it's hard to get, with the whole crop usually being reserved in advance. It costs about one dollar per liter, while the Albay cacao costs between two to two and a half dollars per “ganta” (three liters).
[91]Culture.The natives generally cover the kernels, just as they are beginning to sprout, with a little earth, and, placing them in a spirally-rolled leaf, hang them up beneath the roof of their dwellings. They grow very rapidly, and, to prevent their being choked by weeds, are planted out at very short intervals. This method of treatment is probably the reason that the cacao-trees in the Philippines never attain a greater height than eight or ten feet, while in their native soil they frequently reach thirty, and sometimes even forty feet. The tree begins to bear fruit in its third or fourth year, and in its fifth or sixth it reaches maturity, when it usually yields a “ganta” of cacao, which, as I have mentioned, is worth from two to two and a half dollars, and always finds a purchaser.2
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Culture.The locals typically cover the seeds just as they start to sprout, with a little dirt, and place them in a spirally-rolled leaf, hanging them up under the roof of their homes. They grow very quickly, and to prevent them from being overwhelmed by weeds, they are planted at very short intervals. This method is likely why cacao trees in the Philippines never grow taller than eight or ten feet, while in their native soil, they often reach thirty and sometimes even forty feet. The tree starts producing fruit in its third or fourth year, and by its fifth or sixth year, it reaches maturity, typically yielding a “ganta” of cacao, which, as I mentioned, is worth between two and two and a half dollars, and always finds a buyer.2
Neglect.The profits arising from a large plantation would, therefore, be considerable; yet it is very rare to meet with one. I heard it said that the Economical Society had offered a considerable reward to any one who could exhibit a plantation of ten thousand berry-bearing trees; but in the Society’s report I found no mention of this reward.
Neglect.The profits from a large plantation would be significant; however, it’s quite rare to come across one. I heard that the Economic Society had offered a substantial reward to anyone who could show a plantation with ten thousand berry-bearing trees, but I didn’t find any mention of this reward in the Society’s report.
Damage by storms.The great obstacles in the way of large plantations are the heavy storms which recur almost regularly every year, and often destroy an entire plantation in a single day. In 1856 a hurricane visited the Island just before the harvest, and completely tore up several large plantations by the roots; a catastrophe that naturally has caused much discouragement to the cultivators.3 One consequence of this state of things was that the free [92]importation of cacao was permitted, and people were enabled to purchase Guayaqual cacao at fifteen dollars per quintal while that grown at home cost double the money.
Storm damage. The major challenges for large plantations are the heavy storms that happen almost every year, often wiping out an entire plantation in just one day. In 1856, a hurricane hit the Island right before the harvest, completely uprooting several large plantations; this disaster understandably discouraged the farmers. 3 One result of this situation was that the free [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] importation of cacao was allowed, enabling people to buy Guayaqual cacao for fifteen dollars per quintal, while local cacao cost twice as much.
Diseases and pests.The plant is sometimes attacked by a disease, the origin of which is unknown, when it suffers severely from certain noxious insects.4 It is also attacked by rats and other predatory vermin; the former sometimes falling upon it in such numbers that they destroy the entire harvest in a single night. Travellers in America say that a well-kept cacao plantation is a very picturesque sight. In the Philippines, however, or at any rate in East Luzon, the closely-packed, lifeless-looking, moss-covered trees present a dreary spectacle. Their existence is a brief one. Their oval leaves, sometimes nearly a foot long, droop singly from the twigs, and form no luxuriant masses of foliage. Their blossoms are very insignificant; they are of a reddish-yellow, no larger than the flowers of the lime, and grow separately on long weedy stalks. The fruit ripens in six months. When it is matured, it is of either a red or a yellow tint, and is somewhat like a very rough gherkin. Only two varieties appear to be cultivated in the Philippines.5 The pulp of the fruit is white, tender, and of an agreeable acid taste, and contains from eighteen to twenty-four kernels, arranged in five rows. These kernels are as large as almonds, and, like them, consist of a couple of husks and a small core. This is the cacao bean; which, [93]roasted and finely ground, produces cacao, and with the addition of sugar, and generally of spice, makes chocolate. Till the last few years, every household in the Philippines made its own chocolate, of nothing but cacao and sugar. The natives who eat chocolate often add roasted rice to it. Nowadays there is a manufactory in Manila, which makes chocolate in the European way. The inhabitants of the eastern provinces are very fond of adding roasted pili nuts to their chocolate.6
Diseases and pests.The plant sometimes falls victim to a disease of unknown origin, especially when it's under attack from certain harmful insects.4 It's also preyed upon by rats and other pests; sometimes they arrive in such large numbers that they can wipe out the entire harvest in just one night. Travelers in America say that a well-maintained cacao plantation is a beautiful sight. However, in the Philippines, particularly in East Luzon, the closely spaced, lifeless-looking, moss-covered trees create a bleak scene. Their lifespan is short. Their oval leaves, nearly a foot long at times, hang limply from the branches and don’t create lush foliage. Their flowers are pretty unremarkable; they are reddish-yellow, no bigger than lime flowers, and grow separately on long, weedy stems. The fruit takes six months to ripen. When mature, it has either a red or yellow color and resembles a very rough gherkin. Only two varieties seem to be cultivated in the Philippines.5 The pulp of the fruit is white, tender, and has a pleasant tart taste, containing eighteen to twenty-four seeds arranged in five rows. These seeds are as large as almonds and, like them, have a couple of shells and a small core. This is the cacao bean; which, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]when roasted and finely ground, produces cacao, and when sugar (and usually spices) are added, makes chocolate. Until a few years ago, every household in the Philippines made its own chocolate using only cacao and sugar. The locals who consume chocolate often mix in roasted rice. Nowadays, there’s a factory in Manila that produces chocolate in the European style. Residents of the eastern provinces really enjoy adding roasted pili nuts to their chocolate.6
Chocolate.Europeans first learnt to make a drink from cacao in Mexico, where the preparation was called chocolatl.7 Even so far back as the days of Cortes, who was a tremendous chocolate drinker, the cacao-tree was extensively cultivated. The Aztecs used the beans as money; and Montezuma used to receive part of his tribute in this peculiar coin. It was only the wealthy among the ancient Mexicans who ate pure cacao; the poor, on account of the value of the beans as coins, used to mix maize and mandioca meal with them. Even in our own day the inhabitants of Central America make use of the beans as small coins, as they have no copper money, nor smaller silver coins than the half-real. Both in Central America and in Orinoco there yet are many [94]unpenetrated forests which are almost entirely composed of wild cacao-trees. I believe the natives gather some of their fruit, but it is almost worthless. By itself it has much less flavor than the cultivated kinds. Certainly it is not picked and dried at the proper season, and it gets spoilt in its long transit through the damp woods.
Chocolate. Europeans first learned to make a drink from cacao in Mexico, where the preparation was called chocolatl.7 Even back in the days of Cortés, who was a huge fan of chocolate, the cacao tree was widely cultivated. The Aztecs used the beans as money, and Montezuma received part of his tribute in this unusual currency. Only the wealthy among the ancient Mexicans consumed pure cacao; the poor, due to the value of the beans as currency, mixed them with maize and cassava flour. Even today, people in Central America use the beans as small change since they have no copper coins and no silver coins smaller than the half-real. Both in Central America and in Orinoco, there are still many [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]untouched forests that are mostly made up of wild cacao trees. I believe the locals gather some of their fruit, but it’s nearly worthless. It has much less flavor than the cultivated varieties. It’s definitely not picked and dried at the right time, and it spoils during its long journey through the damp forests.
An uncertain venture.Since the abolition of slavery, the crops in America have been diminishing year by year, and until a short time ago, when the French laid out several large plantations in Central America, were of but trifling value. According to F. Engel, a flourishing cacao plantation required less outlay and trouble, and yields more profit than any other tropical plant; yet its harvests, which do not yield anything for the first five or six years, are very uncertain, owing to the numerous insects which attack the plants. In short, cacao plantations are only suited to large capitalists, or to very small cultivators who grow the trees in their own gardens. Moreover, as we have said, since the abolition of slavery most of the plantations have fallen into decay, for the freed slaves are entirely wanting in industry.
A risky venture.Since the abolition of slavery, crop production in America has been decreasing every year, and until recently, when the French established several large plantations in Central America, they held little value. According to F. Engel, a successful cacao plantation requires less investment and effort, and generates more profit than any other tropical crop; however, its yields, which don’t produce anything for the first five or six years, are highly unpredictable due to the many insects that attack the plants. In short, cacao plantations are only feasible for large investors or very small growers who cultivate the trees in their own gardens. Moreover, as mentioned, since the abolition of slavery, most of the plantations have deteriorated, as the freed slaves lack motivation.
Use in Europe.The original chocolate was not generally relished in Europe. When, however, at a later period, it was mixed with sugar, it met with more approbation. The exaggerated praise of its admirers raised a bitter opposition amongst the opponents of the new drink; and the priests raised conscientious scruples against the use of so nourishing an article of food on fast days. The quarrel lasted till the seventeenth century, by which time cacao had become an everyday necessity in Spain. It was first introduced into Spain in 1520; but chocolate, on account of the monopoly of the Conquistadores, was for a long time secretly prepared on the other side of the ocean. In 1580, however, it was in common use in Spain, though [95]it was so entirely unknown in England that, in 1579, an English captain burnt a captured cargo of it as useless. It reached Italy in 1606, and was introduced into France by Anne of Austria. The first chocolate-house in London was opened in 1657, and in 1700 Germany at last followed suit.8
Usage in Europe. The original chocolate wasn't widely enjoyed in Europe. However, later on, when it was mixed with sugar, it gained more approval. The excessive praise from its fans sparked strong opposition from those against the new drink, and some priests raised moral objections against consuming such a nourishing food on fasting days. This dispute continued until the seventeenth century, by which point cacao had become a daily staple in Spain. It was first brought to Spain in 1520, but chocolate was kept secret and made on the other side of the ocean for a long time due to the Conquistadores' monopoly. By 1580, it was commonly used in Spain, although [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] it was completely unknown in England, leading an English captain in 1579 to burn a captured shipment of it as worthless. It arrived in Italy in 1606 and was introduced to France by Anne of Austria. The first chocolate house in London opened in 1657, and Germany finally followed in 1700.8
Coffee.The history of coffee in the Philippines is very similar to that of cacao. The plant thrives wonderfully, and its berry has so strongly marked a flavor that the worst Manila coffee commands as high a price as the best Java. In spite of this, however, the amount of coffee produced in the Philippines is very insignificant, and, until lately, scarcely deserved mention. According to the report of an Englishman in 1828, the coffee-plant was almost unknown forty years before, and was represented only by a few specimens in the Botanical Gardens at Manila. It soon, however, increased and multiplied, thanks to the moderation of a small predatory animal (paradoxurus musanga), which only nibbled the ripe fruit, and left the hard kernels (the coffee beans) untouched, as indigestible. The Economical Society bestirred itself in its turn by offering rewards to encourage the laying out of large coffee plantations. In 1837 it granted to M. de la Gironnière a premium of $1,000, for exhibiting a coffee plantation of sixty thousand plants, which were yielding their second harvest; and four premiums to others in the following year. But as soon as the rewards were obtained the plantations were once more allowed to fall into neglect. From this it is pretty evident that the enterprise, in the face of the then market prices and the artificially high rates of freight, did not afford a sufficient profit.
Coffee.The history of coffee in the Philippines closely mirrors that of cacao. The plant grows exceptionally well, and its beans have such a distinct flavor that even the lowest-quality coffee from Manila fetches as much as the best Java. Despite this, the amount of coffee produced in the Philippines is minimal and, until recently, hardly worth mentioning. According to a report by an Englishman in 1828, the coffee plant was nearly unknown forty years earlier and existed only as a few samples in the Botanical Gardens in Manila. However, it gradually increased in number, aided by a small creature (paradoxurus musanga) that nibbled on the ripe fruit but left the hard coffee beans alone, as they were indigestible. The Economical Society took action by offering rewards to promote the development of large coffee plantations. In 1837, it awarded M. de la Gironnière a grant of $1,000 for showcasing a coffee plantation with sixty thousand plants that were producing their second harvest, along with four additional awards to others the following year. However, as soon as the rewards were secured, the plantations fell back into neglect. This clearly indicates that the venture, given the market prices at the time and the artificially inflated shipping costs, did not provide enough profit.
[96]Exports.In 1856 the exports of coffee were not more than seven thousand piculs; in 1865 they had increased to thirty-seven thousand, five hundred and eighty-eight; and in 1871, to fifty-three thousand, three hundred and seventy. This increase, however, affords no criterion by which to estimate the increase in the number of plantations, for these make no returns for the first few years after being laid out. In short, larger exports may be confidently expected. But even greatly increased exports could not be taken as correct measures of the colony’s resources. Not till European capital calls large plantations into existence in the most suitable localities will the Philippines obtain their proper rank in the coffee-producing districts of the world.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Exports.In 1856, coffee exports were only about seven thousand piculs; by 1865, they had risen to thirty-seven thousand five hundred and eighty-eight; and in 1871, they reached fifty-three thousand three hundred and seventy. However, this increase doesn’t provide a reliable measurement of how many plantations were created since they don’t yield returns in the first few years after establishment. Overall, we can expect exports to grow even more. But even significantly higher exports wouldn’t accurately reflect the colony’s resources. The Philippines won’t truly take its place among the major coffee-producing regions in the world until European investment creates large plantations in the most suitable areas.
Highest grades.The best coffee comes from the provinces of Laguna, Batangas and Cavite; the worst from Mindanao. The latter, in consequence of careless treatment, is very impure, and generally contains a quantity of bad beans. The coffee beans of Mindanao are of a yellowish-white color and flabby; those of Laguna are smaller, but much firmer in texture.
Top grades.The best coffee comes from Laguna, Batangas, and Cavite; the worst comes from Mindanao. This is due to poor handling, which makes it very impure and often mixed with a lot of bad beans. The coffee beans from Mindanao are yellowish-white and soft; in contrast, the beans from Laguna are smaller but much denser.
French preference.Manila coffee is very highly esteemed by connoisseurs, and is very expensive, though it is by no means so nice looking as that of Ceylon and other more carefully prepared kinds. It is a remarkable fact that in 1865 France, which imported only $21,000 worth of hemp from the Philippines, imported more than $200,000 worth of Manila coffee, a third of the entire coffee produce of the Islands.9 Manila coffee is not much prized in London, and does not fetch much more than good Ceylon ($15 per cwt.).10 This, however, is no reproach to the coffee, as every one acquainted with an Englishman’s appreciation of coffee will allow.
French preference.Manila coffee is highly regarded by enthusiasts and is quite pricey, even though it doesn’t look as appealing as Ceylon and other more meticulously prepared varieties. Interestingly, in 1865, France imported only $21,000 worth of hemp from the Philippines, but over $200,000 worth of Manila coffee, which was a third of the total coffee production from the Islands.9 Manila coffee isn’t highly valued in London and sells for about the same as good Ceylon ($15 per cwt.).10 However, this doesn’t reflect poorly on the coffee, as anyone familiar with how English people rate coffee would agree.
[97]Prices.California, an excellent customer, always ready to give a fair price for a good article, will in time become one of its principal consumers.11 In 1868, coffee in Manila itself cost an average of $16 per picul.12 In Java, the authorities pay the natives, who are compelled to cultivate it, about $3.66 per picul.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Costs.California, a great customer, is always willing to pay a fair price for a good product and will eventually become one of its main consumers.11 In 1868, coffee in Manila was priced at an average of $16 per picul. 12 In Java, the authorities pay the locals, who are required to grow it, about $3.66 per picul.
Philippine exports.Although the amount of coffee exported from the Philippines is trifling in comparison with the producing powers of the colony, it compares favorably with the exports from other countries.
PH exports.While the volume of coffee exported from the Philippines is small compared to the larger coffee-producing regions, it holds up well against the exports from other countries.
Javan and Ceylon crops.In my Sketches of Travel, I compared the decrease of the coffee produced in Java under the forced system of cultivation with the increase of that voluntarily grown in Ceylon, and gave the Javanese produce for 1858 as sixty-seven thousand tons, and the Cingalese as thirty-five thousand tons. Since that time the relative decrease and increase have continued; and in 1866 the Dutch Indies produced only fifty-six thousand tons, and Ceylon thirty-six thousand tons.13
Javan and Ceylon plants.In my Sketches of Travel, I compared the drop in coffee production in Java due to the imposed cultivation system with the rise in coffee that was grown voluntarily in Ceylon. I reported that the Javanese output for 1858 was sixty-seven thousand tons, while the Cingalese output was thirty-five thousand tons. Since then, this trend of decrease in Java and increase in Ceylon has continued. By 1866, the Dutch Indies produced only fifty-six thousand tons, while Ceylon produced thirty-six thousand tons.13
Amateur scientists.During my enforced stay in Daraga the natives brought me mussels and snails for sale; and several of them wished to enter my service, as they felt “a particular vocation for Natural History.” At last my kitchen was always full of them. They sallied forth every day to collect insects, and as a rule were not particularly [98]fortunate in their search; but this was of no consequence; in fact, it served to give them a fresh appetite for their meals. Some of the neighboring Spaniards paid me almost daily visits; and several of the native and mestizo dignitaries from a distance were good enough to call upon me, not so much for the purpose of seeing my humble self as of inspecting my hat, the fame of which had spread over the whole province. It was constructed in the usual judicious mushroom shape, covered with nito,14 and its pinnacle was adorned with a powerful oil lamp, furnished with a closely fitting lid, like that of a dark lantern, so that it could be carried in the pocket. This last was particularly useful when riding about on a dark night.
Citizen scientists.During my forced stay in Daraga, the locals brought me mussels and snails to sell, and many of them wanted to work for me because they felt “a strong passion for Natural History.” Eventually, my kitchen was always filled with them. They went out every day to collect insects, and usually weren’t very [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]successful in their search, but that didn’t matter; in fact, it made them hungrier for their meals. Some nearby Spaniards visited me almost every day, and several native and mestizo dignitaries from further away were kind enough to stop by, not so much to see me, but to check out my hat, which had become famous throughout the province. It was designed in the usual smart mushroom shape, covered with nito,14 and had a powerful oil lamp at the top, equipped with a snug-fitting lid like a dark lantern, so it could be carried in a pocket. This was especially handy for riding out on dark nights.
Nito cigar cases.In the neighboring pueblo cigar-cases were made out of this nito. They are not of much use as an article of commerce, and usually are only made to order. To obtain a dozen a would-be purchaser must apply to as many individuals, who, at the shortest, will condescend to finish one in a few months. The stalk of the fern, which is about as thick as a lucifer match, is split into four strips. The workman then takes a strip in his left hand, and, with his thumb on the back and his forefinger on the edge, draws the strips up and down against the knife blade until the soft pithy parts are cut away, and what remains has become fine enough for the next process. The cases are made on pointed cylindrical pieces of wood almost a couple of feet long. A pin is stuck into the center of the end of the cylinder, and the workman commences by fastening the strips of fern stalk to it. The size of the case corresponds to the [99] diameter of the roller, and a small wooden disk is placed in the bottom of the case to keep it steady while the sides are being plaited.
Nito cigar holders. In the nearby pueblo, cigar cases were made from this nito. They aren't very useful as a product for sale and are usually only made upon request. To get a dozen, someone interested has to reach out to many different people, who will, at the earliest, agree to finish one in a few months. The stalk of the fern, which is about as thick as a matchstick, is split into four strips. The craftsman then takes a strip in his left hand, using his thumb on the back and his forefinger on the edge, and moves the strips up and down against the knife blade until the soft, pithy parts are cut away, leaving what's left fine enough for the next step. The cases are made on pointed cylindrical pieces of wood that are about two feet long. A pin is placed in the center of the end of the cylinder, and the craftsman begins by attaching the strips of fern stalk to it. The size of the case matches the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] diameter of the roller, and a small wooden disk is put at the bottom of the case to keep it stable while the sides are being woven.
A Filipino theater.When my ankle began to get better, my first excursion was to Legaspi, where some Filipinos were giving a theatrical performance. A Spanish political refugee directed the entertainment. On each side of the stage, roofed in with palm leaves, ran covered galleries for the dignitaries of the place; the uncovered space between these was set apart for the common people. The performers had chosen a play taken from Persian history. The language was Spanish, and the dresses were, to say the least, eccentric. The stage was erected hard by a public street, which itself formed part of the auditorium, and the noise was so great that I could only catch a word here and there. The actors stalked on, chattering their parts, which not one of them understood, and moving their arms up and down; and when they reached the edge of the stage, they tacked and went back again like ships sailing against the wind. Their countenances were entirely devoid of expression, and they spoke like automatons. If I had understood the words, the contrast between their meaning and the machine-like movements of the actors would probably have been droll enough; but, as it was, the noise, the heat, and the smoke were so great that we soon left the place.
A Filipino theater Company.When my ankle started to heal, my first outing was to Legaspi, where some Filipinos were putting on a theatrical show. A Spanish political refugee was directing the performance. On each side of the stage, covered by palm leaves, there were sheltered galleries for the local dignitaries; the open space in between was reserved for the general public. The performers had chosen a play based on Persian history. The language was Spanish, and the costumes were, to put it mildly, quite unusual. The stage was set up right next to a public street, which became part of the audience area, and the noise was so overwhelming that I could only catch bits and pieces of the dialogue. The actors moved about, reciting their lines, none of which they seemed to understand, and waving their arms up and down; when they got to the edge of the stage, they would tack back the way they came, like ships sailing against the wind. Their faces showed no expression at all, and they spoke like robots. If I had understood the words, the contrast between their meaning and the robotic movements of the actors might have been amusing; however, the noise, heat, and smoke were so intense that we quickly decided to leave.
An indifferent performance.Both the theatrical performance and the whole festival bore the impress of laziness, indifference, and mindless mimicry. When I compared the frank cheerfulness I had seen radiating from every countenance at the religious holidays of Europe with the expressionless and immobile faces of the natives, I found it difficult to understand how the latter were persuaded to waste so much time and money upon a matter they seemed so thoroughly indifferent to.
A lackluster performance.Both the theatrical show and the entire festival felt lazy, uncaring, and mindless. When I looked at the genuine joy I had seen shining from everyone's faces during the religious holidays in Europe, compared to the blank and still faces of the locals, I struggled to understand why they would spend so much time and money on something they seemed so uninterested in.
[100]Interest in festival.Travellers have remarked the same want of gaiety amongst the Indians of America; and some of them ascribe it to the small development of the nervous system prevalent among these peoples, to which cause also they attribute their wonderful courage in bearing pain. But Tylor observes that the Indian’s countenance is so different from ours that it takes us several years to rightly interpret its expression. There probably is something in both these explanations. And, although I observed no lively expression of amusement among my native friends at Legaspi, I noticed that they took the greatest possible pleasure in decorating their village, and that the procession which formed part of the festival had extraordinary charms for them. Every individual was dressed in his very best; and the honor of carrying a banner inspired those who attained it with the greatest pride, and raised an amazing amount of envy in the breasts of the remainder. Visitors poured in from all the surrounding hamlets, and erected triumphal arches which they had brought with them ready-made and which bore some complimentary inscription. I am obliged to confess that some of the holiday-makers were very drunk. The inhabitants of the Philippines have a great love for strong drink; even the young girls occasionally get intoxicated. When night came on, the strangers were hospitably lodged in the dwellings of the village. On such occasions native hospitality shows itself in a very favorable light. The door of every house stands open, and even balls take place in some of the larger hamlets. The Spanish and mestizo cavaliers, however, condescend to dance only with mestiza partners, and very seldom invite a pretty native girl to join them. The natives very rarely dance together; but in Samar I was present on one occasion at a by no means ungraceful native dance where “improvised” verses were sung. [101]The male dancer compared his partner with a rose, and she answered he should be careful in touching it as a rose had thorns. This would have been thought a charming compliment in the mouth of an Andalusian.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Festival interest.Travelers have noted the same lack of joy among the Native Americans, with some attributing it to the limited development of the nervous system that these people have, which they also say is why they exhibit remarkable courage in enduring pain. However, Tylor points out that the expressions of the Native Americans are so different from ours that it takes us several years to fully understand them. There is likely some truth to both of these explanations. While I didn’t witness much lively amusement among my local friends in Legaspi, I did see that they took immense pleasure in decorating their village, and the festival procession was incredibly captivating to them. Everyone was dressed in their finest clothes, and carrying a banner filled those who were chosen with great pride and sparked a significant amount of jealousy among others. Visitors came from nearby villages and set up triumphal arches that they had brought ready-made, complete with complimentary messages. I must admit that some of the revelers were quite drunk. The people of the Philippines have a strong affinity for alcohol; even young girls sometimes get tipsy. When night fell, the newcomers were warmly welcomed into the homes of the village. During such events, local hospitality shines brightly. The doors of every house are wide open, and there are even dances in some of the bigger villages. Spanish and mestizo gentlemen, however, only dance with mestiza partners and rarely invite a pretty native girl to join them. Natives rarely dance with each other, but in Samar, I did witness a rather graceful native dance where "improvised" verses were sung. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The male dancer compared his partner to a rose, and she responded that he should be careful when touching it since a rose has thorns. This would have been seen as a lovely compliment coming from an Andalusian.
Servant subterfuges.The idle existence we spent in Daraga was so agreeable to my servants and their numerous friends that they were anxious I should stay there as long as possible; and they adopted some very ingenious means to persuade me to do so. Twice, when everything was prepared for a start the next morning, my shoes were stolen in the night; and on another occasion they kidnapped my horse. When a native has a particularly heavy load to carry, or a long journey to make, he thinks nothing of coolly appropriating the well-fed beast of some Spaniard; which, when he has done with it, he turns loose without attempting to feed it, and it wanders about till somebody catches it and stalls it in the nearest “Tribunal.” There it is kept tied up and hungry until its master claims it and pays its expenses. I had a dollar to pay when I recovered mine, although it was nearly starved to death, on the pretence that it had swallowed rice to that value since it had been caught.
Servant tricks.The laid-back life we had in Daraga was so enjoyable for my servants and their many friends that they were eager for me to stay there as long as possible; they came up with some clever tricks to convince me to do so. Twice, when everything was ready for me to leave the next morning, my shoes were taken during the night; and on another occasion, they took my horse. When a local has a particularly heavy load to carry or a long trip to make, they think nothing of casually taking a well-fed horse from some Spaniard; once they’re done with it, they just let it go without feeding it, and it wanders around until someone catches it and brings it to the nearest “Tribunal.” There, it’s kept tied up and hungry until its owner comes to claim it and pays for its care. I had to pay a dollar to get mine back, even though it was nearly starving, on the excuse that it had eaten rice worth that amount since being captured.
Petty robberies.Small robberies occur very frequently, but they are committed—as an acquaintance, a man who had spent some time in the country, informed me one evening when I was telling him my troubles—only upon the property of new arrivals; old residents, he said, enjoyed a prescriptive freedom from such little inconveniences. I fancy some waggish native must have overheard our conversation, for early the next morning my friend, the old resident, sent to borrow chocolate, biscuits, and eggs of me, as his larder and his hen-house had been rifled during the night.
Minor thefts. Small thefts happen all the time, but they only target newcomers, as a friend of mine, who had lived in the area for a while, told me one evening when I was sharing my worries. He said that long-time residents were generally free from these minor annoyances. I suspect a clever local must have overheard us, because the next morning, my friend, the old resident, asked to borrow some chocolate, cookies, and eggs from me since his pantry and chicken coop had been emptied during the night.
[102]Daraga market.Monday and Friday evenings were the Daraga market nights, and in fine weather always afforded a pretty sight. The women, neatly and cleanly clad, sat in long rows and offered their provisions for sale by the light of hundreds of torches; and, when the business was over, the slopes of the mountains were studded all over with flickering little points of brightness proceeding from the torches carried by the homeward-bound market women. Besides eatables, many had silks and stuffs woven from the fibers of the pine-apple and the banana for sale. These goods they carried on their heads; and I noticed that all the younger women were accompanied by their sweethearts, who relieved them of their burdens.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Daraga marketplace.Monday and Friday evenings were the nights for the Daraga market, and when the weather was nice, it was always a beautiful sight. The women, dressed neatly and cleanly, sat in long rows, selling their goods by the light of hundreds of torches. Once the market closed, the slopes of the mountains sparkled with the flickering lights from the torches carried by the women heading home. Besides food, many sold silks and fabrics made from pineapple and banana fibers. They balanced these goods on their heads, and I noticed that all the younger women had their boyfriends with them, who helped carry their loads.
1 From 36,000,000 to 40,000,000 lbs. of cacao are consumed in Europe annually; of which quantity nearly a third goes to France, whose consumption of it between 1853 and 1866 has more than doubled. In the former year it amounted to 6,215,000 lbs., in the latter to 12,973,534 lbs. Venezuela sends the finest cacaos to the European market, those of Porto Cabello and Caracas. That of Caracas is the dearest and the best, and is of four kinds: Chuao, Ghoroni, O’Cumar, and Rio Chico. England consumes the cacao grown in its own colonies, although the duty (1d per lb.) is the same for all descriptions. Spain, the principal consumer, imports its supplies from Cuba, Porto Rico, Ecuador, Mexico, and Trinidad. Several large and important plantations have recently been established by Frenchmen in Nicaragua. The cacao beans of Soconusco (Central America) and Esmeralda (Ecuador) are more highly esteemed than the finest of the Venezuela sorts; but they are scarcely ever used in the Philippines, and cannot be said to form part of their commerce. Germany contents itself with the inferior kinds. Guayaquil cacao, which is only half the price of Caracas, is more popular amongst the Germans than all the other varieties together.
1 Between 36,000,000 and 40,000,000 lbs. of cacao are consumed in Europe every year; nearly a third of that goes to France, which has more than doubled its cacao consumption from 1853 to 1866. In 1853, it consumed 6,215,000 lbs., while in 1866, it reached 12,973,534 lbs. Venezuela supplies the finest cacao to the European market, especially from Porto Cabello and Caracas. The cacao from Caracas is the most expensive and highest quality, coming in four varieties: Chuao, Ghoroni, O’Cumar, and Rio Chico. England consumes cacao from its own colonies, even though the duty (1d per lb.) is the same for all types. Spain, the largest consumer, imports its cacao from Cuba, Puerto Rico, Ecuador, Mexico, and Trinidad. Recently, several large and significant plantations have been set up by Frenchmen in Nicaragua. The cacao beans from Soconusco (Central America) and Esmeralda (Ecuador) are considered superior to the best Venezuelan varieties; however, they are rarely used in the Philippines and are not part of their trade. Germany settles for the lower-quality types. Guayaquil cacao, which costs only half as much as Caracas cacao, is more popular among Germans than all other varieties combined.
2 C. Scherzer, in his work on Central America, gives the cacao-tree an existence of twenty years, and says that each tree annually produces from 15 to 20 ounces of cacao. 1,000 plants will produce 1,250 lbs. of cacao, worth $250; so that the annual produce of a single tree is worth a quarter of a dollar. Mitscherlich says that from 4 to 6 lbs. of raw beans is an average produce. A liter of dried cacao beans weighs 630 grains; of picked and roasted, 610 grains.
2 C. Scherzer, in his research on Central America, states that the cacao tree lives for about twenty years and that each tree produces between 15 to 20 ounces of cacao each year. 1,000 plants yield 1,250 lbs. of cacao, valued at $250; thus, the yearly output of a single tree is worth a quarter. Mitscherlich mentions that the average yield is between 4 to 6 lbs. of raw beans. A liter of dried cacao beans weighs 630 grains, while picked and roasted beans weigh 610 grains.
3 In 1727 a hurricane destroyed at a single blast the important cacao plantation of Martinique, which had been created by long years of extraordinary care. The same thing happened at Trinidad.—Mitscherlich.
3 In 1727, a hurricane wiped out the important cacao plantation in Martinique that had taken many years of hard work to develop. The same thing happened in Trinidad.—Mitscherlich.
4 F. Engel mentions a disease (mancha) which attacks the tree in America, beginning by destroying its roots. The tree soon dies, and the disease spreads so rapidly that whole groves of cacao-trees utterly perish and are turned into pastures for cattle. Even in the most favored localities, after a long season of prosperity, thousands of trees are destroyed in a single night by this disease, just as the harvest is about to take place. An almost equally dangerous foe to cultivation is a moth whose larva entirely destroys the ripe cacao beans; and which only cold and wind will kill. Humboldt mentions that cacao beans which have been transported over the chilly passes of the Cordilleras are never attacked by this pest.
4 F. Engel talks about a disease (mancha) that affects trees in America, starting by destroying their roots. The tree quickly dies, and the disease spreads so fast that entire groves of cacao trees are wiped out and turned into pastures for cattle. Even in the best locations, after a long period of prosperity, thousands of trees can be destroyed in just one night by this illness, right before the harvest is set to happen. Another nearly as destructive threat to farming is a moth whose larvae completely ruin the ripe cacao beans; the only things that can kill it are cold and wind. Humboldt noted that cacao beans transported over the cold passes of the Cordilleras are never harmed by this pest.
5 G. Bornoulli quotes altogether eighteen kinds; of which he mentions only one as generally in use in the Philippines.
5 G. Bornoulli lists a total of eighteen types, but he notes that only one is commonly used in the Philippines.
6 Pili is very common in South Luzon, Samar, and Leyte; it is to be found in almost every village. Its fruit, which is almost of the size of an ordinary plum but not so round, contains a hard stone, the raw kernel of which is steeped in syrup and candied in the same manner as the kernel of the sweet pine, which it resembles in flavor. The large trees with fruit on them, “about the size of almonds and looking like sweet-pine kernels,” which Pigafetta saw at Jomonjol were doubtless pili-trees. An oil is expressed from the kernels much resembling sweet almond oil. If incisions are made in the stems of the trees, an abundant pleasant-smelling white resin flows from them, which is largely used in the Philippines to calk ships with. It also has a great reputation as an anti-rheumatic plaster. It is twenty years since it was first exported to Europe; and the first consignees made large profits, as the resin, which was worth scarcely anything in the Philippines, became very popular and was much sought in Europe.
6 Pili is very common in South Luzon, Samar, and Leyte; it's found in nearly every village. Its fruit, which is about the size of a regular plum but not as round, has a hard stone, and the raw kernel is soaked in syrup and candied like the kernel of sweet pine, which it tastes similar to. The large trees with fruit on them, “about the size of almonds and resembling sweet-pine kernels,” that Pigafetta saw at Jomonjol were definitely pili trees. An oil is extracted from the kernels that is very similar to sweet almond oil. If cuts are made in the stems of the trees, a plentiful and pleasantly fragrant white resin flows out, which is widely used in the Philippines for caulking ships. It also has a strong reputation as an anti-rheumatic plaster. It’s been twenty years since it was first exported to Europe; the first importers made substantial profits because the resin, which was virtually worthless in the Philippines, became really popular and was highly sought after in Europe.
7 The general name for the beverage was Cacahoa-atl (cacao water). Chocolatl was the term given to a particular kind. F. Hernandez found four kinds of cacao in use among the Axtecs, and he describes four varieties of drinks that were prepared from them. The third was called chocolatl, and apparently was prepared as follows:—Equal quantities of the kernels of the pochotl (Bombaz ceiba) and cacahoatl (cacao) trees were finely ground, and heated in an earthen vessel, and all the grease removed as it rose to the surface. Maize, crushed and soaked, was added to it, and a beverage prepared from the mixture; to which the oily parts that had been skimmed off the top were restored, and the whole was drunk hot.
7 The general name for the drink was Cacahoa-atl (cacao water). Chocolatl referred to a specific type. F. Hernandez identified four types of cacao used by the Aztecs, and he describes four kinds of drinks made from them. The third was called chocolatl, and it was prepared like this: Equal amounts of the kernels from the pochotl (Bombax ceiba) and cacahoatl (cacao) trees were finely ground, heated in a clay pot, and all the fat was removed as it floated to the top. Crushed and soaked maize was added to this mixture, and a drink was made from it; then the oily parts that had been skimmed off the top were added back in, and the whole thing was served hot.
8 Berthold Seemann speaks of a tree with finger-shaped leaves and small round berries, which the Indians sometimes offered for sale. They made chocolate from them, which in flavor much surpassed that usually made from cacao.
8 Berthold Seemann talks about a tree with finger-like leaves and small round berries that the Indigenous people sometimes sold. They made chocolate from these berries, and its taste was way better than the typical chocolate made from cacao.
10 Mysore and Mocha coffees fetch the highest prices. From $20 to $22.50 per cwt. is paid for Mysore; and as much as $30, when it has attained an age of five or six years, for Mocha.
10 Mysore and Mocha coffees get the best prices. $20 to $22.50 per cwt. is paid for Mysore, and as much as $30 for Mocha when it’s been aged for five or six years.
11 In 1865–66–67 California imported three and one-half, eight and ten million lbs. of coffee, of which two, four and five millions respectively came from Manila. In 1868 England was the best customer of the Philippines.
11 In 1865, 1866, and 1867, California imported three and a half, eight, and ten million pounds of coffee, with two, four, and five million pounds coming from Manila, respectively. In 1868, England was the Philippines' top customer.
13 Coffee is such an exquisite beverage, and is so seldom properly prepared, that the following hints from a master in the art (Report of the Jury, Internat. Exhib., Paris, 1868) will not be unwelcome:—1st. Select good coffees. 2nd. Mix them in the proper proportions. 3rd. Thoroughly dry the beans; otherwise in roasting them a portion of the aroma escapes with the steam. 4th. Roast them in a dry atmosphere, and roast each quality separately. 5th. Allow them to cool rapidly. If it is impossible to roast the beans at home, then purchase only sufficient for each day’s consumption. With the exception of the fourth, however, it is easy to follow all these directions at home; and small roasting machines are purchasable, in which, with the aid of a spirit lamp, small quantities can be prepared at a time. It is best, when possible, to buy coffee in large quantities, and keep it stored for two or three years in a dry place.
13 Coffee is an amazing drink, and it’s often not made correctly, so these tips from an expert (Report of the Jury, Internat. Exhib., Paris, 1868) will be helpful: 1st. Choose good coffee beans. 2nd. Mix them in the right proportions. 3rd. Make sure the beans are completely dry; otherwise, when you roast them, some of the aroma will be lost as steam. 4th. Roast them in a dry environment, and roast each type separately. 5th. Let them cool quickly. If you can't roast the beans at home, then buy just enough for each day's use. Except for the fourth point, all these steps can be easily done at home; and small roasting machines are available, allowing you to prepare small amounts using a spirit lamp. It’s best, when possible, to buy coffee in bulk and store it in a dry place for two or three years.
XI
Change of season.During the whole time I was confined to the house at Daraga, the weather was remarkably fine; but unfortunately the bright days had come to an end by the time I was ready to make a start, for the north-east monsoon, the sure forerunner of rain in this part of the Archipelago, sets in in October. In spite, however, of the weather, I determined to make another attempt to ascend the mountain at Bulusan. I found I could go by boat to Bacon in the Bay of Albay, a distance of seven leagues, whence I could ride to Gubat, on the east coast, three leagues further, and then in a southerly direction along the shore to Bulusan. An experienced old native, who provided a boat and crew, had appointed ten o’clock at night as the best time for my departure. Just as we were about to start, however, we were told that four piratical craft had been seen in the bay. In a twinkling, the crew disappeared, and I was left alone in the darkness; and it took me four hours with the [103]assistance of a Spaniard to find them again, and make a fresh start. About nine o’clock in the morning we reached Bacon, whence I rode across a very flat country to San Roque, where the road leading to Gubat took a sharp turn to the south-east, and presently became an extremely bad one. After I had passed Gubat, my way lay along the shore; and I saw several ruined square towers, made of blocks of coral, and built by the Jesuits as a protection against the Moro pirates.Moros, or “Moors”—a term here applied to the pirates, because, like the Moors who were formerly in Spain, they are Mahometans. They come from Mindanao and from the north-west coast of Borneo. At the time of my visit, this part of the Archipelago was greatly infested with them; and a few days before my arrival they had carried off some fishermen, who were busy pulling their fish-stakes, close to Gubat. A little distance from the shore, and parallel to it, ran a coral reef, which during the south-west monsoon was here and there bare at low tide; but, when the north-east wind blew, the waves of the Pacific Ocean entirely concealed it. Upon this reef the storms had cast up many remains of marine animals, and a quantity of fungi, amongst which I noticed some exactly resembling the common sponge of the Mediterranean. They were just as soft to the touch, of a dark brown tint, as large as the fist, and of a conical shape. They absorbed water with great readiness, and might doubtless be made a profitable article of commerce. Samples of them are to be seen in the Zoological Museum at Berlin. As I went further on, I found the road excellent; and wooden bridges, all of which were in good repair, led me across the mouths of the numerous small rivers. But almost all the arches of the stone bridges I came to had fallen in, and I had to cross the streams they were supposed to span in a small boat, and make my horse swim after [104]me. Just before I reached Bulusan, I had to cross a ravine several hundred feet deep, composed almost entirely of white pumice stone.
Season change.While I was stuck at the house in Daraga, the weather was really nice; but sadly, the sunny days were over just as I was getting ready to leave, as the northeast monsoon, a clear sign of rain in this part of the Archipelago, begins in October. Still, despite the weather, I decided to try again to hike up the mountain at Bulusan. I discovered I could take a boat to Bacon in the Bay of Albay, seven leagues away, and then ride to Gubat, three leagues further on the east coast, and finally head south along the shore to Bulusan. An experienced local, who arranged a boat and crew, suggested that ten o’clock at night was the best time to leave. Just as we were about to go, though, we heard that four pirate ships had been spotted in the bay. In a flash, the crew vanished, leaving me alone in the dark; it took me four hours, with the help of a Spaniard, to find them again and set off anew. By around nine in the morning, we reached Bacon, and from there I rode across a very flat landscape to San Roque, where the road to Gubat sharply turned southeast and quickly became quite poor. After passing Gubat, my route ran along the shore, and I saw several ruined square towers made of coral blocks, built by the Jesuits for protection against the Moro pirates. Moros, or "Moors"—a name used here for the pirates because, like the Moors of old Spain, they are Muslims. They come from Mindanao and the northwest coast of Borneo. During my visit, this area of the Archipelago was heavily infested with them, and just a few days before I arrived, they had kidnapped some fishermen who were pulling their fish-stakes near Gubat. A bit off the shore, parallel to it, was a coral reef that was sometimes exposed at low tide during the southwest monsoon, but when the northeast wind blew, the waves of the Pacific Ocean completely covered it. On this reef, storms had thrown up many remains of marine life and a lot of fungi, among which I spotted some that looked just like the common sponge from the Mediterranean. They were just as soft to the touch, dark brown, as big as a fist, and conical in shape. They soaked up water easily and could definitely be turned into a profitable business item. Samples of them can be found in the Zoological Museum in Berlin. As I continued on, I found the road to be great, and sturdy wooden bridges, all well-maintained, took me across the mouths of several small rivers. However, almost all the arches of the stone bridges I encountered had collapsed, so I had to cross the streams they were intended to span in a small boat and make my horse swim after [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] me. Just before I got to Bulusan, I had to cross a ravine that was several hundred feet deep, mostly made of white pumice stone.
Bulusan.Bulusan is so seldom visited by strangers that the “tribunal” where I put up was soon full of curiosity-mongers, who came to stare at me. The women, taking the places of honor, squatted round me in concentric rows, while the men peered over their shoulders. One morning when I was taking a shower-bath in a shed made of open bamboo work, I suddenly noticed several pairs of inquisitive eyes staring at me through the interstices. The eyes belonged exclusively to the gentler sex; and their owners examined me with the greatest curiosity, making remarks upon my appearance to one another, and seeming by no means inclined to be disturbed. Upon another occasion, when bathing in the open air in the province of Laguna, I was surrounded by a number of women, old, middle-aged, and young, who crowded round me while I was dressing, carefully inspected me, and pointed out with their fingers every little detail which seemed to them to call for special remark.
Bulusan. Bulusan is so rarely visited by outsiders that the “tribunal” where I stayed quickly filled with onlookers eager to see me. The women, claiming the prime spots, sat around me in neat circles, while the men peeked over their shoulders. One morning, while I was taking a shower in a shed made of open bamboo, I suddenly noticed several curious eyes watching me through the gaps. These eyes belonged solely to women, and they examined me with intense interest, commenting on my appearance to each other and seemingly unbothered by my awareness. On another occasion, while bathing outdoors in the province of Laguna, I found myself surrounded by a crowd of women—old, middle-aged, and young—who gathered around me while I was getting dressed, scrutinizing me closely and pointing out every little detail they felt deserved attention.
Storm damage.I had travelled the last part of the road to Bulusan in wind and rain; and the storm lasted with little intermission during the whole night. When I got up in the morning I found that part of the roof of the tribunal had been carried away, that the slighter houses in the hamlet were all blown down, and that almost every dwelling in the place had lost its roof. This pleasant weather lasted during the three days of my stay. The air was so thick that I found it impossible to distinguish the volcano, though I was actually standing at its foot; and, as the weather-wise of the neighborhood could hold out no promise of a favorable change at that time of the year, I put off my intended ascent till a better opportunity, and resolved to return. A former alcalde, Peñeranda, [105]was reported to have succeeded in reaching the top fifteen years before, after sixty men had spent a couple of months in building a road to the summit; and the ascent was said to have taken him two whole days. But an experienced native told me that in the dry season he thought four men were quite sufficient to open a narrow path to the plateau, just under the peak, in a couple of days; but that ladders were required to get on to the actual summit.
Storm damage.I had traveled the last part of the road to Bulusan in wind and rain; and the storm continued with hardly any break throughout the night. When I woke up in the morning, I found that part of the roof of the tribunal had been torn off, that the weaker houses in the village were all blown down, and that almost every home in the area had lost its roof. This unpleasant weather lasted for the three days of my stay. The air was so thick that I couldn't even see the volcano, even though I was standing right at its base; and since the local weather experts couldn't promise a change for the better at that time of year, I postponed my planned ascent until a better opportunity and decided to head back. A former alcalde, Peñeranda, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]was said to have reached the top fifteen years ago, after sixty men spent a couple of months building a road to the summit; and the ascent apparently took him two whole days. However, an experienced local told me that during the dry season, he believed four men would be enough to clear a narrow path to the plateau, just below the peak, in a couple of days; but ladders were needed to reach the actual summit.
Arrival of assistance.The day after my arrival the inspector of highways and another man walked into the tribunal, both of them wet to the skin and nearly blown to pieces. My friend the alcalde had sent them to my assistance; and, as none of us could attempt the ascent, they returned with me. As we were entering Bacon on our way back, we heard the report of cannon and the sound of music. Our servants cried out “Here comes the alcalde,” and in a few moments he drove up in an open carriage, accompanied by an irregular escort of horsemen, Spaniards and natives, the latter prancing about in silk hats and shirts fluttering in the wind. The alcalde politely offered me a seat, and an hour’s drive took us into Sorsogon.
Help has arrived. The day after I arrived, the highway inspector and another guy walked into the tribunal, both drenched and almost blown away. My friend the alcalde had sent them to help me, and since none of us could manage the climb, they came back with me. As we were entering Bacon on our way back, we heard cannon fire and music. Our servants shouted, “Here comes the alcalde,” and moments later he rolled up in an open carriage, accompanied by a motley crew of horsemen, both Spaniards and locals, the latter showing off silk hats and shirts waving in the wind. The alcalde politely offered me a seat, and after an hour’s drive, we reached Sorsogon.
Albay roads and bridges.The roads of the province of Albay are good, but they are by no means kept in good repair: a state of things that will never be remedied so long as the indolence of the authorities continues. Most of the stone bridges in the district are in ruins, and the traveller is obliged to content himself with wading through a ford, or get himself ferried across upon a raft or in a small canoe, while his horse swims behind him. The roads were first laid down in the days of Alcalde Peñaranda, a retired officer of the engineer corps, whom we have already mentioned, and who deserves considerable praise for having largely contributed to the welfare of his province, [106]and for having accomplished so much from such small resources. He took care that all socage service should be duly rendered, or that money, which went towards paying for tools and materials, should be paid in lieu of it. Many abuses existed before his rule; no real services were performed by anybody who could trace the slightest relationship to any of the authorities; and, when by chance any redemption money was paid, it went, often with the connivance of the alcalde of the period, into the pockets of the gobernadorcillos, instead of into the provincial treasury. Similar abuses still prevail all over the country, where they are not prevented by the vigilance of the authorities. The numerous population, and the prosperity which the province now enjoys, would make it an easy matter to maintain and complete the existing highways. The admirable officials of the district are certainly not wanting in good-will, but their hands are tied. Nowadays the alcaldes remain only three years in one province (in Peñaranda’s time, they remained six); their time is entirely taken up with the current official and judicial business; and, just as they are beginning to become acquainted with the capabilities and requirements of their district, they are obliged to leave it. Handicapped officials.This shows the government’s want of confidence in its own servants. No alcalde could now possibly undertake what Peñaranda accomplished. The money paid in lieu of socage service, which ought to be applied to the wants of the province in which the socage is due, is forwarded to Manila. If an alcalde proposes some urgent and necessary improvement, he has to send in so many tedious estimates and reports, which frequently remain unnoticed, that he soon loses all desire to attempt any innovation. Estimates for large works, to carry out which would require a considerable outlay, are invariably returned from headquarters marked “not [107]urgent.” Funds diverted to Spain.The fact is not that the colonial government is wanting in good-will, but that the Caja de Comunidad (General Treasury) in Manila is almost always empty, as the Spanish government, in its chronic state of bankruptcy, borrows the money and is never in a position to return it.
Albay roads and bridges.The roads in Albay province are decent, but they’re definitely not well-maintained, and this situation won’t change as long as the authorities remain lazy. Most of the stone bridges in the area are in ruins, forcing travelers to either wade through a shallow crossing or get ferried over on a raft or small canoe while their horse swims behind them. The roads were first established during the time of Alcalde Peñaranda, a retired engineer officer we’ve already mentioned, who deserves a lot of credit for significantly improving the area with limited resources. He ensured that all labor was properly performed, or that money used to pay for tools and materials was given instead. Many issues existed before his leadership; no real work was done by anyone related to the authorities, and if any payment for labor was made, it often ended up—with the alcalde’s complicity—in the pockets of the gobernadorcillos, instead of going into the provincial treasury. Similar issues still exist throughout the country, unless the authorities are vigilant. Given the large population and current prosperity of the province, maintaining and improving the roads should be easy. The dedicated officials in the district definitely have good intentions, but they are restricted. Nowadays, alcaldes only stay in one province for three years (compared to six during Peñaranda’s time); their time is fully consumed by routine official and legal work, and just when they begin to understand the needs of their district, they have to leave. Disabled officials.This demonstrates the government’s lack of faith in its own employees. No alcalde could currently achieve what Peñaranda did. The funds paid for labor, which should support the needs of the province where it’s owed, are sent to Manila instead. If an alcalde suggests a necessary improvement, he must submit countless detailed estimates and reports that often go ignored, which quickly discourages him from pursuing any changes. Proposals for larger projects that would require significant investment are always sent back from headquarters labeled “not [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]urgent.” Funds redirected to Spain.The problem isn’t that the colonial government lacks goodwill, but rather that the Caja de Comunidad (General Treasury) in Manila is almost always empty, as the Spanish government, always on the verge of bankruptcy, borrows money and can never repay it.
Sorsogon earthquake.In 1840 Sorsogon suffered severely from an earthquake, which lasted almost continuously for thirty-five days. It raged with the greatest fury on the 21st of March. The churches, both of Sorsogon and of Casiguran, as well as the smallest stone houses, were destroyed; seventeen persons lost their lives, and two hundred were injured; and the whole neighborhood sank five feet below its former level.
Sorsogon earthquake.In 1840, Sorsogon experienced a devastating earthquake that lasted almost nonstop for thirty-five days. It was at its worst on March 21st. The churches in both Sorsogon and Casiguran, along with the smallest stone houses, were destroyed; seventeen people lost their lives, and two hundred were injured; and the entire area sank five feet below its previous level.
Casiguran.The next morning I accompanied the alcalde in a falua (felucca), manned by fourteen rowers, to Casiguran, which lies directly south of Sorsogon, on the other side of a small bay, of two leagues in breadth, which it took us an hour and a half to cross. The bay was as calm as an inland lake. It is almost entirely surrounded by hills, and its western side, which is open to the sea, is protected by the Island of Bagalao, which lies in front of it. As soon as we landed, we were received with salutes of cannon and music, and flags and shirts streamed in the wind. I declined the friendly invitation of the alcalde to accompany him any further; as to me, who had no official business to transact, the journey seemed nothing but a continually recurring panorama of dinners, lunches, cups of chocolate, music, and detonations of gunpowder.
Casiguran.The next morning, I joined the mayor in a falua (felucca), powered by fourteen rowers, to Casiguran, which is directly south of Sorsogon, across a small bay two leagues wide that took us an hour and a half to cross. The bay was as calm as a lake. It’s almost completely surrounded by hills, and its western side, which faces the sea, is sheltered by Bagalao Island, which lies in front of it. As soon as we arrived, we were welcomed with cannon salutes and music, with flags and banners fluttering in the wind. I politely declined the mayor's kind offer to continue with him; for me, with no official business to attend to, the journey felt like a never-ending series of dinners, lunches, cups of chocolate, music, and explosions of gunpowder.
Quicksilver.In 1850 quicksilver was discovered on a part of the coast now covered by the sea. I examined the reported bed of the deposit, and it appeared to me to consist of a stratum of clay six feet in depth, superimposed over a layer of volcanic sand and fragments of pumice stone. An Englishman who was wrecked in this part of the [108]Archipelago, the same individual I met at the iron works at Angat, had begun to collect it, and by washing the sand had obtained something like a couple of ounces. Somebody, however, told the priest of the district that quicksilver was a poison; and, as he himself told me, so forcibly did he depict the dangerous nature of the new discovery to his parishioners that they abandoned the attempt to collect it. Since then none of them have ever seen a vestige of mercury, unless it might be from some broken old barometer. Towards evening Mount Bulusan in the south-east, and Mount Mayon in the north-west, were visible for a short time. They are both in a straight line with Casiguran.
Mercury. In 1850, quicksilver was discovered along a part of the coast that is now underwater. I looked into the reported location of the deposit, and it seemed to consist of a six-foot layer of clay sitting above a layer of volcanic sand and pieces of pumice stone. An Englishman who was shipwrecked in this area of the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] Archipelago, the same person I met at the iron works in Angat, had started to gather it, and by washing the sand, he managed to collect about a couple of ounces. However, someone informed the local priest that quicksilver was poisonous; and, as he told me, he described the dangers of this new find so vividly to his parishioners that they gave up trying to collect it. Since then, no one has seen any sign of mercury, unless it was from a broken old barometer. In the evening, Mount Bulusan in the southeast and Mount Mayon in the northwest were visible for a brief period. They are both aligned directly with Casiguran.
Sea’s encroachments.Every year the sea makes great inroads upon the coast at Casiguran; as far as I could decide from its appearance and from the accounts given me, about a yard of the shore is annually destroyed. The bay of Sorsogon is protected towards the north by a ridge of hills, which suddenly terminate, however, at its north-eastern angle; and through this opening the wind sometimes blows with great fury, and causes considerable havoc in the bay, the more particularly as its coast is principally formed of clay and sand.
Sea encroachment.Every year, the sea seriously erodes the coast at Casiguran; based on what I’ve seen and what I’ve been told, about a yard of the shore is destroyed each year. The bay of Sorsogon is protected to the north by a ridge of hills, but this ridge suddenly ends at the northeastern corner. Through this gap, the wind often blows fiercely, causing significant damage in the bay, especially since its coast is mostly made up of clay and sand.
Pirate rumors and robberies.When I reached Legaspi again in the evening I learnt that the alarm about the pirates which had interrupted my departure had not been an idle one. Moros they certainly could not have been, for at that season none of the Mahometan corsairs could reach that part of the coast; but they were a band of deserters and vagabonds from the surrounding country, who in this part of the world find it more agreeable to pursue their freebooting career on sea than on land. During my absence they had committed many robberies and carried off several people.1
Pirate rumors and thefts. When I got back to Legaspi in the evening, I learned that the warning about the pirates that had delayed my departure was not just a rumor. They definitely weren’t Moros, since at that time of year no Muslim pirates could reach that area. Instead, they were a group of deserters and drifters from the nearby region, who preferred to carry on with their looting at sea rather than on land. While I was away, they had committed numerous robberies and kidnapped several people. 1
[109]Real pirates.The beginning of November is the season of storms; when water communication between Albay and Manila entirely ceases, no vessel daring to put out to sea, even from the south coast. On the 9th of the month, however, a vessel that had been given up for lost entered the port, after having incurred great perils and being obliged to throw overboard the greater part of its cargo. Within twelve days of its leaving the straits of San Bernardino behind it, a sudden storm compelled it to anchor amongst the Islands of Balicuatro. One of the passengers, a newly-arrived Spaniard, put off in a boat with seven sailors, and made for four small vessels which were riding at anchor off the coast; taking them for fishermen, whereas they were pirates. They fired at him as soon as he was some distance from his ship, and his crew threw themselves into the water; but both he and they were taken prisoners. The captain of the trading brig, fearing that his vessel would fall into their clutches, slipped anchor and put out to sea again, escaping shipwreck with the greatest difficulty. The pirates, as a rule, do not kill their prisoners, but employ them as rowers. But Europeans seldom survive their captivity: the tremendous labor and the scanty food are too much for them. Their clothes always being stripped off their back, they are exposed naked to all sorts of weather, and their sole daily support is a handful of rice.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Actual pirates. November marks the start of storm season; during this time, travel by water between Albay and Manila completely stops, as no ships are brave enough to venture out, even from the southern coast. However, on the 9th of the month, a ship that everyone thought was lost arrived in port after facing great dangers and having to throw most of its cargo overboard. Just twelve days after leaving the straits of San Bernardino, a sudden storm forced it to anchor among the Balicuatro Islands. One of the passengers, a newly-arrived Spaniard, took a boat with seven sailors to approach four small vessels anchored off the coast, mistaking them for fishermen when they were actually pirates. They fired at him as soon as he was a distance away from his ship, and his crew jumped into the water, but both he and his crew were captured. The captain of the trading brig, worried that his ship would be seized, weighed anchor and sailed away again, narrowly avoiding shipwreck. Generally, pirates don’t kill their prisoners but use them as rowers. However, Europeans rarely survive captivity: the harsh labor and meager food take a toll on them. Stripped of their clothes, they are left exposed to the elements, and their only food each day is a handful of rice.
XII
Camarines.No favorable change in the weather was expected in Albay before the month of January. It stormed and rained all day. I therefore determined to change my quarters to South Camarines, which, protected from the monsoon by the high range of hills running along its north-eastern boundary, enjoyed more decent weather. [110]The two provinces of Camarines form a long continent, with its principal frontage of shore facing to the north-east and to the south-west; which is about ten leagues broad in its middle, and has its shores indented by many bays. From about the center of its north-eastern shore there boldly projects the Peninsula of Caramuan, connected with the mainland of Camarines by the isthmus of Isarog. The north-eastern portion of the two provinces contains a long range of volcanic hills; the south-western principally consisted, as far as my investigations permitted me to discover, of chalk, and coral reefs; in the midst of the hills extends a winding and fertile valley, which collects the waters descending from the slopes of the mountain ranges, and blends them into a navigable river, on the banks of which several flourishing hamlets have established themselves. This river is called the Bicol. The streams which give it birth are so abundant, and the slope of the sides of the valley, which is turned into one gigantic rice-field, is so gentle that in many places the lazy waters linger and form small lakes.
Camarines.No favorable change in the weather was expected in Albay before January. It stormed and rained all day. I decided to move to South Camarines, where the high hills along its northeastern boundary shielded it from the monsoon, resulting in better weather. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The two provinces of Camarines form a long landmass, with its main coastline facing northeast and southwest; it's about ten leagues wide in the middle and has many bays along its shores. From around the center of its northeastern coast, the Peninsula of Caramuan juts out, connected to the mainland of Camarines by the isthmus of Isarog. The northeastern part of the two provinces features a long range of volcanic hills, while the southwestern part mainly consists, based on my observations, of chalk and coral reefs. In the midst of the hills lies a winding, fertile valley that gathers the water flowing down from the mountain slopes, forming a navigable river where several thriving villages have settled. This river is called the Bicol. The streams that feed it are plentiful, and the gentle slope of the valley, turned into one vast rice field, allows the waters to meander, creating small lakes in many areas.
A chain of volcanoes.Beginning at the south-eastern extremity, the volcanoes of Bulusan, Albay, Mazaraga, Iriga, Isarog, and Colasi—the last on the northern side of San Miguel bay—are situated in a straight line, extending from the south-east to the north-west. Besides these, there is the volcano of Buhi, or Malinao, a little to the north-east of the line. The hamlets in the valley I have mentioned are situated in a second line parallel to that of the volcanoes. The southern portion of the province is sparsely inhabited, and but few streams find their way from its plateau into the central valley. The range of volcanoes shuts out, as I have said, the north-east winds, and condenses their moisture in the little lakes scattered on its slopes. The south-west portion of Camarines, [111]therefore, is dry during the north-east monsoon, and enjoys its rainy season during the prevalence of the winds that blow from the south-west. The so-called dry season which, so far as South Camarines is concerned, begins in November, is interrupted, however, by frequent showers; but from January to May scarcely a drop of rain falls. The change of monsoon takes place in May and June; and its arrival is announced by violent thunderstorms and hurricanes, which frequently last without cessation for a couple of weeks, and are accompanied by heavy rains. These last are the beginning of the wet season proper, which lasts till October. The road passes the hamlets of Camalig, Guinobatan, Ligao, Oas and Polangui, situated in a straight line on the banks of the river Quinali, which, after receiving numerous tributary streams, becomes navigable soon after passing Polangui. Here I observed a small settlement of huts, which is called after the river. Each of the hamlets I have mentioned, with the exception of the last, has a population of about fourteen thousand souls, although they are situated not more than half a league apart.
A volcano chain.Starting at the southeastern tip, the volcanoes of Bulusan, Albay, Mazaraga, Iriga, Isarog, and Colasi—the last one located on the northern side of San Miguel Bay—form a straight line running from the southeast to the northwest. In addition to these, there's the volcano of Buhi, or Malinao, a little northeast of this line. The small villages in the valley I mentioned are positioned in a second line parallel to the volcanoes. The southern part of the province is sparsely populated, and only a few streams flow from its plateau into the central valley. As I noted before, the range of volcanoes blocks the northeast winds, condensing their moisture in the small lakes scattered along its slopes. Therefore, the southwestern area of Camarines is dry during the northeast monsoon and experiences its rainy season when the winds shift to come from the southwest. The so-called dry season in South Camarines starts in November; however, it is frequently interrupted by showers. From January to May, though, hardly any rain falls. The monsoon transition occurs in May and June, announced by intense thunderstorms and hurricanes that often continue without stopping for a couple of weeks and are accompanied by heavy rain. These storms mark the beginning of the true wet season, which lasts until October. The road passes through the villages of Camalig, Guinobatan, Ligao, Oas, and Polangui, which are all aligned along the banks of the Quinali River, which becomes navigable shortly after passing Polangui, receiving numerous tributary streams. Here, I spotted a small settlement of huts named after the river. Each of the villages I mentioned, except for the last one, has a population of about fourteen thousand people, even though they are located no more than half a league apart.
Priestly assistance.The convents in this part of the country are large, imposing buildings, and their incumbents, who were mostly old men, were most hospitable and kind to me. Every one of them insisted upon my staying with him, and, after doing all he could for me, passed me on to his next colleague with the best recommendations. I wished to hire a boat at Polangui to cross the lake of Batu, but the only craft I could find were a couple of barotos about eight feet long, hollowed out of the trunks of trees and laden with rice. To prevent my meeting with any delay, the padre purchased the cargo of one of the boats, on the condition of its being immediately unladen; and this kindness enabled me to continue my journey in the afternoon.
Clergy support.The convents in this area are large, impressive buildings, and the residents, mostly older men, were incredibly hospitable and kind to me. Each one insisted that I stay with him and, after doing everything he could for me, sent me on to his next colleague with the best recommendations. I wanted to rent a boat at Polangui to cross the lake of Batu, but the only vessels I could find were a couple of barotos, about eight feet long, carved out of tree trunks and filled with rice. To avoid any delays, the padre bought the cargo of one of the boats on the condition that it be unloaded immediately; this generous act allowed me to continue my journey in the afternoon.
[112]The priests’ importance.If a traveller gets on good terms with the priests he seldom meets with any annoyances. Upon one occasion I wished to make a little excursion directly after lunch, and at a quarter past eleven everything was ready for a start; when I happened to say that it was a pity to have to wait three-quarters of an hour for the meal. In a minute or two twelve o’clock struck; all work in the village ceased, and we sat down to table: it was noon. A message had been sent to the village bell-ringer that the Señor Padre thought he must be asleep, and that it must be long past twelve as the Señor Padre was hungry. Il est l’heure que votre Majesté désire.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The role of priests.If a traveler gets along well with the priests, he rarely faces any trouble. One time, I wanted to take a little trip right after lunch, and by a quarter past eleven everything was set to go; when I mentioned that it was a shame to wait three-quarters of an hour for the meal. Within a minute or two, the clock struck twelve; all work in the village stopped, and we sat down to eat: it was noon. A message had been sent to the village bell-ringer saying that the Señor Padre thought he must be asleep, and that it must be well past twelve since the Señor Padre was hungry. Il est l’heure que votre Majesté désire.
Franciscan friars.Most of the priests in the eastern provinces of Luzon and Samar are Franciscan monks (The barefooted friars of the orthodox and strictest rule of Our Holy Father St. Francis, in the Philippine Islands, of the Holy and Apostolic Province of St. Gregory the Great), brought up in seminaries in Spain specially devoted to the colonial missions. Formerly they were at liberty, after ten years’ residence in the Philippines, to return to their own country; but, since the abolition of the monasteries in Spain, they can do this no longer, for they are compelled in the colonies to abandon all obedience to the rule of their order, and to live as laymen. They are aware that they must end their days in the colony, and regulate their lives accordingly. On their first arrival they are generally sent to some priest in the province to make themselves acquainted with the language of the country; then they are installed into a small parish, and afterwards into a more lucrative one, in which they generally remain till their death. Most of them spring from the very lowest class of Spaniards. A number of pious trusts and foundations in Spain enable a very poor man, who cannot afford to send his son to school, to put him into a religious seminary, [113]where, beyond the duties of his future avocation, the boy learns nothing. If the monks were of a higher social grade, as are some of the English missionaries, they would have less inclination to mix with the common people, and would fail to exercise over them the influence they wield at present. The early habits of the Spanish monks, and their narrow knowledge of the world, peculiarly fit them for an existence among the natives. This mental equality, or rather, this want of mental disparity, has enabled them to acquire the influence they undoubtedly possess.
Franciscan monks.Most of the priests in the eastern provinces of Luzon and Samar are Franciscan monks (the barefoot friars who follow the strict rules of Our Holy Father St. Francis, in the Philippines, of the Holy and Apostolic Province of St. Gregory the Great), raised in seminaries in Spain specifically for colonial missions. They used to be free, after ten years in the Philippines, to return to their home country; but since the monasteries in Spain were disbanded, that's no longer possible. They are now forced in the colonies to give up all adherence to their order's rules and live as laypeople. They understand that they must spend the rest of their lives in the colony, so they adapt their lives accordingly. When they first arrive, they are usually assigned to a priest in the area to learn the local language; then they start at a small parish and eventually move to a more profitable one, where they typically stay until they die. Most come from the lowest class of Spaniards. Several religious trusts and foundations in Spain allow a very poor man, who can't afford to send his son to school, to enroll him in a religious seminary, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]where, aside from the responsibilities of his future job, the boy learns nothing else. If the monks were from a higher social class, like some of the English missionaries, they would be less likely to engage with the common people, and would lose the influence they currently have over them. The early habits of the Spanish monks and their limited worldview make them particularly suited for life among the natives. This mental equality, or rather, this lack of mental disparity, has allowed them to gain the influence that they undoubtedly hold.
Young men developed by responsibility.When these young men first come from their seminaries they are narrow-brained, ignorant, frequently almost devoid of education, and full of conceit, hatred of heretics, and proselytish ardor. These failings, however, gradually disappear; the consideration and the comfortable incomes they enjoy developing their benevolence. The insight into mankind and the confidence in themselves which distinguish the lower classes of the Spaniards, and which are so amusingly exemplified in Sancho Panza, have plenty of occasions to display themselves in the responsible and influential positions which the priests occupy. The padre is frequently the only white man in his village, probably the only European for miles around. He becomes the representative not only of religion, but of the government; he is the oracle of the natives, and his decisions in everything that concerns Europe and civilization are without appeal. His advice is asked in all important emergencies, and he has no one whom he in his turn can consult. Such a state of things naturally develops his brain. The same individuals who in Spain would have followed the plough, in the colonies carry out great undertakings. Without any technical education, and without any scientific knowledge, they build churches and bridges, and construct [114]roads. Poor architects.The circumstances therefore are greatly in favor of the development of priestly ability; but it would probably be better for the buildings if they were erected by more experienced men, for the bridges are remarkably prone to fall in, the churches look like sheep-pens, and the roads soon go to rack and ruin. I had much intercourse in Camarines and Albay with the priests, and conceived a great liking for them all. As a rule, they are the most unpretending of men; and a visit gives them so much pleasure that they do all in their power to make their guest’s stay as agreeable as possible. Life in a large convent has much resemblance to that of a lord of the manor in Eastern Europe. Nothing can be more unconstrained, more unconventional. A visitor lives as independently as in an hotel, and many of the visitors behave themselves as if it were one. I have seen a subaltern official arrive, summon the head servant, move into a room, order his meal, and then inquire casually whether the padre, who was an utter stranger to him, was at home.
Young men grow through responsibility. When these young men first leave their seminaries, they are often narrow-minded, uninformed, and lacking in education, while being full of arrogance, intolerance for those they see as heretics, and a fervent desire to convert others. However, these flaws gradually fade away; the respect and comfortable incomes they receive help foster their kindness. The understanding of people and the self-confidence that characterize the lower classes of Spaniards, like what we see in Sancho Panza, often come to light in the responsible and influential roles held by priests. The padre is often the only white person in his village, likely the only European for miles. He becomes a representative of both religion and the government; he is the go-to authority for the locals, and his decisions on matters related to Europe and civilization are final. His advice is sought during critical moments, and he lacks anyone to consult in return. This situation naturally sharpens his intellect. Those who would have been farmers in Spain take on significant projects in the colonies. Without formal technical training or scientific knowledge, they construct churches and bridges, and build [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]roads. Struggling architects. Thus, the conditions greatly support the growth of the priests' skills; however, the buildings might be better if constructed by more skilled workers, as the bridges are quite likely to collapse, the churches resemble sheep pens, and the roads quickly fall into disrepair. I interacted a lot with the priests in Camarines and Albay and grew fond of them. Generally, they are some of the most humble people; a visit brings them so much joy that they do everything they can to ensure their guest's stay is as pleasant as possible. Life in a large convent is quite similar to that of a lord of the manor in Eastern Europe. It’s remarkably laid-back and free-spirited. A visitor has the same level of independence as they would in a hotel, and many guests act as if it’s just that. I once saw a junior official arrive, call for the head servant, move into a room, order his meal, and then casually ask if the padre, who he had never met before, was at home.
The priests of the Philippines have often been reproached with gross immorality. They are said to keep their convents full of bevies of pretty girls, and to lead somewhat the same sort of life as the Grand Turk. This may be true of the native padres; but I myself never saw, in any of the households of the numerous Spanish priests I visited, anything that could possibly cause the least breath of scandal. Their servants were exclusively men, though perhaps I may have noticed here and there an old woman or two. Ribadeneyra says:—“The natives, who observe how careful the Franciscan monks are of their chastity, have arrived at the conclusion that they are not really men, and that, though the devil had often attempted to lead these holy men astray, using the charms of some pretty Indian [115]girl as a bait, yet, to the confusion of both damsel and devil, the monks had always come scathless out of the struggle.” Ribadeneyra, however, is a very unreliable author; and, if his physiological mistakes are as gross as his geographical ones (he says somewhere that Luzon is another name for the island of Cebu!), the monks are not perhaps as fireproof as he supposes. At any rate, his description does not universally apply nowadays. The younger priests pass their existence like the lords of the soil of old; the young girls consider it an honor to be allowed to associate with them; and the padres in their turn find many convenient opportunities. They have no jealous wives to pry into their secrets, and their position as confessors and spiritual advisers affords them plenty of pretexts for being alone with the women. The confessional, in particular, must be a perilous rock-a-head for most of them. In an appendix to the “Tagal Grammar” (which, by-the-bye, is not added to the editions sold for general use) a list of questions is given for the convenience of young priests not yet conversant with the Tagal language. These questions are to be asked in the confessional, and several pages of them relate exclusively to the relations between the sexes.
The priests of the Philippines have often been criticized for serious immorality. It's said that they fill their convents with groups of attractive young women and lead lives somewhat similar to that of the Grand Turk. This might be true for the local priests, but in the households of the many Spanish priests I visited, I never saw anything that could even hint at scandal. Their servants were mostly men, though I might have noticed a couple of older women here and there. Ribadeneyra says:—“The natives, who see how careful the Franciscan monks are about their chastity, have concluded that they are not really men, believing that the devil has often tried to lead these holy men astray, using charming young Indian girls as bait. Yet, to the embarrassment of both the girl and the devil, the monks have always emerged from the struggle unscathed.” However, Ribadeneyra is not a very trustworthy author; and if his physiological errors are as significant as his geographical ones (he mistakenly claims that Luzon is another name for the island of Cebu!), then the monks might not be as resistant to temptation as he thinks. In any case, his description doesn’t apply universally today. The younger priests live like the landowners of old; young women see it as an honor to spend time with them, and the priests, in turn, find plenty of opportunities. They don't have jealous wives watching their every move, and their roles as confessors and spiritual advisers give them many excuses to be alone with women. The confessional, in particular, must be a dangerous place for most of them. In an appendix to the “Tagal Grammar” (which, by the way, isn’t included in the editions available for general sale), there's a list of questions meant to help young priests who aren’t yet familiar with the Tagal language. These questions are intended for use in the confessional, with several pages focused specifically on interactions between the sexes.
Superiority over government officials.As the alcaldes remain only three years in any one province, they never understand much of its language; and, being much occupied with their official business, they have neither the time nor the desire to become acquainted with the peculiarities of the districts over which they rule. The priest, on the other hand, resides continually in the midst of his parishioners, is perfectly acquainted with each of them, and even, on occasion, protects them against the authorities; his, therefore, is the real jurisdiction in the district. The position of the priests, in contradistinction to that of the [116]government officials, is well expressed by their respective dwellings. The casas reales, generally small, ugly, and frequently half-ruined habitations, are not suited to the dignity of the chief authority of the province. The convento, on the contrary, is almost always a roomy, imposing, and well-arranged building. In former days, when governorships were sold to adventurers whose only care was to enrich themselves, the influence of the minister of religion was even greater than it is now.1
Superior to government officials. Since the alcaldes only stay in one province for three years, they never really learn much of the local language. And because they're busy with their official duties, they don't have the time or interest to understand the unique aspects of the districts they oversee. In contrast, the priest lives among his parishioners all the time, knows each of them well, and even sometimes defends them against the authorities; therefore, he holds the real power in the district. The difference between the priests and the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]government officials is clearly illustrated by their homes. The casas reales are usually small, unattractive, and often partially dilapidated, which doesn't reflect the status of the provincial leader. The convento, on the other hand, is typically a spacious, impressive, and well-designed building. In the past, when governorships were sold to opportunists focused solely on making money, the influence of the religious minister was even stronger than it is today.1
Former legal status.The following extract from the General Orders, given by Le Gentil, will convey a clear idea of their former position:—
Previous legal status.The following excerpt from the General Orders, issued by Le Gentil, will provide a clear understanding of their previous position:—
Alcaldes formerly in trade.The former alcaldes who, without experience in official business, without either education or knowledge, and without either the brains or the moral qualifications for such responsible and influential posts, purchased their appointments from the State, or received them in consequence of successful intrigues, received a nominal salary from the government, and paid it tribute for the right to carry on trade. Arenas considered this tribute [117]paid by the alcaldes as a fine imposed upon them for an infringement of the law; “for several ordinances were in existence, strenuously forbidding them to dabble in any kind of commerce, until it pleased his Catholic Majesty to grant them a dispensation.” The latter sources of mischief were, however, abolished by royal decree in September and October, 1844.
Ex-mayors in business.The former mayors, who lacked experience in official matters, education, knowledge, and the intelligence or moral qualifications needed for such important and influential positions, bought their appointments from the State or got them through successful scheming, received a nominal salary from the government, and paid a fee for the right to engage in trade. Arenas viewed this fee [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]paid by the mayors as a penalty for breaking the law; “since several regulations existed that firmly prohibited them from engaging in any form of commerce until it pleased His Catholic Majesty to grant them an exemption.” However, these sources of trouble were eliminated by royal decree in September and October of 1844.
Their borrowed capital.The alcaldes were at the same time governors, magistrates, commanders of the troops, and, in reality, the only traders in their province.2 They purchased with the resources of the obras pias the articles required in the province; and they were entirely dependent for their capital upon these endowments, as they almost always arrived in the Philippines without any means of their own. The natives were forced to sell their produce to the alcaldes and, besides, to purchase their goods at the prices fixed by the latter.3 In this corrupt state of things the priests were the only protectors of the unfortunate Filipinos; though occasionally they also threw in their lot with the alcaldes, and shared in the spoil wrung from their unfortunate flocks.
Their borrowed funds. The alcaldes were also governors, judges, military leaders, and essentially the sole merchants in their provinces. 2 They bought the necessary goods for the province using funds from the obras pias; they completely relied on these endowments for their capital since they almost always arrived in the Philippines with no resources of their own. The natives had no choice but to sell their products to the alcaldes and, on top of that, had to buy their merchandise at prices set by them. 3 In this corrupt situation, the priests were the only advocates for the unfortunate Filipinos; although occasionally, they also allied with the alcaldes and benefitted from the exploitation of their suffering communities.
Improvement in present appointees.Nowadays men with some knowledge of the law are sent out to the Philippines as alcaldes; the government pays them a small salary, and they are not allowed to trade. The authorities also attempt to diminish the influence of the priests by improving the position of the civil tribunals; a state of things they will not find easy of accomplishment unless they lengthen the period of service of the alcaldes, and place them in a pecuniary position that will put them beyond the temptation of pocketing perquisites.4 [118]
Improvement in current appointees.Nowadays, men with some legal knowledge are sent to the Philippines as alcaldes; the government pays them a modest salary, and they are prohibited from engaging in trade. The authorities also try to reduce the influence of the priests by enhancing the status of civil courts; they will find this challenging to achieve unless they extend the term of service for the alcaldes and ensure they are in a financial position that makes it hard for them to be tempted by bribes.4 [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
In Huc’s work on China I find the following passage, relating to the effects of the frequent official changes in China, from which many hints may be gathered:—
In Huc’s book about China, I found this passage discussing the impact of the frequent government changes in China, from which many insights can be drawn:—
Similarity with Chinese conditions.“The magisterial offices are no longer bestowed upon upright and just individuals and, as a consequence, this once flourishing and well-governed kingdom is day by day falling into decay, and is rapidly gliding down the path that leads to a terrible and, perhaps, speedy dissolution. When we seek to discover the cause of the general ruin, the universal corruption which too surely is undermining all classes of Chinese society, we are convinced that it is to be found in the complete abandonment of the old system of government effected by the Manchu dynasty. It issued a decree forbidding any mandarin to hold any post longer than three years in the same province, and prohibiting any one from possessing any official appointment in his native province. One does not form a particularly high idea of the brain which conceived this law; but, when the Manchu Tartars found that they were the lords of the empire, they began to be alarmed at their small numbers, which were trifling in comparison with the countless swarms of the Chinese; and they dreaded lest the influence which the higher officials would acquire in their districts might enable them to excite the populace against their foreign rulers.
Similarity to Chinese conditions. “The official positions are no longer given to honest and just people, and as a result, this once thriving and well-governed kingdom is slowly falling apart and quickly heading towards a terrible, and possibly swift, collapse. When we try to figure out the cause of the widespread ruin and corruption that is clearly undermining all levels of Chinese society, we believe it lies in the complete abandonment of the old system of government implemented by the Manchu dynasty. They issued a decree that no mandarin could hold a position for more than three years in the same province and prohibited anyone from holding an official position in their home province. One does not have a particularly high opinion of the mind that came up with this law; however, when the Manchu Tartars realized they were the rulers of the empire, they became concerned about their small numbers, which were insignificant compared to the countless Chinese, and they feared that the influence of the higher officials in their areas could lead the people to rise against their foreign rulers.
Unidentified with country.“The magistrates, being allowed to remain only a year or two in the same province, lived there like strangers, without acquainting themselves with the wants of the people they governed; there was no tie between them. The only care of the mandarins was to amass as much wealth as possible before they quitted their posts; and they then began the same game in a fresh locality, until finally they returned home in possession of a handsome fortune gradually collected in their different appointments. They were only birds of passage. What did it matter? The morrow would find them at the other end of the kingdom, where the cries [119]of their plundered victims would be unable to reach them. In this manner the governmental policy rendered the mandarins selfish and indifferent. The basis of the monarchy is destroyed, for the magistrate is no longer a paternal ruler residing amongst and mildly swaying his children, but a marauder, who arrives no man knows whence, and who departs no one knows whither. The consequence is universal stagnation; no great undertakings are accomplished; and the works and labors of former dynasties are allowed to fall into decay. The mandarins say to themselves: ‘Why should we undertake what we can never accomplish? Why should we sow that others may reap?’... They take no interest in the affairs of the district; as a rule, they are suddenly transplanted into the midst of a population whose dialect even they do not understand. Dependence on interpreters.When they arrive in their mandarinates they usually find interpreters, who, being permanent officieals and interested in the affairs of the place, know how to make their services indispensable; and these in reality are the absolute rulers of the district.”
Unidentified country. “The magistrates, who could only stay in the same province for a year or two, lived there as if they were strangers, never getting to know the needs of the people they governed; there was no connection between them. The only concern of the mandarins was to gather as much wealth as they could before leaving their posts; then they would start the same routine in a new location, until eventually they returned home with a nice fortune accumulated from their various roles. They were just passing through. What did it matter? The next day would find them at the other end of the kingdom, where the cries of their plundered victims could not reach them. This approach made the governmental policy create selfishness and indifference among the mandarins. The foundation of the monarchy is eroded, for the magistrate is no longer a caring ruler living among and guiding his people, but a bandit who comes from nobody knows where and departs to nobody knows where. The result is widespread stagnation; no significant projects are undertaken, and the achievements and efforts of past dynasties fall into disrepair. The mandarins think to themselves: ‘Why should we take on what we can never finish? Why should we plant seeds for others to harvest?’... They show no interest in the local affairs; typically, they are suddenly placed among a population whose language they don’t even understand. Reliance on interpreters. When they arrive in their regions, they usually find interpreters who, being permanent officials and invested in local matters, know how to make their services essential; these interpreters are essentially the actual rulers of the district.”
Importance of interpreters in Philippines. Interpreters are especially indispensable in the Philippines, where the alcaldes never by any chance understand any of the local dialects. In important matters the native writers have generally to deal with the priest, who in many cases becomes the virtual administrator of authority. He is familiar with the characters of the inhabitants and all their affairs, in the settlement of which his intimate acquaintance with the female sex stands him in good stead. An eminent official in Madrid told me in 1867 that the then minister was considering a proposal to abolish the restriction of office in the colonies to three years.5
Importance of interpreters in the Philippines. Interpreters are crucial in the Philippines, where the alcaldes rarely understand any of the local dialects. In important matters, local writers usually have to interact with the priest, who often becomes the main authority figure. He knows the residents and their issues well, and his close familiarity with women benefits him in this role. An important official in Madrid told me in 1867 that the minister at the time was considering a proposal to remove the three-year limit on holding office in the colonies.5
[120]Fear of officials’ popularity.The dread which caused this restriction, viz., that an official might become too powerful in some distant province, and that his influence might prove a source of danger to the mother country, is no longer entertained. Increased traffic and easier means of communication have destroyed the former isolation of the more distant provinces. The customs laws, the increasing demand for colonial produce, and the right conceded to foreigners of settling in the country, will give a great stimulus to agriculture and commerce, and largely increase the number of Chinese and European residents. Then at last, perhaps, the authorities will see the necessity of improving the social position of their officials by decreasing their number, by a careful selection of persons, by promoting them according to their abilities and conduct, and by increasing their salaries, and allowing them to make a longer stay in one post. The commercial relations of the Philippines with California and Australia are likely to become very active, and liberal ideas will be introduced from those free countries. Then, indeed, the mother country will have earnestly to consider whether it is advisable to continue its exploitation of the colony by its monopolies, its withdrawal of gold, and its constant satisfaction of the unfounded claims of a swarm of hungry place-hunters.6
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Fear of officials' fame.The fear that led to this restriction, namely that an official might gain too much power in a distant province and that their influence could pose a threat to the mother country, is no longer a concern. Increased trade and better communication have erased the previous isolation of the more remote provinces. Customs laws, rising demand for colonial goods, and the rights granted to foreigners to settle in the country will greatly boost agriculture and commerce, significantly increasing the number of Chinese and European residents. Eventually, the authorities may recognize the need to improve the social standing of their officials by reducing their numbers, carefully selecting individuals, promoting them based on their skills and behavior, raising their salaries, and allowing them longer tenures in one position. The commercial ties between the Philippines and California and Australia are set to become very active, and progressive ideas will emerge from those free nations. Indeed, the mother country will need to seriously consider whether it is wise to continue exploiting the colony through monopolies, draining its gold, and constantly catering to the unfounded demands of a multitude of eager opportunists.6
Different English and Dutch policy.English and Dutch colonial officials are carefully and expressly educated for their difficult and responsible positions. They obtain their appointments after passing [121]a stringent examination at home, and are promoted to the higher colonial offices only after giving proofs of fitness and ability. What a different state of things prevails in Spain! When a Spaniard succeeds in getting an appointment, it is difficult to say whether it is due to his personal capacity and merit or to a series of successful political intrigues.7
Different UK and Dutch policy. English and Dutch colonial officials receive careful and explicit training for their challenging and responsible roles. They secure their positions only after passing [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] a tough exam back home, and they are promoted to higher colonial offices only after demonstrating their competence and skill. It's a completely different situation in Spain! When a Spaniard manages to land an appointment, it’s hard to tell if it’s because of their personal qualifications and abilities or a series of successful political maneuverings. 7
1 Le Gentil, in his Travels in the Indian Seas, (1761) says: “The monks are the real rulers of the provinces.... Their power is so unlimited that no Spaniard cares to settle in the neighborhood.... The monks would give him a great deal of trouble.”
1 Le Gentil, in his Travels in the Indian Seas, (1761) says: “The monks are the actual rulers of the provinces.... Their power is so extensive that no Spaniard wants to live nearby.... The monks would cause him a lot of trouble.”
4 There are three classes of alcaldeships, namely, entrada, ascenso, and termino (vide Royal Ordinances of March, 1837); in each of which an alcalde must serve for three years. No official is allowed, under any pretence, to serve more than ten years in any of the Asiatic magistracies.
4 There are three types of alcaldeships: entrada, ascenso, and termino (see Royal Ordinances of March, 1837); in each of these, an alcalde must serve for three years. No official is permitted, for any reason, to serve more than ten years in any of the Asian magistracies.
5 The law limiting the duration of appointments to this short period dates from the earliest days of Spanish colonization in America. There was also a variety of minor regulations, based on suspicion, prohibiting the higher officials from mixing in friendly intercourse with the colonists.
5 The law that restricts appointment durations to this short period originates from the early days of Spanish colonization in America. There were also several minor regulations, driven by suspicion, that prohibited higher officials from socializing with the colonists.
6 A secular priest in the Philippines once related to me, quite of his own accord, what had led him to the choice of his profession. One day, when he was a non-commissioned officer in the army, he was playing cards with some comrades in a shady balcony. “See,” cried one of his friends, observing a peasant occupied in tilling the fields in the full heat of the sun, “how the donkey yonder is toiling and perspiring while we are lolling in the shade.” The happy conceit of letting the donkeys work while the idle enjoyed life made such a deep impression on him that he determined to turn priest; and it is the same felicitous thought that has impelled so many impecunious gentlemen to become colonial officials. The little opening for civil labor in Spain and Portugal, and the prospect of comfortable perquisites in the colonies, have sent many a starving caballero across the ocean.
6 A secular priest in the Philippines once shared with me, on his own, what inspired him to choose his profession. One day, when he was a non-commissioned officer in the army, he was playing cards with some buddies on a shady balcony. “Look,” shouted one of his friends, pointing to a farmer working hard in the fields under the blazing sun, “that donkey over there is sweating while we’re relaxing in the shade.” The clever idea of letting the donkeys do the hard work while the lazy enjoyed life made such a strong impression on him that he decided to become a priest; and it’s this same fortunate thought that has driven many financially struggling gentlemen to become colonial officials. The limited opportunities for civil jobs in Spain and Portugal, along with the promise of comfortable perks in the colonies, have led many starving caballeros to cross the ocean.
7 The exploitation of the State by party, and the exploitation of party by individuals, are the real secrets of all revolutions in the Peninsula. They are caused by a constant and universal struggle for office. No one will work, and everybody wants to live luxuriously; and this can only be done at the expense of the State, which all attempt to turn and twist to their own ends. Shortly after the expulsion of Isabella, an alcalde’s appointment has been known to have been given away three times in one day. (Prussian Year-Book, January, 1869.)
7 The exploitation of the State by political parties, and the exploitation of those parties by individuals, are the real drivers behind all revolutions in the Peninsula. They stem from a constant and widespread struggle for power. No one wants to put in the work, yet everyone desires a luxurious life; this can only be achieved at the expense of the State, which everyone tries to manipulate for their own benefit. Shortly after Isabella's expulsion, it was reported that the position of alcalde was given away three times in a single day. (Prussian Year-Book, January, 1869.)
XIII
Batu.In an hour and a half after leaving Polangui we reached Batu, a village on the north-western shore of the lake of the same name. The inhabitants, particularly the women, struck me by their ugliness and want of cleanliness. Although they lived close to the lake, and drew their daily drinking water from it, they never appeared to use it for the purpose of washing. The streets of the village also were dirty and neglected; a circumstance explained, perhaps, by the fact of the priest being a native.
Batu.About an hour and a half after leaving Polangui, we arrived in Batu, a village located on the north-western shore of the lake that shares its name. The local people, especially the women, struck me with their lack of attractiveness and cleanliness. Even though they lived so close to the lake and drew their drinking water from it daily, it seemed like they never used it for bathing. The village streets were also dirty and neglected, which might be attributed to the fact that the priest was a local.
The lake.Towards the end of the rainy season, in November, the lake extends far more widely than it does in the dry, and overflows its shallow banks, especially to the south-west. A great number of water-plants grow on its borders; amongst which I particularly noticed a delicate seaweed1, as fine as horse hair, but intertwined in such close and endless ramifications that it forms a flooring strong enough to support the largest waterfowl. I [122] saw hundreds of them hopping about and eating the shell fish and prawns, which swarmed amidst the meshes of the net-like seaweed and fell an easy prey to their feathered enemies. The natives, too, were in the habit of catching immense quantities of the prawns with nets made for the purpose. Some they ate fresh; and some they kept till they were putrid, like old cheese, and then used them as a relish to swallow with their rice. These small shell-fish are not limited to the Lake of Batu. They are caught in shoals in both the salt and the fresh waters of the Philippine and Indian archipelagos, and, when salted and dried by the natives, form an important article of food, eaten either in soup or as a kind of potted paste. They are found in every market, and are largely exported to China. I was unable to shoot any of the waterfowl, for the tangles of the seaweed prevented my boat from getting near them.
The lake. At the end of the rainy season in November, the lake spreads much more widely than during the dry season and spills over its shallow banks, especially to the southwest. A lot of water plants grow along its edges; among them, I particularly noticed a delicate seaweed1, as fine as horse hair, but intertwined in such tight and endless patterns that it forms a surface strong enough to support the largest waterfowl. I [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] saw hundreds of them hopping around and eating the shellfish and prawns, which were abundant among the strands of the net-like seaweed and easily caught by their feathered predators. The locals also regularly caught huge quantities of prawns with specially made nets. Some they ate fresh, while others they kept until they were rotten, like old cheese, and then used them as a condiment to eat with their rice. These small shellfish are not exclusive to the Lake of Batu. They are caught in large numbers in both the salt and fresh waters of the Philippine and Indian archipelagos, and when the locals salt and dry them, they become an important food source, eaten either in soup or as a kind of paste. They can be found in every market and are widely exported to China. I couldn’t shoot any of the waterfowl because the tangles of the seaweed kept my boat from getting close to them.
A neglected product.When I revisited the same lake in February, I found its waters so greatly fallen that they had left a circular belt of shore extending all around the lake, in most places nearly a hundred feet broad. The withdrawal of the waters had compressed the tangled seaweed into a kind of matting, which, bleached by the sun, and nearly an inch thick, covered the whole of the shore, and hung suspended over the stunted bushes which, on my first visit, had been under water. I have never either seen elsewhere, or heard any one mention, a similar phenomenon. This stuff, which could be had for nothing, was excellent for rifle-stoppers and for the stuffing of birds, so I took a great quantity of it with me. This time the bird-hunting went well, too.
An overlooked product.When I went back to the same lake in February, I found that the water level had dropped so much that it created a circular strip of shore all around the lake, almost a hundred feet wide in most places. The retreat of the water had packed the tangled seaweed into a kind of mat, which was bleached by the sun and nearly an inch thick, covering the entire shore and hanging over the short bushes that had been underwater during my first visit. I've never seen or heard of anything like it before. This stuff, which was free for the taking, was great for bullet stops and for stuffing birds, so I collected a large amount of it. This time, the bird hunting went well, too.
The native priest of Batu was full of complaints about his parishioners, who gave him no opportunities of gaining an honest penny. “I am never asked for a mass, sir; in fact, this is such a miserable hole that it is shunned [123]by Death itself. In D., where I was for a long time coadjutor, we had our couple of burials regularly every day at three dollars a head, and as many masses at a dollar apiece as we had time to say, besides christenings and weddings, which always brought a little more grist to the mill. But here nothing takes place, and I scarcely make anything.” This stagnant state of things had induced him to turn his attention to commerce. The average native priest, of those I saw, could hardly be called a credit to his profession. Generally ignorant, often dissipated, and only superficially acquainted with his duties, the greater part of his time was given over to gambling, drinking, and other objectionable amusements. Little care was taken to preserve a properly decorous behavior, except when officiating in the church, when they read with an absurd assumption of dignity, without understanding a single word. The conventos are often full of girls and children, all of whom help themselves with their fingers out of a common dish. The worthy padre of Batu introduced a couple of pretty girls to me as his two poor sisters, whom, in spite of his poverty, he supported; but the servants about the place openly spoke of these young ladies’ babies as being the children of the priest.
The native priest of Batu was constantly complaining about his parishioners, who never gave him a chance to earn an honest dollar. “I’m never asked to do a mass, sir; honestly, this place is so miserable that even Death itself avoids it. In D., where I used to be an assistant, we had our fair share of burials every day for three dollars each, and as many masses at a dollar a pop as we had time to perform, not to mention baptisms and weddings, which always brought in a little extra cash. But here, nothing happens, and I barely make anything.” This stagnant situation had led him to consider getting into business. The average native priest I saw could hardly be seen as a credit to his profession. Generally uneducated, often irresponsible, and only superficially familiar with his duties, most of his time was spent on gambling, drinking, and other questionable activities. Little effort was made to maintain proper behavior, except when officiating in the church, where they read with an absurd air of dignity while not really understanding a single word. The convents are often filled with girls and children, all of whom help themselves by picking from a common dish. The well-meaning padre of Batu introduced a couple of attractive girls to me as his two poor sisters, whom he supposedly supported despite his poverty; however, the staff around the place openly referred to these young ladies’ babies as the priest’s children.
The native clergy.The guiding principle of Spanish colonial policy—to set one class against another, and to prevent either from becoming too powerful—seems to be the motive for placing so many native incumbents in the parsonages of the Archipelago. The prudence of this proceeding, however, seems doubtful. A Spanish priest has a great deal of influence in his own immediate circle, and forms, perhaps, the only enduring link between the colony and the mother-country. The native priest is far from affording any compensation for the lack of either of these advantages. He generally is but little respected [124]by his flock, and certainly does nothing to attach them to Spain; for he hates and envies his Spanish brethren, who leave him only the very worst appointments, and treat him with contempt.
The local clergy. The main idea behind Spanish colonial policy was to create divisions between social classes to stop either from gaining too much power. This might explain why so many native people were put in charge of churches across the Archipelago. However, the wisdom of this approach is questionable. A Spanish priest has a lot of influence in his community and might be the only real connection between the colony and Spain. The native priest doesn’t really make up for the lack of those advantages. He is usually not very respected by his community and definitely doesn’t help strengthen their ties to Spain; instead, he often resents and envies his Spanish counterparts, who leave him with the least desirable positions and treat him with disdain.
Nabua.I rode from Batu to Nabua over a good road in half an hour. The country was flat, with rice-fields on both sides of the road; but, while in Batu the rice was only just planted, in Nabua it already was almost ripe. I was unable to obtain any explanation of this incongruity, and know not how to account for such a difference of climate between two hamlets situated in such close proximity to one another, and separated by no range of hills. The inhabitants of both were ugly and dirty, and were different in these respects from the Tagalogs. Nabua, a place of 10,875 inhabitants, is intersected by several small streams, whose waters, pouring down from the eastern hills, form a small lake, which empties itself into the river Bicol. Just after passing the second bridge beyond Nabua the road, inclining eastwards, wends in a straight line to Iriga, a place lying to the south-west of the volcano of the same name.
Nabua.I rode from Batu to Nabua on a decent road in half an hour. The area was flat, with rice fields on both sides of the road; however, while the rice in Batu had just been planted, in Nabua it was nearly ripe. I couldn’t get an explanation for this inconsistency and don’t know why there is such a climate difference between the two villages that are so close together and not separated by any hills. The people in both places were unattractive and unclean, and they differed from the Tagalogs in these ways. Nabua, home to 10,875 residents, is crossed by several small streams, whose waters flow down from the eastern hills and create a small lake that drains into the Bicol River. Just after crossing the second bridge beyond Nabua, the road veers eastward and continues in a straight line to Iriga, which is located southwest of the volcano with the same name.
Remontados.I visited a small settlement of pagans situated on the slope of the volcano. The people of the plains call them indifferently Igorots, Cimarrons, Remontados, Infieles, or Montesinos. None of these names, however, with the exception of the two last, are appropriate ones. The first is derived from the term applied in the north of the Island to the mixed descendants of Chinese and Filipino parents. The word Cimarron (French, marrow) is borrowed from the American slave colonies, where it denoted negroes who escaped from slavery and lived in a state of freedom; but here it is applied to natives who prefer a wild existence to the comforts of village life, which they consider are overbalanced by the servitude and bondage which accompany them. The term [125]Remontado explains itself, and has the same signification as Cimarron. As the difference between the two states—on account of the mildness of the climate, and the ease with which the wants of the natives are supplied—is far less than it would be in Europe, these self-constituted exiles are more frequently to be met with than might be supposed; the cause of their separation from their fellowmen sometimes being some offence against the laws, sometimes annoying debts, and sometimes a mere aversion to the duties and labors of village life. Every Filipino has an innate inclination to abandon the hamlets and retire into the solitude of the woods, or live isolated in the midst of his own fields; and it is only the village prisons and the priests—the salaries of the latter are proportionate to the number of their parishioners—that prevent him from gradually turning the pueblos into visitas,2 and the latter into ranchos. Until a visit to other ranchos in the neighborhood corrected my first impression, I took the inhabitants of the slopes of the Iriga for cross-breeds between the low-landers and negritos. The color of their skin was not black, but a dark brown, scarcely any darker than that of Filipinos who have been much exposed to the sun; and only a few of them had woolly hair. The negritos whom I saw at Angat and Mariveles knew nothing whatever about agriculture, lived in the open air, and supported themselves upon the spontaneous products of nature; but the half-savages of the Iriga dwell in decent huts, and cultivate several vegetables and a little sugar-cane. No pure negritos, as far as I could ascertain, are to be met with in Camarines. A thickly-populated province, only sparsely dotted with lofty hills, would be ill-suited for the residence of a nomadic hunting race ignorant of agriculture.
Remontados. I visited a small community of pagans located on the slope of the volcano. The people from the plains refer to them as Igorots, Cimarrons, Remontados, Infieles, or Montesinos. However, only the last two names are truly appropriate. The first name comes from the term used in the northern part of the Island for the mixed descendants of Chinese and Filipino parents. The word Cimarron (French, marrow) is taken from American slave colonies, where it referred to escaped slaves living in freedom; here, it describes natives who choose a wild lifestyle over the comforts of village life, which they believe come with servitude and bondage. The term [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Remontado is self-explanatory and has the same meaning as Cimarron. Because the differences between the two living conditions—due to the mild climate and the ease with which the natives' needs are met—are far less significant than they would be in Europe, these self-imposed exiles are encountered more often than one might think. Their separation from others is sometimes due to a legal offense, annoying debts, or simply a dislike of village responsibilities and work. Every Filipino has a natural tendency to leave the villages and retreat into the solitude of the woods or to live alone in their fields; if not for the village jails and the priests—whose salaries depend on the number of parishioners—they would likely turn the pueblos into visitas2 and those into ranchos. Initially, I mistook the inhabitants of the Iriga slopes for mixed breeds between the lowlanders and negritos during my visit to nearby ranchos. Their skin color was a dark brown, only slightly darker than that of Filipinos who spend a lot of time in the sun, and only a few had woolly hair. The negritos I saw in Angat and Mariveles were completely unfamiliar with agriculture, lived outdoors, and survived on nature's spontaneous offerings; in contrast, the semi-wild people of Iriga live in decent huts and cultivate some vegetables and a bit of sugarcane. As far as I could tell, there are no pure negritos to be found in Camarines. A densely populated province with only a few high hills would not be a suitable home for a nomadic hunting culture that lacks agricultural knowledge.
[126]Iriga settlements.The ranchos on the Iriga are very accessible, and their inhabitants carry on a friendly intercourse with the lowlanders; indeed, if they didn’t, they would have been long ago exterminated. In spite of these neighborly communications, however, they have preserved many of their own primitive manners and customs. The men go about naked with the exception of a cloth about the loins; and the women are equally unclad, some of them perhaps wearing an apron reaching from the hip to the knee.3 In the larger ranchos the women were decently clad in the usual Filipino fashion. Their household belongings consisted of a few articles made of bamboo, a few calabashes of coconut-shell, and an earthen cooking-pot, and bows and arrows. Poison arrows.These latter are made very carefully, the shaft from reeds, the point from a sharp-cut bamboo, or from a palm-tree, with one to three sharp points. In pig-hunting iron-pointed poison arrows are used. Crucifixes.Although the Igorots are not Christians, they decorate their huts with crucifixes, which they use as talismans. If they were of no virtue, an old man remarked to me, the Spaniards would not employ them so numerously.4 The largest rancho I visited was nominally under the charge of a captain, who, however, had little real power. At my desire he called to some naked boys idly squatting about on the trees, who required considerable persuasion before they obeyed his summons; but a few small presents—brazen earrings and combs for the women, and cigars for the men—soon put me on capital terms with them.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Iriga neighborhoods.The ranchos by the Iriga River are very accessible, and the people there maintain a friendly relationship with the lowlanders; in fact, if they didn’t, they would have been wiped out long ago. Despite this friendly interaction, they have kept many of their own traditional customs and ways of life. The men typically go around wearing only a cloth around their waist, while the women are mostly bare, with some possibly wearing an apron that covers from the hip to the knee.3 In the larger ranchos, the women wear the usual Filipino clothing. Their household items consist of a few bamboo pieces, some coconut-shell bowls, an earthen cooking pot, and bows and arrows. Poisoned arrows.These arrows are made with care, using reeds for the shaft and sharp bamboo or palm-tree points, which can have one to three sharp tips. When hunting pigs, they use iron-tipped poison arrows. Crosses.Although the Igorots are not Christians, they decorate their huts with crucifixes, using them as charms. An old man once told me that if these were useless, the Spaniards wouldn't use them so often.4 The largest rancho I visited was supposedly led by a captain, who actually had little real authority. At my request, he called to some boys lounging around in the trees, who needed quite a bit of coaxing before they responded; but after giving them a few small gifts—some earrings and combs for the women, and cigars for the men—I got along well with them.
Mt. Iriga.After a vain attempt to reach the top of the Iriga volcano I started for Buhi, a place situated on the [127]southern shore of the lake of that name. Ten minutes after leaving Iriga I reached a spot where the ground sounded hollow beneath my horse’s feet. A succession of small hillocks, about fifty feet high, bordered each side of the road; and towards the north I could perceive the huge crater of the Iriga, which, in the distance, appeared like a truncated cone. I had the curiosity to ascend one of the hillocks, which, seen from its summit, looked like the remains of some former crater, which had probably been destroyed by an earthquake and split up into these small mounds.
Mount Iriga.After a pointless attempt to reach the top of the Iriga volcano, I headed for Buhi, a place located on the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] southern shore of the lake of the same name. Ten minutes after leaving Iriga, I arrived at a spot where the ground sounded hollow under my horse’s feet. A series of small hillocks, about fifty feet high, lined both sides of the road; and to the north, I could see the massive crater of the Iriga, which looked like a flattened cone in the distance. I was curious to climb one of the hillocks, which, from its peak, seemed like the remnants of an old crater that had likely been destroyed by an earthquake and broken into these small mounds.
Advertising. When I got to Buhi the friendly priest had it proclaimed by sound of drum that the newly-arrived strangers wished to obtain all kinds of animals, whether of earth, of air, or of water; and that each and all would be paid for in cash. The natives, however, only brought us moths, centipedes, and other vermin, which, besides enabling them to have a good stare at the strangers, they hoped to turn into cash as extraordinary curiosities.
Ads. When I arrived in Buhi, the friendly priest announced by drumbeat that the newcomers wanted to buy all kinds of animals, whether they were land, air, or water creatures; and that everything would be paid for in cash. However, the locals only brought us moths, centipedes, and other pests, which, besides letting them get a good look at the newcomers, they hoped to sell as unusual curiosities.
A church procession. The following day I was the spectator of a gorgeous procession. First came the Spanish flag, then the village kettle-drums, and a small troop of horsemen in short jackets and shirts flying in the wind, next a dozen musicians, and finally, as the principal figure, a man carrying a crimson silk standard. The latter individual evidently was deeply conscious of his dignified position, and his countenance eloquently expressed the quantity of palm wine he had consumed in honor of the occasion. He sat on his horse dressed out in the most absurd manner in a large cocked hat trimmed with colored paper instead of gold lace, with a woman’s cape made of paper outside his coat, and with short, tight-fitting yellow breeches and immense white stockings and shoes. Both his coat and his breeches were liberally ornamented with paper trimmings. His steed, led by a couple of cabezas, was [128]appointed with similar trappings. After marching through all the streets of the village the procession came to a halt in front of the church.
A church parade. The next day, I watched an amazing procession. First was the Spanish flag, followed by the village kettle-drums and a small group of horsemen in short jackets and shirts fluttering in the wind. Next came a dozen musicians, and finally, the main figure—a man carrying a crimson silk banner. This individual clearly understood the importance of his role, and his face showed just how much palm wine he had enjoyed in celebration. He sat on his horse dressed in a ridiculous way with a large cocked hat decorated with colored paper instead of gold lace, wearing a woman’s cape made of paper over his coat, short tight yellow breeches, and huge white stockings and shoes. Both his coat and breeches were adorned with paper embellishments. His horse, led by a couple of cabezas, was [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] decked out with similar decorations. After parading through all the village streets, the procession stopped in front of the church.
Papal concessions to Spain.This festival is celebrated every year in commemoration of the concession made by the Pope to the King of Spain permitting the latter to appropriate to his own use certain revenues of the Church. The Spanish Throne consequently enjoys the right of conferring different indulgences, even for serious crimes, in the name of the Holy See. This right, which, so to speak, it acquired wholesale, it sells by retail to its customers (it formerly disposed of it to the priests) in the estanco, and together with its other monopolies, such as tobacco, brandy, lottery tickets, stamped paper, etc., all through the agency of the priests; without the assistance of whom very little business would be done. The receipts from the sale of these indulgences have always been very fluctuating. In 1819 they amounted to $15,930; in 1839 to $36,390; and in 1860 they were estimated at $58,954. In the year 1844–5 they rose to $292,115. The cause of this large increase was that indulgences were then rendered compulsory; so many being alloted to each family, with the assistance and under the superintendence of the priests and tax-collectors who received a commission of five and eight per cent on the gross amount collected.5
Papal compromises with Spain.This festival is celebrated every year to remember the concession given by the Pope to the King of Spain, allowing him to take certain Church revenues for himself. As a result, the Spanish Throne has the right to grant various indulgences, even for serious crimes, in the name of the Holy See. This right, which it essentially acquired in bulk, it sells individually to its customers (it used to sell it to the priests) in the estanco, along with its other monopolies, like tobacco, brandy, lottery tickets, stamped paper, and so forth, all through the priests; without whom very little business would get done. The income from selling these indulgences has always varied. In 1819, it totaled $15,930; in 1839, it reached $36,390; and in 1860, it was estimated at $58,954. In the year 1844–5, it skyrocketed to $292,115. The reason for this significant increase was that indulgences were made compulsory at that time; each family was allocated a certain number, with the help and oversight of the priests and tax-collectors who earned a commission of five to eight percent on the total amount collected.5
Lake Buhi.The Lake of Buhi (300 feet above the sea-level) presents an extremely picturesque appearance, surrounded as it is on all sides by hills fully a thousand feet high; and its western shore is formed by what still remains of the Iriga volcano. I was informed by the priests of the neighboring hamlets that the volcano, until the commencement of the seventeenth century, had been a closed cone, and that the lake did not come into [129]existence till half of the mountain fell in, at the time of its great eruption. This statement I found confirmed in the pages of the Estado Geografico:—“On the fourth of January, 1641—a memorable day, for on that date all the known volcanoes of the Archipelago began to erupt at the same hour—a lofty hill in Camarines, inhabited by heathens, fell in, and a fine lake sprang into existence upon its site. The then inhabitants of the village of Buhi migrated to the shores of the new lake, which, on this account, was henceforward called the Lake of Buhi.”
Lake Buhi. Lake Buhi (300 feet above sea level) is very picturesque, surrounded on all sides by hills that rise at least a thousand feet high; its western shore is made up of what remains of the Iriga volcano. The local priests informed me that the volcano was a closed cone until the beginning of the seventeenth century, and that the lake only came into [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] existence when half of the mountain collapsed during a massive eruption. I found this confirmed in the pages of the Estado Geografico:—“On January 4, 1641—a memorable day, as all the known volcanoes in the Archipelago erupted simultaneously— a tall hill in Camarines, inhabited by non-Christians, collapsed, and a beautiful lake emerged in its place. The residents of the village of Buhi moved to the shores of the new lake, which is why it became known as Lake Buhi.”
1628 Camarines earthquake.Perrey, in the Mémoires de l’Académie de Dijon, mentions another outbreak which took place in Camarines in 1628: “In 1628, according to trustworthy reports, fourteen different shocks of earthquake occurred on the same day in the province of Camarines. Many buildings were thrown down, and from one large mountain which the earthquake rent asunder there issued such an immense quantity of water that the whole neighborhood was flooded, trees were torn up by the roots, and, in one hour, from the seashore all plains were covered with water (the direct distance to the shore is two and one-half leagues).6
1628 Camarines earthquake.Perrey, in the Mémoires de l’Académie de Dijon, talks about another earthquake that happened in Camarines in 1628: “In 1628, according to reliable reports, fourteen different earthquakes occurred on the same day in the province of Camarines. Many buildings collapsed, and from one large mountain that the earthquake split apart, an immense amount of water surged out, flooding the entire area. Trees were uprooted, and within an hour, all the plains were submerged from the shoreline, which is a direct distance of two and a half leagues.”6
A mistranslation.It is very strange that the text given in the footnote does not agree with A. Perrey’s translation. The former does not mention that water came out of the mountains and says just the contrary, that trees, which were torn up by the roots, took the place of the sea for one hour on the shore, so that no water could be seen.
A translation error.It is very strange that the text in the footnote doesn’t match A. Perrey’s translation. It doesn’t mention that water came from the mountains; instead, it says the opposite, that trees, which were uprooted, replaced the sea for an hour at the shore, so that no water could be seen.
[130]Unreliable authorities.The data of the Estado Geografico are apt to create distrust as the official report on the great earthquake of 1641 describes in detail the eruptions of three volcanoes, which happened at the same time (of these two were in the South of the Archipelago and one in Northern Luzon) while Camarines is not mentioned at all. This suspicion is further strengthened by the fact that the same author (Nierembergius) whose remarks on the eruptions of 1628 in Camarines are quoted, gives in another book of his a detailed report on the events of 1641 without mentioning this province. If one considers the indifference of the friars toward such events in Nature, it is not improbable that the eruptions of 1641 when a mountain fell in in Northern Luzon and a lake took its place, has been transferred on the Iriga. To illustrate the indifference it may be mentioned that even the padres living at the foot of the Albay could not agree upon the dates of its very last eruptions.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Untrustworthy authorities.The information from the Estado Geografico tends to raise doubts since the official report on the major earthquake of 1641 goes into detail about the eruptions of three volcanoes that erupted simultaneously (two were in the South of the Archipelago and one in Northern Luzon), while Camarines isn’t mentioned at all. This skepticism is further supported by the fact that the same author (Nierembergius), whose comments on the eruptions of 1628 in Camarines are referenced, provides in another of his books a detailed account of the events of 1641 without referring to this province. Considering the indifference of the friars towards such natural events, it’s quite possible that the eruptions of 1641, when a mountain collapsed in Northern Luzon and was replaced by a lake, have been mistakenly attributed to Iriga. To highlight this indifference, it’s noteworthy that even the padres living at the base of the Albay could not agree on the dates of its most recent eruptions.
Another attempt at mountain climbing.When I was at Tambong, a small hamlet on the shore of the lake belonging to the parochial district of Buhi, I made a second unsuccessful attempt to reach the highest point of the Iriga. We arrived in the evening at the southern point of the crater’s edge (1,041 meters above the level of the sea by my barometrical observation), where a deep defile prevented our further progress. Here the Igorots abandoned me, and the low-landers refused to bivouac in order to pursue the journey on the following day; so I was obliged to return. Late in the evening, after passing through a coco plantation, we reached the foot of the mountain and found shelter from a tempest with a kind old woman; to whom my servants lied so shamelessly that, when the rain had abated, we were, in spite of our failure, conducted with torches to Tambong, where we found the palm-grove [131]round the little hamlet magically illuminated with bright bonfires of dry coconut-leaves in honor of the Conquistadores del Iriga; and where I was obliged to remain for the night, as the people were too timorous or too lazy to cross the rough water of the lake.
Another try at mountain climbing. When I was in Tambong, a small village by the lake in the Buhi parish, I made a second unsuccessful attempt to reach the highest point of Iriga. We arrived in the evening at the southern edge of the crater (1,041 meters above sea level according to my barometric readings), where a steep ravine blocked our way forward. At this point, the Igorots left me, and the lowlanders refused to camp out to continue the journey the next day, so I had to turn back. Late that evening, after passing through a coconut plantation, we reached the base of the mountain and found shelter from a storm with a kind old woman; my servants told such outrageous lies that, when the rain calmed down, we were, despite our failure, led with torches back to Tambong, where we discovered the palm grove [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] around the village magically lit up with bright bonfires made from dry coconut leaves in honor of the Conquistadores del Iriga; and I was forced to stay the night, as the locals were either too scared or too lazy to cross the rough waters of the lake.
Pineapple fiber preparations.Here I saw them preparing the fiber of the pine-apple for weaving. The fruit of the plants selected for this purpose is generally removed early; a process which causes the leaves to increase considerably both in length and in breadth. A woman places a board on the ground, and upon it a pine-apple-leaf with the hollow side upwards. Sitting at one end of the board, she holds the leaf firmly with her toes, and scrapes its outer surface with a potsherd; not with the sharp fractured edge but with the blunt side of the rim; and thus the leaf is reduced to rags. In this manner a stratum of coarse longitudinal fiber is disclosed, and the operator, placing her thumb-nail beneath it, lifts it up, and draws it away in a compact strip; after which she scrapes again until a second fine layer of fiber is laid bare. Then, turning the leaf round, she scrapes its back, which now lies upwards, down to the layer of fiber, which she seizes with her hand and draws at once, to its full length, away from the back of the leaf. When the fiber has been washed, it is dried in the sun. It is afterwards combed, with a suitable comb, like women’s hair, sorted into four classes, tied together, and treated like the fiber of the lupi. In this crude manner are obtained the threads for the celebrated web nipis de Piña.Piña, which is considered by experts the finest in the world. Two shirts of this kind are in the Berlin Ethnographical Museum (Nos. 291 and 292). Better woven samples are in the Gewerbe Museum of Trade and Commerce. In the Philippines, where the fineness of the work is best [132]understood and appreciated, richly-embroidered costumes of this description have fetched more than $1,400 each.7
Pineapple fiber products. Here I saw them preparing the fiber from the pineapple for weaving. The fruit from the plants chosen for this purpose is usually removed early, which causes the leaves to grow significantly in both length and width. A woman places a board on the ground and lays a pineapple leaf, hollow side up, on it. Sitting at one end of the board, she holds the leaf firmly with her toes and scrapes its outer surface with a piece of broken pottery; not with the sharp edge, but with the blunt side of the rim, and thus the leaf is reduced to rags. This way, a layer of coarse longitudinal fiber is revealed, and the operator, placing her thumbnail underneath, lifts it up and pulls it away in a compact strip; after that, she scrapes again until a second fine layer of fiber is exposed. Then, turning the leaf over, she scrapes the back, which is now facing up, down to the layer of fiber, which she grabs with her hand and pulls away from the back of the leaf to its full length. Once the fiber is washed, it is dried in the sun. It's then combed with an appropriate comb, much like women's hair, sorted into four categories, tied together, and treated like the fiber from the lupi. This is how the threads for the famous nipis de Pineapple. Piña are obtained, which experts consider the finest in the world. Two shirts of this type are displayed in the Berlin Ethnographical Museum (Nos. 291 and 292). Better woven examples are at the Gewerbe Museum of Trade and Commerce. In the Philippines, where the quality of the work is best [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] understood and appreciated, richly embroidered outfits of this type have sold for over $1,400 each.7
Rain prevents another ascent.At Buhi, which is not sufficiently sheltered towards the north-east, it rained almost as much as at Daraga. I had found out from the Igorots that a path could be forced through the tall canes up to the summit; but the continual rain prevented me; so I resolved to cross the Malinao, returning along the coast to my quarters, and then, freshly equipped, descend the river Bicol as far as Naga.
Rain halts another climb. At Buhi, which isn't well-protected from the northeast, it rained nearly as much as at Daraga. I learned from the Igorots that a path could be cleared through the tall canes up to the top; but the ongoing rain stopped me. So, I decided to cross the Malinao, head back along the coast to my place, and then, after getting re-equipped, go down the Bicol River all the way to Naga.
Mountaineers’ arrow poison.Before we parted the Igorots prepared for me some arrow poison from the bark of two trees. I happened to see neither the leaves nor the blossoms, but only the bark. A piece of bark was beaten to pieces, pressed dry, wetted, and again pressed. This was done with the bare hand, which, however, sustained no injury. The juice thus extracted looked like pea-soup, and was warmed in an earthen vessel over a slow fire. During the process it coagulated at the edges; and the coagulated mass was again dissolved, by stirring it into the boiling fluid mass. When this had reached the consistency of syrup, a small quantity was scraped off the inner surface of a second piece of bark, and its juice squeezed into the vessel. This juice was a dark brown color. When the mass had attained the consistency of a thin jelly, it was scraped out of the pot with a chip and preserved on a leaf sprinkled with ashes. For poisoning an arrow they use a piece of the size of a hazel-nut, which, after being warmed, is distributed uniformly over the broad iron point; and the poisoned arrow serves for repeated use.
Mountaineers' arrow toxin. Before we left, the Igorots made some arrow poison for me using the bark of two trees. I didn't see the leaves or blossoms, just the bark. They crushed a piece of bark into small bits, dried it out, soaked it, and pressed it again. This was done with bare hands, which didn't get hurt. The juice they got looked like pea soup and was heated in a clay pot over a low flame. During this process, it solidified around the edges; then, the solid part was stirred back into the boiling mixture. Once it had the thickness of syrup, they scraped a little bit from the inner surface of another piece of bark and squeezed its juice into the pot. This juice was dark brown. When the mixture reached the thickness of thin jelly, it was scraped out of the pot with a chip and stored on a leaf sprinkled with ashes. To poison an arrow, they use a piece about the size of a hazelnut, which, after being warmed, is spread evenly over the broad iron tip; this poisoned arrow can be used multiple times.
[133]Sapa river.At the end of November I left the beautiful lake of Buhi, and proceeded from its eastern angle for a short distance up the little river Sapa8, the alluvial deposits of which form a considerable feature in the configuration of the lake. Across a marshy meadow we reached the base of the Malinao or Buhi mountain, the slippery clay of the lower slope merging higher up into volcanic sand. Leeches.The damp undergrowth swarmed with small leeches; I never before met with them in such numbers. These little animals, no stouter when streched out than a linen thread, are extraordinarily active. They attach themselves firmly to every part of the body, penetrating even into the nose, the ears, and the eyelids, where, if, they remain unobserved, they gorge themselves to such excess that they become as round as balls and look like small cherries. While they are sucking no pain is felt; but afterwards the spots attacked often itch the whole day long.9 Fig-trees.In one place the wood consisted for the most part of fig-trees, with bunches of fruit quite six feet in length hanging from the stems and the thicker branches; and between the trees grew ferns, aroids, and orchids. After nearly six hours’ toil we reached the pass (841 meters above the sea level), and descended the eastern slope. The forest on the eastern side of the mountain is still more magnificent than that on the west. From a clearing we obtained a fine view of the sea, the Island of Catanduanes, and the plain of Tabaco. Prison as hotel. At sunset we reached Tibi, where I quartered myself in the prison. This, a tolerably clean place, enclosed with strong bamboos, was the most habitable part of a long [134]shed which supplied the place of the tribunal destroyed in a storm two years before. At Tibi I had an opportunity of sketching Mount Malinao (called also Buhi and Takit), which from this side has the appearance of a large volcano with a distinct crater. From the lake of Buhi it is not so clearly distinguishable.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Sapa River.At the end of November, I left the beautiful lake of Buhi and went a short distance from its eastern edge up the little Sapa River8, whose alluvial deposits are a significant feature of the lake’s landscape. We crossed a marshy meadow and reached the base of Malinao or Buhi Mountain, where the slippery clay of the lower slope transitions into volcanic sand higher up. Leeches.The damp undergrowth was full of small leeches; I had never seen them in such large numbers before. These little creatures, no thicker than a thread when stretched out, are incredibly active. They attach themselves firmly to any part of the body, even getting into the nose, ears, and eyelids. If left unnoticed, they can suck so much blood that they swell up like small balls, resembling tiny cherries. While they are sucking, there’s no pain, but the areas they’ve latched onto often itch all day long.9 Fig trees.In one area, the forest was mostly made up of fig trees, with bunches of fruit nearly six feet long hanging from the trunks and thicker branches. Ferns, aroids, and orchids grew between the trees. After nearly six hours of hard work, we reached the pass (841 meters above sea level) and descended the eastern slope. The forest on the eastern side of the mountain is even more stunning than on the west. From a clearing, we had a great view of the sea, the Island of Catanduanes, and the plain of Tabaco. Prison like a hotel. At sunset, we arrived in Tibi, where I settled into the local prison. It was a reasonably clean place, enclosed by sturdy bamboo, and was the most livable part of a long [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]shelter that replaced the tribunal destroyed in a storm two years earlier. In Tibi, I had the chance to sketch Mount Malinao (also known as Buhi and Takit), which from this side looks like a large volcano with a distinct crater. From the lake of Buhi, it’s not as clearly recognizable.
Igabo hot spring.Not far from Tibi, exactly north-east of Malinao, we found a small hot spring called Igabo. In the middle of a plot of turf encircled by trees was a bare spot of oval form, nearly a hundred paces long and seventy wide. The whole space was covered with stones, rounded by attrition, as large as a man’s head and larger. Here and there hot water bubbled out of the ground and discharged into a little brook; beside it some women were engaged in cooking their food, which they suspended in nets in the hottest parts of the water. On the lower surfaces of some of the stones a little sulphur was sublimated; of alum hardly a trace was perceptible. In a cavity some caolin had accumulated, and was used as a stain.
Igabo hot spring.Not far from Tibi, just northeast of Malinao, we discovered a small hot spring called Igabo. In the center of a grassy area surrounded by trees was a bare oval patch, nearly a hundred paces long and seventy wide. The entire area was covered with rounded stones, as large as a man's head and bigger. Occasionally, hot water bubbled up from the ground and flowed into a small brook; nearby, some women were cooking their food by suspending it in nets in the hottest parts of the water. On the lower surfaces of some of the stones, a bit of sulfur had formed, while hardly any trace of alum was visible. In a hollow, some kaolin had accumulated and was used as a dye.
Naglegbeng silicious springs.From here I visited the stalactite springs, not far distant, of Naglegbeng.10 I had expected to see a calcareous fountain, but found the most magnificent masses of silica of infinite variety of form; shallow cones with cylindrical summits, pyramidal flights of steps, round basins with ribbed margins, and ponds of boiling water. One spot, denuded of trees, from two to three hundred paces in breadth and about five hundred in length, was, with the exception of a few places overgrown with turf, covered with a crust of silicious dross, which here and there formed large connected areas, but was generally broken up into flaky plates by the vertical springs which pierced it. In numerous localities boiling hot mineral water containing silica was forcing itself out of the [135]ground, spreading itself over the surface and depositing a crust, the thickness of which depended on its distance from the center point. In this manner, in the course of time, a very flat cone is formed, with a basin of boiling water in the middle. The continuous deposit of dross contracts the channel, and a less quantity of water overflows, while that close to the edge of the basin evaporates and deposits a quantity of fine silicious earth; whence the upper portion of the cone not only is steeper than its base, but frequently assumes a more cylindrical form, the external surface of which on account of the want of uniformity in the overflow, is ribbed in the form of stalactites. When the channel becomes so much obstructed that the efflux is less than the evaporation, the water ceases to flow over the edge, and the mineral dross, during the continual cooling of the water, is then deposited, with the greatest uniformity, over the inner area of the basin. When, however, the surface of the water sinks, this formation ceases at the upper portion of the basin; the interior wall thickens; and, if the channel be completely stopped up and all the water evaporated, there remains a bell-shaped basin as even as if excavated by the hand of man. The water now seeks a fresh outlet, and bursts forth where it meets with the least obstruction, without destroying the beautiful cone it has already erected. Many such examples exist. In the largest cones, however, the vapors generated acquire such power that, when the outlet is completely stopped up, they break up the overlying crust in concentrically radiating flakes; and the water, issuing anew copiously from the center, deposits a fresh crust, which again, by the process we have just described is broken up into a superimposed layer of flakes. In this manner are formed annular layers, which in turn are gradually covered by fresh deposits from the overflowing [136]water. After the pyramid of layers is complete and the outlet stopped up, the water sometimes breaks forth on the slope of the same cone; a second cone is then formed near the first, on the same base. In the vicinity of the silicious springs are seen deposits of white, yellow, red, and bluish-grey clays, overlaying one another in narrow strata-like variegated marl, manifestly the disintegrated produce of volcanic rocks transported hither by rain and stained with oxide of iron. These clays perhaps come from the same rocks from the disintegration of which the silicious earth has been formed. Similar examples occur in Iceland and in New Zealand; but the products of the springs of Tibi are more varied, finer, and more beautiful than those of the Iceland Geysers.
Naglegbeng silicious springs.From here I visited the nearby stalactite springs of Naglegbeng.10 I had expected to see a calcium fountain, but instead found magnificent silica formations in endless varieties of shape: shallow cones with cylindrical tops, pyramid-like steps, round basins with ribbed edges, and ponds of boiling water. One area, bare of trees, measured about two to three hundred paces wide and around five hundred long, was mostly covered with a layer of silicious residue, except for a few spots with grass. This layer, at times formed large connected patches, but was generally broken into flaky plates by the vertical springs that pierced through it. In many places, boiling mineral water rich in silica bubbled up from the ground, spreading across the surface and leaving behind a crust that varied in thickness depending on how far it was from the center. Over time, this created a flat cone with a basin of boiling water in the center. The ongoing deposition of residue narrows the channel, resulting in less water overflowing, while the water near the edge evaporates and leaves behind fine silicious earth; as a result, the upper part of the cone is steeper than its base and often takes on a more cylindrical shape, with the outer surface ribbed due to uneven overflow, resembling stalactites. When the channel gets so blocked that the outflow is less than the evaporation, water stops flowing over the edge, and the mineral residue gets deposited uniformly over the inner surface of the basin as the water continues to cool. However, if the water level drops, this deposition halts at the top of the basin, causing the inner wall to thicken. If the channel becomes completely blocked and all the water evaporates, a bell-shaped basin remains, perfectly smooth as if carved by human hands. The water then looks for a new outlet, bursting forth where there’s less obstruction without ruining the beautiful cone already formed. Many such instances can be found. In the largest cones, however, the steam generated can become so powerful that when the outlet is completely blocked, it breaks through the overlying crust in concentric flakes; the water then flows vigorously from the center, depositing a new crust, which again gets broken into layers of flakes as described earlier. This is how annular layers are created, which are gradually covered by new deposits from the overflowing [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]water. Once the layer of the pyramid is complete and the outlet is blocked, water sometimes erupts on the slope of the same cone, creating a second cone nearby, sharing the same base. Near the silicious springs, deposits of white, yellow, red, and bluish-grey clays are visible, overlapping in narrow strata like variegated marl, clearly the result of disintegrated volcanic rocks brought here by rain and stained with iron oxide. These clays likely originate from the same rocks that disintegrated to form the silicious earth. Similar occurrences are found in Iceland and New Zealand, but the outputs of the Tibi springs are more varied, finer, and more beautiful than those of the Iceland Geysers.
1 According to Grunow, Cladophona arrisgona Kuetzing—Conferva arrisgona Montague.
1 According to Grunow, Cladophona arrisgona Kuetzing—Conferva arrisgona Montague.
2 A visita is a small hamlet or village with no priest of its own, and dependent upon its largest neighbor for its religious ministrations.
2 The visit is a small village with no priest of its own, relying on its larger neighbor for religious services.
3 Pigafetta mentions that the female musicians of the King of Cebu were quite naked, or only covered with an apron of bark. The ladies of the Court were content with a hat, a short cloak, and a cloth around the waist.
3 Pigafetta notes that the women musicians of the King of Cebu were mostly naked, or just wore a bark apron. The women at court were satisfied with a hat, a short cloak, and a cloth wrapped around their waists.
4 Perhaps the same reason induced the Chinese to purchase crucifixes at the time of their first intercourse with the Portuguese; for Pigafetta says: “The Chinese are white, wear clothes, and eat from tables. They also possess crucifixes but it is difficult to say why or where they got them.”
4 Maybe the same reason led the Chinese to buy crucifixes when they first interacted with the Portuguese; Pigafetta mentions: “The Chinese are white, wear clothes, and eat at tables. They also have crucifixes, but it's hard to say why or where they got them.”
6 Apud Camarines quoque terrain eodem die quator decies contremuisse, fide dignis testimoniis renuntiatum est: multa interim aedificia diruta. Ingentem montem medium crepuisse immani hiatu, ex immensa vi excussisse arbores per oras pelagi, ita ut leucam occuparent aequoris, nec humor per illud intervallum appareret. Accidit hoc anno 1628.—S. Eusebius Nieremberqius, Historia Naturae, lib. xvi., 383. Antwerpiae, 1635.
6 In Camarines, reliable witnesses reported that on the same day, the ground shook fourteen times, causing many buildings to be destroyed. A big mountain erupted into a massive chasm, sending trees flying across the ocean shores and covering a mile of the sea, with no water visible through that gap. This occurred in the year 1628.—S. Eusebius Nieremberqius, Historia Naturae, lib. xvi., 383. Antwerp, 1635.
7 At Fort William, Calcutta, experiments have proved the extraordinary endurance of the pine-apple fibre. A cable eight centimeters in circumference was not torn asunder until a force of 2,850 kilogrammes had been applied to it.—Report of the Jury, London International Exhibition.
7 At Fort William, Calcutta, experiments have demonstrated the remarkable strength of pineapple fiber. A cable with a circumference of eight centimeters didn't break until a force of 2,850 kilograms was applied to it.—Report of the Jury, London International Exhibition.
9 To the extraordinary abundance of these annulates in Sikkin, Hooker (Himalayan Journal, i, 167) ascribes the death of many animals, as also the murrain known as rinderpest, if it occurred after a very wet season, when the leech appears in incredible numbers. It is a known fact that these worms have existed for days together in the nostrils, throat, and stomach of man, causing inexpressible pain and, finally, death.
9 Hooker attributes the remarkable abundance of these leeches in Sikkin to the death of many animals, as well as to the disease known as rinderpest, especially after a particularly wet season when leeches show up in huge numbers. It’s well-known that these worms can live for days inside a person’s nostrils, throat, and stomach, causing unbearable pain and ultimately, death.
XIV
Quinali river.On my second journey in Camarines, which I undertook in February, I went by water from Polangui, past Batu, as far as Naga. The Quinali, which runs into the south-eastern corner of the lake of Batu, runs out again on the north side as the Bicol River, and flows in a north-westerly direction as far as the Bay of San Miguel. It forms the medium of a not inconsiderable trade between Albay and Camarines, particularly in rice; of which the supply grown in the former province does not suffice for the population, who consume the superfluity of Camarines. The rice is conveyed in large boats up the river as far as Quinali, and thence transported [137]further on in carabao carts; and the boats return empty. During the dry season of the year, the breadth of the very tortuous Bicol, at its mouth, is a little over sixty feet, and increases but very gradually. There is considerable variety of vegetation upon its banks, and in animal life it is highly attractive. I was particularly struck with its numerous monkeys and water-fowl. Plotus water-fowl.Of the latter the Plotus variety was most abundant, but difficult to shoot. They sit motionless on the trees on the bank, only their thin heads and necks, like those of tree-snakes, overtopping the leaves. On the approach of the boat they precipitate themselves hastily into the water; and it is not until after many minutes that the thin neck is seen rising up again at some distance from the spot where the bird disappeared. The Plotus appears to be as rapid on the wing as it is in swimming and diving.
Quinali River. On my second trip to Camarines in February, I traveled by boat from Polangui, past Batu, all the way to Naga. The Quinali River, which feeds into the southeastern part of Lake Batu, flows out again on the north side as the Bicol River and continues in a northwestern direction to the Bay of San Miguel. It's a key route for trade between Albay and Camarines, especially for rice; the supply from Albay doesn't meet the needs of its population, which relies on the surplus from Camarines. Large boats carry rice up the river to Quinali, where it's then transported [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] further by carabao carts, and the boats return empty. During the dry season, the width of the winding Bicol River at its mouth is just over sixty feet and increases very slowly. There is a wide variety of vegetation along its banks, and the wildlife is quite captivating. I was particularly impressed by the numerous monkeys and waterfowl. Plotus birds. Of the waterfowl, the Plotus variety was the most common but hard to shoot. They sit still in the trees along the bank, with only their long heads and necks, resembling tree-snakes, visible above the leaves. When the boat approaches, they quickly dive into the water, and it takes several minutes before their long necks resurface some distance away from where they disappeared. The Plotus seems just as quick in the air as it is in swimming and diving.
Naga.In Naga, the chief city of South Camarines, I alighted at the tribunal, from which, however, I was immediately invited by the principal official of the district—who is famed for his hospitality far beyond the limits of his province—to his house, where I was loaded with civilities and favors. This universally beloved gentleman put everybody under contribution in order to enrich my collections, and did all in his power to render my stay agreeable and to further my designs.
Naga.In Naga, the main city of South Camarines, I got off at the tribunal, but I was quickly welcomed by the district's top official—known for his hospitality well beyond his province—who invited me to his home, where I was showered with kindness and generosity. This highly respected man enlisted everyone to help enhance my collections and did everything he could to make my visit enjoyable and support my plans.
Nueva Caceres.Naga is the seat of a bishopric and of the provincial government. In official documents it is called Nueva Caceres, in honor of the Captain-General, D. Fr. de Sande, a native of Caceres, who about 1578 founded Naga (the Spanish town) close to the Filipino village. At the beginning of the seventeenth century it numbered nearly one hundred Spanish inhabitants; at the present time it hardly boasts a dozen. Murillo Velarde remarks (xiii, 272), in contrast to the state of things in [138]America, that of all the towns founded in the Philippines, with the exception of Manila, only the skeletons, the names without the substance, have been preserved. The reason is, as has been frequently shown, that up to the present time plantations, and consequently proper settlers, have been wanting. Formerly Naga was the principal town of the whole of that district of Luzon lying to the east of Tayabas, which, on account of the increased population, was divided into the three provinces of North and South Camarines and Albay. The boundaries of these governmental districts, those between Albay and South Camarines more especially, have been drawn very arbitrarily; although, the whole of the territory, as is shown by the map, geographically is very well defined. Land of the Bicols.The country is named Camarines; but it might more suitably be called the country of the Bicols, for the whole of it is inhabited by one race, the Bicol-Filipinos, who are distinguished by their speech and many other peculiarities from their neighbors, the Tagals on the west, and the Bisayans on the islands to the south and east.
Naga City.Naga is the center of a bishopric and the provincial government. In official documents, it's referred to as Nueva Caceres, named after the Captain-General, D. Fr. de Sande, who was from Caceres and founded Naga (the Spanish town) around 1578, near the Filipino village. At the start of the seventeenth century, there were almost one hundred Spanish residents; now, there are barely a dozen. Murillo Velarde notes (xiii, 272) that, unlike in [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]America, of all the towns established in the Philippines, only the names remain, with very few actual settlements left, except for Manila. This has happened mainly because there has been a lack of plantations and, therefore, suitable settlers. In the past, Naga was the main town in the entire region of Luzon situated east of Tayabas, which was later divided into the three provinces of North and South Camarines and Albay due to population growth. The borders of these political districts, especially between Albay and South Camarines, have been drawn quite arbitrarily; however, as illustrated by the map, the entire area is geographically well-defined. Bicol Region.The region is called Camarines, but it could more appropriately be named the land of the Bicols, since it is entirely populated by one ethnic group, the Bicol-Filipinos, who are recognized by their language and various other characteristics that set them apart from their neighbors, the Tagals to the west, and the Bisayans on the islands to the south and east.
The Bicols.The Bicols are found only in this district and in a few islands lying immediately in front of it. Of their coming hither no information is to be obtained from the comprehensive but confused histories of the Spanish monks. Morga considers them to be natives of the island; on the other hand, it is asserted by tradition that the inhabitants of Manila and its vicinity are descended from Malays who have migrated thither, and from the inhabitants of other islands and more distant provinces.1 Their speech is midway between that of the Tagalogs and the Bisayans, and they themselves appear, in both their [139]manners and customs, to be a half-breed between these two races. Physically and mentally they are inferior to the Tagalogs, and superior to the inhabitants of the eastern Bisayan Islands. Bicol language.Bicol is spoken only in the two Camarines, Albay, Luzon, the Islands of Masbate, Burias, Ticao, and Catanduanes, and in the smaller adjoining islands. The inhabitants of the volcanic mountain Isarog and its immediate neighborhood speak it in the greatest purity. Thence towards the west the Bicol dialect becomes more and more like Tagalog, and towards the east like Bisayan, until by degrees, even before reaching the boundaries of their ethnographical districts, it merges into these two kindred languages.
The Bicolanos.The Bicols are found only in this area and on a few islands right in front of it. There's no clear information about how they got here from the detailed but confusing histories of the Spanish monks. Morga thinks they are original inhabitants of the island, while tradition claims that the people of Manila and nearby regions are descendants of Malays who moved here, along with residents from other islands and distant provinces.1 Their language is a blend of Tagalog and Bisayan, and they seem to represent a mix of these two groups in both their manners and customs. Physically and mentally, they are not as advanced as the Tagalogs, but they are better off than the people from the eastern Bisayan Islands. Bicolano language.Bicol is spoken only in the two Camarines, Albay, Luzon, and on the islands of Masbate, Burias, Ticao, and Catanduanes, as well as on the smaller nearby islands. The people living around the volcanic mountain Isarog speak it most accurately. As you move west, the Bicol dialect gradually resembles Tagalog more, and as you go east, it becomes similar to Bisayan, until eventually, even before reaching the edges of their ethnographic areas, it blends into these two related languages.
Rice cultivation.In South Camarines the sowing of the rice in beds begins in June or July, always at the commencement of the rainy season; but in fields artificially watered, earlier, because thus the fruit ripens at a time when, the store in the country being small, its price is high. Although the rice fields could very well give two crops yearly, they are tilled only once. It is planted out in August, with intervals of a hand’s-breadth between each row and each individual plant; and within four months the rice is ripe. The fields are never fertilized, and but seldom ploughed; the weeds and the stubble being generally trodden into the already soaked ground by a dozen carabaos, and the soil afterwards simply rolled with a cylinder furnished with sharp points, or loosened with the harrow (sorod). Besides the agricultural implements named above, there are the Spanish hatchet (azadon) and a rake of bamboo (kag-kag) in use. The harvest is effected in a peculiar manner. The rice which is soonest ripe is cut for ten per cent, that is, the laborer receives for his toil the tenth bundle for himself. At this time of year rice is very scarce, [140]want is imminent, and labor reasonable. The more fields, however, that ripen, the higher become the reapers’ wages, rising to twenty, thirty, forty, even fifty per cent; indeed, the executive sometimes consider it to be necessary to force the people to do harvest by corporal punishment and imprisonment, in order to prevent a large portion of the crop from rotting on the stalk. Nevertheless, in very fruitful years a part of the harvest is lost. The rice is cut halm by halm (as in Java) with a peculiarly-formed knife, or, failing such, with the sharp-edged flap of a mussel2 found in the ditches of the rice-fields, which one has only to stoop to pick up.
Rice farming.In South Camarines, rice planting starts in June or July, right when the rainy season kicks off. However, in fields with artificial irrigation, planting happens earlier so the rice can be harvested when supplies are low and prices are higher. Although the rice fields could easily produce two crops a year, they are usually planted just once. It's sowed in August, with a hand's width between each row and plant; and in about four months, the rice is ready. The fields aren't fertilized much and are rarely plowed; instead, a dozen carabaos typically trample the weeds and stubble into the wet ground, and the soil is rolled with a cylinder with sharp points or loosened with a harrow (sorod). Other agricultural tools used include the Spanish hoe (azadon) and a bamboo rake (kag-kag). The harvest is done in a unique way. The earliest rice to ripen is harvested for ten percent, meaning the laborer keeps one out of every ten bundles. At this time of year, rice is very scarce, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]necessity is high, and labor costs are reasonable. The more fields that mature, the higher the wages for the harvesters can go, reaching twenty, thirty, forty, even fifty percent; in fact, sometimes authorities have to resort to corporal punishment and imprisonment to ensure people help with the harvest and prevent a significant portion of the crop from going bad on the stalk. Still, in very fruitful years, some of the harvest gets lost. The rice is cut stalk by stalk (like in Java) with a specially shaped knife, or if that's not available, with the sharp edge of a mussel shell found in the rice field ditches, which can easily be picked up from the ground.
Rice land production.A quiñon of the best rice land is worth from sixty to one hundred dollars ($5.50 to $9 per acre). Rice fields on rising grounds are dearest, as they are not exposed to devastating floods as are those in the plain, and may be treated so as to insure the ripening of the fruit at the time when the highest price is to be obtained.
Rice farming.A quiñon of the best rice land is valued between sixty and one hundred dollars ($5.50 to $9 per acre). Rice fields on elevated land are the most expensive because they aren’t as vulnerable to destructive floods like those in the valley, and they can be managed in a way that ensures the crops ripen when the prices are at their highest.
The harvest.A ganta of rice is sufficient to plant four topones (1 topon = 1 loan); from which 100 manojos (bundles) are gathered, each of which yields half a ganta of rice. The old ganta of Naga, however, being equal to a modern ganta and a half, the produce may be calculated at 75 cavanes per quiñon, about 9¾ bushels per acre.3 In books 250 cavanes are usually stated to be the average produce of a quiñon; but that is an exaggeration. The fertility of the fields certainly varies very much; but, when it is considered that the land in the Philippines is never fertilized, but depends, for the maintenance of its vitality, exclusively upon the overflowing of the mud which is washed down from the mountains, it may be believed that the first numbers better express the true [141]average. In Java the harvest, in many provinces, amounts to only 50 cavanes per quiñon; in some, indeed, to three times this amount; and in China, with the most careful culture and abundant manure, to 180 cabanes.4 Sweet potatoes. Besides rice, they cultivate the camote (sweet potato, Convolvulus batatas). This flourishes like a weed; indeed, it is sometimes planted for the purpose of eradicating the weeds from soil intended for coffee or cacao. It spreads out into a thick carpet, and is an inexhaustible storehouse to its owner, who, the whole year through, can supply his wants from his field. Gabi (Caladium), Ubi (Dioscorea), maize, and other kinds of grain, are likewise cultivated.
The harvest.A ganta of rice is enough to plant four topones (1 topon = 1 loan); from which 100 manojos (bundles) are collected, with each bundle producing half a ganta of rice. However, the old ganta of Naga is equivalent to one and a half modern gantas, so the yield can be estimated at 75 cavanes per quiñon, or about 9¾ bushels per acre.3 In literature, 250 cavanes is often mentioned as the average yield of a quiñon, but that's an overstatement. The fertility of the land varies significantly; however, since fields in the Philippines are never fertilized and rely solely on the nutrient-rich mud washed down from the mountains to maintain their productivity, it’s reasonable to think that the earlier figures better represent the true [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]average. In Java, the harvest in many regions yields only 50 cavanes per quiñon; in some areas, it can be three times that amount; while in China, with meticulous cultivation and generous fertilization, it can reach 180 cavanes.4 Sweet potatoes. Besides rice, they also grow camote (sweet potato, Convolvulus batatas). It thrives like a weed; in fact, it’s sometimes planted to help eliminate weeds from soil intended for coffee or cacao. It spreads out into a dense carpet and serves as a never-ending supply for its grower, who can draw from their field year-round. Other crops like gabi (Caladium), ubi (Dioscorea), maize, and various grains are also cultivated.
Cattle and horses.After the rice harvest the carabaos, horses, and bullocks, are allowed to graze in the fields. During the rice culture they remain in the gogonales, cane-fields which arise in places once cultivated for mountain-rice and afterwards abandoned. (Gogo is the name of a cane 7 to 8 feet high, Saccharum sp.). Transport then is almost impossible, because during the rainy season the roads are impassable, and the cattle find nothing to eat. The native does not feed his beast, but allows it to die when it cannot support itself. In the wet season of the year it frequently happens that a carabao falls down from starvation whilst drawing a cart. A carabao costs from $7 to $10; a horse $10 to $20; and a cow $6 to $8. Very fine horses are valued at from $30 to $50, and occasionally as much as $80; but the native horses are not esteemed in Manila, because they have no stamina. The bad water, the bad hay, and the great heat of the place at once point out the reason; otherwise it would be profitable to export horses in favorable seasons to Manila, where they would fetch twice their [142]value. According to Morga, there were neither horses nor asses on the Island until the Spaniards imported them from China and New Spain.5 They were at first small and vicious. Horses were imported also from Japan, “not swift but powerful, with large heads and thick manes, looking like Friesland horses;”6 and the breed improved rapidly. Those born in the country, mostly cross-breeds, drive well.
Cows and horses. After the rice harvest, the carabaos, horses, and oxen are allowed to graze in the fields. During the rice-growing season, they stay in the gogonales, which are cane fields that used to be cultivated for mountain rice but have since been abandoned. (Gogo refers to a type of cane that grows 7 to 8 feet high, Saccharum sp.). Transportation becomes nearly impossible because, during the rainy season, the roads are impassable, and the cattle have nothing to eat. The locals don’t feed their animals; instead, they let them die when they can’t find food. In the wet season, it’s common for a carabao to collapse from starvation while pulling a cart. A carabao costs between $7 and $10; a horse ranges from $10 to $20; and a cow costs $6 to $8. Exceptional horses can be valued between $30 and $50, and sometimes even up to $80; however, native horses are not highly regarded in Manila due to their lack of stamina. The poor water, low-quality hay, and extreme heat reveal the reasons for this; otherwise, it would be profitable to export horses to Manila in favorable seasons, where they could sell for twice their [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]value. According to Morga, there were neither horses nor donkeys on the island until the Spaniards brought them from China and New Spain.5 Initially, they were small and aggressive. Horses were also imported from Japan, “not fast but strong, with large heads and thick manes, looking like Friesland horses;” 6 and the breed improved quickly. Those born locally, mostly crossbreeds, are good for driving.
Black cattle.Black cattle are generally in the hands of a few individuals; some of whom in Camarines possess from 1000 to 3000 head; but they are hardly saleable in the province, although they have been exported profitably for some years past to Manila. The black cattle of the province are small but make good beef. They are never employed for labor, and the cows are not milked. The Filipinos, who generally feed on fish, crabs, mussels, and wild herbs together with rice, prefer the flesh of the carabao to that of the ox; but they eat it only on feastdays.
Black cows. Black cattle are mostly owned by a few individuals; some in Camarines have between 1,000 to 3,000 head. However, they are rarely sold in the province, even though they have been profitably exported to Manila for several years. The black cattle in the province are small but provide good beef. They are not used for labor, and the cows are not milked. Filipinos, who typically eat fish, crabs, mussels, wild herbs, and rice, prefer the meat of the carabao over that of the ox, but they only eat it during celebrations.
Sheep.The old race of sheep, imported by the Spaniards previous to this century, still flourishes and is easily propagated. Those occasionally brought from Shanghai and Australia are considered to be deficient in endurance, unfruitful, and generally short-lived. Mutton is procurable every day in Manila; in the interior, however, at least in the eastern provinces, very rarely; although the rearing of sheep might there be carried on without difficulty, and in many places most profitably; the people being too idle to take care of the young lambs, which they complain are torn to pieces by the dogs [143]when they wander about free. The sheep appear to have been acclimatized with difficulty. Morga says that they were brought several times from New Spain, but did not multiply; so that in his time this kind of domestic animal did not exist. Swine.Pork is eaten by wealthy Europeans only when the hog has been brought up from the litter at home. In order to prevent its wandering away, it is usually enclosed in a wide meshed cylindrical hamper of bamboo, upon filling which it is slaughtered. The native hogs are too nauseous for food, the animals maintaining themselves almost entirely on ordure.
Sheep.The old breed of sheep, brought over by the Spaniards before this century, still thrives and is easy to breed. Those occasionally imported from Shanghai and Australia are seen as lacking in endurance, unproductive, and generally short-lived. You can find mutton for sale every day in Manila; however, in the interior, especially in the eastern provinces, it’s very rare. Raising sheep there could be done easily and profitably, but the locals are too lazy to care for the young lambs, which they complain get torn apart by dogs when they roam freely. The sheep seem to have struggled to adapt. Morga mentions that they were brought several times from New Spain but did not reproduce, so during his time, this type of domestic animal was nonexistent. Pigs. Wealthy Europeans only eat pork when the hog has been raised from a litter at home. To keep it from wandering off, it’s usually kept in a wide-meshed bamboo cage, and once it’s full-grown, it is slaughtered. The native hogs are too disgusting to eat, as they usually survive on waste.
Guesses at history from language.Crawfurd observes that the names of all the domestic animals in the Philippines belong to foreign languages, Those of the dog, swine, goat, carabao, cat, even of the fowl and the duck, are Malay or Javanese; while those of the horse, ox, and sheep, are Spanish. Until these animals were first imported from Malaysia, the aborigines were less fortunate in this respect than the Americans, who at least had the alpaca, llamanda, vicuña. The names likewise of most of the cultivated plants, such as rice, yams, sugar-cane, cacao and indigo, are said to be Malay, as well as those for silver, copper, and tin. Of the words relating to commerce, one-third are Malay; to which belong most of the terms used in trades, as well as the denominations for weights and measures, for the calendar—so far as it exists—and for numbers, besides the words for writing, reading, speaking, and narrative. On the other hand, only a small number of terms which refer to war are borrowed from the Malay.
Guesses about history from language.Crawfurd notes that the names of all the domestic animals in the Philippines come from foreign languages. The names of the dog, pig, goat, water buffalo, cat, and even the chicken and duck are Malay or Javanese, while those for horse, cow, and sheep are Spanish. Before these animals were brought over from Malaysia, the indigenous people had fewer options compared to Americans, who at least had the alpaca, llama, and vicuña. Most names for cultivated plants like rice, yams, sugarcane, cacao, and indigo are also said to be Malay, along with names for silver, copper, and tin. About a third of words related to commerce are Malay, including most terms used in trades, as well as names for weights and measures, the calendar—where it exists—and numbers, in addition to terms for writing, reading, speaking, and storytelling. In contrast, only a few terms related to war are borrowed from the Malay.
Ancient Filipino civilization.Referring to the degree of civilization which the Philippines possessed previous to their intercourse with the Malays, Crawfurd concludes from the purely domestic words that they cultivated no corn, their vegetable food consisting of batata(?) and banana. They had not a single domestic animal; they were acquainted with [144]iron and gold, but with no other metal, and were clothed in stuffs of cotton and alpaca, woven by themselves. They had invented a peculiar phonetic alphabet; and their religion consisted in the belief in good and evil spirits and witches, in circumcision, and in somewhat of divination by the stars. They therefore were superior to the inhabitants of the South Sea, inasmuch as they possessed gold, iron, and woven fabrics, and inferior to them in that they had neither dog, pig, nor fowl.
Ancient Filipino culture. Discussing the level of civilization in the Philippines before they interacted with the Malays, Crawfurd notes that, based on their purely local words, they didn't grow any corn; their main food sources were sweet potato and bananas. They had no domesticated animals, were familiar with iron and gold but no other metals, and wore clothing made from cotton and alpaca that they wove themselves. They created a unique phonetic alphabet; their religion involved beliefs in good and evil spirits, witches, circumcision, and some form of star divination. Thus, they were more advanced than the inhabitants of the South Sea since they had gold, iron, and woven textiles, but were less advanced as they lacked dogs, pigs, and chickens.
Progress under Spain.Assuming the truth of the above sketch of pre-Christian culture, which has been put together only with the help of defective linguistic sources, and comparing it with the present, we find, as the result, a considerable progress, for which the Philippines are indebted to the Spaniards. The influence of social relations has been already exhibited in the text. The Spaniards have imported the horse, the bullock, and the sheep; maize, coffee, sugar-cane, cacao, sesame, tobacco, indigo, many fruits, and probably the batata, which they met with in Mexico under the name of camotli.7 From this circumstance the term camote, universal in the Philippines, appears to have had its origin, Crawfurd, indeed, erroneously considering it a native term. According to a communication from Dr. Witmack, the opinion has lately been conceived that the batata is indigenous not only to America, but also to the East Indies, as it has two names in Sanscrit, sharkarakanda and ruktaloo.
Progress in Spain.If we take the above overview of pre-Christian culture as true, which has been put together using incomplete language sources, and compare it to now, we see significant progress, largely thanks to the Spaniards in the Philippines. The impact of social relationships has already been shown in the text. The Spaniards brought in the horse, the ox, and sheep; they also introduced maize, coffee, sugar cane, cacao, sesame, tobacco, indigo, various fruits, and likely the batata, which they found in Mexico called camotli.7 This leads us to believe that the term camote, widely used in the Philippines, originated from that. Crawfurd mistakenly thought it was a local term. Recently, Dr. Witmack has noted that there’s a theory suggesting that the batata is native not just to America but also to the East Indies, as it has two names in Sanskrit, sharkarakanda and ruktaloo.
Slight industrial progress.With the exception of embroidery, the natives have made but little progress in industries, in the weaving and the plaiting of mats; and the handicrafts are entirely carried on by the Chinese.
Minimal industrial progress. Aside from embroidery, the locals have made only minimal advancements in industries like weaving and mat-making; all the handicrafts are completely handled by the Chinese.
Rice and abaca exported.The exports consist of rice and abaca. The province exports about twice as much rice as it consumes; a large [145]quantity to Albay, which, less adapted for the cultivation of rice, produces only abaca; and a fair share to North Camarines, which is very mountainous, and little fertile. The rice can hardly be shipped to Manila, as there is no high road to the south side of the province, near to the principal town, and the transport by water from the north side, and from the whole of the eastern portion of Luzon, would immediately enhance the price of the product. Chinese monopolize trade. The imports are confined to the little that is imported by Chinese traders. The traders are almost all Chinese who alone possess shops in which clothing materials and woolen stuffs, partly of native and partly of European manufacture, women’s embroidered slippers, and imitation jewelry, may be obtained. The whole amount of capital invested in these shops certainly does not exceed $200,000. In the remaining pueblos of Camarines there are no Chinese merchants; and the inhabitants are consequently obliged to get their supplies from Naga.
Rice and abaca exported.The exports consist of rice and abaca. The province exports about twice as much rice as it consumes; a large [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]quantity goes to Albay, which, being less suitable for rice cultivation, only produces abaca; and a fair amount goes to North Camarines, which is very mountainous and not very fertile. The rice can hardly be shipped to Manila, as there's no main road to the southern part of the province, close to the main town, and transporting it by water from the north side, as well as from the entire eastern part of Luzon, would quickly drive up the price of the product. China dominates trade. The imports are limited to what is brought in by Chinese traders. Almost all the traders are Chinese, who are the only ones with shops that sell clothing materials, woolen fabrics, partly made locally and partly from Europe, women's embroidered slippers, and imitation jewelry. The total capital invested in these shops certainly doesn’t exceed $200,000. In the other towns of Camarines, there are no Chinese merchants; therefore, the residents have to get their supplies from Naga.
Land for everybody.The land belongs to the State, but is let to any one who will build upon it. The usufruct passes to the children, and ceases only when the land remains unemployed for two whole years; after which it is competent for the executive to dispose of it to another person.
Land for all.The land is owned by the State but is made available to anyone who will build on it. The right to use it is passed down to the children and only ends if the land is unused for two full years; after that, the executive can give it to someone else.
Homes.Every family possesses its own house; and the young husband generally builds with the assistance of his friends. In many places it does not cost more than four or five dollars, as he can, if necessary, build it himself free of expense, with the simple aid of the forest-knife (bolo), and of the materials to his hand, bamboo, Spanish cane, and palm-leaves. These houses, which are always built on piles on account of the humidity of the soil, often consist of a single shed, which serves for all the uses of a dwelling, and are the cause of great laxity and of filthy habits, the whole family sleeping [146]therein in common, and every passer-by being a welcome guest. A fine house of boards for the family of a cabeza perhaps costs nearly $100; and the possessions of such a family in stock, furniture, ornaments, etc. (of which they are obliged to furnish an annual inventory), would range in value between $100 and $1,000. Some reach even as much as $10,000, while the richest family of the whole province is assessed at $40,000.
Houses. Every family has its own house, and the young husband usually builds it with help from his friends. In many places, it costs no more than four or five dollars since he can, if needed, build it himself at no cost, using just a simple forest knife (bolo) and materials like bamboo, cane, and palm leaves that are readily available. These houses are typically built on stilts due to the damp soil and often consist of a single room that serves all the functions of a home. This setup leads to a relaxed atmosphere and poor hygiene, as the entire family sleeps [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] together, and any passerby is a welcome visitor. A decent wooden house for a cabeza's family might cost around $100, and such a family's possessions, including livestock, furniture, and decorations (which they need to inventory annually), would be valued between $100 and $1,000. Some families' belongings can reach up to $10,000, while the richest family in the entire province is valued at $40,000.
People not travellers.In general it may be said that every pueblo supplies travellers, its own necessaries, and produces little more. To the indolent native, especially to him of the eastern provinces, the village in which he was born is the world; and he leaves it only under the most pressing circumstances. Were it otherwise even, the strictness of the poll-tax would place great obstacles in the way of gratifying the desire for travel, generated by that oppressive impost.
People, not travelers.In general, it's true that each town provides for its own needs and produces very little beyond that. For the laid-back local, especially those from the eastern provinces, the village where they were born is everything; they only leave under serious pressure. Even if it were different, the heavy poll tax creates significant barriers to satisfying any desire to travel that might arise from that burdensome tax.
Meals.The Filipino eats three times a day—about 7 a.m., 12, and at 7 or 8 in the evening. Those engaged in severe labor consume at each meal a chupa of rice; the common people, half a chupa at breakfast, one at mid-day, and half again in the evening, altogether two chupas. Each family reaps its own supply of rice, and preserves it in barns, or buys it winnowed at the market; in the latter case purchasing only the quantity for one day or for the individual meals. The average retail price is 3 cuartos for 2 chupas (14 chupas for 1 real). To free it from the husk, the quantity for each single meal is rubbed in a mortar by the women. This is in accordance with an ancient custom; but it is also due to the fear lest, otherwise, the store should be too quickly consumed. The rice, however, is but half cooked; and it would seem that this occurs in all places where it constitutes an essential part of the sustenance of the people, as may be seen, indeed, in Spain and Italy. Salt and much Spanish pepper (capsicum) are eaten [147]as condiments; the latter, originally imported from America, growing all round the houses. To the common cooking-salt the natives prefer a so-called rock-salt, which they obtain by evaporation from sea-water previously filtered through ashes; and of which one chinanta (12 lbs. German) costs from one and one-half to two reals. The consumption of salt is extremely small.
Food. Filipinos eat three times a day—around 7 a.m., 12 p.m., and at 7 or 8 p.m. Those doing heavy labor usually have a full chupa of rice with each meal; the average person has half a chupa for breakfast, one at lunch, and another half in the evening, totaling two chupas. Each family grows its own rice and stores it in barns or buys it cleaned at the market, usually just enough for one day or individual meals. The average retail price is 3 cuartos for 2 chupas (14 chupas for 1 real). To remove the husk, the quantity for each meal is pounded in a mortar by the women. This follows an old tradition and is also driven by the desire to prevent the rice from being consumed too quickly. The rice is typically only half cooked, which appears to be common in places where it is a staple, as seen in Spain and Italy. Salt and a lot of Spanish pepper (capsicum) are used as condiments; the latter, which was originally imported from America, grows around the houses. The locals prefer a type of rock salt, which they produce by evaporating sea water that has been filtered through ashes; one chinanta (12 lbs. German) costs between one and a half to two reals. The amount of salt consumed is very little.
Buyo and cigars.The luxuries of the Filipinos are buyo8 and cigars—a cigar costing half a centavo, and a buyo much less. Cigars are rarely smoked, but are cut up into pieces, and chewed with the buyo. The women also chew buyo and tobacco, but, as a rule, very moderately; but they do not also stain their teeth black, like the Malays; and the young and pretty adorn themselves assiduously with veils made of the areca-nut tree, whose stiff and closely packed parallel fibers, when cut crosswise, form excellent tooth-brushes. They bathe several times daily, and surpass the majority of Europeans in cleanliness. Every native, above all things, keeps a fighting-cock; even when he has nothing to eat, he finds money for cock-fighting.
Booze and cigars.The luxuries of the Filipinos are buyo8 and cigars—a cigar costing half a centavo, and a buyo much less. Cigars are rarely smoked; instead, they are chopped up and chewed with the buyo. Women also chew buyo and tobacco, but usually in moderation; they don’t stain their teeth black like the Malays do. Young and pretty women often embellish themselves with veils made from the areca-nut tree, whose stiff, tightly packed parallel fibers, when cut crosswise, make great toothbrushes. They bathe several times a day and are cleaner than most Europeans. Every native, above all things, keeps a fighting-cock; even when he has nothing to eat, he finds money for cock-fighting.
Household affairs.The details of domestic economy may be summarized as follows:
Home management.The details of home management can be summarized as follows:
For cooking purposes an earthen pot is used, costing between 3 and 10 cuartos; which, in cooking rice, is closed firmly with a banana-leaf, so that the steam of a very small quantity of water is sufficient. No other cooking utensils are used by the poorer classes; but those better off have a few cast-iron pans and dishes. In the smaller houses, the hearth consists of a portable earthen pan or a flat chest, frequently of an old cigar-chest [148]full of sand, with three stones which serve as a tripod. In the larger houses it is in the form of a bedstead, filled with sand or ashes, instead of a mattress. The water in small households is carried and preserved in thick bamboos. In his bolo (forest-knife), moreover, every one has an universal instrument, which he carries in a wooden sheath made by himself, suspended by a cord of loosely-twisted bast fibers tied round his body. This, and the rice-mortar (a block of wood with a suitable cavity), together with pestles and a few baskets, constitute the whole of the household Furniture.furniture of a poor family; sometimes a large snail, with a rush wick, is also to be found as a lamp. They sleep on a mat of pandanus (fan-palm, Corypha), when they possess one; if not, on the splittings of bamboo, with which the house is floored. By the poor oil for lighting is rarely used; but torches of resin, which last a couple of days, are bought in the market for half a cuarto.
For cooking, people use an earthen pot that costs between 3 and 10 cuartos; when cooking rice, it’s tightly sealed with a banana leaf to trap the steam from a small amount of water. The poorer classes don’t have any other cooking utensils, while those who are better off own a few cast-iron pans and dishes. In smaller homes, the hearth is either a portable earthen pan or a flat box, often an old cigar box filled with sand, with three stones serving as a tripod. In larger homes, the hearth resembles a bed frame, filled with sand or ashes instead of a mattress. Water in small households is stored in thick bamboo tubes. Everyone has a bolo (a forest knife), which is a versatile tool carried in a handmade wooden sheath, hung by a cord made from loosely-twisted bast fibers tied around their body. This, along with a rice mortar (a wooden block with a hollowed-out area), pestles, and a few baskets, makes up the entire household Furniture.furniture of a poor family. Sometimes, a large snail shell with a rush wick is used as a lamp. They sleep on a pandanus mat if they have one; if not, they lie on split bamboo that forms the flooring of the house. Poor families rarely use oil for lighting; instead, they buy resin torches, which last a couple of days, from the market for half a cuarto.
Clothing.Their clothing requirements I ascertained to be these: A woman wears a camisa de guinára (a short shift of abacá fiber), a patadíon (a gown reaching from the hip to the ancles), a cloth, and a comb. A piece of guinára, costing 1 real, gives two shifts; the coarsest patadíon costs 3 reals; a cloth, at the highest, 1 real; and a comb, 2 cuartos; making altogether 4 reals, 12 cuartos. Women of the better class wear a camisa, costing between 1 and 2 r., a patadíon 6 r., cloth between 2 and 3 r., and a comb 2 cu. The men wear a shirt, 1 r., hose, 3 r., hat (tararura) of Spanish cane, 10 cu., or a salacot (a large rain-hat, frequently decorated), at least 2 r.—often, when ornamented with silver, as much as $50. At least three, but more commonly four, suits are worn out yearly; the women, however, taking care to weave almost the whole quantity for the family themselves.
Fashion.Their clothing requirements I found out to be these: A woman wears a short shift made of abacá fiber called a camisa de guinára, a gown that goes from the hip to the ankles known as a patadíon, a piece of cloth, and a comb. A piece of guinára costs 1 real and makes two shifts; the simplest patadíon costs 3 reals; a cloth costs at most 1 real; and a comb costs 2 cuartos; making a total of 4 reals and 12 cuartos. Women of higher status wear a camisa that costs between 1 and 2 reals, a patadíon for 6 reals, cloth costing between 2 and 3 reals, and a comb for 2 cuartos. Men wear a shirt for 1 real, hose for 3 reals, a hat (tararura) made of Spanish cane for 10 cuartos, or a salacot (a large rain hat, often decorated) which costs at least 2 reals—sometimes, when adorned with silver, it can cost as much as $50. Each person typically wears at least three suits a year, but women often weave nearly all the clothing for the family themselves.
[149]Wages.The daily wages of the common laborer are 1 real, without food; and his hours of work are from 6 to 12, and from 2 to 6 o’clock. The women, as a rule, perform no field labor, but plant out the rice and assist in the reaping; their wages on both occasions being equal to those of the men. Wood and stone-cutters receive 1.5 r. per day, and calkers 1.75 r.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Pay.The daily pay for the average laborer is 1 real, excluding food; they work from 6 AM to 12 PM and from 2 PM to 6 PM. Typically, women do not do fieldwork but help with planting rice and harvesting; their pay for both tasks is the same as the men's. Woodcutters and stonecutters earn 1.5 r. per day, while calkers make 1.75 r.
Land leases.The Tercio is a pretty general contract in the cultivation of the land. The owner simply lets arable land for the third part of the crop. Some mestizos possess several pieces of ground; but they are seldom connected together, as they generally acquire them as mortgages for sums bearing but a small proportion to their real value.
Land leases.The Tercio is a fairly common agreement for farming the land. The owner just rents out arable land for one-third of the crop. Some mestizos own multiple plots of land, but they are rarely connected because they usually obtain them as mortgages for amounts that are only a small fraction of their actual value.
Family income.Under the head of earnings I give the income of a small family. The man earns daily one real, and the woman, if she weaves coarse stuff, one-fourth real, and her food (thus a piece of guinára, occupying the labor of two days, costs half a real in weavers’ wages). The most skilful female weaver of the finer stuffs obtains twelve reals per piece; but it takes a month to weave; and the month, on account of the numerous holy-days, must be calculated at the most as equal to twenty-four working days; she consequently earns one-fourth real per day and her food. For the knitting of the fibers of the ananas for the piña web (called sugot) she gets only an eighth of a real and her food.
Household income.Under the earnings section, I detail the income of a small family. The man makes one real each day, while the woman, if she weaves rough fabric, earns one-fourth of a real, and her food (a piece of guinára, which takes two days of labor, costs half a real in weaver wages). The most skilled female weaver of finer fabrics earns twelve reals per piece, but it takes a month to complete; considering the numerous holidays, this month is roughly equal to twenty-four working days. Therefore, she earns one-fourth of a real per day plus her food. For knitting the fibers of the ananas for the piña web (called sugot), she receives only an eighth of a real and her food.
Schools.In all the pueblos there are schools. The schoolmaster is paid by the Government, and generally obtains two dollars per month, without board or lodging. In large pueblos the salary amounts to three dollars and a half; out of which an assistant must be paid. The schools are under the supervision of the ecclesiastics of the place. Reading and writing are taught, the writing copies being Spanish. The teacher, who has to teach his scholars Spanish exactly, does not understand it himself, [150]while the Spanish officers, on the other hand, do not understand the language of the country; and the priests have no inclination to alter this state of things, which is very useful to them as a means of influence. Almost the only Filipinos who speak Spanish are those who have been in the service of Europeans. A kind of religious horn-book is the first that is read in the language of the country (Bicol); and after that comes the Christian Doctrine, the reading-book called Casayayan. On an average, half of all the children go to school, generally from the seventh to the tenth year. They learn to read a little; a few even write a little: but they soon forget it again. Only those who are afterwards employed as clerks write fluently; and of these most write well.
Schools.In all the towns, there are schools. The schoolteacher is paid by the government and typically earns two dollars a month, without board or lodging. In larger towns, the salary is three and a half dollars, out of which an assistant must be paid. The schools are overseen by local church officials. Reading and writing are taught, with the writing samples being in Spanish. The teacher, who is expected to teach his students Spanish accurately, doesn’t understand it himself, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] while the Spanish officials, conversely, don’t understand the local language; and the priests have no interest in changing this situation, which is very beneficial for their influence. Almost the only Filipinos who speak Spanish are those who have worked for Europeans. A kind of religious primer is the first thing read in the local language (Bicol); after that, they move on to the Christian Doctrine, using a reading book called Casayayan. On average, about half of all children attend school, generally from ages seven to ten. They learn to read a little; a few even write a bit: but they quickly forget it. Only those who later work as clerks write fluently, and most of them write well.
Some priests do not permit boys and girls to attend the same school; and in this case they pay a second teacher, a female, a dollar a month. The Filipinos learn arithmetic very quickly, generally aiding themselves by the use of mussels or stones, which they pile in little heaps before them and then count through.
Some priests do not allow boys and girls to go to the same school; in this case, they pay a second teacher, a woman, a dollar a month. The Filipinos pick up arithmetic quite quickly, often helping themselves by using mussels or stones, which they stack in small heaps in front of them and then count out.
Marriage age.The women seldom marry before the fourteenth year, twelve years being the legal limit. In the church-register of Polángui I found a marriage recorded (January, 1837) between a Filipino and a Filipina having the ominous name of Hilaria Concepción, who at the time of the performance of the marriage ceremony was, according to a note in the margin, only nine years and ten months old. Frequently people live together unmarried, because they cannot pay the expenses of the ceremony.9
Age for marriage. Women rarely marry before they turn fourteen, with twelve being the legal minimum. In the church records of Polángui, I found a marriage documented (January 1837) between a Filipino man and a Filipina woman named Hilaria Concepción, who, according to a note in the margin, was only nine years and ten months old at the time of the ceremony. Many couples often choose to live together without getting married because they can’t afford the costs of the wedding. 9
Woman’s work.European females, and even mestizas, never seek husbands amongst the natives. The women generally are well treated, doing only light work, such as sewing, [151]weaving, embroidery, and managing the household; while all the heavy labor, with the exception of the beating of the rice, falls to the men.10
Women's work. European women, and even mestizas, never look for husbands among the native men. The women are usually treated well, only doing light tasks like sewing, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] weaving, embroidery, and taking care of the home; while all the heavy work, except for pounding the rice, is done by the men.10
A patriarch.Instances of longevity are frequent amongst the Filipinos, particularly in Camarines. The Diario de Manila, of March 13th, 1866, mentions an old man in Darága (Albay) whom I knew well—Juan Jacob, born in 1744, married in 1764, and a widower in 1845. He held many public posts up to 1840, and had thirteen children, of whom five are living. He has one hundred and seventy direct descendants, and now, at one hundred and twenty-two years of age, is still vigorous, with good eyes and teeth. Extreme unction was administered to him seven times!
A father figure.Instances of longevity are common among Filipinos, especially in Camarines. The Diario de Manila, dated March 13, 1866, mentions an elderly man in Darága (Albay) whom I knew well—Juan Jacob, born in 1744, married in 1764, and widowed in 1845. He held many public positions until 1840 and had thirteen children, of whom five are still alive. He has one hundred seventy direct descendants, and now, at one hundred twenty-two years old, he remains vigorous, with good eyesight and teeth. Extreme unction has been administered to him seven times!
Snake bite and rabies remedy.The first excretion of a new-born child is carefully preserved, and under the name of triaca (theriacum) is held to be a highly efficacious and universal remedy for the bites of snakes and mad dogs. It is applied to the wound externally, and at the same time is taken internally.
Snake bite and rabies treatment.The first stool of a newborn baby is carefully saved and known as triaca (theriacum). It's considered a very effective and universal treatment for snake bites and rabid dog bites. It's applied to the wound on the outside and is also taken internally.
Infant mortality.A large number of children die in the first two weeks after birth. Statistical data are wanting; but, according to the opinion of one of the first physicians in Manila, at least one-fourth die. This mortality must arise from great uncleanliness and impure air; since in the chambers of the sick, and of women lying-in, the doors and windows are so closely shut that the healthy become sick from the stench and heat, and the sick recover with difficulty. Every aperture of the house is closed up by the husband early during travail, in order that Patianac may not break in—an evil spirit who brings mischief to lying-in women, and endeavors to hinder the birth. The custom has been further maintained even amongst many who [152]attach no belief to the superstition, but who, from fear of a draught of air through a hole, have discovered a new explanation for an old custom—namely, that instances of such practices occur amongst all people. The itch.One very widely-spread malady is the itch, although, according to the assurance of the physician above referred to, it may be easily subdued; and, according to the judgment of those who are not physicians and who employ that term for any eruptions of the skin, the natives generally live on much too low a diet; the Bicols even more than the Tagalogs.11 Under certain conditions, which the physicians, on being questioned, could not define more precisely, the natives can support neither hunger nor thirst; of which fact I have on many occasions been a witness. It is reported of them, when forced into such a situation as to suffer from unappeased wants, that they become critically ill; and thus they often die.
Infant death rate.A large number of children die within the first two weeks after birth. There's not enough statistical data, but according to a leading physician in Manila, at least one out of four dies. This high mortality rate is likely due to extreme uncleanliness and poor air quality; in the rooms of the sick and in those of women giving birth, doors and windows are so tightly shut that the healthy become ill from the smell and heat, while the sick struggle to recover. During labor, the husband shuts up every opening in the house to prevent Patianac—an evil spirit believed to cause harm to women in labor and obstruct childbirth—from entering. This practice persists even among those who don’t actually believe in the superstition, as they’ve created a new explanation for the old custom—namely, that similar practices occur in many cultures. The itch.A widely known condition is the itch, although according to the physician mentioned earlier, it can be easily treated. Those who are not medical professionals often use the term for any skin rash, believing that the locals generally have poor diets, especially the Bicols compared to the Tagalogs. Under certain conditions, which the physicians couldn’t define more clearly when asked, the natives struggle with hunger and thirst; I’ve witnessed this numerous times. It's reported that when forced into situations where their needs are not met, they can become critically ill, and as a result, they often die.
Imitation mania.Hence arises the morbid mania for imitation, which is called in Java Sakit-latar, and here Mali-mali. In Java many believe that the sickness is only assumed, because those who pretend to be afflicted with it find it to their advantage to be seen by newly arrived Europeans. Here, however, I saw one instance where indeed no simulation could be suspected. My companions availed themselves of the diseased condition of a poor old woman who met us in the highway, to practice some rough jokes upon her. The old woman imitated every motion as if impelled by an irresistible impulse, and expressed at the same time the most extreme indignation against those who abused her infirmity.
Copycat craze. This brings about the strange obsession with imitation, known in Java as Sakit-latar and here as Mali-mali. Many in Java believe that this condition is just a facade, as those who fake it gain attention from newly arrived Europeans. However, I witnessed one case where there was no possibility of pretending. My friends took advantage of a poor old woman we met on the road to play some mean jokes on her. The old woman mimicked every movement as if driven by an uncontrollable force, all while expressing extreme outrage at those who mocked her weakness.
The sickness in Siberia.In R. Maak’s “Journey to the Amour,” it is recorded:—“It is not unusual for the Maniagri to suffer also from a nervous malady of the most peculiar kind, with [153]which we had already been made acquainted by the descriptions of several travellers.12 This malady is met with, for the most part, amongst the wild people of Siberia, as well as amongst the Russians settled there. In the district of the Jakutes, where this affliction very frequently occurs, those affected by it, both Russians and Jakutes, are known by the name of ‘Emiura;’ but here (that is, in that part of Siberia where the Maniagri live) the same malady is called by the Maniagri ‘Olon,’ and by the Argurian Cossacks ‘Olgandshi.’ The attacks of the malady which I am now mentioning consist in this, that a man suffering from it will, if under the influence of terror or consternation, unconsciously, and often without the smallest sense of shame, imitate everything that passes before him. Should he be offended, he falls into a rage, which manifests itself by wild shrieks and raving; and he precipitates himself at the same time, with a knife or any other object which may fall to his hand, upon those who have placed him in this predicament. Amongst the Maniagri, women, especially the very aged, are the chief sufferers from this malady; and instances, moreover, of men who were affected by it are likewise known to me. It is worthy of remark that those women who returned home on account of this sickness were notwithstanding strong, and in all other respects enjoyed good health.”
The illness in Siberia. In R. Maak’s “Journey to the Amour,” it is noted:—“It’s not uncommon for the Maniagri to experience a strange kind of nervous disorder, which [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] we had already learned about from the accounts of several travelers.12 This disorder primarily affects the indigenous people of Siberia as well as the Russians who have settled there. In the Jakutes region, where this condition happens quite often, those who are afflicted, both Russians and Jakutes, are referred to as ‘Emiura;’ but here (that is, in the part of Siberia where the Maniagri live) the same condition is called ‘Olon’ by the Maniagri and ‘Olgandshi’ by the Argurian Cossacks. The episodes of the disorder I’m describing involve a person who, when feeling extreme fear or anxiety, will automatically and often without any shame mimic everything they see. If provoked, they go into a rage, which is expressed through wild screams and frantic behavior; they will also attack those who have put them in this situation with a knife or any object they can grab. Among the Maniagri, women, especially the elderly, are the primary sufferers of this disorder; however, I also know of cases with affected men. It’s noteworthy that those women who returned home because of this disorder were still strong and, in every other way, were in good health.”
Running amuck.Probably it is only an accidental coincidence that in the Malay countries Sakit-latar and Amok exist together, if not in the same individual, yet amongst the same people. Instances of Amok seem to occur also in the Philippines.13 I find the following account in the Diario de Manila of February 21, 1866: In [154]Cavite, on February 18, a soldier rushed into the house of a school-teacher, and, struggling with him, stabbed him with a dagger, and then killed the teacher’s son with a second stab. Plunging into the street, he stabbed two young girls of ten and twelve years of age and wounded a woman in the side, a boy aged nine in the arm, a coachman (mortally) in the abdomen, and, besides another woman, a sailor and three soldiers; and arriving at his barracks, where he was stopped by the sentry, he plunged the dagger into his own breast.
Running amok. It's probably just a coincidence that in Malay countries, Sakit-latar and Amok are found together, if not in the same person, then among the same people. Reports of Amok also seem to happen in the Philippines.13 I found the following account in the Diario de Manila from February 21, 1866: In [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Cavite, on February 18, a soldier burst into a school-teacher's home, struggled with him, stabbed him with a dagger, and then killed the teacher’s son with a second stab. Rushing into the street, he stabbed two young girls aged ten and twelve, wounded a woman in the side, a nine-year-old boy in the arm, a coachman fatally in the abdomen, and also attacked another woman, a sailor, and three soldiers; and upon returning to his barracks, where he was stopped by the sentry, he plunged the dagger into his own chest.
Regard for the sleeping.It is one of the greatest insults to stride over a sleeping native, or to awaken him suddenly. They rouse one another, when necessity requires, with the greatest circumspection and by the slowest degrees.14
Respect for those who sleep.It's one of the biggest insults to walk over a sleeping person or to wake them up suddenly. They wake each other gently and gradually when necessary. 14
Sense of smell.The sense of smell is developed amongst the natives to so great a degree that they are able, by smelling at the pocket-handkerchiefs, to tell to which persons they belong (“Reisesk.,” p. 39); and lovers at parting exchange pieces of the linen they may be wearing, and during their separation inhale the odor of the beloved being, besides smothering the relics with kisses.15
Sense of smell.The sense of smell is so highly developed among the locals that they can identify to whom pocket-handkerchiefs belong just by smelling them (“Reisesk.,” p. 39). Lovers who are parting exchange pieces of the fabric they’re wearing, and during their time apart, they breathe in the scent of their beloved, often smothering the keepsakes with kisses.15
1 Arenas thinks that the ancient annals of the Chinese probably contain information relative to the settlement of the present inhabitants of Manila, as that people had early intercourse with the Archipelago.
1 Arenas believes that the ancient records of the Chinese likely include details about the settlement of the current residents of Manila, since that civilization had early contact with the Archipelago.
2 Probably the Anodonta Purpurea, according to V. Martens.
2 Probably the Anodonta Purpurea, based on V. Martens' analysis.
3 1 ganta = 3 liters. 1 quiñon = 100 loànes = 2.79495 hectares = 6.89 acres. 1 caban = 25 gantas.
3 1 ganta = 3 liters. 1 quiñon = 100 loànes = 2.79495 hectares = 6.89 acres. 1 caban = 25 gantas.
5 More than one hundred years later, Father Taillandier writes:—“The Spaniards have brought cows, horses, and sheep from America; but these animals cannot live there on account of the dampness and inundations.”—(Letters from Father Taillandier to Father Willard.)
5 More than a hundred years later, Father Taillandier writes: “The Spaniards brought cows, horses, and sheep from America, but these animals can’t survive there because of the dampness and flooding.” —(Letters from Father Taillandier to Father Willard.)
6 At the present time the Chinese horses are plump, large-headed, hairy, and with bushy tails and manes; and the Japanese, elegant and enduring, similar to the Arabian. Good Manila horses are of the latter type, and are much prized by the Europeans in Chinese seaport towns.
6 Right now, Chinese horses are stout, have big heads, are hairy, and have bushy tails and manes; while the Japanese horses are graceful and resilient, resembling Arabians. Good Manila horses fall into the latter category and are highly valued by Europeans in Chinese port cities.
7 Compare Hernandez, Opera Omnia; Torquemada, Monarchia Indica.
7 Compare Hernandez, Opera Omnia; Torquemada, Monarchia Indica.
8 Buyo is the name given in the Philippines to the preparation of betel suitable for chewing. A leaf of betel pepper (Chavica betel), of the form and size of a bean-leaf, is smeared over with a small piece of burnt lime of the size of a pea, and rolled together from both ends to the middle; when, one end of the roll being inserted into the other, a ring is formed, into which a smooth piece of areca nut of corresponding size is introduced.
8 Buyo is the term used in the Philippines for the preparation of betel that's meant for chewing. A betel pepper leaf (Chavica betel), which looks like a bean leaf, is coated with a small piece of burnt lime about the size of a pea, and then it's rolled from both ends towards the center. Once one end of the roll is inserted into the other, it forms a ring, into which a smooth piece of areca nut of similar size is placed.
11 In the country it is believed that swine’s flesh often causes this malady. A friend, a physiologist, conjectures the cause to be the free use of very fat pork; but the natives commonly eat but little flesh, and the pigs are very seldom fat.
11 In the countryside, people believe that eating pork often leads to this illness. A friend of mine, who is a physiologist, thinks the problem comes from consuming too much fatty pork; however, the locals usually eat very little meat, and the pigs are rarely fat.
12 Compare A. Erman, Journey Round the Earth Through Northern Asia, vol. iii, sec i, p. 191.
12 Compare A. Erman, Journey Round the Earth Through Northern Asia, vol. iii, sec i, p. 191.
13 According to Semper, p. 69, in Zamboanga and Basilan.
13 According to Semper, p. 69, in Zamboanga and Basilan.
14 The fear of waking sleeping persons really refers to the widely-spread superstition that during sleep the soul leaves the body; numerous instances of which occur in Bastian’s work. Amongst the Tinguianes (North Luzon) the worst of all curses is to this effect: “May’st thou die sleeping!”—Informe, i. 14.
14 The fear of waking people who are asleep is tied to the common belief that the soul leaves the body during sleep; many examples of this can be found in Bastian’s work. Among the Tinguianes (North Luzon), the worst curse is: “May you die while sleeping!”—Informe, i. 14.
15 Lewin (“Chittagong Hill Tracks,” 1869, p. 46) relates of the mountain people at that place: “Their manner of kissing is peculiar. Instead of pressing lip to lip, they place the mouth and nose upon the cheek, and inhale the breath strongly. Their form of speech is not ‘Give me a kiss,’ but ‘Smell me.’ ”
15 Lewin (“Chittagong Hill Tracks,” 1869, p. 46) describes the mountain people there: “Their way of kissing is unique. Instead of pressing lips together, they place their mouth and nose on the cheek and take a deep breath in. Their way of asking for a kiss isn’t ‘Give me a kiss,’ but rather ‘Smell me.’”
XV
A scientific priest-poet.From Naga I visited the parish priest of Libmanan (Ligmanan), who, possessing poetical talent, and having the reputation of a natural philosopher, collected and [155]named pretty beetles and shells, and dedicated the most elegant little sonnets. He favored me with the following narrative:—
A scholarly priest-poet.From Naga, I visited the parish priest of Libmanan (Ligmanan), who had a talent for poetry and was known as a natural philosopher. He collected and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]named beautiful beetles and shells and wrote the most elegant little sonnets. He shared the following story with me:—
Prehistoric remainsIn 1851, during the construction of a road a little beyond Libmanan, at a place called Poro, a bed of shells was dug up under four feet of mould, one hundred feet distant from the river. It consisted of Cyrenae (C. suborbicularis, Busch.), a species of bivalve belonging to the family of Cyclades which occurs only in warm waters, and is extraordinarily abundant in the brackish waters of the Philippines. On the same occasion, at the depth of from one and a half to three and a half feet, were found numerous remains of the early inhabitants—skulls, ribs, bones of men and animals, a child’s thighbone inserted in a spiral of brass wire, several stags’ horns, beautifully-formed dishes and vessels, some of them painted, probably of Chinese origin; striped bracelets, of a soft, gypseous, copper-red rock, gleaming as if they were varnished;1 small copper knives, but no iron utensils; and several broad flat stones bored through the middle;2 besides a wedge of petrified wood, embedded in a cleft branch of a tree. The place, which to this day may be easily recognized in a hollow, might, by excavation systematically carried on, yield many more interesting results. What was not immediately useful was then and there destroyed, and the remainder dispersed. In spite of every endeavor, I could obtain, through the kindness of Señor Fociños in Naga, only one small vessel. Similar remains of more primitive [156]inhabitants have been found at the mouth of the Bigajo, not far from Libmánan, in a shell-bed of the same kind; and an urn, with a human skeleton, was found at the mouth of the Perlos, west of Sitio de Poro, in 1840. At the time when I wrote down these statements of the priest, neither of us was familiar with the discoveries made within the last few years relating to the lake dwellings (pile villages); or these notes might have been more exact, although probably they would not have been so easy and natural.
Ancient remainsIn 1851, while a road was being built a little beyond Libmanan, at a place called Poro, a shell bed was uncovered about four feet deep, one hundred feet away from the river. It was made up of Cyrenae (C. suborbicularis, Busch.), a type of bivalve from the Cyclades family that only lives in warm waters and is very common in the brackish waters of the Philippines. At the same time, at a depth of one and a half to three and a half feet, numerous remains of early inhabitants were discovered—skulls, ribs, bones of humans and animals, a child’s thighbone wrapped in a spiral of brass wire, several stags’ antlers, beautifully crafted dishes and vessels, some of which were painted and likely of Chinese origin; striped bracelets made from a soft, gypseous, copper-red rock that looked like they were varnished; small copper knives, but no iron tools; and several broad flat stones with holes drilled through the middle;1 along with a wedge of petrified wood lodged in a split branch of a tree. The site, which can still be easily recognized in a hollow, could yield many more fascinating discoveries if excavated systematically. Anything that wasn’t useful at the time was destroyed then and there, and the rest was scattered. Despite all efforts, I could only obtain one small vessel through the kindness of Señor Fociños in Naga. Similar remains of more primitive [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] inhabitants have been found at the mouth of the Bigajo, not far from Libmánan, in a similar shell bed; and an urn containing a human skeleton was discovered at the mouth of the Perlos, west of Sitio de Poro, in 1840. When I wrote down these details from the priest, neither of us was aware of the discoveries made in recent years about lake dwellings (pile villages); otherwise, these notes might have been more precise, though probably not as straightforward and natural.
Ancient Chinese jar.Mr. W. A. Franks, who had the kindness to examine the vessel, inclines to the opinion that it is Chinese, and pronounces it to be of very great antiquity, without however, being able to determine its age more exactly; and a learned Chinese of the Burlingame Embassy expressed himself to the same effect. He knew only of one article, now in the British Museum, which was brought from Japan by Kaempfer, the color, glazing, and cracks in the glazing, of which (craqueles) corresponded precisely with mine. According to Kaempfer, the Japanese found similar vessels in the sea; and they value them very highly for the purpose of preserving their tea in them.
Old Chinese jar. Mr. W. A. Franks, who kindly examined the vessel, believes it is Chinese and says it is very ancient, although he cannot pinpoint its exact age. A knowledgeable Chinese representative from the Burlingame Embassy agreed with this assessment. He was only aware of one other similar item, currently in the British Museum, which was brought from Japan by Kaempfer. The color, glazing, and cracks in the glazing (craqueles) of that piece matched mine perfectly. According to Kaempfer, the Japanese found similar vessels in the ocean and highly value them for storing their tea.
Morga writes:—
Morga says:—
Strict search in Japan.When Carletti, in 1597, went from the Philippines to Japan, all the passengers on board were examined carefully, by order of the governor, and threatened with capital punishment if they endeavored to conceal “certain earthen vessels which were wont to be brought from the Philippines and other islands of that sea,” as the king wished to buy them all.
Strict search in Japan.When Carletti, in 1597, traveled from the Philippines to Japan, all the passengers on board were thoroughly searched by order of the governor and warned that they would face the death penalty if they tried to hide “certain earthen vessels that were commonly brought from the Philippines and other islands in that sea,” as the king wanted to purchase them all.
Prized by Japanese.“These vessels were worth as much as five, six, and even ten thousand scudi each; but they were not permitted to demand for them more then one Giulio (about a half Paolo).” In 1615 Carletti met with a Franciscan who was sent as ambassador from Japan to Rome, who assured him that he had seen one hundred and thirty thousand scudi paid by the King of Japan for such a vessel; and his companions confirmed the statement. Carletti also alleges, as the reason for the high price, “that the leaf cia or tea, the quality of which improves with age, is preserved better in those vessels than in all others. The Japanese besides know these vessels by certain characters and stamps. They are of great age and very rare, and come only from Cambodia, Siam, Cochin-China, the Philippines, and other neighboring islands. From their external appearance they would be estimated at three or four quatrini (two dreier).... It is perfectly true that the king and the princes of that kingdom possess a very large number of these vessels, and prize [158]them as their most valuable treasure and above all other rarities .... and that they boast of their acquisitions, and from motives of vanity strive to outvie one another in the multitude of pretty vessels which they possess.3
Treasured by Japanese. “These vessels were valued at five, six, and even ten thousand scudi each; however, they were only allowed to sell them for one Giulio (about half a Paolo).” In 1615, Carletti met with a Franciscan ambassador from Japan in Rome, who assured him he had seen the King of Japan pay one hundred and thirty thousand scudi for one such vessel, and his companions confirmed this. Carletti also mentions that the high price is due to the fact that the leaf cia or tea, which improves with age, is better preserved in these vessels than in any others. The Japanese also recognize these vessels by specific characters and stamps. They are very old, extremely rare, and come only from Cambodia, Siam, Cochin-China, the Philippines, and nearby islands. Based on their outward appearance, they would probably be valued at three or four quatrini (two dreier).... It’s true that the king and the princes of that kingdom own a vast number of these vessels, valuing [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] them as their most treasured possessions above all other rarities .... they take pride in their collections and, out of vanity, compete to have the most beautiful vessels in their possession.3
Found in Borneo.Many travellers mention vessels found likewise amongst the Dyaks and the Malays in Borneo, which, from superstitious motives, were estimated at most exaggerated figures, amounting sometimes to many thousand dollars.
Located in Borneo.Many travelers mention boats found similarly among the Dyaks and the Malays in Borneo, which, due to superstitious reasons, were valued at excessively high amounts, sometimes reaching several thousand dollars.
$3,500 for a jarSt. John4 relates that the Datu of Tamparuli (Borneo) gave rice to the value of almost $3,500 for a jar, and that he possessed a second jar of almost fabulous value, which was about two feet high, and of a dark olive green. The Datu fills both jars with water, which, after adding plants and flowers to it, he dispenses A speaking jar.to all the sick persons in the country. But the most famous jar in Borneo is that of the Sultan of Brunei, which not only possesses all the valuable properties of the other jars but can also speak. St. John did not see it, as it is always kept in the women’s apartment; but the sultan, a credible man, related to him that the jar howled dolefully the night before the death of his first wife, and that it emitted similar tones in the event of impending misfortunes. St. John is inclined to explain the mysterious phenomenon by a probably peculiar form of the mouth of the vessel, in passing over which the air-draught is thrown into resonant verberations, like the Aeolian harp. The vessel is generally enveloped in gold brocade, and is uncovered only when it is to be consulted; and hence, of course, it happens that it speaks only on solemn occasions. St. John states further that [159]the Bisayans used formerly to bring presents to the sultan; in recognition of which they received some water from the sacred jar to sprinkle over their fields and thereby ensure plentiful harvests. When the sultan was asked whether he would sell his jar for $100,000, he answered that no offer in the world could tempt him to part with it.
$3,500 for a jarSt. John4 reports that the Datu of Tamparuli (Borneo) gave rice worth nearly $3,500 for a jar, and he owned a second jar of almost incredible value, which was about two feet tall and a dark olive green color. The Datu fills both jars with water and, after adding plants and flowers to it, shares it with all the sick people in the area. However, the most famous jar in Borneo belongs to the Sultan of Brunei, which not only has all the other jars' valuable properties but also has the ability to speak. St. John didn’t see it, as it's always kept in the women's quarters; however, the sultan, a trustworthy man, told him that the jar mournfully howled the night before his first wife's death and made similar sounds when misfortune was approaching. St. John speculates that the mysterious phenomenon could be explained by a unique shape of the jar's mouth, through which air passing creates resonant vibrations, similar to an Aeolian harp. The jar is usually covered in gold brocade and is only uncovered when it's being consulted; thus, it speaks only on special occasions. St. John further mentions that [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]the Bisayans used to bring gifts to the sultan, in return for which they received some water from the sacred jar to sprinkle on their fields for a good harvest. When the sultan was asked if he would sell his jar for $100,000, he said that no amount of money could convince him to part with it.
Morga’s description.Morga’s description suits neither the vessel of Libmánan nor the jar of the British Museum, but rather a vessel brought from Japan a short time ago to our Ethnographical Museum. This is of brown clay, small but of graceful shape, and composed of many pieces cemented together; the joints being gilt and forming a kind of network on the dark ground. How highly ancient pots of a similar kind, even of native origin, are esteemed in Japan down to the present day, is shown by the following certificate translated by the interpreter of the German Consulate:—
Morga's description.Morga’s description doesn’t match either the vessel from Libmánan or the jar in the British Museum, but rather a vessel that was recently brought from Japan to our Ethnographical Museum. This one is made of brown clay, small but elegantly shaped, and consists of many pieces glued together; the joints are gilded and create a sort of network on the dark background. The high value placed on ancient pots of a similar kind, even those of local origin, in Japan today is demonstrated by the following certificate translated by the interpreter of the German Consulate:—
Baron Alexander von Siebold communicates the following:—
Baron Alexander von Siebold shares the following:—
Tea societies.The value which the Japanese attach to vessels of this kind rests upon the use which is made of them by the mysterious tea societies called Cha-no-yu. Respecting the origin of these societies, which still are almost entirely unknown to Europeans, different legends exist. They flourished, however, principally during the reign of the emperor Taikosama, who, in the year 1588, furnished the society of Cha-no-yu at Kitano near Myako with new laws. In consequence of the religious and civil wars, the whole of the people had deteriorated and become ungovernable, having lost all taste for art and knowledge, and holding only rude force in any esteem; brute strength ruling in the place of the laws. The observant Taikosama perceived that, in order to tame these rough natures, he must accustom them to the arts of peace, and thus secure prosperity to the country, and safety for himself and his successors. With this in view he recalled the Cha-no-yu society anew into life, and assembled its masters and those acquainted with its customs around him.
Tea clubs.The value that the Japanese place on these vessels comes from their use in the mysterious tea societies known as Cha-no-yu. There are different legends about the origins of these societies, which remain largely unknown to Europeans. They flourished mainly during the reign of Emperor Taikosama, who, in 1588, established new rules for the Cha-no-yu society in Kitano near Myako. Due to the religious and civil wars, the people had declined and become unruly, losing all appreciation for art and knowledge, and valuing only brute force; strength replaced the rule of law. The insightful Taikosama recognized that to civilize these rough individuals, he needed to introduce them to the arts of peace, ensuring prosperity for the nation and safety for himself and his successors. With this goal in mind, he revived the Cha-no-yu society and gathered its masters and those familiar with its traditions around him.
Their object.The object of the Cha-no-yu is to draw man away from the influences of the terrestrial forces which surround him, to plant within him the feeling of complete repose, and to dispose him to self-contemplation. All the exercises of the Cha-no-yu are directed to this object.
Their goal.The aim of the Cha-no-yu is to shift a person away from the pressures of the earthly forces around them, to instill a sense of total calm, and to encourage self-reflection. All the activities of the Cha-no-yu are focused on this goal.
Ceremonies.Clothed in light white garments, and without weapons, the members of the Cha-no-yu assemble round the master’s house, and, after resting some time in the ante-room, are conducted into a pavilion appropriated exclusively to these assemblies. This consists of the most costly kinds of wood, but is without any ornament which could possibly be abstracted from it; without color, and without varnish, dimly lighted by small windows thickly overgrown with plants, and so low that it is impossible [161]to stand upright. The guests tread the apartment with solemn measured steps, and, having been received by him according to the prescribed formulas, arrange themselves in a half-circle on both sides of him. All distinctions of rank are abolished. The ancient vessels are now removed with solemn ceremonies from their wrappings, saluted and admired; and, with the same solemn and rigidly prescribed formulas, the water is heated on the hearth appropriated to the purpose, and the tea taken from the vessels and prepared in cups. The tea consists of the young green leaves of the tea-shrub rubbed to powder, and is very stimulating in its effect. The beverage is taken amidst deep silence, while incense is burning on the elevated pedestal of honor, toko; and, after the thoughts have thus been collected, conversation begins. It is confined to abstract subjects; but politics are not always excluded.
Events. Dressed in light white outfits and without weapons, the members of the Cha-no-yu gather around the master's house. After resting for a while in the ante-room, they are led into a pavilion designated exclusively for these gatherings. This space is made from the finest types of wood but lacks any decorative elements; it’s unpainted and unvarnished, dimly lit by small windows covered heavily with plants, and so low that standing upright is impossible. The guests move through the room with solemn, measured steps, and after being welcomed by the master according to the established protocols, they arrange themselves in a half-circle on either side of him. All distinctions of status are set aside. The ancient vessels are then carefully unwrapped with ceremonial precision, greeted and admired; and following the same solemn and strictly prescribed rituals, the water is heated on the designated hearth, and the tea is taken from the vessels and prepared in cups. The tea consists of young green leaves from the tea plant ground to a fine powder and has a very stimulating effect. The drink is consumed in deep silence while incense burns on the elevated pedestal of honor, toko; and once everyone has centered their thoughts, conversation starts. It stays focused on abstract topics, though politics are not always off the table.
Reward of valor.The value of the vessels employed in these assemblages is very considerable; indeed, they do not fall short of the value of our most costly paintings; and Taikosama often rewarded his generals with vessels of the kind, instead of land, as was formerly the practice. After the last revolution some of the more eminent Daimios (princes) of the Mikado were rewarded with similar Cha-no-yu vessels, in acknowledgment of the aid rendered to him in regaining the throne of his ancestors. The best of them which I have seen were far from beautiful, simply being old, weather-worn, black or dark-brown jars, with pretty broad necks, for storing the tea in; tall cups of cracked Craquelé, either porcelain or earthenware, for drinking the infusion; and deep, broad cisterns; besides rusty old iron kettles with rings, for heating the water: but they were enwrapped in the most costly silken stuffs, and preserved in chests lacquered with gold. Similar old vessels are preserved amongst the treasures of the Mikado and the Tycoon, as well as in some of the temples, with all the care due to the most costly jewels, together with documents relating to their history.
Bravery reward.The value of the vessels used in these gatherings is quite significant; in fact, they're comparable to our most expensive paintings. Taikosama often rewarded his generals with these vessels instead of land, which was the traditional practice. After the last revolution, some of the more prominent Daimios (princes) of the Mikado were given similar Cha-no-yu vessels in recognition of their help in restoring him to the throne of his ancestors. The best ones I've seen were hardly beautiful; they were just old, weathered black or dark-brown jars with wide necks for storing tea; tall cups with cracked Craquelé, made of either porcelain or earthenware, for drinking the infusion; deep, broad cisterns; and rusty old iron kettles with rings for boiling water. However, they were wrapped in the finest silks and kept in chests lacquered in gold. Similar old vessels are treasured among the treasures of the Mikado and the Tycoon, as well as in some temples, cared for as if they were the most valuable jewels, along with documents detailing their history.
[162]Yamtik and Visita Bicul. From Libmánan I visited the mountain, Yamtik (Amtik, Hantu),5 which consists of lime, and contains many caverns. Six hours westward by water, and one hour S.S.W. on foot, brought us to the Visita Bícul, surrounded by a thousand little limestone hills; from which we ascended by a staircase of sinter in the bed of a brook, to a small cavern tenanted by multitudes of bats, and great long-armed spiders of the species Phrynus, known to be poisonous.6
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Yamtik and Visita Bicul. From Libmánan, I traveled to the mountain, Yamtik (Amtik, Hantu),5 which is made of limestone and has many caverns. After six hours traveling west by water and walking an hour S.S.W., we arrived at Visita Bícul, surrounded by countless small limestone hills. We then climbed a staircase of sinter in the bottom of a creek to a small cave filled with swarms of bats and large long-armed spiders of the species Phrynus, which are known to be poisonous.6
Ant activities.A thick branch of a tree lying across the road was perforated from end to end by a small ant. Many of the natives did not venture to enter the cave; and those who did enter it were in a state of great agitation, and were careful first to enjoin upon each other the respect to be observed by them towards Calapnitan.7
Ant behavior.A thick branch of a tree lay across the road, drilled through from one end to the other by a small ant. Many locals were hesitant to enter the cave; those who did were extremely anxious and took care to remind each other of the respect they needed to show towards Calapnitan.7
Superstitions.One of the principal rules was to name no object in the cave without adding “Lord Calapnitan’s.” Thus they did not bluntly refer to either gun or torch, but devoutly said “Lord C.’s gun,” or “Lord C.’s torch.” At a thousand paces from this lies another cave, “San Vicente,” which contains the same insects, but another kind of bat. Both caves are only of small extent; but in Libmánan a very large stalactite cave was mentioned to me, the description of which, notwithstanding the fables mixed up with it, could not but have a true foundation. Our guides feigned ignorance of it; and it was not till after two days’ wandering about, and after many debates, that they came to the decision, since I adhered to my purpose, to encounter the risk; when, to my great astonishment, they conducted me back to Calapnitan’s [163]cave; from which a narrow fissure, hidden by a projection of rock, led into one of the most gorgeous stalactite caves in the world. Its floor was everywhere firm and easy to the tread, and mostly dry; and it ran out into several branches, the entire length of which probably exceeds a mile; and the whole series of royal chambers and cathedrals, with the columns, pulpits, and altars which it contained, reflected no discredit upon its description. No bones or other remains were to be found in it. My intention to return subsequently with laborers, for the purpose of systematic excavation, was not carried out.
Superstitions. One of the main rules was to never refer to any object in the cave without adding “Lord Calapnitan’s.” So, instead of simply calling a gun or torch, they would respectfully say “Lord C.’s gun” or “Lord C.’s torch.” A thousand paces away lies another cave, “San Vicente,” which has the same insects, but a different type of bat. Both caves are relatively small; however, I heard about a large stalactite cave in Libmánan that, despite the myths surrounding it, surely had a true basis. Our guides pretended not to know about it, and it wasn’t until after two days of wandering and numerous discussions that they decided to face the risk because I was determined. To my surprise, they led me back to Calapnitan’s [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] cave, from which a narrow crack, concealed by a rock overhang, opened into one of the most stunning stalactite caves in the world. Its floor was solid and easy to walk on, mostly dry, and it branched off into several passages that likely spanned over a mile in total. The whole array of magnificent chambers and cathedrals, with columns, pulpits, and altars, definitely lived up to its reputation. There were no bones or other remains found inside. I planned to return later with workers for systematic excavation, but I never went through with it.
Unsuccessful climb.I was not lucky enough to reach the summit of the mountain, upon which was to be found a lake, “from where else should the water come?” For two days we labored strenuously at different points to penetrate the thick forest; but the guide, who had assured the priest in Libmanan that he knew the road, now expressed himself to the contrary effect. I therefore made the fellow, who had hitherto been unburdened, now carry a part of the baggage as a punishment; but he threw it off at the next turning of the road and escaped, so that we were compelled to return. Stags and wild boars are very numerous in these forests; and they formed the principal portion of our meals, at which, at the commencement of our expedition, we had as many as thirty individuals; who, in the intervals between them, affected to search for snails and insects for me, but with success not proportionate to their zeal.
Failed ascent.I wasn't lucky enough to reach the top of the mountain, where a lake was supposed to be, “where else would the water come from?” For two days, we worked hard at various spots trying to get through the thick forest. However, the guide, who had promised the priest in Libmanan that he knew the way, now contradicted himself. So, I made the guy, who had been carrying nothing so far, take part of the luggage as a punishment; but he tossed it off at the next bend in the road and ran away, forcing us to turn back. Stags and wild boars are very common in these forests, and they were a big part of our meals. At the start of our journey, we had as many as thirty people with us, who, in their downtime, pretended to look for snails and insects for me, but their success didn't match their enthusiasm.
A clever pilfering servant.Upon my departure from Daraga I took with me a lively little boy, who had a taste for the calling of a naturalist. In Libmanan he was suddenly lost, and with him, at the same time, a bundle of keys; and we looked for him in vain. The fact was, as I afterwards came to learn, that he went straight to Naga, and, [164]identifying himself by showing the stolen keys, got the majordomo of my host to deliver to him a white felt hat; with which he disappeared. I had once seen him, with the hat on his head, standing before a looking-glass and admiring himself; and he could not resist the temptation to steal it.
A smart stealing servant.When I left Daraga, I took with me a lively little boy who was interested in becoming a naturalist. In Libmanan, he suddenly went missing, along with a bundle of keys, and we searched for him in vain. As I found out later, he went straight to Naga and, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]after showing the stolen keys, convinced the majordomo of my host to give him a white felt hat; with which he vanished. I had once seen him, wearing the hat, standing in front of a mirror and admiring himself; he just couldn’t resist the temptation to take it.
Trip with Internal Revenue Collector.In the beginning of March I had the pleasure of accompanying the Collector (Administrador) of Camarines and a Spanish head-man, who were travelling across Daet and Mauban to the chief town. At five p.m. we left Butungan on the Bicol River, two leagues below Naga, in a falúa of twelve oars, equipped with one 6-pounder and two 4-pounders, and reinforced by armed men; and about six we reached Cabusao, at the mouth of the Bicol, whence we put to sea about nine. The falua belonged to the collector of taxes, and had, in conjunction with another under the command of the alcalde, to protect the north coast of the province against smugglers and pirates, who at this time of the year are accustomed to frequent the hiding-places of the bay of San Miguel. Two similar gun-boats performed the duty on the south coast of the province.
Trip with IRS Agent.At the beginning of March, I had the opportunity to accompany the Collector (Admin) of Camarines and a Spanish leader, who were traveling through Daet and Mauban to the main town. We left Butungan on the Bicol River at 5 p.m., two leagues below Naga, in a falúa with twelve oars, equipped with one 6-pounder and two 4-pounders, and supported by armed men. By about 6 p.m., we reached Cabusao at the mouth of the Bicol River and set out to sea around 9 p.m. The falúa belonged to the tax collector and, along with another one commanded by the alcalde, was responsible for protecting the north coast of the province from smugglers and pirates, who during this time of year often hide in the coves of San Miguel Bay. Two similar gunboats patrolled the south coast of the province.
Four volcanos.Both the banks of the Bicol River are flat, and expand into broad fields of rice; and to the east are simultaneously visible the beautiful volcanos of Mayon, Iriga, Malina, and Isarog.
Four volcanoes.Both sides of the Bicol River are flat and widen into vast rice fields; to the east, you can see the stunning volcanos of Mayon, Iriga, Malina, and Isarog all at once.
At daybreak we reached the bar of Daet, and, after two hours’ travelling, the similarly named chief city of the province of North Camarines, where we found an excellent reception at the house of the alcalde, a polished Navarrese; marred only by the tame monkey, who should have welcomed the guests of his master, turning his back towards them with studiously discourteous gestures, and going towards the door. However, upon the majordomo placing a spirit flask preserving [165]a small harmless snake on the threshold, the monkey sprang quickly back and concealed himself, trembling, behind his master. A danceless ball.In the evening there was a ball, but there were no dancers present. Some Filipinas, who had been invited, sat bashfully at one end of the apartment and danced with one another when called upon, without being noticed by the Spaniards, who conversed together at the other end.
At dawn, we arrived at the bar of Daet, and after two hours of travel, we reached the chief city of the province of North Camarines, where we received a warm welcome at the house of the alcalde, a refined Navarrese. The only downside was the tame monkey, who should have greeted his master's guests but instead turned his back on them with deliberately rude gestures and headed toward the door. However, when the majordomo placed a spirit flask with a small harmless snake on the threshold, the monkey quickly jumped back and hid, trembling, behind his master. A dance-free party. In the evening, there was a ball, but no dancers showed up. Some Filipinas, who had been invited, sat shyly at one end of the room and danced with each other when prompted, unnoticed by the Spaniards who chatted at the other end.
Spanish prejudice against bathing.Our departure hence was delayed by festivities and sudden showers for about two days, after which the spirited horses of the alcalde carried us within an hour on a level road north-west, to Talisáy, and in another hour to Indang, where a bath and breakfast were ready. Up to this time I had never seen a bath-room in the house of a Spaniard; whereas with the Northern Europeans it is never wanting. The Spaniards appear to regard the bath as a species of medicine, to be used only with caution; many, even to the present day, look upon it as an institution not quite Christian. At the time of the Inquisition frequent bathing, it is known, was a characteristic of the Moors, and certainly was not wholly free from danger. In Manila, only those who live near the Pasig are the exceptions to the rule; and there the good or bad practice prevails of whole families bathing, in the company of their friends, in the open air.
Spanish bias against bathing.Our departure was delayed for about two days due to celebrations and sudden rain showers. After that, the energetic horses of the alcalde took us in about an hour on a flat road northwest to Talisáy, and in another hour to Indang, where a bath and breakfast awaited us. Until this point, I had never seen a bathroom in a Spanish house; on the other hand, Northern Europeans always have one. Spaniards seem to view bathing as a sort of medicine, to be used sparingly; many, even today, see it as something not entirely Christian. During the Inquisition, it was well known that frequent bathing was a characteristic of the Moors, which certainly came with its own risks. In Manila, the only exceptions to this norm are those who live near the Pasig River, where it's common practice for entire families to bathe outdoors with their friends.
An unfortified fort.The road ends at Indáng. In two boats we went down the river till stopped by a bar, and there at a well-supplied table prepared for us by the kindness of the alcalde we awaited the horses which were being brought thither along a bad road by our servants. In the waste of Barre a tower, surrounded by two or three fishermen’s huts and as many camarines, has been erected against the Moros, who, untempted by the same, seldom go so far westward, for it consists only of an open hut covered with palm-leaves—a kind of parasol—supported on stakes as thick [166]as one’s arm and fifteen feet high; and the two cannons belonging to it ought, for security, to be buried. We followed the sea-shore, which is composed of silicious sand, and covered with a carpet of creeping shore plants in full bloom. On the edge of the wood, to the left, were many flowering shrubs and pandanus with large scarlet-red flowers. After an hour we crossed the river Longos in a ferry, and soon came to the spur of a crystalline chain of mountains, which barred our road and extended itself into the sea as Point Longos. The horses climbed it with difficulty, and we found the stream on the other side already risen so high that we rode knee-deep in the water. After sunset we crossed singly, with great loss of time, in a miserable ferry-boat, over the broad mouth of the Pulundaga, where a pleasant road through a forest led us, in fifteen minutes, over the mountain-spur, Malanguit, which again projected itself right across our path into the sea, to the mouth of the Paracale. The long bridge here was so rotten that we were obliged to lead the horses over at wide intervals apart; and on the further side lies the place called Paracale, from which my companions continued their journey across Mauban to Manila.
A weak fort.The road ends at Indáng. We took two boats down the river until we were stopped by a sandbar, and there at a well-set table prepared for us by the kindness of the mayor, we waited for the horses being brought along a rough road by our servants. In the wasteland of Barre, there’s a tower surrounded by two or three fishermen’s huts and a few storage sheds, built to defend against the Moros, who are rarely tempted to venture this far west since it consists of just an open hut covered with palm leaves—a kind of large umbrella—supported by stakes as thick [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] as an arm and about fifteen feet high; the two cannons here should, for safety, be buried. We followed the shoreline, which is made of siliceous sand and blanketed with a carpet of blooming shore plants. On the left edge of the forest, there were many flowering shrubs and pandanus with large, bright red flowers. After an hour, we crossed the Longos River on a ferry and soon reached the foothills of a crystalline mountain range, which blocked our path and extended into the sea as Point Longos. The horses struggled to climb, and we found the stream on the other side already so high that we rode knee-deep in the water. After sunset, we crossed one by one, which took a long time, in a shabby ferry boat, over the wide mouth of the Pulundaga, where a nice road through the forest led us, in fifteen minutes, over the mountain spur, Malanguit, which again jutted right across our way into the sea, towards the mouth of the Paracale. The long bridge here was so rotten that we had to lead the horses across at wide intervals; on the other side lies the place called Paracale, from where my companions continued their journey across Mauban to Manila.
Red lead.Paracale and Mambulao are two localities well known to all mineralogists, from the red lead ore occurring there. On the following morning I returned to Longos; which consists of only a few miserable huts inhabited by gold-washers, who go about almost naked, probably because they are laboring during the greater part of the day in the water; but they are also very poor.
Red oxide. Paracale and Mambulao are two places that all mineralogists recognize for their red lead ore. The next morning, I went back to Longos, which is made up of just a few rundown huts where gold-washers live. They almost go around naked, likely because they spend most of their day working in the water, but they are also very poor.
Gold mining.The soil is composed of rubbish, decomposed fragments of crystalline rock, rich in broken pieces of quartz. The workmen make holes in the ground two and one-half feet long, two and one-half broad, and to thirty feet deep. At three feet below the surface the rock is generally [167]found to contain gold, the value increasing down to eighteen feet of depth, and then again diminishing, though these proportions are very uncertain, and there is much fruitless search. The rock is carried out of the holes in baskets, on ladders of bamboo, and the water in small pails; but in the rainy season the holes cannot possibly be kept free from water, as they are situated on the slope of the mountain, and are filled quicker than they can be emptied. The want of apparatus for discharging water also accounts for the fact that the pits are not dug deeper.
Gold mining.The soil is made up of debris, broken-down pieces of crystalline rock, filled with shards of quartz. The workers dig holes in the ground that are two and a half feet long, two and a half feet wide, and up to thirty feet deep. Usually, gold is found at about three feet below the surface, with its value increasing down to eighteen feet deep, and then decreasing again; however, these amounts are quite uncertain, leading to a lot of unproductive searching. The rock is taken out of the holes in baskets using bamboo ladders, and water is collected in small buckets; however, during the rainy season, it’s impossible to keep the holes dry, as they are on the mountainside and fill up faster than they can be emptied. The lack of equipment to remove the water also explains why the pits aren’t dug deeper.
A primitive rock breaker.The breaking of the auriferous rock is effected with two stones; of which one serves as anvil, and the other as hammer. The former, which is slightly hollowed in the center, is laid flat upon the ground; and the latter, four by eight by eight inches in dimensions, and therefore of about twenty-five pounds weight, is made fast with rattan to the top of a slender young tree, which lies in a sloping position in a fork, and at its opposite end is firmly fixed in the ground. The workman with a jerk forces the stone that serves for hammer down upon the auriferous rock, and allows it to be again carried upwards by the elasticity of the young tree.
A basic rock breaker.The breaking of the gold-bearing rock is done with two stones; one acts as the anvil and the other as the hammer. The anvil, which has a slight hollow in the center, is placed flat on the ground. The hammer, measuring four by eight by eight inches and weighing about twenty-five pounds, is securely tied with rattan to the top of a slender young tree, which is propped up at an angle and firmly anchored at its other end. The worker pulls the hammer down onto the gold-bearing rock with a quick motion and then lets it rise again, thanks to the flexibility of the young tree.
An arrastre.The crushing of the broken rock is effected with an apparatus equally crude. A thick stake rises from the center of a circular support of rough-hewn stones (which is enclosed in a circle of exactly similar stones) having an iron pin at its top, to which a tree, bent horizontally in the middle, and downwards at the two ends, is fixed. Being set in motion by two carabaos attached in front, it drags several heavy stones, which are bound firmly to it with rattans, round the circle, and in this manner crushes the broken rock, which has been previously mixed with water, to a fine mud. The same apparatus is employed by the Mexican gold-washers, under the [168]name of Rastra. Gold-washing.The washing-out of the mud is done by women. They kneel before a small wooden gutter filled with water up to the brim, and provided with boards, sloping downwards, in front of the space assigned to each woman; the gutter being cut out at these places in a corresponding manner, so that a very slender stream of water flows evenly across its whole breadth downwards over the board. With her hand the work-woman distributes the auriferous mud over the board, which, at the lower edge, is provided with a cross-piece; and, when the light sand is washed away, there remains a stratum consisting chiefly of iron, flint, and ore, which is taken up from time to time with a flat piece of board, and laid on one side; and at the end of the day’s work, it is washed out in a flat wooden dish (batea), and, for the last time, in a coco-shell; when, if they are lucky, a fine yellow dust shows itself on the edge.8 During the last washing the slimy juice of the Gogo is added to the water, the fine heavy sand remaining suspended therein for a longer time than in pure water, and thus being more easily separated from the gold-dust.9
A truck.The crushing of the broken rock is done with a similarly simple device. A thick post stands at the center of a circular base made of rough stones (enclosed in a circle of identical stones) topped with an iron pin, to which a tree bent horizontally in the middle and downward at both ends is attached. Two carabaos hitched to the front drive it, pulling several heavy stones tied securely to it with rattan around the circle, crushing the previously mixed broken rock and water into a fine mud. The same device is used by Mexican gold-washers, called Rastra. Gold panning.The actual washing out of the mud is done by women. They kneel in front of a small wooden trough filled to the brim with water, fitted with sloping boards in front of each woman’s designated area; the trough is cut out at those points to allow a thin stream of water to flow smoothly across its entire width. The worker spreads the gold-laden mud over the board, which has a cross-piece at the lower edge; as the lighter sand is washed away, a layer mainly consisting of iron, flint, and ore remains, which is periodically collected with a flat board and set aside. At the end of the day's work, it is washed out in a flat wooden dish (batea), and for the final wash, in a coconut shell; if they're fortunate, a fine yellow dust appears at the edge.8 During the last wash, the slimy juice of the Gogo is added to the water, allowing the fine heavy sand to remain suspended longer than in pure water, making it easier to separate from the gold dust.9
The clean-up.It is further to be mentioned that the refuse from the pits is washed at the upper end of the water-gutter, so that the sand adhering to the stones intended for pounding may deposit its gold in the gutter or on the washing-board. In order to melt the gold thus obtained into a lump, in which form it is bought by the dealers, it is poured into a small heart-shell (cardium), and, after being covered with a handful of charcoal, placed [169] in a potsherd; when a woman blows through a narrow bamboo-cane on the kindled coals, and in one minute the work is completed.10
The cleanup. It should also be noted that the waste from the pits is washed at the upper end of the water-gutter, so that the sand stuck to the stones meant for pounding can deposit its gold in the gutter or on the washing-board. To turn the gold obtained into a lump, which is the form dealers buy it in, it’s poured into a small heart-shell (cardium) and, after being covered with a handful of charcoal, placed [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] in a piece of broken pottery; a woman then blows through a narrow bamboo stick on the glowing coals, and in just one minute, the job is done.10
The result of many inquiries shows the profit per head to average not more than one and one-half reals daily. Further to the south-west from here, on the mountain Malaguit, are seen the ruins of a Spanish mining company; a heap of rubbish, a pit fifty feet deep, a large house fallen to ruin, and a stream-work four feet broad and six feet high. The mountain consists of gneiss much decomposed, with quartz veins in the stream-work, with the exception of the bands of quartz, which are of almost pure clay earth with sand.
The results of various inquiries indicate that the average profit per person is no more than one and a half reals per day. Further southwest from here, on the Malaguit mountain, you can see the ruins of a Spanish mining company: a pile of debris, a pit fifty feet deep, a large house that has fallen into disrepair, and a stream-work that is four feet wide and six feet high. The mountain is made up of highly decomposed gneiss, with quartz veins in the stream-work, except for the bands of quartz, which are almost pure clay mixed with sand.
Edible bird’s nests.On the sides hung some edible nests of the salangane, but not of the same kind as those found in the caverns on the south coast of Java. These, which are of much less value than the latter, are only occasionally collected by the Chinese dealers, who reckon them nominally at five cents each. We also found a few of the nest-building birds (Collocalia troglodytes, Gray).11
Bird’s nests for eating.On the sides hung some edible nests of the salangane, but they weren't the same as those found in the caves on the south coast of Java. These, which are worth much less than the latter, are only occasionally collected by Chinese dealers, who price them at about five cents each. We also found a few of the nest-building birds (Collocalia troglodytes, Gray).11
Abandoned workings.Around lay so large a number of workings, and there were so many little abandoned pits, wholly or half fallen to ruin, and more or less grown over, that it was necessary to step between with great caution. Some of them [170]were still being worked after the mode followed at Lóngos, but with a few slight improvements. The pits are twice as large as those excavated there, and the rock is lifted, up by a pulley to a cylindrical framework of bamboo, which is worked by the feet of a lad who sits on a bank higher up.
Abandoned sites.Around were so many mining sites, with numerous small abandoned pits that were either completely or partially in ruins and overgrown, that one had to tread carefully. Some of them [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]were still being worked using the approach from Lóngos, but with a few minor improvements. The pits are twice the size of those dug there, and the rock is lifted by a pulley to a cylindrical bamboo frame, which is operated by the feet of a boy sitting on a higher bank.
Lead and mica.Ten minutes north of the village of Malaguit is a mountain in which lead-glance and red lead have been obtained; the rock consisting of micaceous gneiss much decomposed. There is a stream-work over one hundred feet in length. The rock appears to have been very poor.
Lead and mica. Ten minutes north of the village of Malaguit, there’s a mountain where lead-glance and red lead have been extracted; the rock is mainly made up of weathered micaceous gneiss. There’s a stream-work that is over a hundred feet long. The rock seems to have been quite poor.
The highly prized red-lead ores have been found on the top of this same hill, N. 30° W. from the village. The quarry was fallen to ruin and flooded with rain, so that only a shallow hollow in the ground remained visible; and after a long search amongst the bushes growing there a few small fragments were found, on which Chrome-lead ore.chrome-lead ore was still clearly to be recognized. Captain Sabino, the former governor of Paracale, a well-informed Filipino, who, at the suggestion of the alcalde, accompanied me, had for some years caused excavations to be carried on, in order to find specimens for a speculator who had in view the establishment of a new mining company in Spain; but the specimens which were found had not been removed, as speculation in mines in the Philippines had, in the interval, fallen into discredit on the Exchange of Madrid; and as yet only a little box full of sand, out of a few small drusy cavities, has been fixed upon and pounded, to be sold as variegated writing-sand, after being carefully sifted.
The highly valued red-lead ores have been discovered on the top of this same hill, N. 30° W. from the village. The quarry had fallen into disrepair and was filled with rainwater, leaving only a shallow depression in the ground visible; after a lengthy search among the bushes growing there, a few small pieces were found on which Chrome ore. chrome-lead ore was still clearly recognizable. Captain Sabino, the former governor of Paracale, a knowledgeable Filipino who accompanied me at the alcalde's suggestion, had been directing excavations for several years to find specimens for a speculator interested in starting a new mining company in Spain. However, the specimens that were found had not been removed, as mining speculation in the Philippines had lost credibility on the Madrid Exchange during that time; so far, only a small box full of sand from a few tiny drusy cavities has been collected and crushed to be sold as mixed writing sand after being carefully sifted.
A pretty fan-palm.A peculiarly beautiful fan-palm grows on this hill. Its stem is from thirty to forty feet high, cylindrical and dark-brown, with white rings a quarter of an inch broad at distances of four inches, and, at similar intervals, [171]crown-shaped bands of thorns two inches long. Near the crown-leaf the stem passes into the richest brown of burnt sienna.
A nice fan palm.A stunning fan-palm grows on this hill. Its trunk reaches between thirty to forty feet in height, is cylindrical and dark brown, featuring white rings a quarter of an inch wide spaced four inches apart, along with crown-shaped bands of thorns that are two inches long at the same intervals. Just below the crown of leaves, the trunk transitions into a deep brown, reminiscent of burnt sienna.
Rooming in a powder-magazine.Notwithstanding a very bad road, a pleasant ride carried us from Paracale to the sea-shore, and, through a beautiful wood, to Mambulao, which lies W. by N. I alighted at the tribunal, and took up my lodgings in the room where the ammunition was kept, as being the only one that could be locked. For greater security, the powder was stored in a corner and covered with carabao-hide; but such were my arrangements that my servant carried about a burning tallow light, and his assistant a torch in the hand. When I visited the Filipino priest, I was received in a friendly manner by a young girl who, when I offered my hand, thanked me with a bow, saying, “Tengo las sarnas” (“I have the itch”). The malady, which is very common in the Philippines, appears to have its focus in this locality.
Staying in an armory.Despite the terrible road, we had a nice ride from Paracale to the shore, and through a lovely forest, to Mambulao, which is located W. by N. I got off at the tribunal and set up my accommodation in the room where the ammunition was stored, as it was the only one that could be locked. For added safety, the powder was kept in a corner and covered with carabao-hide; however, my arrangements had my servant carrying a burning tallow light and his assistant holding a torch. When I visited the Filipino priest, a young girl greeted me warmly. When I extended my hand, she thanked me with a bow, saying, “Tengo las sarnas” (“I have the itch”). This ailment, which is very common in the Philippines, seems to be particularly prevalent in this area.
Gneiss and crystalline rock.A quarter of a league N.N.E. we came upon the ruins of another mining undertaking, the Ancla de Oro. Shaft and water-cutting had fallen in, and were thickly grown over; and only a few of the considerable buildings were still standing; and even those were ready to fall. In a circle some natives were busily employed, in their manner, collecting grains of gold. The rock is gneiss, weathered so much that it cannot be recognized; and at a thousand paces on the other side is a similar one, clearly crystalline.
Gneiss and crystalline rocks.A quarter of a mile N.N.E., we found the ruins of another mining operation, the Ancla de Oro. The shaft and water channels had collapsed and were overgrown; only a few of the substantial buildings were still standing, and even those were on the verge of falling down. In a circle, some locals were busy gathering grains of gold in their way. The rock is gneiss, so weathered that it’s barely recognizable, and a thousand paces away on the other side is a similar rock, clearly crystalline.
Hornblende and hornblende slate.Half a league N. by E. from Mambulao is the lead-mountain of Dinianan. Here also all the works were fallen in, choked with mud and grown over. Only after a long search were a few fragments found with traces of red-lead ore. This mountain consists of hornblende rock; in one place, of hornblende slate, with very beautiful large crystals.
Hornblende and hornblende schist.Half a league N. by E. from Mambulao is the lead mountain of Dinianan. Here, all the structures have collapsed, filled with mud and overgrown. Only after a long search were a few pieces found with signs of red-lead ore. This mountain is made of hornblende rock; in one area, it has hornblende slate, featuring very striking large crystals.
[172]Copper.A league and a half S. from Mambulao a shallow hollow in the ground marks the site of an old copper-mine, which must have been eighty-four feet deep. Copper ores are found in several places in Luzon; and specimens of solid copper were obtained by me at the Bay of Luyang, N. of the Enseñada de Patag, in Caramuan.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Copper.A mile and a half south of Mambulao, a shallow dip in the ground indicates the spot of an old copper mine, which must have been about eighty-four feet deep. Copper ores are found in multiple locations in Luzon, and I collected samples of solid copper at the Bay of Luyang, north of Enseñada de Patag, in Caramuan.
Unsuccessful copper-mining.Very considerable beds of copper ore occur in Mancayán, in the district of Lepanto, and in the central mountain-range of Luzon between Cagayán and Ilocos, which have been worked by a mining company in Manila since 1850; but the operations seem to have been most unsuccessful. In 1867 the society expended a considerable capital in the erection of smelting furnaces and hydraulic machinery; but until a very recent date, owing to local difficulties, particularly the want of roads, it has not produced any copper.12
Failed copper mining. There are significant deposits of copper ore found in Mancayán, in the Lepanto district, and in the central mountain range of Luzon between Cagayán and Ilocos. A mining company in Manila has been operating there since 1850; however, their efforts have been largely unsuccessful. In 1867, the company invested a substantial amount of capital to build smelting furnaces and hydraulic machinery, but until very recently, due to local challenges, especially the lack of roads, they have not produced any copper.12
Paying minus dividends.In 1869 I heard, in London, that the undertaking had been given up. According to my latest information, however, it is certainly in progress; but the management have never, I believe, secured a dividend. The statement of 1872, in fact, shows a loss, or, as the Spaniards elegantly say, a dividendo pasivo.
Paying less dividends. In 1869, I heard in London that the project had been abandoned. However, according to my latest information, it is definitely still ongoing; but the management has never, I believe, achieved a dividend. The statement from 1872, in fact, shows a loss, or, as the Spaniards elegantly put it, a dividendo pasivo.
Igorot-mining successful.What Europeans yet appear unable to accomplish, the wild Igorots, who inhabit that trackless range of mountains, have carried on successfully for centuries, and to a proportionally larger extent; and this is the more remarkable as the metal in that district occurs only in the form of flints, which even in Europe can be made profitable only by particular management, and not without expense.
Igorot mining is successful.What Europeans still seem unable to achieve, the wild Igorots who live in those uncharted mountain ranges have been doing successfully for centuries, and on a much larger scale. This is especially impressive since the metal in that area is found only as flints, which can be profitable in Europe only through careful management and at a cost.
Long-established and considerable.The copper introduced into commerce by the Igorots from 1840 to 1855, partly in a raw state, partly manufactured, is estimated at three hundred piculs yearly. [173]The extent of their excavations, and the large existing masses of slag, also indicate the activity of their operations for a long period of time.
Long-standing and significant.The copper brought into trade by the Igorots from 1840 to 1855, some in its raw form and others processed, is estimated at three hundred piculs each year. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The size of their dig sites and the significant amounts of slag present also suggest that they have been actively working for a long time.
Copper kettles attributed to Negritos.In the Ethnographical Museum at Berlin is a copper kettle made by those wild tribes. Meyer, who brought it, states that it was made by the Negritos in the interior of the island, and certainly with hammers of porphyry, as they have no iron; and that he further found, in the collection of the Captain General of the Philippines, a large shallow kettle of three and one-half feet in diameter, which had been bought for only three dollars; whence it may be inferred that, in the interior of the island, the copper occurs in large masses, and probably solid; for how could those rude, uncultivated negritos understand the art of smelting copper?
Copper kettles from Negritos. In the Ethnographical Museum in Berlin, there's a copper kettle made by those indigenous tribes. Meyer, who brought it there, says it was crafted by the Negritos in the interior of the island, definitely using porphyry hammers since they have no iron. He also found a large shallow kettle, three and a half feet in diameter, in the collection of the Captain General of the Philippines, which was bought for just three dollars. This suggests that in the interior of the island, copper is found in large, likely solid pieces; otherwise, how could these simple, unrefined Negritos know how to smelt copper?
Copper-working a pre-Spanish art.The locality of these rich quarries was still unknown to the Governor, although the copper implements brought thence had, according to an official statement of his in 1833, been in use in Manila over two centuries. It is now known that the copper-smiths are not Negritos but Igorots; and there can be no question that they practiced this art, and the still more difficult one of obtaining copper from flint, for a long period perhaps previous to the arrival of the Spaniards. They may possibly have learnt them from the Chinese or Japanese. The chief engineer, Santos13, and many others with him, are of opinion that this race is descended from the Chinese or Japanese, from whom he insists that it acquired not only its features (several travellers mention the obliquely placed eyes of the Igorots), its idols, and some of its customs, but also the art of working in copper. At all events, the fact that a wild people, living isolated in the mountains, should have made such progress in the science of smelting, is of so great interest that a description of their procedure by Santos (essentially only a repetition of an earlier account by Hernandez, in the Revista Minera, i. 112) will certainly be acceptable.
Copperworking is a pre-Spanish art.The location of these rich copper quarries was still unknown to the Governor, even though, according to an official statement he made in 1833, the copper tools from there had been used in Manila for over two centuries. It is now known that the copper workers are not Negritos but Igorots; and there is no doubt that they practiced this craft, along with the even more challenging skill of extracting copper from flint, for a long time, perhaps even before the Spaniards arrived. They may have learned these skills from the Chinese or Japanese. The chief engineer, Santos13, and many others believe that this group is descended from the Chinese or Japanese, arguing that they gained not only their features (several travelers note the slanted eyes of the Igorots), their idols, and some of their customs, but also the skill of copper-working. Regardless, the fact that a group of people living in isolation in the mountains has made such advancements in smelting is so intriguing that Santos's description of their technique (which mainly repeats an earlier account by Hernandez in the Revista Minera, i. 112) will certainly be of interest.
[174]The Igorots’ Method.The present mining district acquired by the society mentioned, the Sociedad Minero-metalurgica Cantabrofilipina de Mancayan, was divided amongst the Igorots into larger or smaller parcels strictly according to the number of the population of the adjacent villages, whose boundaries were jealously watched; and the possessions of each separate village were again divided between certain families; whence it is that those mountain districts exhibit, at the present day, the appearance of a honeycomb. To obtain the ore, they made cavities, in which they lighted fires in suitable spots, for the purpose of breaking the rock into pieces by means of the elasticity of the heated water contained in the crevices, with the additional assistance of iron implements. The first breaking-up of the ore was done in the stream-work itself, and the dead heaps lay piled up on the ground, so that, in subsequent fires, the flame of the pieces of wood always reached the summit; and by reason of the quality of the rock, and the imperfection of the mode of procedure, very considerable down-falls frequently occurred. The ores were divided into rich and quartziferous; the former not being again melted, but the latter being subjected to a powerful and persistent roasting, during which, after a part of the sulphur, antimony, and arsenic had been exhaled, a kind of distillation of sulphate of copper and sulphate of iron took place, which appeared as “stone,” or in balls on the surface of the quartz, and could be easily detached.14
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The Igorot Method.The current mining area acquired by the society referred to as the Sociedad Minero-metalurgica Cantabrofilipina de Mancayan was divided among the Igorots into larger and smaller parcels based on the population of nearby villages, which were closely monitored for their boundaries. Each village’s land was further divided among specific families; as a result, these mountainous regions now resemble a honeycomb. To extract the ore, they created cavities where they lit fires in specific spots to crack the rock into pieces using the pressure from the heated water in the crevices, along with iron tools. The initial breaking of the ore happened directly in the stream, and the leftover heaps were stacked on the ground, allowing subsequent fires to consistently reach the top. Due to the type of rock and the imperfections in the method, significant collapses often occurred. The ores were classified as either rich or quartz-bearing; the rich ones were not melted again, while the quartz-bearing ores underwent a thorough and intense roasting process. During this, some of the sulfur, antimony, and arsenic evaporated, leading to a sort of distillation of copper sulfate and iron sulfate, which formed as “stone” or in small balls on the quartz surface and could be easily removed.14
[175]The Smelter.The furnace or smelting apparatus consisted of a round hollow in clayey gound, thirty centimeters in diameter and fifteen deep; with which was connected a conical funnel of fire-proof stone, inclined at an angle of 30°, carrying up two bamboo-canes, which were fitted into the lower ends of two notched pine-stems; in these two slips, covered all over with dry grass or feathers, moved alternately up and down, and produced the current required for the smelting.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The Smelting Factory.The furnace or smelting setup was a round hollow in clayey ground, about thirty centimeters wide and fifteen centimeters deep. It was connected to a conical funnel made of fireproof stone, tilted at a 30° angle, which directed two bamboo tubes. These tubes were attached to the lower ends of two notched pine logs. The logs, covered all over with dry grass or feathers, moved up and down alternately to create the airflow needed for the smelting process.
Smelting.When the Igorots obtained black copper or native copper by blasting, they prevented loss (by oxidation) by setting up a crucible of good fire-proof clay in the form of a still; by which means it was easier for them to pour the metal into the forms which it would acquire from the same clay. The furnace being arranged, they supplied it with from eighteen to twenty kilograms of rich or roasted ore, which, according to the repeated experiments of Hernandez, contained twenty per cent of copper; and they proceeded quite scientifically, always exposing the ore at the mouth of the funnel, and consequently to the air-drafts, and placing the coals at the sides of the furnace, which consisted of loose stones piled one over another to the height of fifty centimeters. The fire having been kindled and the blowing apparatus, already described, in operation, thick clouds of white, yellow, and orange-yellow smoke were evolved from the partial volatilization of the sulphur, arsenic, and antimony, for the space of an hour; but as soon as only sulphurous acid was formed, and the heat by this procedure had attained its highest degree, the blowing was discontinued and the product taken out. This consisted of a dross, or, rather, of the collected pieces of ore themselves, which, on account of the flinty contents of the stones composing the funnel, were transformed by the decomposition of the sulphurous metal into a porous [176]mass, and which could not be converted into dross nor form combinations with silicious acid, being deficient in the base as well as in the requisite heat; and also of a very impure “stone,” of from four to five kilograms weight, and containing from fifty to sixty per cent of copper.
Smelting process. When the Igorots extracted black copper or native copper by blasting, they limited losses from oxidation by setting up a crucible made of fire-proof clay, shaped like a still. This design made it easier for them to pour the metal into molds shaped from the same clay. Once the furnace was ready, they added about eighteen to twenty kilograms of rich or roasted ore, which, based on Hernandez's experiments, contained twenty percent copper. They worked systematically, always placing the ore at the mouth of the funnel to ensure exposure to air drafts, while putting the coals at the sides of the furnace, built from loosely stacked stones that were about fifty centimeters high. After lighting the fire and operating the blowing apparatus, thick clouds of white, yellow, and orange-yellow smoke billowed out due to the partial volatilization of sulfur, arsenic, and antimony for about an hour. Once only sulfurous acid was produced and the heat peaked from this method, they stopped blowing and removed the product. This included dross, or rather, the collected pieces of ore themselves, which due to the flinty nature of the stones in the funnel, were transformed by the decomposition of the sulfurous metal into a porous [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]mass. This could not be turned into dross or combine with silicious acid, as it lacked both the necessary base and heat. They also ended up with a very impure “stone,” weighing between four to five kilograms and containing fifty to sixty percent copper.
The copper “stone”.Several of these “stones” were melted down together for the space of about fifteen hours, in a powerful fire; and by this means a great portion of the three volatile substances above named was again evolved; after which they placed them, now heated red-hot, in an upright position, but so as to be in contact with the draught; the coals, however, being at the sides of the furnace. After blowing for an hour or half-an-hour, they thus obtained, as residuum, a silicate of iron with antimony and traces of arsenic, a “stone” containing from seventy to seventy-five per cent of copper, which they took off in very thin strips, at the same time using refrigerating vessels; and at the bottom of the hollow there remained, according as the mass was more or less freed from sulphur, a larger or smaller quantity (always, however, impure) of black copper.
The copper “rock.”Several of these “stones” were melted down together for about fifteen hours in a powerful fire, which caused a significant amount of the three volatile substances mentioned earlier to be released. After that, they placed the now red-hot pieces in an upright position, ensuring they were exposed to the airflow, while the coals were positioned at the sides of the furnace. After blowing air for either half an hour or an hour, they ended up with a residue that was a silicate of iron with antimony and traces of arsenic, a “stone” containing seventy to seventy-five percent copper, which they removed in very thin strips, using cooling vessels at the same time. At the bottom of the hollow, there remained a varying amount of impure black copper, depending on how much the mass was cleared of sulfur.
Purifying the product.The purified stones obtained by this second process were again made red-hot by placing them between rows of wood, in order that they might not melt into one another before the fire had freed them from impurities.
Purifying the product.The purified stones from this second process were heated up again by placing them between rows of wood, so they wouldn't fuse together before the fire had removed the impurities.
The black copper obtained from the second operation, and the stones which were re-melted at the same time, were then subjected to a third process in the same furnace (narrowed by quarry stones and provided with a crucible); which produced a residuum of silicious iron and black copper, which was poured out into clay moulds, and in this shape came into commerce. This black copper contained from ninety-two to ninety-four per cent of copper, and was tinged by a carbonaceous compound of the same metal known by its yellow color, and [177]the oxide on the surface arising from the slow cooling, which will occur notwithstanding every precaution; and the surface so exposed to oxidation they beat with green twigs. When the copper, which had been thus extracted with so much skill and patience by the Igorots, was to be employed in the manufacture of kettles, pipes, and other domestic articles, or for ornament, it was submitted to another process of purification, which differed from the preceding only in one particular, that the quantity of coals was diminished and the air-draught increased according as the process of smelting drew near to its termination, which involved the removal of the carbonaceous compound by oxidation. Santos found, by repeated experiment, that even from ores of the mean standard of twenty per cent, only from eight to ten per cent of black copper was extracted by the third operation; so that between eight to twelve per cent still remained in the residuum or porous quartz of the operation.
The black copper obtained from the second operation, along with the stones that were re-melted simultaneously, underwent a third process in the same furnace (narrowed by quarry stones and fitted with a crucible). This produced a residue of silicious iron and black copper, which was then poured into clay molds and sold in that form. This black copper contained about ninety-two to ninety-four percent copper and had a yellowish tint from a carbon compound of the metal, along with an oxide layer on the surface due to slow cooling, which happened despite all precautions. They beat the oxidized surface with green twigs. When the copper, skillfully and patiently extracted by the Igorots, was ready to be used for making kettles, pipes, and other household items or for decoration, it went through another purification process. This process differed from the previous one only in that the amount of coal was reduced and the air draft increased as the smelting process neared its end, which helped remove the carbon compound through oxidation. Santos discovered, through repeated experiments, that even from ores with an average standard of twenty percent, only eight to ten percent of black copper was extracted during the third operation, leaving about eight to twelve percent still in the residue or porous quartz from the process.
Tagalog women traders.It was difficult to procure the necessary means of transport for my baggage on the return journey to Paracale, the roads being so soaked by the continuous rains that no one would venture his cattle for the purpose. In Mambulao the influence of the province on its western border is very perceptible, and Tagalog is understood almost better than Bicol; the Tagalog element being introduced amongst the population by women, who with their families come here, from Lucban and Mauban, in the pursuit of trade. They buy up gold, and import stuffs and other wares in exchange. The gold acquired is commonly from fifteen to sixteen carats, and a mark determines its quality. The dealers pay on the average $11 per ounce; but when, as is usually the case, it is [178]Miners uncertain returns.offered in smaller quantities than one ounce, only $10.15 They weigh with small Roman scales, and have no great reputation for honesty.
Filipina women traders. It was hard to find the right means of transport for my luggage on the way back to Paracale, since the roads were so wet from the constant rain that no one was willing to risk their cattle for it. In Mambulao, you can really see the influence of the province on its western border; Tagalog is understood almost better than Bicol. The Tagalog presence among the population is largely due to women who come here with their families from Lucban and Mauban to engage in trade. They buy gold and import textiles and other goods in exchange. The gold they acquire typically ranges from fifteen to sixteen carats, and a mark indicates its quality. The dealers pay about $11 per ounce on average; however, when, as is usually the case, it is offered in smaller amounts than an ounce, they only get $10. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Miners uncertain about returns. They weigh it with small Roman scales and are not known for their honesty.
North Camarines is thinly inhabited, the population of the mining districts having removed after the many undertakings which were artificially called into existence by the mining mania had been ruined. The goldwashers are mostly dissolute and involved in debt, and continually expecting rich findings which but very seldom occur, and which, when they do occur, are forthwith dissipated;—a fact which will account for champagne and other articles of luxury being found in the shops of the very poor villagers.
North Camarines has a sparse population, as many people from the mining areas have left after the numerous ventures that were artificially created by the mining craze collapsed. The gold diggers are mostly reckless and in debt, always hoping for a big find that rarely happens, and when it does, they quickly squander it; this explains why you can find champagne and other luxury items in the shops of the very poor villagers.
Malaguit and Matango, during the dry season, are said to be connected by an extremely good road; but, when we passed, the two places were separated by a quagmire into which the horses sank up to their middle.
Malaguit and Matango, during the dry season, are said to be connected by a really good road; but when we went through, the two places were separated by a muddy swamp where the horses sank up to their middles.
Labo.In Labo, a little village on the right bank of the river Labo (which rises in the mountain of the same name), the conditions to which we have adverted are repeated—vestiges of the works of former mining companies fast disappearing, and, in the midst, little pits being worked by the natives. Red lead has not been found here, but gold has been, and especially “platinum,” which some experiments have proved to be lead-glance. The mountain Labo appears from its bell-shape and the strata exposed in the river bed to consist of trachytic hornblende. Half a league W.S.W., after wading through mud a foot deep, we reached the mountain Dallas where lead-glance and gold were formerly obtained by a mining company; and to the present day gold is obtained by a few natives in the usual mode.
Lab. In Labo, a small village on the right bank of the river Labo (which comes from the mountain of the same name), the conditions we mentioned earlier are repeated—remnants of past mining companies are slowly disappearing, while locals continue to work in small pits. Red lead hasn’t been found here, but gold has, along with “platinum,” which some tests have shown to actually be lead-glance. The mountain Labo, with its bell shape and the layers exposed in the riverbed, seems to be made of trachytic hornblende. Half a league W.S.W., after slogging through a foot of mud, we reached the mountain Dallas, where lead-glance and gold used to be extracted by a mining company; even now, a few locals continue to mine for gold in the usual way.
[179]Wild Cat Mining.Neither in the latter province, nor in Manila, could I acquire more precise information respecting the histories of the numerous unfortunate mining enterprises. Thus much, however, appears certain, that they were originated only by speculators, and never properly worked with sufficient means. They therefore, of necessity, collapsed so soon as the speculators ceased from their operations.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Wildcat Mining. In neither that province nor in Manila was I able to get more detailed information about the countless failed mining ventures. However, it seems clear that these projects were started only by investors looking to profit and were never adequately operated with sufficient resources. As a result, they inevitably fell apart as soon as the investors stopped their activities.
Small output.North Camarines yields no metal with the exception of the little gold obtained by the natives in so unprofitable a manner. The king of Spain at first received a fifth, and then a tenth, of the produce; but the tax subsequently ceased. In Morga’s time the tenth amounted on an average to $10,000 (“which was kept quite secret”); the profit, consequently, to above $100,000. Gemelli Carreri was informed by the governor of Manila that gold to the value of $200,000 was collected annually without the help of either fire or quicksilver, and that Paracale, in particular, was rich in gold. No data exist from which I could estimate the actual rate of produce; and the answers to several inquiries deserve no mention. The produce is, at all events, very small, as well on account of the incompleteness of the mode of procedure as of the irregularity of labor, for the natives work only when they are compelled by necessity.
Small output.North Camarines produces no metal except for the small amount of gold that locals extract in a very unprofitable way. The king of Spain initially received a fifth, then a tenth, of the gold; however, the tax eventually stopped. During Morga’s time, the tenth averaged around $10,000 (“which was kept quite secret”); thus, the overall profit was more than $100,000. Gemelli Carreri learned from the governor of Manila that gold worth $200,000 was collected each year without using fire or mercury, with Paracale being particularly rich in gold. There is no data available that would allow me to accurately assess the actual production rate, and the responses to several inquiries are not worth mentioning. In any case, the output is very low due to both the incomplete methods used and the irregular labor, as the locals only work when absolutely necessary.
Indang.I returned down the stream in a boat to Indang, a comparatively flourishing place, of smaller population but more considerable trade than Daet; the export consisting principally of abacá, and the import of rice.
Indang.I went back down the river in a boat to Indang, which is a relatively thriving place with a smaller population but more significant trade than Daet; it mainly exports abaca and imports rice.
Storms.An old mariner, who had navigated this coast for many years, informed me that the same winds prevail from Daet as far as Cape Engaño, the north-east point of Luzon. From October to March the north-east wind prevails, the monsoon here beginning with north winds, which are of short duration and soon pass into [180]the north-east; and in January and February the east winds begin and terminate the monsoon. The heaviest rains fall from October to January, and in October typhoons sometimes occur. Beginning from the north or north-east, they pass to the north-west, where they are most violent; and then to the north and east, sometimes as far as to the south-east, and even to the south. In March and April, and sometimes in the beginning of May, shifting winds blow, which bring in the south-west monsoon; but the dry season, of which April and May are the driest months, is uninterrupted by rain. Thunder storms occur from June to November; most frequently in August. During the south-west monsoon the sea is very calm; but in the middle of the north-east monsoon all navigation ceases on the east coast. In the outskirts of Baler rice is sown in October, and reaped in March and April. Mountain rice is not cultivated.
Storms.An old sailor, who had sailed this coast for many years, told me that the same winds blow from Daet all the way to Cape Engaño, the northeastern tip of Luzon. From October to March, the northeast wind dominates, with the monsoon starting with brief north winds that quickly shift to [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]the northeast; in January and February, the east winds begin and wrap up the monsoon. The heaviest rainfall occurs from October to January, and typhoons may sometimes happen in October. Starting from the north or northeast, they move toward the northwest, where they are the strongest; then they shift to the north and east, sometimes reaching as far as the southeast and even the south. In March and April, and occasionally at the beginning of May, shifting winds blow in, signaling the arrival of the southwest monsoon; however, the dry season, particularly in April and May, remains free from rain. Thunderstorms happen from June to November, most often in August. During the southwest monsoon, the sea is very calm, but in the middle of the northeast monsoon, all navigation comes to a stop on the east coast. In the outskirts of Baler, rice is planted in October and harvested in March and April. Mountain rice isn’t grown.
1 Probably pot-stone, which is employed in China in the manufacture of cheap ornaments. Gypseous refers probably only to the degree of hardness.
1 Probably pot-stone, which is used in China to make inexpensive ornaments. Gypseous likely just refers to the level of hardness.
2 In the Christy collection, in London, I saw a stone of this kind from the Schiffer Islands, employed in a contrivance for the purpose of protection against rats and mice. A string being drawn through the stone, one end of it is suspended from the ceiling of the room, and the objects to be preserved hang from the other. A knot in the middle of the string prevents its sliding below that point, and, every touch drawing it from its equilibrium, it is impossible for rats to climb upon it. A similar contrivance used in the Viti Islands, but of wood, is figured in the Atlas to Dumont D’Urville’s “Voyage to the South Pole,” (i. 95).
2 In the Christy collection in London, I saw a stone like this from the Schiffer Islands used in a device designed to protect against rats and mice. A string is threaded through the stone, with one end suspended from the ceiling of the room while the items to be kept safe hang from the other end. A knot in the middle of the string stops it from sliding below that point, and since any movement pulls it out of balance, it's impossible for rats to climb on it. A similar device made of wood is used in the Viti Islands and is illustrated in the Atlas of Dumont D’Urville’s “Voyage to the South Pole,” (i. 95).
5 According to Father Camel (“Philisoph. Trans. London,” vol. xxvi, p. 246), hantu means black ants the size of a wasp; amtig, smaller black; and hantic, red ants.
5 According to Father Camel (“Philisoph. Trans. London,” vol. xxvi, p. 246), hantu refers to black ants the size of a wasp; amtig are smaller black ants; and hantic are red ants.
6 According to Dr. Gerstaecker, probably Phrynus Grayi Walck Gerv., bringing forth alive. “S. Sitzungsb. Ges. Naturf. Freunde, Berl.” March 18, 1862, and portrayed and described in G. H. Bronn, “Ord. Class.,” vol. v. 184.
6 Dr. Gerstaecker suggests that it is likely Phrynus Grayi Walck Gerv., giving birth to live young. “S. Meeting Minutes of the Society of Natural Science Friends, Berlin.” March 18, 1862, and depicted and described in G. H. Bronn, “Ord. Class.,” vol. v. 184.
7 Calapnit, Tagal and Bicol, the bat; calapnitan, consequently, lord of the bats.
7 Calapnit, Tagal and Bicol, the bat; calapnitan, therefore, lord of the bats.
8 In only one out of several experiments made in the Berlin Mining College did gold-sand contain 0.014 gold; and, in one experiment on the heavy sand remaining on a mud-board, no gold was found.
8 In just one of several experiments conducted at the Berlin Mining College, gold-sand contained 0.014 gold; and in one test of the heavy sand left on a mud-board, no gold was found.
9 The Gogo is a climbing Mimosa (Entada purseta) with large pods, very abundant in the Philippines; the pounded stem of which is employed in washing, like the soap-bark of Chili (Quillaja saponaria); and for many purposes, such as baths and washing the hair of the head, is preferred to soap.
9 The Gogo is a climbing Mimosa (Entada purseta) with large pods, widely found in the Philippines; the crushed stem is used for washing, similar to the soap-bark of Chile (Quillaja saponaria); and for many uses, like baths and washing hair, it's preferred over regular soap.
10 A small gold nugget obtained in this manner, tested at the Berlin Mining College, consisted of—
10 A small gold nugget obtained like this, tested at the Berlin Mining College, was made up of—
Gold | 77.4 |
Silver | 19.0 |
Iron | 0.5 |
Flint earth | 3. |
Loss | 0.1 |
100. |
11 The nest and bird are figured in Gray’s “Genera of Birds”; but the nest does not correspond with those found here. These are hemispherical in form, and consist for the most part of coir (coco fibers); and, as if prepared by the hand of man, the whole interior is covered with an irregular net-work of fine threads of the glutinous edible substance, as well as the upper edge, which swells gently outwards from the center towards the sides, and expands into two wing-shaped prolongations, resting on one another, by which the nest is fixed to the wall. Dr. v. Martens conjectures that the designation salangane comes from langayah, bird, and the Malay prefix sa, and signifies especially the nest as something coming from the bird.—(“Journal of Ornith.,” Jan., 1866.)
11 The nest and bird are illustrated in Gray’s “Genera of Birds,” but the nest doesn’t match those found here. These nests have a hemispherical shape and mainly consist of coir (coconut fibers). It looks as if they were made by a person, as the entire interior is covered with an irregular network of fine threads made from a sticky edible substance. The upper edge smoothly bulges out from the center to the sides and expands into two wing-like extensions that rest against each other, anchoring the nest to the wall. Dr. v. Martens suggests that the term salangane comes from langayah, meaning bird, combined with the Malay prefix sa, specifically referring to the nest as something produced by the bird.—(“Journal of Ornith.,” Jan., 1866.)
12 Spanish Catalogue of the Paris Exhibition, 1867.
12 Spanish Catalog of the Paris Exhibition, 1867.
14 According to the Catalogue, the following ores are found:—Variegated copper ore (cobre gris abigarrado), arsenious copper (c. gris arsenical), vitreous copper (c. vitreo), copper pyrites (pirita de cobre), solid copper (mata cobriza), and black copper (c. negro). The ores of most frequent occurrence have the following composition—A, according to an analyzed specimen in the School of Mines at Madrid; B, according to the analysis of Santos, the mean of several specimens taken from different places:—
14 According to the Catalogue, the following ores are found:—Variegated copper ore (cobre gris abigarrado), arsenious copper (c. gris arsenical), vitreous copper (c. vitreo), copper pyrites (pirita de cobre), solid copper (mata cobriza), and black copper (c. negro). The ores that are most commonly found have the following composition—A, based on an analyzed sample in the School of Mines in Madrid; B, based on the analysis by Santos, which is the average of several samples taken from different locations:—
A | B | |
Silicious Acid | 25.800 | 47.06 |
Sulphur | 31.715 | 44.44 |
Copper | 24.640 | 16.64 |
Antimony | 8.206 | 5.12 |
Arsenic | 7.539 | 4.65 |
Iron | 1.837 | 1.84 |
Lime | in traces | — |
Loss | 0.263 | 0.25 |
—— | —— | |
100.000 | 100.00 |
XVI
On foot to San Miguel bay.Sending my baggage from Daet to Cabusao in a schooner, I proceeded on foot, by the road to that place, to the coast on the west side of the Bay of San Miguel. We crossed the mouth of the river in a boat, which the horses swam after; but they were soon abandoned from unfitness. At the mouth of the next river, Sacavin, the water was so high that the bearers stripped themselves naked and carried the baggage over on their heads. In simple jacket and cotton hose, I found this precaution needless; indeed, according to my experience, it is both refreshing and salutary to wear wet clothes, during an uniformly high temperature; besides which, one is thereby spared many a spring over ditches, and [181]many a roundabout course to avoid puddles, which, being already wet through, we no longer fear. After having waded over eight other little rivers we were obliged to leave the shore and pursue the road to Colasi along steep, slippery, forest paths, the place lying right in the middle of the west side of the bay. The sea-shore was very beautiful. Instead of a continuous and, at the ebb, ill-smelling border of mangroves, which is never wanting in those places where the land extends into the sea, the waves here reach the foot of the old trees of the forest, many of which were washed underneath. Amongst the most remarkable was a fringe of stately old Barringtoni, covered with orchids and other epiphytes—gorgeous trees when in flower; the red stamens, five inches long, with golden yellow anthers like tassels, depending from the boughs; and their fruit, of the size of the fist, is doubly useful to the fisherman, who employs them, on account of their specific gravity, in floating his nets, and beats them to pieces to stupefy the fish. The foremost trees stood bent towards the sea, and have been so deflected probably for a long time, like many others whose remains still projected out of the water. The destruction of this coast appears to be very considerable. Amongst the climbing palms one peculiar kind was very abundant, the stem of which, as thick as the arm, either dragged itself, leafless, along the ground, or hung in arches above the branches, carrying a crown of leaves only at its extremity; while another, from its habitat the common calamus, had caryota leaves. Wild boars are very plentiful here; a hunter offered us two at one real each.
Walking to San Miguel Bay. I sent my luggage from Daet to Cabusao by schooner and walked along the road to the west side of San Miguel Bay. We crossed the river's mouth in a boat, which the horses swam after, but they were soon left behind because they weren't capable. At the next river mouth, Sacavin, the water was so high that the porters stripped down to carry the bags on their heads. In my simple jacket and cotton pants, I found this precaution unnecessary; actually, from my experience, wearing wet clothes is refreshing and beneficial in consistently high temperatures. Plus, being soaked meant we didn't worry about jumping over ditches or taking longer routes to avoid puddles, since we were already wet. After wading through eight more small rivers, we had to leave the shore and take a steep, slippery forest path to Colasi, located in the middle of the west side of the bay. The shoreline was stunning. Instead of a continuous, smelly line of mangroves common where land meets the sea, the waves here lapped at the bases of the old forest trees, many of which had their roots submerged. Among the most striking were a row of majestic old Barringtonia, adorned with orchids and other epiphytes—beautiful trees when in bloom; the red stamens, five inches long, hung down with golden yellow anthers like tassels. Their fist-sized fruit is doubly useful to fishermen: they float the nets because of their specific gravity and are beaten to stun the fish. The leading trees leaned toward the sea, likely having been bent that way for a long time, like many others whose remnants still jutted out of the water. The damage to this coastline seems quite extensive. Among the climbing palms, one unusual type was particularly abundant; its trunk, as thick as an arm, either sprawled along the ground leaflessly or arched overhead, with leaves only at its tip. Another type, the common calamus, had caryota leaves. Wild boars are very common here; a hunter offered us two for one real each.
Colasi.The direction of the flat coast which extends N.N.W. to S.S.E. from the point of Daet is here interrupted by the little peak of Colasi, which projects to the east, and has grown so rapidly that all old people remember [182]it to have been lower. In the Visita Colasi, on the northern slope of the mountain, the sea is so rough that no boat can live in it. The inhabitants carry on fishing; their fishing-grounds lie, however, on the southern slope of the mountain, in the sheltered bay of Lalauigan, which we reached after thee hours’ journey over the ridge.
Colasi.The flat coastline that runs N.N.W. to S.S.E. from the point of Daet is interrupted by the small peak of Colasi, which juts out to the east and has grown so quickly that all the older locals remember [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]it used to be lower. In the Visita Colasi, on the northern side of the mountain, the sea is so rough that no boat can survive in it. The locals do some fishing; however, their fishing areas are on the southern slope of the mountain, in the protected bay of Lalauigan, which we reached after three hours of travel over the ridge.
By sea to Cabusao.A four-oared baroto, hired at this place, as the weather was favorable, was to have conveyed us in two hours to Cabusao, the port of Naga; but the wind swung round, and a storm ensued. Thoroughly wet and not without loss, we ran to Barceloneta, a visita situated at a third of the distance. The intelligent Teniente of Colasi, whom we met here, also confirmed the fact of the rapid growth of the little peak.
By boat to Cabusao. A four-oared baroto we hired here was supposed to take us to Cabusao, the port of Naga, in two hours since the weather was good. However, the wind shifted, and a storm hit. Soaked and not without some loss, we headed for Barceloneta, a visita about a third of the way there. The knowledgeable Teniente of Colasi we met here also confirmed that the small peak was growing rapidly.
Unreliable excuses.In opposition to my wish to ascend the mountain, great obstacles were said to exist when every one would be occupied in preparations for the Easter festival, which would hardly occur during the succeeding weeks. As these objections did not convince me, a more substantial reason was discovered the next morning. Inland shoes are excellent for the mud, and particularly for horseback; but for climbing mountains, or rough ground, they would not last a day; and the one remaining pair of strong European shoes, which I reserved for particular purposes, had been given away by my servant, who did not like climbing mountains, on the pretext they were very much too heavy for me.
Unconvincing excuses.Despite my desire to climb the mountain, I was told there were significant obstacles since everyone would be busy preparing for the Easter festival, which wouldn’t happen for several weeks. These reasons didn’t persuade me, but a more compelling issue came up the next morning. The inland shoes are great for muddy conditions and especially for riding, but they wouldn’t hold up even a day on mountains or rough terrain. The only strong pair of European shoes I had left, which I saved for special occasions, had been given away by my servant, who didn’t enjoy mountain climbing, claiming they were far too heavy for me.
A shipwrecked family.The shore from Barceloneta to Cabusao is of the same character as the Daet-Colasi but running north and south; the ground, sandy clay, is covered with a thick stratum of broken bivalves. The road was very difficult, as the high tide forced us to climb between the trees and thick underwood. On the way we met an enterprising family who had left Daet with a cargo [183]of coconuts for Naga, and had been wrecked here; saving only one out of five tinajas of oil, but recovering all the nuts.1 They were living in a small hastily-run-up hut, upon coconuts, rice, fish, and mussels, in expectation of a favorable wind to return. There were several varieties of shore-birds; but my gun would not go off, although my servant, in expectation of a hunt, had cleaned it with especial care. As he had lost the ramrod whilst cleaning it, the charge was not withdrawn before we reached Cabusao, when it was discovered that both barrels were full of sand to above the touchhole.
A stranded family.The coastline from Barceloneta to Cabusao is similar to the Daet-Colasi but oriented north and south. The ground, a sandy clay, is covered with a thick layer of broken shellfish. The road was very tough, as the high tide forced us to navigate between trees and dense underbrush. Along the way, we came across an industrious family who had left Daet with a load of coconuts for Naga and had ended up shipwrecked here; they saved only one out of five barrels of oil but managed to recover all the coconuts. They were living in a small, quickly built hut, surviving on coconuts, rice, fish, and mussels, waiting for a favorable wind to return. There were several kinds of shore birds, but my gun wouldn’t fire, even though my servant had cleaned it with special care in anticipation of a hunt. He had lost the ramrod while cleaning it, so the charge wasn’t removed before we arrived at Cabusao, when we discovered that both barrels were filled with sand up to the touchhole.
Making palm-sugar.The coast was still more beautiful than on the preceding day, particularly in one place where the surge beat against a wood of fan-palms (Corypha sp.). On the side facing the sea, in groups or rows stood the trees, bereft of their crowns, or lying overthrown like columns amid the vast ruins of temples (one of them was three feet in diameter); and the sight immediately reminded me of Pompeii. I could not account for the bareness of the trunks, until I discovered a hut in the midst of the palms, in which two men were endeavoring to anticipate the waves in their work of destruction by the preparation of sugar (tunguleh). For this purpose, after stripping off the leaves (this palm flowering at the top), the upper end of the stem is cut across, the surface of the incision being inclined about five degrees towards the horizon, and, near its lower edge, hollowed out to a very shallow gutter. The juice exudes over the whole surface of the cut, with the exception of the intersected exterior petioles, and, being collected in the shallow channel, is conducted by a piece of banana-leaf, two inches broad, and four inches long, into a bamboo-cane [184]attached to the trunk. In order to avert the rain from the saccharine issue, which has a faint, pleasantly aromatic flavor as of barley-sugar, all the trees which have been tapped are provided with caps formed of bent and folded palm-leaves. The average daily produce of each tree is four bamboos, the interior of which is about three inches and a half in diameter. When removed, they are full to about eighteen inches; which gives somewhat more than ten quarts daily.
Making palm sugar.The coast was even more beautiful than the day before, especially in one spot where the waves crashed against a grove of fan palms (Corypha sp.). On the side facing the sea, trees stood in groups or rows, stripped of their crowns, or toppled over like columns amid the vast ruins of temples (one of them was three feet in diameter); and the scene immediately reminded me of Pompeii. I couldn’t figure out why the trunks were bare until I spotted a hut in the middle of the palms, where two men were trying to beat the waves in their work of making sugar (tunguleh). To do this, after taking off the leaves (this palm flowers at the top), they cut the upper end of the stem across, angling the incision about five degrees toward the horizon, and hollowing it out slightly near the bottom edge to form a shallow channel. The juice pours out over the entire surface of the cut, except for the intersecting exterior petioles, and is collected in the shallow channel, which directs it through a piece of banana leaf, two inches wide and four inches long, into a bamboo cane [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]attached to the trunk. To protect the sugary sap, which has a light, pleasantly sweet aroma similar to barley sugar, all the tapped trees are covered with caps made from bent and folded palm leaves. Each tree typically produces about four bamboos each day, each with an interior diameter of around three and a half inches. When collected, they are filled to about eighteen inches, totaling just over ten quarts daily.
The money side.The produce of each tree of course is very unequal. Always intermittent, it ceases completely after two months—at the utmost, three months; but, the proportion of those newly cut to those cut at an earlier date being the same, the yield of the incisions is about equal. The juice of thirty-three palms, after evaporation in an iron pan immediately upon each collection, produces one ganta, or (there being four such collections) four gantas, daily; the weekly result being twenty gantas, or two tinajas of sugar, each worth two dollars and a half on the spot. This statement, derived from the people themselves, probably shows the proportion somewhat more unfavorable than it really is; still, according to the opinion of an experienced mestizo, the difference cannot be very considerable. Assuming the above figures as correct, however, one of these magnificent trees would give about one dollar and two-thirds, or, after deducting the laborers’ wages one real per diem, about a thaler and two-thirds; not a large sum truly; but it is some consolation to know that, even if man did not interfere, these trees would in process of time fall victims to the breakers, and that, even if protected against external ravages, they are doomed to natural extinction after once producing fruit.
The financial aspect.The output from each tree is definitely uneven. It’s always inconsistent, completely stopping after two months—maybe three at the most; however, the ratio of newly cut to older cuts remains the same, so the amount harvested is about equal. The sap from thirty-three palms, evaporated in an iron pan right after collection, yields one ganta, meaning (with four collections happening) four gantas daily; the weekly total amounts to twenty gantas, or two tinajas of sugar, each worth two dollars and fifty cents on the spot. This info, coming from the locals, probably portrays the situation a bit worse than it actually is; nonetheless, according to an experienced mestizo, the discrepancy can’t be too significant. Assuming these figures are accurate, one of these amazing trees would produce about a dollar and two-thirds, or, after factoring in the workers’ daily wages of one real, about a thaler and two-thirds; it’s not a huge amount, to be honest; but it’s a bit reassuring to know that even without human interference, these trees would eventually succumb to the elements, and that, even if safeguarded from outside threats, they’re destined for natural extinction after bearing fruit once.
Neglected roads.Cabusao lies in the southern angle of San Miguel Bay which is, almost on every side, surrounded by high [185]mountains, and affords good anchorage for ships. From here I repaired across Naga to the south coast. Four leagues from Naga, in the heart of Ragay, on the southern border of Luzon, is the small but deep harbor of Pasacao; and two hours by water conducted us to the intermediate Visita Pamplona, whence the route is pursued by land. The still-existing remnant of the old road was in a miserable condition, and even at that dry season of the year scarcely passable; the bridges over the numerous little ditches were broken down, and in many places, right across the road, lay large stones and branches of trees which had been brought there years before to repair the bridges, and, having been unused, have ever since continued to obstruct the road.
Neglected streets. Cabusao is located in the southern part of San Miguel Bay, which is almost entirely surrounded by tall [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] mountains and offers good anchorage for ships. From there, I traveled over to Naga and headed towards the south coast. Four leagues from Naga, in the center of Ragay on the southern edge of Luzon, is the small but deep harbor of Pasacao; two hours by boat took us to the intermediate Visita Pamplona, where the route continues over land. The remaining part of the old road was in terrible shape and was barely passable even in the dry season; the bridges over the many small ditches were broken, and in numerous spots, large stones and branches from trees that were brought there years ago to fix the bridges lay directly in the path, having remained there unused and obstructing the road ever since.
A French planter.In Quitang, between Pamplona and Pasacao, where two brooks unite themselves into one little river debouching at the latter place, a young Frenchman had established a hacienda. He was contented and hopeful, and loudly praised the industry and friendliness of his people. Probably because they make fewer exactions, foreigners, as a rule, seem to agree better with the natives than Spaniards. Of these exactions, the bitterest complaints are rife of the injustice of the demands made upon the lower classes in the settlement of their wages; which, if they do not immediately find the necessary hands for every employment, do not correspond with the enhanced value of the products; and, according to them, the natives must even be driven from public employments, to labor in their service.2
A French farmer. In Quitang, located between Pamplona and Pasacao, where two streams merge into a small river that flows out at the latter place, a young Frenchman had set up a hacienda. He was happy and optimistic, and he spoke highly of the hard work and friendliness of his people. Generally, foreigners seem to get along better with the locals than Spaniards do, probably because they demand less from them. There are widespread complaints about the unfair demands placed on the lower classes regarding their wages; these wages, when they can't immediately find enough workers, don't match the increased value of the products. According to them, locals even have to be pushed out of public jobs to work for them. 2
The Filipino as a laborer.The Filipino certainly is more independent than the European laborer, because he has fewer wants and, as a [186]native landowner, is not compelled to earn his bread as the daily laborer of another; yet, with reference to wages, it may be questioned whether any colony whatever offers more favorable conditions to the planter than the Philippines. In Dutch India, where the prevalence of monopoly almost excludes private industry, free laborers obtain one-third of a guilder—somewhat more than one real, the usual wages in the wealthy provinces of the Philippines (in the poorer it amounts to only the half); and the Javanese are not the equals of the Filipinos, either in strength, or intelligence, or skill; and the rate of wages in all the older Slave States is well known. For the cultivation of sugar and coffee, Mauritius and Ceylon are obliged to import foreign laborers at great expense, and to pay them highly; and yet they are successful.
Filipinos in the workforce.The Filipino is definitely more independent than the European worker, as he has fewer needs and, as a [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]landowner, doesn’t have to depend on earning his living as someone else’s daily worker. However, when it comes to wages, it’s worth questioning whether any other colony offers better conditions for planters than the Philippines. In Dutch India, where monopoly largely stifles private industry, free workers earn about one-third of a guilder—slightly more than one real, which is the typical wage in the wealthy regions of the Philippines (in the poorer areas, it’s only half that). Furthermore, the Javanese do not match the Filipinos in strength, intelligence, or skill, and the wage rates in all the older Slave States are well-known. For cultivating sugar and coffee, Mauritius and Ceylon are forced to bring in foreign workers at significant expense and pay them high wages; still, they manage to succeed.
Pasacao.From Quitang to Pasacao the road was far worse than it had heretofore been; and this is the most important road in the province! Before reaching Pasacao, evident signs are visible, on the denuded sides of the limestone, of its having been formerly washed by the sea. Pasacao is picturesquely situated at the end of the valley which is intersected by the Itulan, and extends from Pamplona, between wooded mountains of limestone, as far as the sea. The ebb tides here are extremely irregular. From noon to evening no difference was observable, and, when the decrease just became visible, the tide rose again. Immediately to the south, and facing the district, the side of a mountain, two thousand feet high and above one thousand feet broad, had two years ago given way to the subterranean action of the waves. The rock consists of a tough calcareous breccia, full of fragments of mussels and corals; but, being shoeless, I could not remain on the sharp rock sufficiently long to make a closer examination.
Pasacao.From Quitang to Pasacao, the road was much worse than it had been before; and this is the most important road in the province! Before reaching Pasacao, clear signs are visible on the bare sides of the limestone, indicating that it was once washed by the sea. Pasacao is beautifully located at the end of the valley, which is crossed by the Itulan, stretching from Pamplona, between wooded limestone mountains, all the way to the sea. The ebb tides here are very irregular. From noon to evening, no difference was noticeable, and just when the tide began to drop, it would rise again. Directly to the south, facing the area, the side of a mountain, two thousand feet high and over one thousand feet wide, had collapsed two years ago due to the underground action of the waves. The rock is made of tough calcareous breccia, filled with pieces of mussels and corals; however, since I was barefoot, I couldn’t stay on the sharp rock long enough to get a closer look.
[187]A beautiful coast.For the same reason, I was obliged to leave the ascent of the Yamtik, which I had before vainly attempted from Libmanan, unaccomplished from this point, although I had the advantage of the company of an obliging French planter in a boat excursion in a north-westerly direction along the coast. Here our boat floated along over gardens of coral, swarming with magnificently colored fishes; and after two hours we reached a cavern in the limestone, Suminabang, so low that one could stir in it only by creeping; which contained a few swallows and bats. On the Calebayan river, on the further side of Point Tanaun, we came upon a solitary shed, our night-quarters. Here the limestone range is interrupted by an isolated cliff on the left bank of the little river, consisting of a crystalline rock chiefly composed of hornblende; which moreover, on the side exposed to the water, is surrounded completely by limestone.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]A stunning coastline.For the same reason, I had to abandon my attempt to climb the Yamtik, which I had previously tried unsuccessfully from Libmanan. This time, however, I had the company of a helpful French planter during a boat trip northwest along the coast. Our boat drifted over coral gardens filled with brilliantly colored fish, and after two hours, we arrived at a cave in the limestone called Suminabang, which was so low that we could only move by crawling. Inside, we found a few swallows and bats. On the Calebayan river, just past Point Tanaun, we discovered a lone shed, where we spent the night. Here, the limestone range is interrupted by a solitary cliff on the left bank of the small river, made of a crystalline rock primarily composed of hornblende, which is completely surrounded by limestone on the side facing the water.
Cattle.The surrounding mountains must swarm with wild boars. Under the thatched roof of our hut, which serves as a shelter to occasional hunters, more than a hundred and fifty lower jaw-bones were set up as hunting trophies. The place appeared as if created for the breeding of cattle. Soft with fodder grass, and covered with a few groups of trees, with slopes intersected by rustling brooks, it rose up out of the sea, and was encompassed by a steep wall of rock in the form of a semicircle; and here cattle would find grass, water, shade, and the protection of an enclosing rampart. While travelling along the coast, we had remarked a succession of similar localities, which however, from lack of enterprise and from the dread of pirates, were not utilized. As soon as our supper was prepared, we carefully extinguished our fire, that it might not serve as a signal to the vagabonds of the sea, and kept night watches.
Cows.The surrounding mountains are probably filled with wild boars. Under the thatched roof of our hut, which occasionally shelters hunters, over a hundred and fifty lower jawbones were displayed as hunting trophies. The area seemed perfect for raising cattle. It was lush with feed grass and dotted with some trees, with slopes crisscrossed by babbling brooks, rising up from the sea and surrounded by a steep rocky wall forming a semicircle; here, cattle would find grass, water, shade, and the safety of an enclosing barrier. While traveling along the coast, we noticed a series of similar locations that, unfortunately, were not being used due to a lack of initiative and fear of pirates. As soon as our dinner was ready, we carefully put out our fire so it wouldn’t signal any wandering sea thieves, and we took turns keeping watch through the night.
[188]A delusive cave.On the following morning we intended to visit a cave never before entered; but, to our astonishment, we found no proper cavern, but only an entrance to a cavern a few feet in depth. Visible from a distance, it must often have been passed by the hunters, although, as we were assured by our companions—who were astonished at the delusion—-no one had ventured to enter it from stress of superstitious terror.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]A deceptive cave.The next morning, we planned to check out a cave that had never been explored before; however, to our surprise, we found no real cave, just an opening to a chamber a few feet deep. Visible from a distance, it must have been overlooked by hunters many times, but as our companions—who were amazed by the illusion—told us, nobody had dared to go inside because of superstitious fear.
Isolation of fertile regions.The north coast of Camarines, as I have frequently mentioned, is, during the north-east monsoon, almost unapproachable; while the south coast, screened by the outlying islands, remains always accessible. The most fertile districts of the eastern provinces, which during summer export their produce by the northern ports, in the winter often remain for months cut off from all communication with the chief town, because there is no road over the small strip of land to the south coast. How much has been done by Nature, and how little by man, to facilitate this intercourse, is very evident when we reflect upon the condition of the road to Pasacao, lately described, in connection with the condition of matters in the east, as shown by the map.
Isolation of fertile areas.The north coast of Camarines, as I've often pointed out, is nearly unreachable during the northeast monsoon, while the south coast, protected by nearby islands, is always accessible. The most fertile areas in the eastern provinces, which export their goods through the northern ports in the summer, are often cut off from communication with the main town for months in the winter because there’s no road over the small stretch of land to the south coast. It's clear how much Nature has done and how little man has done to make this communication easier when we think about the state of the road to Pasacao, which I mentioned earlier, alongside the overall situation in the east as depicted on the map.
River highways.Two rivers, one coming from the north-west, and the other from the south-east, and both navigable before they reach the borders of the province, flow through the middle of it in a line parallel with the coast (taking no account of its windings), and, after their junction, send their waters together through the estuary of Cabusao into the Bay of San Miguel. The whole province, therefore, is traversed through its center by two navigable rivers, which, as regards commerce, form only one.
Waterways.Two rivers, one coming from the northwest and the other from the southeast, both navigable before reaching the province’s borders, flow through the center of the area in a line parallel to the coast (ignoring its twists and turns). After they meet, they merge their waters through the Cabusao estuary into San Miguel Bay. Therefore, the entire province is crossed in its center by these two navigable rivers, which function as a single route for trade.
Cabusao and Pasacao harbors.But the harbor of Cabusao, at the bottom of the Bay of San Miguel, is not accessible during the north-east monsoon, and has this further disadvantage, that the [189]intercourse of the whole of the eastern part of Luzon with Manila can be carried on only by a very circuitous route. On the south coast, on the other hand, is the harbor of Pasacao, into which a navigable little river, above a mile in width, discharges itself; so that the distance between this river highway and the nearest point of the Bicol River amounts to a little more than a mile. The road connecting the two seas, laid out by an active alcalde in 1847, and maintained up to 1852, was however, at the date of my inquiry, in so bad a condition that a picul of abacá paid two reals freight for this short distance, in the dry season; and in the wet season it could not be forwarded for double the price.3
Cabusao and Pasacao docks. But the harbor at Cabusao, located at the bottom of the Bay of San Miguel, isn't accessible during the northeast monsoon. Additionally, it has the disadvantage that the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] connection for the entire eastern part of Luzon with Manila can only be made via a very roundabout route. On the south coast, however, there’s the harbor of Pasacao, where a navigable little river, over a mile wide, flows into it; the distance between this river route and the nearest point of the Bicol River is just a bit over a mile. The road that connects the two seas, created by an active mayor in 1847 and maintained until 1852, was in such poor condition at the time of my inquiry that a picul of abacá cost two reals in freight for this short distance during the dry season, and during the wet season, it couldn't be shipped for twice that price. 3
Bad roads raise freights.Many similar instances may be brought forward. In 1861 the English vice-consul reported that in Iloilo a picul of sugar had risen more than 2 r. in price (as much as the cost of freight from Iloilo to Manila), in consequence of the bad state of the road between the two places, which are only one league asunder.
Poor roads raise shipping costs.Many similar examples can be presented. In 1861, the English vice-consul reported that in Iloilo, the price of a picul of sugar had increased by more than 2 r. (the cost of shipping from Iloilo to Manila) due to the poor condition of the road between the two locations, which are only one league apart.
Social and political reasons for bad roads.If, without reference to transport by sea, the islands were not favored in so extraordinary a manner by innumerable rivers with navigable mouths, a still greater proportion of their produce would not have been convertible into money. The people, as well as the local authorities, have no desire for roads, which they themselves construct by forced labor, and, when completed, must maintain by the same method; for, when no roads are made, the laborers are so much more easily employed in private operations. Even the parish priests, generally, are as little favorable to the planning of commercial intercourse, by means of which trade, prosperity, and enlightenment would be introduced into the country, and their authority undermined. Indeed the Government [190]itself, up to within a short time since, favored such a state of affairs; for bad roads belong to the essence of the old Spanish colonial policy, which was always directed to effect the isolation of the separate provinces of their great transmarine possessions, and to prevent the growth of a sense of national interest, in order to facilitate their government by the distant mother country.
Social and political factors contributing to poor roads.If we ignore sea transport, the islands are extraordinarily blessed with countless rivers that have navigable mouths; without this, a much larger portion of their products wouldn’t be able to be turned into cash. The locals and the authorities don’t want roads, which they build using forced labor, and once they’re done, they have to maintain them the same way. When there are no roads, it's easier for the laborers to work on private projects. Even the parish priests generally aren’t in favor of establishing commercial connections that would bring trade, prosperity, and enlightenment, as it would undermine their authority. In fact, until recently, the Government [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] itself supported this situation; bad roads are part of the old Spanish colonial policy, which aimed to isolate the various provinces of their extensive overseas territories and prevent the development of a national interest that would complicate governance from the distant mother country.
Spanish economic backwardness.Besides, in Spain itself matters are no better. The means of communication there are so very deficient that, as an instance, merchandise is sent from Santander to Barcelona, round the whole Iberian peninsula, in preference to the direct route, which is partly accomplished by railway.4 In Estremadura the hogs were fed with wheat (live animals can be transported without roads), while at the same time the seaports were importing foreign grain.5 The cause of this condition of affairs in that country is to be sought less in a disordered state of finance, than in the enforcement of the Government maxim which enjoins the isolation of separate provinces.
Spanish economic lag.Moreover, things in Spain aren't much better. The communication networks there are so inadequate that, for example, goods are shipped from Santander to Barcelona, going all the way around the Iberian Peninsula, instead of taking the direct route that partially uses the railway.4 In Extremadura, pigs were fed wheat (live animals can be moved without roads), while at the same time the ports were bringing in foreign grain.5 The reason for this situation in the country is less about financial disarray and more about the Government's policy that enforces the isolation of different provinces.
1 In Daet at that season six nuts cost one cuarto; and in Nags, only fifteen leagues away by water, they expected to sell two nuts for nine cuartos (twenty-sevenfold). The fact was that in Naga, at that time, one nut fetched two cuartos—twelve times as much as in Daet.
1 In Daet during that time, six nuts cost one cuarto; and in Nags, just fifteen leagues away by water, they anticipated selling two nuts for nine cuartos (twenty-seven times more). The reality was that in Naga, at that time, one nut sold for two cuartos—twelve times as much as in Daet.
2 N. Loney asserts, in one of his excellent reports, that there never is a deficiency of suitable laborers. As an example, at the unloading of a ship in Iloilo, many were brought together at one time, induced by the small rise of wages from one to one and one-half reales; even more hands than could be employed. The Belgian consul, too, reports that in the provinces where the abacá grows the whole of the male population is engaged in its cultivation, in consequence of a small rise of wages.
2 N. Loney states in one of his insightful reports that there is never a shortage of qualified workers. For instance, during the unloading of a ship in Iloilo, many people gathered at once, enticed by a slight increase in wages from one to one and a half reales; there were even more workers than needed. The Belgian consul also reports that in the provinces where abacá is grown, the entire male population is involved in its cultivation due to a small increase in wages.
3 An unfinished canal, to run from the Bicol to the Pasacao River, was once dug, as is thought, by the Chinese, who carried on commerce in great numbers.—Arenas, p. 140.
3 An unfinished canal, intended to connect the Bicol River to the Pasacao River, was probably dug by the Chinese, who engaged in trade in large numbers.—Arenas, p. 140.
XVII
Mt. Isaróg.The Isaróg (pronounced Issaró) rises up in the middle of Camarines, between San Miguel and Lagonoy bays. While its eastern slope almost reaches the sea, it is separated on its western side by a broad strip of inundated land from San Miguel Bay. In circumference it is at least twelve leagues; and its height 1,966 meters.1 Very flat at its base, it swells gradually to 16°, and higher [191]up to 21° of inclination, and extends itself, in its western aspect, into a flat dome-shaped summit. But, if viewed from the eastern side, it has the appearance of a circular chain of mountains rent asunder by a great ravine. On Coello’s map this ravine is erroneously laid down as extending from south to north; its bearing really is west to east. Right in front of its opening, and half a league south from Goa, lies the pretty little village of Rungus, by which it is known. The exterior sides of the mountain and the fragments of its large crater are covered with impenetrable wood. Respecting its volcanic eruptions tradition says nothing.
Mount Isaróg.The Isaróg (pronounced Issaró) rises up in the center of Camarines, between San Miguel and Lagonoy bays. While its eastern slope almost reaches the sea, it is separated on its western side by a wide strip of flooded land from San Miguel Bay. It has a circumference of at least twelve leagues, and its height is 1,966 meters. 1 Very flat at its base, it gradually rises to 16°, and higher [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] up to 21° of slope, extending in its western aspect into a flat dome-shaped peak. However, when viewed from the eastern side, it looks like a circular chain of mountains divided by a large ravine. On Coello’s map, this ravine is incorrectly shown as running from south to north; its actual direction is west to east. Right at its opening, and half a league south from Goa, lies the charming little village of Rungus, by which it is known. The outer sides of the mountain and the remnants of its large crater are covered with dense forest. As for its volcanic eruptions, tradition says nothing.
Primitive mountaineers.The higher slopes form the dwelling-place of a small race of people, whose independence and the customs of a primitive age have almost entirely separated them from the inhabitants of the plain. One or two Cimarrons might occasionally have been attracted hither, but no such instance is remembered. The inhabitants of the Isaróg are commonly, though mistakenly, called Igorots; and I retain the name, since their tribal relationship has not yet been accurately determined; they themselves maintaining that their ancestors always dwelt in that locality. There are some who, in the opinion of the parish priest of Camarines, speak the Bicol language in the purest manner. Their manners and customs are very similar, in many respects, to what they were on the arrival of the Spaniards; and sometimes they also remind one of those prevailing among the Dyaks of Borneo at the present day.2 These circumstances give rise to the conjecture that they may be the last of a race which maintained its independence against the Spanish rule, and probably also against the little [192]tyrants who ruled over the plain before the arrival of the Europeans. When Juan de Salcedo undertook his triumphal march round North Luzon he found everywhere, at the mouths of the rivers, seafaring tribes living under many chieftains who, after a short struggle, were slain by the superior discipline and better arms of the Spaniards, or submitted voluntarily to the superior race; but he did not succeed in subduing the independent tribes in the interior; and these are still to be found in all the larger islands of the Philippine group.
Early mountain climbers. The higher slopes are home to a small group of people whose independence and old-fashioned customs have largely kept them separate from those living in the plains. One or two Cimarrons might have wandered here on occasion, but no records confirm that. The people of Isaróg are commonly, but wrongly, referred to as Igorots, and I’ll keep that term since their tribal connections haven’t been clearly established; they claim that their ancestors have always lived in this area. Some, according to the parish priest of Camarines, speak Bicol in its purest form. Their ways of life and customs are very much like they were when the Spaniards arrived, and sometimes they remind one of the practices found among the Dyaks of Borneo today.2 These factors lead to speculation that they might be the last remnants of a group that resisted Spanish rule and likely also endured against the lesser [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] tyrants who dominated the plains before the Europeans came. When Juan de Salcedo made his victorious march around North Luzon, he encountered seafaring tribes along the river mouths, led by various chieftains who, after some conflict, were killed by the Spaniards’ superior organization and better weapons, or chose to submit to the more dominant race; however, he failed to conquer the independent tribes in the interior, which continue to exist in all the larger islands of the Philippine group.
Similarity to Indian Archipelago conditions.Similar conditions are found in many places in the Indian Archipelago. The Malays, carrying on trade and piracy, possess the shore, and their language prevails there; the natives being either subdued by them, or driven into the forests, the inaccessibility of which ensures to them a miserable but independent existence.3
Similar to Indian Archipelago conditions. Similar conditions can be seen in various areas of the Indian Archipelago. The Malays, engaged in trade and piracy, occupy the coastal regions, and their language is dominant there; the native people are either conquered by them or pushed into the forests, where the difficult terrain allows them a poor but independent life.3
Policy of non-intercourse with heathens.In order to break down the opposition of the wild races, the Spanish Government forbade its subjects, under the penalty of one hundred blows and two years of forced labor, “to trade or to have any intercourse with the heathens in the mountains who pay no tribute to his Catholic Majesty, for although they would exchange their gold, wax, etc., for other necessaries, they will never change for the better.” Probably this law has for centuries directly contributed to save the barbarians, notwithstanding their small numbers, from complete extermination; for free intercourse between a people existing by agriculture, and another living principally by the chase, speedily leads to the destruction of the latter.
Policy of no contact with non-believers.To break down the resistance of the wild tribes, the Spanish Government prohibited its subjects, under the penalty of one hundred lashes and two years of forced labor, “to trade or have any interaction with the heathens in the mountains who do not pay tribute to His Catholic Majesty; for though they would exchange their gold, wax, etc., for other necessities, they will never change for the better.” This law has likely helped protect the barbarians from complete extermination for centuries, despite their small numbers, because free interaction between an agricultural society and one that primarily lives by hunting quickly leads to the destruction of the latter.
[193]Christian Mountaineers’ villages.The number of the Igorots of the Isaróg however, been much diminished by deadly battles between the different ranchos, and by the marauding expeditions which, until a short time since, were annually undertaken by the commissioners of taxes, in the interest of the Government monopoly, against the tobacco fields of the Igorots. Some few have been “pacified” (converted to Christianity and tribute); in which case they are obliged to establish themselves in little villages of scattered huts, where they can be occasionally visited by the priest of the nearest place; and, in order to render the change easier to them, a smaller tax than usual is temporarily imposed upon such newly-obtained subjects.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Christian Mountaineers’ villages.The number of Igorots in Isaróg has significantly decreased due to deadly conflicts among the ranchos and annual raids carried out by tax commissioners, acting on behalf of the government monopoly, against the Igorots’ tobacco fields. A few have been "pacified" (converted to Christianity and made to pay tribute); in these cases, they are required to settle in small villages of scattered huts, where they can be visited occasionally by the priest from a nearby area. To make this transition easier for them, a reduced tax rate is temporarily applied to these newly acquired subjects.
Tobacco monopoly wars.I had deferred the ascent of the mountain until the beginning of the dry season of the year; but I learned in Naga that my wish was hardly practicable, because the expeditions against the ranchos of the mountain, which I have already mentioned, usually occurred about this time. As the wild people could not understand why they should not cultivate on their own fields a plant which had become a necessity to them, they saw in the Cuadrilleros, not functionaries of a civilized State, but robbers, against whom they were obliged to defend themselves by force; and appearances contributed no less to confirm them in their error; for these did not content themselves with destroying the plantations of tobacco, but the huts were burnt to the ground, the fruit-trees hewn down, and the fields laid waste. Such forays never occurred without bloodshed, and often developed into a little war which was carried on by the mountaineers for a long time afterwards, even against people who were entirely uninterested in it—Filipinos and Europeans. The expedition this year was to take place in the beginning of April; the Igorots consequently were in a state of great agitation, and [194]had, a few days previously, murdered a young unarmed Spaniard in the vicinity of Mabotoboto, at the foot of the mountain, by bringing him to the ground with a poisoned arrow, and afterwards inflicting twenty-one wounds with the wood-knife (bolo).
Tobacco monopoly battles.I had put off climbing the mountain until the dry season started, but I found out in Naga that my plan wasn’t realistic because the expeditions against the mountain ranches, which I previously mentioned, usually happened around this time. The indigenous people couldn’t understand why they shouldn’t grow a crop that had become essential to them, so they saw the Cuadrilleros not as agents of a civilized state, but as thieves, which they felt they had to defend themselves against by force. The situation only reinforced their belief; these forces didn’t just destroy tobacco plants, but also burned down huts, cut down fruit trees, and ruined fields. These raids always ended in bloodshed and often escalated into a small war that the mountain dwellers continued long after, even targeting people who had nothing to do with it—both Filipinos and Europeans. This year's expedition was set for early April, so the Igorots were extremely anxious, and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]had, a few days earlier, killed a young unarmed Spaniard near Mabotoboto, at the base of the mountain, by shooting him with a poisoned arrow and then stabbing him twenty-one times with a bolo.
A policy of peace.Fortunately there arrived soon after a countermand from Manila, where the authorities seemed to have been gradually convinced of the harmful tendency of such violent measures. It could not be doubted that this intelligence would quickly spread amongst the ranchos; and, acting upon the advice of the commandant (upon whom, very much against his inclination, the conduct of the expedition had devolved), I lost no time in availing myself of the anticipated season of quiet. The Government have since adopted the prudent method of purchasing the tobacco, which is voluntarily cultivated by the Igorots, at the ordinary rate, and, where practicable, encouraging them to lay out new fields, instead of destroying those in existence.
A peace policy.Fortunately, a cancellation order arrived shortly after from Manila, where the authorities seemed to have gradually realized the negative impact of such violent actions. It was clear that this news would quickly spread among the ranchos, and, following the commandant’s advice (which he had reluctantly taken on as his responsibility for the expedition), I wasted no time in taking advantage of the expected period of calm. Since then, the Government has wisely adopted the strategy of buying the tobacco that the Igorots grow voluntarily at the regular price, and, when possible, encouraging them to create new fields instead of destroying the existing ones.
A populous fertile district.The next day at noon I left Naga on horseback. The pueblos of Mogarao, Canaman, Quipayo, and Calabanga, in this fertile district follow so thickly upon one another that they form an almost uninterrupted succession of houses and gardens. Calabanga lies half a league from the sea, between the mouths of two rivers, the more southerly of which is sixty feet broad and sufficiently deep for large trading vessels.4
A crowded, fertile region.The next day at noon, I rode out of Naga on horseback. The towns of Mogarao, Canaman, Quipayo, and Calabanga in this fertile region are so closely spaced that they create an almost continuous line of houses and gardens. Calabanga is located half a league from the sea, nestled between the mouths of two rivers, with the southernmost being sixty feet wide and deep enough for large trading ships. 4
A bare plain and wretched village.The road winds round the foot of the Isaróg first to the north-east and then to the east. Soon the blooming hedges cease, and are succeeded by a great bare plain, out of which numerous flat hillocks raise themselves. Both hills and plain, when we passed, served for pasturage; but from August to January they are sown with rice; and fields of batata are occasionally seen. After four hours we arrived at the little village [195]of Maguiring (Manguirin), the church of which, a tumble-down shed, stood on an equally naked hillock; and from its neglected condition one might have guessed that the priest was a native.
A bleak, desolate village.The road winds around the base of Isaróg, first heading northeast and then east. Soon, the blooming hedges disappear, replaced by a vast bare plain dotted with several flat hillocks. Both the hills and the plain were used for grazing when we passed, but from August to January, they're planted with rice; fields of sweet potato can also be seen occasionally. After four hours, we reached the small village [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] of Maguiring (Manguirin), where the church, a dilapidated shed, was situated on an equally bare hillock; its run-down state suggested that the priest was a local.
Many mountain water courses.This hillock, as well as the others which I examined, consisted of the débris of the Isaróg, the more or less decomposed trachytic fragments of hornblende rock, the spaces between which were filled up with red sand. The number of streams sent down by the Isaróg, into San Miguel and Lagonoy bays, is extraordinarily large. On the tract behind Maguiring I counted, in three-quarters of an hour, five considerable estuaries, that is to say, above twenty feet broad; and then, as far as Goa, twenty-six more; altogether, thirty-one: but there are more, as I did not include the smallest; and yet the distance between Maguiring and Goa, in a straight line, does not exceed three miles. This accounts for the enormous quantity of steam with which this mighty condenser is fed. I have not met with this phenomenon on any other mountain in so striking a manner. One very remarkable circumstance is the rapidity with which the brimming rivulets pass in the estuaries, enabling them to carry the trading vessels, sometimes even ships, into a main stream (if the expression may be allowed), while the scanty contributions of their kindred streams on the northern side have scarcely acquired the importance of a mill-brook. These waters, from their breadth, look like little rivers, although in reality they consist of only a brook, up to the foot of the mountain, and of a river’s mouth in the plain; the intermediate part being absent.
Many mountain rivers.This hill, along with the others I explored, was made up of the debris from the Isaróg, which included more or less broken-down fragments of hornblende rock, with the gaps filled with red sand. There are an astonishing number of streams flowing from the Isaróg into San Miguel and Lagonoy bays. In the area behind Maguiring, I counted five significant estuaries, each about twenty feet wide, in just three-quarters of an hour; then, from Maguiring to Goa, I found twenty-six more, making a total of thirty-one. There are even more that I didn't count, as I excluded the smaller ones, and the distance from Maguiring to Goa in a straight line is no more than three miles. This explains the massive amount of steam that this huge condenser generates. I've never seen this phenomenon so pronounced on any other mountain. One striking feature is how quickly the flowing streams rush through the estuaries, allowing them to transport trading boats, sometimes even larger ships, into a main river (if that term can be used), while the limited contributions from the northern streams barely measure up to a mill-brook. These waters, due to their width, resemble small rivers, even though they actually start as a brook at the mountain's base and become a river’s mouth at the plain; the section in between is missing.
Comparison with Javan Mountain district.The country here is strikingly similar to the remarkable mountain district of the Gelungúng, described by [196]Junghuhn;5 yet the origin of these rising grounds differs in some degree from that of those in Java. The latter were due to the eruption of 1822, and the great fissure in the wall of the crater of the Gelungúng, which is turned towards them, shows unmistakably whence the materials for their formation were derived; but the great chasm of the Isaróg opens towards the east, and therefore has no relation to the numberless hillocks on the north-west of the mountain. Behind Maguiring they run more closely together, their summits are flatter, and their sides steeper; and they pass gradually into a gently inclined slope, rent into innumerable clefts, in the hollows of which as many brooks are actively employed in converting the angular outlines of the little islands into these rounded hillocks. The third river behind Maguiring is larger than those preceding it; on the sixth lies the large Visita of Borobod; and on the tenth, that of Ragay. The rice fields cease with the hill country, and on the slope, which is well drained by deep channels, only wild cane and a few groups of trees grow. Passing by many villages, whose huts were so isolated and concealed that they might remain unobserved, we arrived at five o’clock at Tagunton; from which a road, practicable for carabao carts, and used for the transport of the abacá grown in the district, leads to Goa; and here, detained by sickness, I hired a little house, in which I lay for nearly four weeks, no other remedies offering themselves to me but hunger and repose.
Comparison with Javan Mountain area.The landscape here is strikingly similar to the stunning mountain region of Gelungúng, as described by [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Junghuhn;5 but the origins of these elevated grounds differ somewhat from those in Java. The latter resulted from the eruption in 1822, and the large fissure in the wall of the Gelungúng crater that faces them clearly shows where the materials for their formation came from. However, the large chasm of the Isaróg opens towards the east and thus has no connection to the countless hillocks to the northwest of the mountain. Behind Maguiring, those hills are closer together, their peaks are flatter, and their slopes are steeper; they gradually transition into a gently sloping area, marked by countless crevices, where numerous streams work to shape the jagged outlines of the small islands into these rounded hills. The third river behind Maguiring is larger than the previous ones; on the sixth lies the large Visita of Borobod; and on the tenth, that of Ragay. The rice fields end with the hill country, and on the slope, which is well-drained by deep channels, only wild cane and a few clusters of trees grow. After passing several villages, whose huts were so isolated and hidden that they could easily go unnoticed, we arrived at Tagunton at five o’clock; from there, a road suitable for carabao carts, used for transporting the abacá grown in the area, leads to Goa; and here, hindered by illness, I rented a small house, where I remained for nearly four weeks, with no other remedies available to me but hunger and rest.
Useful friends.During this time I made the acquaintance of some newly-converted Igorots, and won their confidence. Without them I would have had great difficulty in ascending the mountains as well as to visit their tribe in its [197]farms without any danger.6 When, at last, I was able to quit Goa, my friends conducted me, as the first step, to their settlement; where, having been previously recommended and expected, I easily obtained the requisite number of attendants to take into their charge the animals and plants which were collected for me.
Supportive friends.During this time, I met some recently converted Igorots and gained their trust. Without them, I would have struggled to climb the mountains and visit their tribe in its [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]farms safely.6 When I was finally able to leave Goa, my friends took me, as the first step, to their settlement, where, having been previously recommended and expected, I easily got the right number of people to take care of the animals and plants I had collected.
A heathen Mountaineers’ settlement.On the following morning the ascent was commenced. Even before we arrived at the first rancho, I was convinced of the good report that had preceded me. The master of the house came towards us and conducted us by a narrow path to his hut, after having removed the foot-lances, which projected obliquely out of the ground, but were dexterously concealed by brushwood and leaves.7 A woman employed in weaving, at my desire, continued her occupation. The loom was of the simplest kind. The upper end, the chain-beam, which consists of a piece of bamboo, is fixed to two bars or posts; and the weaver sits on the ground, and to the two notched ends of a small lath, which supplies the place of the weaving beam, hooks on a wooden bow, in the arch of which the back of the lath is fitted. Placing her feet against two pegs in the ground and bending her back, she, by means of the bow, stretches the material out straight. A netting-needle, longer than the breadth of the web, serves instead of the weaver’s shuttle, but it can be pushed through only by considerable friction, and not always without breaking the chains of threads. A lath of hard wood (caryota), sharpened like a knife, represents the trestle, and after every stroke it is placed upon the edge; after which the comb is pushed [198]forward, a thread put through, and struck fast, and so forth. The web consisted of threads of the abacá, which were not spun, but tied one to another.
A non-Christian Mountaineers’ settlement. The next morning, we started our climb. By the time we reached the first ranch, I was already convinced of the positive feedback I had heard before. The homeowner came to greet us and guided us along a narrow path to his hut after clearing away the foot-lances that stuck out from the ground but were cleverly hidden with brush and leaves. 7 A woman who was weaving continued her work at my request. The loom was very simple. The upper part, the chain-beam, which was made from a piece of bamboo, was secured to two posts. The weaver sat on the ground, and to the two notched ends of a small stick, which acted as the weaving beam, she attached a wooden bow, with the back of the stick fitting into its arch. By pressing her feet against two pegs in the ground and bending her back, she used the bow to pull the material taut. A netting needle, longer than the weave itself, served as a substitute for the shuttle, but it had to be forced through, often with a lot of friction, sometimes breaking the threads. A lath made from hard wood (caryota), sharpened like a knife, acted as the trestle, and after each stroke, it was placed on the edge. Then the comb was pushed [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] forward, a thread was threaded through, and secured, and so on. The weave was made from abacá threads that were tied together rather than spun.
A giant fern hedge.The huts I visited deserve no special description. Composed of bamboos and palm-leaves, they are not essentially different from the dwellings of poor Filipinos; and in their neighborhood were small fields planted with batata, maize, caladium and sugar-cane, and enclosed by magnificent polypody ferns. One of the highest of these, which I caused to be felled for the purpose, measured in the stem nine meters, thirty centimeters; in the crown, two meters, twelve centimeters; and its total length was eleven meters, forty-two centimeters or over thirty-six feet.
A huge fern hedge.The huts I visited don’t need much description. Made of bamboo and palm leaves, they’re pretty much the same as the homes of poor Filipinos. Nearby, there were small fields growing sweet potatoes, corn, taro, and sugarcane, surrounded by stunning polypody ferns. One of the tallest ferns, which I had cut down for this purpose, measured nine meters and thirty centimeters in the trunk, two meters and twelve centimeters in the crown, with a total length of eleven meters and forty-two centimeters, which is over thirty-six feet.
Simple stringed instruments.A young lad produced music on a kind of lute, called baringbau; consisting of the dry shaft of the scitamina stretched in the form of a bow by means of a thin tendril instead of gut. Half a coco shell is fixed in the middle of the bow, which, when playing, is placed against the abdomen, and serves as a sounding board; and the string when struck with a short wand, gave out a pleasing humming sound, realizing the idea of the harp and plectrum in their simplest forms. Others accompanied the musician on Jews’ harps of bamboos, as accurate as those of the Mintras on the Malay Peninsula; and there was one who played on a guitar, which he had himself made, but after a European pattern. The hut contained no utensils besides bows, arrows, and a cooking pot. The possessor of clothes bore them on his person. I found the women as decently clad as the Filipino Christian women, and carrying, besides, a forest knife, or bolo. As a mark of entire confidence, I was taken into the tobacco fields, which were well concealed and protected by foot-lances; and they appeared to be carefully looked after.
Basic string instruments.A young boy played music on a kind of lute called baringbau; it was made from the dry shaft of the scitamina shaped like a bow with a thin tendril instead of gut. Half a coconut shell was attached in the middle of the bow, positioned against the abdomen while playing, serving as a resonating chamber; and when the string was struck with a short stick, it produced a pleasing humming sound, representing the simplest forms of a harp and plectrum. Others joined in with bamboo Jew's harps, just as precise as those from the Mintras on the Malay Peninsula; and there was one person playing a guitar he had made himself, following a European design. The hut had no utensils apart from bows, arrows, and a cooking pot. The person with clothes wore them. I noticed the women were dressed as modestly as Filipino Christian women and additionally carried a forest knife, or bolo. As a sign of complete trust, I was taken into the tobacco fields, which were well hidden and protected by foot-lances; they seemed to be well cared for.
[199]The people and their crops.The result of my familiarity with this people, both before and after this opportunity, may be briefly summed up: They live on the higher slopes of the mountain, never, indeed, below 1,500 feet; each family by itself. It is difficult to ascertain how many of them there may now be, as but little intercourse takes place amongst them. In the part of the mountain belonging to the district of Goa, their number is estimated at about fifty men and twenty women, including the children: but twenty years before the population was more numerous. Their food consists principally of batata, besides some gabi (caladium). A little maize is likewise cultivated, as well as some ubi (dioscorea), and a small quantity of sugar-cane for chewing.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]People and their crops. My experience with this community, both before and after this opportunity, can be summed up briefly: They live on the upper slopes of the mountain, never lower than 1,500 feet; each family stands alone. It's hard to determine their current population since they have little contact with each other. In the part of the mountain that belongs to the district of Goa, their population is estimated to be around fifty men and twenty women, including children; however, twenty years ago, their numbers were greater. Their diet mainly consists of batata, along with some gabi (caladium). They also grow a bit of maize, some ubi (dioscorea), and a small amount of sugarcane for chewing.
Batatas.In laying out a batata field, a wood is partially cleared, the earth loosened with the blunt forest knife (bolo), and the bulbs or layers then planted; and within four months the harvest begins, and continues uninterruptedly from the time the creeping plant strikes root and forms tubers. Rotation of crops.After two years, however, the produce is so much diminished that the old plants are pulled up, in order to make room for new ones obtained from the runners. The field is then changed, or other fruits cultivated thereon, but with the addition of manure. A piece of land, fifty brazas long, and thirty wide, is sufficient for the support of a family. Only occasionally in the wet season does this resource fail, and then they resort to gabi, which appears to be as easily cultivated on wet as on dry ground, but is not so profitable as batata. The young shoots of the gabi are planted at distances of a vara, and if consumed in a proper manner, ought not to be cropped till after a year. Each family kills weekly one or two wild hogs. Stags are rare, although I obtained a fine pair of horns; and they do not use the skin. Bows and arrows are used in hunting; some poisoned, [200]and some not. Every rancho keeps dogs, which live principally on batata, and also cats to protect the fields against rats; and they also have poultry, Game cocks a Spanish innovation.but no game cocks; which, having been first introduced into the Philippines by the Spaniards are seldom if ever, wanting in the huts of the Filipinos; but the inhabitants of the Isaróg are as yet free from this passion.
Sweet potatoes. When setting up a sweet potato field, some trees are cleared, the soil is loosened with a blunt machete, and the bulbs or slips are planted. Within four months, the harvest begins and continues steadily as the creeping plant takes root and forms tubers. Crop Rotation. However, after two years, the yield decreases significantly, so the old plants are pulled up to make way for new ones grown from the runners. The field is then rotated, or other crops are grown there with the addition of manure. A piece of land that is fifty brazas long and thirty wide is enough to support a family. This resource only fails occasionally during the wet season, at which point they turn to gabi, which can be easily grown in both wet and dry soil, though it’s not as profitable as sweet potato. The young shoots of gabi are planted a vara apart, and if harvested correctly, they shouldn’t be picked until after a year. Each family typically hunts one or two wild hogs a week. Stags are rare, though I managed to get a nice pair of antlers; they don’t use the skin. Bows and arrows are used for hunting, some with poison and some without. Every rancho keeps dogs that mainly eat batata, as well as cats to guard the fields against rats, and they also have some poultry, Game cocks are a Spanish innovation. but no game cocks; these were first brought to the Philippines by the Spaniards and are usually found in Filipino huts, but the people of Isaróg have not yet developed this interest.
Trade.The few products of a more advanced civilization which they require, they obtain by the sale of the spontaneous productions of their forests, chiefly wax and resin (pili),8 apnik, dagiangan (a kind of copal), and some abacá. Wax, which is much in request for church solemnities, fetches half a dollar per catty; and resin averages half a real per chinanta. Business is transacted very simply. Filipinos, having intercourse with the Igorots, make a contract with them; and they collect the products and bring them to a place previously agreed on, where the Filipinos receive them, after paying down the stipulated price.
Commerce.The few products from a more advanced civilization that they need are obtained by selling the natural resources from their forests, mainly wax and resin (pili), apnik, dagiangan (a type of copal), and some abacá. Wax, which is highly sought after for church ceremonies, sells for half a dollar per catty, while resin goes for an average of half a real per chinanta. Business is conducted in a straightforward manner. Filipinos, in contact with the Igorots, enter into contracts with them; they gather the products and bring them to a pre-agreed location, where the Filipinos receive them after paying the agreed price.
Religion.Physicians and magicians, or persons supposed to be possessed of secret powers, are unknown; every one helps himself. In order to arrive at a clear understanding of their religious views, a longer intercourse would be necessary. But they certainly believe in one God, or, at least, say so, when they are closely questioned by Christians; and have also loosely acquired several of the external practices of Catholicism, which they employ as spells.
Faith.Doctors and witches, or people thought to have special powers, are not seen here; everyone takes care of themselves. To really understand their beliefs, we'd need to spend more time with them. But they definitely believe in one God, or at least claim to when pressed by Christians, and they’ve also picked up some of the outward rituals of Catholicism, which they use like charms.
Respect for women and aged.Hunting and hard labor constitute the employment of man in general, as well as in the Philippines. The practice of employing women as beasts of burden—which, although it exists among many of the peoples of Europe, for example, the Basques, Wallachians, and [201]Portuguese, is almost peculiar to barbarous nations,—seems to have been lost in the Philippines as far back as the time of its discovery by the Spaniards; and even among the wild people of the Isaróg, the women engage only in light labor, and are well treated. Every family supports its aged and those unfit for labor. Medicine.Headaches and fevers were stated to me as the prevalent maladies; for which burnt rice, pounded and mixed to a pap with water, is taken as a remedy; and in case of severe headache they make an incision in the forehead of the sufferer. Their prevalence is explained by the habit of neutralizing the ill effects of drinking water in excess, when they are heated, by the consumption of warm water in large doses; and the rule holds with regard to coco-water; the remedy for immoderate use of which is warm coco-water. Their muscular power is small, and they are not able to carry more than fifty pounds weight to any considerable distance.
Respect for women and seniors. Hunting and hard work generally represent the main activities for men, including in the Philippines. The practice of using women as pack animals—which, while present among various European groups like the Basques, Wallachians, and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Portuguese, is mostly found in less civilized societies—seems to have disappeared in the Philippines since the time of the Spanish discovery; even among the indigenous people of the Isaróg, women only perform light tasks and are treated well. Every family looks after its elderly members and those unable to work. Healthcare. Headaches and fevers were reported to me as common illnesses; burnt rice, pounded and mixed into a paste with water, is used as a remedy. In cases of severe headaches, they make an incision in the person's forehead. The common occurrence of these ailments is attributed to their habit of counteracting the negative effects of excessive water drinking when overheated by consuming large amounts of warm water; the same applies to coconut water, for which warm coconut water is the remedy after overindulgence. Their physical strength is limited, and they can't carry more than fifty pounds over any significant distance.
Manufactures.Besides the chase and agriculture, their occupations are restricted to the manufacture of extremely rude weapons, for which they purchase the iron, when required, from the Filipinos, and of the coarse webs made by the women, and of wicker work. Every father of a family is master in his own house, and acknowledges no power higher than himself. In the event of war with neighboring tribes, the bravest places himself at the head, and the rest follow him as long as they are able; there is no deliberate choosing of a leader.
Manufacturers. Besides hunting and farming, their jobs are mainly to make very basic weapons, for which they buy iron from the Filipinos when needed, and to create rough textiles made by the women, as well as wickerwork. Each father is in charge of his own household and recognizes no authority above his own. If there's a conflict with neighboring tribes, the bravest among them steps up to lead, and the others follow him as long as they can; there’s no formal process for selecting a leader.
Death customs.On the whole, they are peaceful and honorable towards each other, although the idle occasionally steal the fruits of the fields; and, should the thief be caught, the person robbed punishes him with blows of the rattan, without being under any apprehensions of vengeance in consequence. If a man dies, his nearest kinsmen go out to requite his death by the death of some other individual, [202]taken at random. The rule is strictly enforced. For a dead man a man must be killed; for a woman a woman; and for a child a child. Unless, indeed, it be a friend they encounter, the first victim that offers is killed. Latterly, however, owing to the unusual success attained by some of them in representing the occurrence of death as an unavoidable destiny, the custom is said to have fallen into desuetude; and the relatives do not exact the satisfaction. This was easy in the case of the deceased being an ordinary person; but, to the present day, vengeance is required in the event of the death of a beloved child or wife. If a man kills a woman of another house, her nearest kinsman endeavors to kill a woman of the house of the murderer; but to the murderer himself he does nothing; and the corpse of the victim thus slain as a death-offering is not buried, nor is its head cut off; and her family, in their turn, seek to avenge the death by murder. This is reckoned the most honorable course. Should the murderer, however, be too strong to be so overcome, any weaker person, be it who it may, is slain in retaliation; and hence, probably, the comparatively small number of women.
End-of-life traditions. Generally, people are peaceful and respectful towards one another, although some lazy individuals occasionally steal from the fields. If a thief is caught, the person who was robbed punishes them with blows from a rattan stick, without fear of revenge. When a man dies, his closest relatives seek to avenge his death by killing someone else, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]chosen at random. This rule is enforced strictly. If a man dies, a man must be killed in return; if a woman dies, a woman must be killed; and if a child dies, a child must be killed. Unless it happens to be a friend, the first victim they find must be killed. More recently, though, due to some having successfully framed death as an unavoidable fate, this custom is reportedly fading, and the relatives no longer demand satisfaction. This is manageable if the deceased was an ordinary person; however, vengeance is still sought if a beloved child or wife passes away. If a man kills a woman from another household, her closest male relative will try to kill a woman from the murderer’s household, but he does nothing to the murderer himself; the corpse of the victim is neither buried nor beheaded, and her family then seeks revenge through murder. This is considered the most honorable response. If the murderer is too strong to be overcome, any weaker person, regardless of who it is, is killed in retaliation; this likely explains the relatively small number of women involved.
Marriage.Polygamy is permitted; but even the most courageous and skilful seldom or never have more than one wife. A young man wishing to marry commissions his father to treat with the father of the bride as to the price; which latterly has greatly increased; but the average is ten bolos, costing from four to six reals each, and about $12 in cash; and the acquisition of so large a sum by the sale of wax, resin, and abacá, often takes the bridegroom two years. The bride-money goes partly to the father, and partly to the nearest relations; every one of whom has an equal interest. If there should [203]be many of them, almost nothing remains for the father, who has to give a great feast, on which occasion much palm-wine is drunk.
Marriage. Polygamy is allowed, but even the bravest and most skilled usually have only one wife. A young man who wants to marry asks his father to negotiate with the bride's father about the price, which has significantly risen lately; the average is ten bolos, costing between four to six reals each, and about $12 in cash. It can take the groom up to two years to gather such a large amount by selling wax, resin, and abacá. The bride-price is shared between the father and the closest relatives, all of whom have an equal stake. If there are many relatives, very little is left for the father, who then has to throw a big feast, during which a lot of palm-wine is consumed.
Sexual crimes.Any man using violence towards a girl is killed by her parents. If the girl was willing, and the father hears of it, he agrees upon a day with the former, on which he is to bring the bride’s dowry; which should he refuse to do, he is caught by the relations, bound to a tree, and whipped with a cane. Adultery is of most rare occurrence; but, when it does take place, the dowry is returned either by the woman, who then acquires her freedom, or by the seducer, whom she then follows. The husband has not the right to detain her, if he takes the money, or even if he should refuse it; but the latter contingency is not likely to arise, since that sum of money will enable him to buy for himself a new wife.
Sexual offenses.Any man who uses violence against a girl is killed by her parents. If the girl agreed to it and her father finds out, he arranges a day with the man to bring the bride's dowry; if he refuses, the family catches him, ties him to a tree, and beats him with a stick. Adultery is very rare; however, if it does happen, the dowry is returned either by the woman, who then gains her freedom, or by the man who seduced her, and she then chooses to follow him. The husband cannot keep her if he takes the money, or even if he refuses it; but the latter is unlikely because that money will help him buy a new wife.
Basira ravine.In the afternoon we reached a vast ravine, called “Basira,” 973 meters above Uacloy, and about 1,134 meters above the sea, extending from south-east to north-west between lofty, precipitous ranges, covered with wood. Its base, which has an inclination of 33°, consists of a naked bed of rock, and, after every violent rainfall, gives issue to a torrent of water, which discharges itself violently. Here we bivouacked; and the Igorots, in a very short time, built a hut, and remained on the watch outside. At daybreak the thermometer stood at 13.9° R.9
Basira Canyon.In the afternoon we arrived at a huge ravine known as “Basira,” sitting 973 meters above Uacloy and about 1,134 meters above sea level. It stretches from southeast to northwest between tall, steep mountain ranges that are covered in forests. The base, which slopes at a 33° angle, consists of bare rock and, after heavy rainstorms, releases a rushing torrent of water. We set up camp here, and the Igorots quickly built a hut and kept watch outside. By dawn, the thermometer read 13.9° R.9
At the summit.The road to the summit was very difficult on account of the slippery clay earth and the tough network of plants; but the last five hundred feet were unexpectedly easy, the very steep summit being covered with a very thick growth of thinly leaved, knotted, mossy thibaudia, rhododendra, and other dwarf woods, whose innumerable [204]tough branches, running at a very small height along the ground and parallel to it, form a compact and secure lattice-work, by which one mounted upwards as on a slightly inclined ladder. The point which we reached * * * was evidently the highest spur of the horseshoe-shaped mountain side, which bounds the great ravine of Rungus on the north. The top was hardly fifty paces in diameter, and so thickly covered with trees that I have never seen its like; we had not room to stand. My active hosts, however, went at once to work, though the task of cutting a path through the wood involved severe labor, and, chopping off the branches, built therewith, on the tops of the lopped trees, an observatory, from which I should have had a wide panoramic view, and an opportunity for taking celestial altitudes, had not everything been enveloped in a thick mist. The neighboring volcanoes were visible only in glimpses, as well as San Miguel Bay and some lakes in the interior. Immediately after sunset the thermometer registered 12.5° R.10
At the peak.The path to the summit was really challenging because of the slippery clay and the dense network of plants; however, the last five hundred feet were surprisingly easy. The steep peak was covered with a thick growth of thin-leaved, knotted, mossy thibaudia, rhododendra, and other low shrubs, whose countless [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]strong branches, lying close to the ground and parallel to it, formed a compact and secure lattice-work, allowing us to climb up as if on a slightly inclined ladder. The point we reached * * * was clearly the highest part of the horseshoe-shaped mountainside that borders the great ravine of Rungus to the north. The top was barely fifty paces in diameter and so densely covered with trees that I’ve never seen anything like it; we didn’t even have room to stand. My energetic hosts, however, immediately got to work, even though cutting a path through the woods was tough labor. They chopped off branches and built an observation platform on top of the cut trees, from which I would have had a wide panoramic view and a chance to take celestial measurements, if only everything hadn’t been shrouded in thick mist. The nearby volcanoes were only partially visible, as were San Miguel Bay and some inland lakes. Right after sunset, the thermometer read 12.5° R.10
The descent.On the following morning it was still overcast; and when, about ten o’clock, the clouds became thicker, we set out on our return. It was my intention to have passed the night in a rancho, in order next day to visit a solfatara which was said to be a day’s journey further; but my companions were so exhausted by fatigue that they asked for at least a few hours’ rest.
The fall. The next morning it was still cloudy, and when the clouds got thicker around ten o’clock, we started our journey back. I had planned to spend the night in a rancho so I could visit a solfatara that was supposedly a day's journey away the next day, but my companions were so worn out that they requested at least a few hours of rest.
Ferns and orchids.On the upper slope I observed no palms with the exception of calamus; but polypodies (ferns) were very frequent, and orchids surprisingly abundant. In one place all the trees were hung, at a convenient height, with flowering aërids; of which one could have collected [205]thousands without any trouble. The most beautiful plant was a Medinella, of so delicate a texture that it was impossible to preserve it.
Ferns and orchids. On the upper slope, I didn’t see any palms except for calamus; however, polypodies (ferns) were very common, and orchids were surprisingly plentiful. In one spot, all the trees were adorned, at a convenient height, with flowering aërids; you could have easily collected [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] thousands of them without any hassle. The most stunning plant was a Medinella, which had such a delicate texture that it was impossible to preserve.
Carbonic acid spring.Within a quarter of an hour north-east of Uacloy, a considerable spring of carbonic acid bursts from the ground, depositing abundance of calcareous sinter. Our torches were quickly extinguished, and a fowl covered with a cigar-box died in a few minutes, to the supreme astonishment of the Igorots, to whom these phenomena were entirely new.
Carbonated water spring.Just a fifteen-minute walk northeast of Uacloy, a large spring of carbonic acid erupts from the ground, leaving behind a lot of calcareous sinter. Our torches were quickly put out, and a bird wrapped in a cigar box died within minutes, shocking the Igorots, who had never seen anything like this before.
Farewell to mountaineers.On the second day of rest, my poor hosts, who had accompanied me back to Uacloy, still felt so weary that they were not fit for any undertaking. With naked heads and bellies they squatted in the burning sun in order to replenish their bodies with the heat which they had lost during the bivouac on the summit; for they are not allowed to drink wine. When I finally left them on the following day, we had become such good friends that I was compelled to accept a tamed wild pig as a present. A troop of men and women accompanied me until they saw the glittering roofs of Maguiring, when, after the exchange of hearty farewells, they returned to their forests. The natives whom I had taken with me from Goa had proved so lazy and morose that nearly the whole task of making the path through the forest had fallen upon the Igorots. From sheer laziness they threw away the drinking water of which they were the porters; and the Igorots were obliged to fetch water from a considerable distance for our bivouac on the summit. In all my troublesome marches, I have always done better with Cimarrons than with the civilized natives. The former I have found obliging, trustworthy, active and acquainted with localities, while the latter generally displayed the opposite qualities. It would, however, be unjust to form a conclusive opinion as to their comparative [206]merits from these facts; for the wild people are at home when in the forest; what they do is done voluntarily, and the stranger, when he possesses their confidence, is treated as a guest. Forced labor.But the Filipinos are reluctant companions, Polistas, who, even when they receive a high rate of wages, consider that they are acting most honorably when they do as little as possible. At any rate, it is no pleasure to them to leave their village in order to become luggage-porters or beaters of roads on fatiguing marches in impracticable districts, and to camp out in the open air under every deprivation. For them, still more than for the European peasant, repose is the most agreeable refreshment. The less comfort any one enjoys at home, the greater is the reluctance with which he leaves it; and the same thing may be observed in Europe.
Goodbye to climbers. On the second day of rest, my poor hosts, who had accompanied me back to Uacloy, were still so exhausted that they weren't ready for any activities. With bare heads and stomachs, they lounged in the scorching sun to help regain the heat they had lost during our time on the summit; they weren't allowed to drink wine. When I finally left them the next day, we had become such good friends that I felt compelled to accept a domesticated wild pig as a gift. A group of men and women walked with me until they could see the shiny roofs of Maguiring, and after exchanging warm farewells, they returned to their forests. The locals I had taken with me from Goa were so lazy and gloomy that nearly all the work of clearing a path through the forest fell to the Igorots. Out of sheer laziness, they discarded the drinking water they were supposed to carry; as a result, the Igorots had to fetch water from a long distance for our camp at the summit. Throughout my challenging journeys, I've always had better experiences with Cimarrons than with the civilized locals. I've found the former to be helpful, reliable, active, and knowledgeable about the area, while the latter usually showed the opposite traits. However, it would be unfair to draw a definitive conclusion about their relative [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] merits based on these experiences; after all, the wild people feel at home in the forest; their actions are voluntary, and when they trust a stranger, they treat them as a guest. Forced labor. But the Filipinos are reluctant companions, Polistas, who, even when paid well, believe they are acting honorably by doing the least amount of work possible. In any case, they don't enjoy leaving their village to become porters or road builders on tiring treks through difficult terrain, or to camp outside under harsh conditions. For them, even more than for European peasants, rest is the most enjoyable form of refreshment. The less comfort someone has at home, the more unwilling they are to leave it; this is something that can also be seen in Europe.
A petition for liquors.As the Igorots were not permitted to have cocoa-palms for the preparation of wine, vinegar and brandy, so that they might not infringe the monopoly of the government, they presented me with a petition entreating me to obtain this favor for them. The document was put together by a Filipino writer in so ludicrously confused a manner that I give it as a specimen of Philippine clerkship.11 At all events, it had the best of results, for the petitioners were accorded twice as much as they had prayed for.
A liquor license petition. Since the Igorots weren't allowed to have cocoa palms to make wine, vinegar, and brandy—so they wouldn't violate the government's monopoly—they gave me a petition asking me to help them get this privilege. The document was put together by a Filipino writer in such a hilariously confused way that I’m sharing it as an example of Philippine clerical work.11 In any case, it had a great outcome, as the petitioners received twice as much as they asked for.
[207]Winds and planting season.The south-west monsoon lasts in this region (district of Goa) from April to October. April is very calm (navegación de señoras). From June to August the south-west winds blow steadily; March, April, and May are the driest months; there are shifting winds in March and the beginning of April; while from October to December is the time of storms; “S. Francisco (4th October) brings bad weather.” Rice is planted in September and reaped in February.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Winds and farming season.The southwest monsoon in this area (district of Goa) runs from April to October. April is usually very calm (navegación de señoras). From June to August, the southwest winds blow steadily; March, April, and May are the driest months; there are variable winds in March and early April; while from October to December, it's stormy season; “S. Francisco (October 4) brings bad weather.” Rice is planted in September and harvested in February.
m. | |
Goa, on the northern slope of the Isaróg | 32 |
Uacloy, a settlement of Igorots | 161 |
Ravine of Baira | 1,134 |
Summit of the Isarog | 1,966 |
2 The skull of a slain Igorot, as shown by Professor Virchow’s investigation, has a certain similarity to Malay skulls of the adjoining Islands of Sunda, especially to the skulls of the Dyaks.
2 The skull of a killed Igorot, as revealed by Professor Virchow’s study, has some similarities to Malay skulls from the nearby Sunda Islands, particularly those of the Dyaks.
3 Pigafetta found Amboyna inhabited by Moors (Mohammedans) and heathens; “but the first possessed the seashore, the latter the interior.” In the harbor of Brune (Borneo) he saw two towns; one inhabited by Moors, and the other, larger than that, and standing entirely in the salt-water, by heathen. The editor remarks that Sonnerat (“Voyage aux Irides”) subsequently found that the heathen had been driven from the sea, and had retired into the mountains.
3 Pigafetta found Amboyna inhabited by Moors (Muslims) and non-believers; “but the Moors occupied the coastline, while the non-believers lived inland.” In the harbor of Brune (Borneo), he observed two towns; one populated by Moors, and the other, which was larger and completely surrounded by saltwater, inhabited by non-believers. The editor notes that Sonnerat (“Voyage aux Irides”) later discovered that the non-believers had been pushed away from the sea and had retreated into the mountains.
4 On Coello’s map these proportions are wrongly stated.
4 On Coello’s map, these proportions are incorrectly shown.
6 An intelligent mestizo frequently visited me during my sickness. According to his statements, besides the copper already mentioned, coal is found in three places, and even gold and iron were to be had. To the same man I am indebted for Professor Virchow’s skull of Caramuan, referred to before, which was said to have come from a cavern in Umang, one league from Caramuan. Similar skulls are also said to be found at the Visita Paniniman, and on a small island close to the Visita Guialo.
6 A smart mestizo often came to see me while I was sick. He told me that besides the copper I mentioned earlier, coal can be found in three locations, and there are even sources of gold and iron. I also owe it to him for Professor Virchow’s skull from Caramuan, which I mentioned before and is said to have come from a cave in Umang, one league from Caramuan. It's also said that similar skulls can be found at Visita Paniniman and on a small island near Visita Guialo.
8 The fruit of the wild pili is unfit for food.
8 The fruit of the wild pili isn't suitable for eating.
Nosotros dos Capnes actuales de Rancherias de Lalud y Uacloy comprension del pueblo de Goa prov. a de Camarines Sur. Ante los pies de vmd postramos y decimos. Que por tan deplorable estado en que nos hallabamos de la infedelidad recienpoblados esta visitas de Rancherias ya nos Contentamos bastantemente en su felis llegada y suvida de este eminente monte de Isarog loque havia con quiztado industriamente de V. bajo mis consuelos, y alibios para poder con seguir a doce ponos (i.e. arboles) de cocales de mananguiteria para Nuestro uso y alogacion a los demas Igorotes, o montesinos q. no quieren vendirnos; eta utilidad publica y reconocer a Dios y a la soberana Reyna y Sofa Doña Isabel 2a (que Dios Gue) Y por intento.
Nosotros, los dos capitanes actuales de las rancherías de Lalud y Uacloy, entendemos que el pueblo de Goa, en la provincia de Camarines Sur, se encuentra en un estado deplorable por la infidelidad recién poblada. Nos postramos ante usted y decimos que estamos bastante contentos con la feliz llegada y la vida de este eminente monte de Isarog, que hemos conquistado industriosamente con su apoyo, y que hemos tenido consuelos y alivios para poder obtener doce ponos (es decir, árboles) de cocales de mananguitería para nuestro uso y el alojamiento de los demás Igorotes o montesinos que no quieren vendernos. Esto es de utilidad pública y nos permite reconocer a Dios y a la soberana reina y señora Doña Isabel II (que Dios la guarde). Y por intento.
A. V. pedimos, y suplicamos con humildad secirva proveer y mandar, si es gracia segun lo q. imploramos, etc. Domingo Tales†. Jose Laurenciano†.
A. We ask, and humbly plead that you provide and send, if it is your grace according to what we implore, etc. Domingo Tales†. Jose Laurenciano†.
XVIII
Mt. Iriga.From the Isarog I returned through Naga and Nabua to Iriga, the ascent of which I at length accomplished.
Mount Iriga.From the Isarog, I returned through Naga and Nabua to Iriga, which I finally managed to climb.
The ascent.The chief of the Montesinos had received daily rations for twenty-two men, with whom he professed to make a road to the summit; but when, on the evening of the third day, he came himself to Iriga, in order to fetch more provisions, on the pretext that the work still required some time for execution, I explained that I should endeavor to ascend the mountain on the following morning, and requested him to act as guide. He consented, but disappeared, together with his companions, during the night; the Filipinos in the tribunal having been good enough to hold out the prospect of severe punishment in case the work performed should not correspond to the working days. After fruitless search for another guide, we left Buhi in the afternoon, and passed the night in the rancho, where we had previously been so hospitably received. The fires were still burning, but the inhabitants, on our approach, had fled. About six o’clock on the following morning the ascent began. After we had gone through the forest, by availing ourselves of the path which we had previously [208]beaten, it led us through grass three or four feet in height, with keen-edged leaves; succeeded by cane, from seven to eight feet high, of the same habitat with our Arundo phragmites (but it was not in flower), which occupied the whole of the upper part of the mountain as far as the edge. Only in the ravine did the trees attain any height. The lower declivities were covered with aroids and ferns; towards the summit were tendrils and mosses; and here I found a beautiful, new, and peculiarly shaped orchid.1 The Cimarrons had cut down some cane; and, beating down our road for ourselves with bolos, we arrived at the summit a little before ten o’clock. It was very foggy. In the hope of a clear evening or morning I caused a hut to be erected, for which purpose the cane was well fitted. The natives were too lazy to erect a lodging for themselves, or to procure wood for a watchfire. They squatted on the ground, squeezed close to one another to warm themselves, ate cold rice, and suffered thirst because none of them would fetch water. Of the two water-carriers whom I had taken with me, one had “inadvertently” upset his water on the road, and the other had thrown it away “because he thought we should not require it.”
The climb.The leader of the Montesinos had received daily supplies for twenty-two men, with whom he claimed to be building a road to the summit; but when, on the evening of the third day, he came to Iriga himself to get more supplies, using the excuse that the work still needed more time, I mentioned that I planned to try to climb the mountain the next morning and asked him to be my guide. He agreed, but disappeared with his companions during the night; the Filipinos in the tribunal had generously hinted at serious punishment if the work done didn't match the working days. After a fruitless search for another guide, we left Buhi in the afternoon and spent the night in the rancho where we had previously been warmly welcomed. The fires were still burning, but the locals had fled at our approach. Around six o'clock the next morning, we started our ascent. After navigating through the forest using the path we had previously [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]cleared, we entered an area of grass three or four feet high with sharp leaves, followed by cane, which grew seven to eight feet tall, similar to our Arundo phragmites (but not in bloom), which filled the entire upper part of the mountain all the way to the edge. Only in the ravine did the trees grow tall. The lower slopes were covered with aroids and ferns; towards the top, there were tendrils and mosses; and here I discovered a beautiful, new, and uniquely shaped orchid.1 The Cimarrons had cut down some cane, and by clearing our own path with bolos, we reached the summit just before ten o'clock. It was very foggy. Hoping for a clear evening or morning, I ordered a hut to be built, as the cane was well-suited for it. The natives were too lazy to build a shelter for themselves or gather wood for a campfire. They huddled on the ground, pressed together to stay warm, ate cold rice, and suffered from thirst because none of them would fetch water. Of the two water carriers I had brought with me, one had “accidentally” spilled his water on the way, and the other had discarded it “because he thought we wouldn’t need it.”
Altitude.I found the highest points of the Iriga to be 1,212 meters, 1,120 meters above the surface of the Buhi Lake. From Buhi I went to Batu.
Elevation.I found the highest points of the Iriga to be 1,212 meters, 1,120 meters above the surface of Buhi Lake. From Buhi, I headed to Batu.
Changes in Batu Lake.The Batu Lake (one hundred eleven meters above the sea) had sunk lower since my last visit in February. The carpet of algae had increased considerably in breadth, its upper edge being in many places decomposed; and the lower passed gradually into a thick consistency of putrid water-plants (charae, algae, pontederiae, valisneriae, pistiae, etc.), which encompassed the surface of the water so that only through a few gaps could one reach the bank. [209]Right across the mouth of the Quinali lies, in the lake, a bar of black mud, the softest parts of which were indicated by some insignificant channels of water. As we could not get over the bar in a large boat, two small skiffs were bound together with a matting of bamboo, and provided with an awning. By means of this contrivance, which was drawn by three strong carabaos (the whole body of men with evident delight and loud mirth wading knee-deep in the black mud and assisting by pushing behind) we succeeded, as if on a sledge, in getting over the obstacle into the river; which on my first visit overflowed the fields in many places, till the huts of the natives rose out of the water like so many ships: but now (in June) not one of its channels was full. We were obliged in consequence to continue our sledge journey until we were near to Quinali.
Updates in Batu Lake.The Batu Lake (one hundred eleven meters above sea level) had receded further since my last visit in February. The expanse of algae had noticeably increased, with its upper edge in many places decaying; the lower part gradually transformed into a thick layer of rotting aquatic plants (charae, algae, pontederiae, valisneriae, pistiae, etc.), covering the water's surface so that only a few gaps allowed access to the shore. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Right at the mouth of the Quinali, there is a bar of black mud in the lake, the softer areas marked by some minor channels of water. Since we couldn't cross the bar in a large boat, two small skiffs were tied together with bamboo matting and had an awning. With this setup, which was pulled by three strong carabaos (while the entire group of men joyfully splashed knee-deep in the black mud, helping by pushing from behind), we managed to glide over the obstruction into the river; which during my first visit had flooded the fields in many spots, making the native huts appear like ships floating in the water: but now (in June) not one of its channels was full. As a result, we had to continue our sledge journey until we neared Quinali.
Ascent of Mt. Mazaraga.At Ligao I alighted at a friendly Spaniard’s, a great part of the place, together with the tribunal and convent, having been burnt down since my last visit. After making the necessary preparations, I went in the evening to Barayong, a little rancho of Cimarrons at the foot of the Mazaraga, and, together with its inhabitants, ascended the mountain on the following morning. The women also accompanied us for some distance, and kept the company in good humor; and when, on the road, a Filipino who had been engaged for the purpose wished to give up carrying a bamboo full of water, and, throwing it away, ran off, an old woman stepped forward in his stead, and dragged the water cheerfully along up to the summit. This mountain was moister than any I had ever ascended, the Semeru in Java, in some respects, excepted; and half-way up I found some rotten rafflesia.2 Two miserable-looking Cimarron dogs drove a young stag towards us, which was slain by one of the people [210]with a blow of his bolo. The path ceased a third of the way up, but it was not difficult to get through the wood. The upper portion of the mountain, however, being thickly overgrown with cane, again presented great obstacles. About twelve we reached the summit-level, which, pierced by no crater, is almost horizontal, smoothly arched, and thickly covered with cane. Altitude.Its height is 1,354 meters. In a short time the indefatigable Cimarrons had built a fine large hut of cane: one room for myself and the baggage, a large assembly-room for the people, and a special apartment for cooking. Unfortunately the cane was so wet that it would not burn. In order to procure firewood to cook the rice, thick branches were got out of the wood, and their comparatively dry pith extracted with great labor. The lucifer-matches, too, were so damp that the phosphorus was rubbed away in friction; but, being collected on blotting-paper, and kneaded together with the sulphurous end of the match-wood, it became dry and was kindled by friction. Not a trace of solid rock was to be seen. All was obstructed by a thick overgrowth from where the path ceased, and the ground covered with a dense bed of damp wood-earth. The following morning was fine, and showed a wide panorama; but, before I had completed my drawing, it again became misty; and as, after several hours of waiting, the heavens were overspread with thick rain-clouds, we set out on our return.
Climbing Mt. Mazaraga. At Ligao, I got off at a friendly Spaniard's place, though a large part of the area, along with the tribunal and convent, had burned down since my last visit. After getting everything ready, I headed to Barayong, a small settlement of Cimarrons at the foot of Mazaraga, and, along with the locals, climbed the mountain the next morning. The women joined us for a while and kept everyone in good spirits; when a Filipino who was hired to help gave up carrying a bamboo full of water, threw it away, and ran off, an older woman stepped in and cheerfully hauled the water up to the top. This mountain was wetter than any I had climbed before, except for Semeru in Java in some ways; halfway up, I came across some rotten rafflesia.2 Two scruffy Cimarron dogs chased a young stag towards us, which one of the group killed with a strike from his bolo. The path ended a third of the way up, but it was easy to navigate through the woods. However, the upper section of the mountain was heavily overgrown with cane, creating significant challenges. Around noon, we reached the summit, which is flat, smooth, and densely covered with cane, with no visible crater. Elevation. Its height is 1,354 meters. In no time, the hard-working Cimarrons built a nice large hut out of cane: one room for me and the bags, a big common area for everyone, and a separate cooking space. Unfortunately, the cane was so wet that it wouldn't catch fire. To get firewood to cook the rice, we had to pull thick branches from the woods and laboriously extract their relatively dry pith. The matches were damp too, so the phosphorus wore off with friction; but by gathering it on blotting paper and mixing it with the sulfur end of the matchsticks, it dried out and could be ignited by rubbing. There was no solid rock to be seen; everything was blocked by thick undergrowth from where the path ended, with the ground covered in a dense layer of damp forest floor. The next morning was clear and revealed a wide view, but before I could finish my drawing, it turned misty again; and after waiting for several hours, with thick rain clouds filling the sky, we headed back down.
Butterflies.Numerous butterflies swarmed around the summit. We could, however, catch only a few, as the passage over the cane-stubble was too difficult for naked feet; and, the badly-stitched soles of two pairs of new shoes which I had brought from Manila having dropped off some time before I reached the summit, I was compelled to perform the journey to Ligao barefoot.
Butterflies.Many butterflies surrounded the peak. However, we could only catch a few since walking over the cane-stubble was too tough for bare feet; and, since the poorly-stitched soles of two pairs of new shoes I had brought from Manila came off before I reached the top, I had to make the journey to Ligao barefoot.
[211]Native contempt for private Spaniards.On the following day my Spanish host went twice to the tribunal to procure the carabao carts which were necessary for the furtherance of my collections. His courteous request was unsuccessful; but the command of the parish priest, who personally informed the Gobernadorcillo in his house, was immediately obeyed. The Filipino authorities have, as a rule, but little respect for private Spanish people, and treat them not seldom with open contempt. An official recommendation from the alcalde is usually effectual, but not in all the provinces; for many alcaldes do hurt to their own authority by engaging the assistance or connivance of the native magistrates in the furtherance of their personal interests.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Native disdain for private Spaniards. The next day, my Spanish host went to the tribunal twice to get the carabao carts needed for my collections. His polite request didn’t work, but the instruction from the parish priest, who personally told the Gobernadorcillo at his home, was quickly followed. Generally, the Filipino authorities have little respect for private Spanish individuals and often treat them with open disdain. An official recommendation from the alcalde usually works, but not in every province; many alcaldes undermine their own authority by getting the help or approval of local magistrates for their own interests.
Giant bats.I here shot some panikes, great bats with wings nearly five feet wide when extended, which in the day time hang asleep from the branches of trees, and, among them, two mothers with their young sucking ones uninjured. It was affecting to see how the little animals clung more and more firmly to the bodies of their dying parents, and how tenderly they embraced them even after these were dead. The apparent feeling, however, was only self-interest at bottom, for, when their store of milk was exhausted, the old ones were treated without respect, like empty bottles. As soon as the young ones were separated, they fed on bananas, and lived several days, until I at length placed them in spirits.
Large bats.I shot some panikes, huge bats with wings nearly five feet wide when spread out, which hang asleep from tree branches during the day. Among them were two mothers with their uninjured sucking young. It was touching to see how the little ones clung tightly to their dying parents, and how tenderly they embraced them even after they were dead. However, the apparent emotion was really just self-interest, because once their milk supply ran out, the adults were treated with disregard, like empty bottles. As soon as the young were separated, they ate bananas and lived for several days until I eventually preserved them in spirits.
A muddy dry season.Early in the morning I rode on the priest’s horse to Legaspi, and in the evening through deep mud to the alcalde at Albay. We were now (June) in the middle of the so-called dry season, but it rained almost every day; and the road between Albay and Legaspi was worse than ever. During my visit information arrived from the commandant of the faluas on the south coast that, as he was pursuing two pirate vessels, Power of Moro pirates.six others suddenly made their appearance, in order to cut off his return; [212]for which reason he bad quickly made his way back. The faluas are very strongly manned, and provided with cannon, but the crews furnished by the localities on the coast are entirely unpractised in the use of fire-arms, and moreover hold the Moros in such dread that, if the smallest chance offers of flight, they avail themselves of it to ensure their safety by making for the land. The places on the coast, destitute of other arms than wooden pikes, were completely exposed to the pirates, who had firmly established themselves in Catanduanes, Biri, and several small islands, and seized ships with impunity, or robbed men on the land. Almost daily fresh robberies and murders were announced from the villages on the shore. During a plundering expedition the men caught are employed at the oars and at its close sold as slaves; and, on the division of the spoil, one of the crew falls to the share of the dato (Moro chief) who fitted out the vessel.3 The coasting vessels in these waters, it is true, are mostly provided with artillery, but it is generally placed in the hold of the ship, as no one on board knows how to use it. If the cannon be upon deck, either the powder or the shot is wanting; and the captain promises to be better prepared next time.4 The alcalde reported the outrages of the pirates by every post to Manila, as well as the great injury done to trade, and spoke of the duty of the No protection from Government.Government to protect its subjects, especially as the latter were not permitted to use fire-arms;5 and from the [213]Bisayan Islands came the same cry for help. The Government, however, was powerless against the evil. If the complaints were indeed very urgent, they would send a steamer into the waters most infested; but it hardly ever came in sight of pirates, although the latter were carrying on their depredations close in front and behind.
A dry season with mud. Early in the morning, I rode the priest’s horse to Legaspi, and in the evening struggled through deep mud to meet the alcalde in Albay. It was now June, the middle of the so-called dry season, but it rained almost every day, and the road between Albay and Legaspi was worse than ever. During my visit, I received word from the commandant of the faluas on the south coast that while he was chasing two pirate ships, Moro pirate power. six more suddenly appeared to block his way back; [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] so he had to quickly retreat. The faluas are heavily crewed and equipped with cannons, but the local men on the coast were completely inexperienced with firearms and were so terrified of the Moros that they would flee at the first chance in order to escape to safety on land. The coastal areas, armed only with wooden pikes, were completely vulnerable to the pirates, who had firmly established themselves in Catanduanes, Biri, and several small islands, seizing ships with ease or robbing people on land. Almost daily, reports of new robberies and murders came from the villages along the shore. During a raid, captured men would be forced to row and then sold into slavery at the end; and when it came time to divide the loot, one of the crew would go to the dato (Moro chief) who outfitted the vessel. 3 The coasting ships in these waters are mostly equipped with artillery, but usually it’s stored in the hold since no one on board knows how to use it. If the cannons are on deck, either the powder or the shot is missing, and the captain promises to be better prepared next time. 4 The alcalde reported the pirates' outrages by every post to Manila, highlighting the significant harm to trade and emphasizing the government’s responsibility to protect its citizens, especially since they were not allowed to use firearms; 5 and similar cries for help came from the Bisayan Islands. However, the government was powerless to stop the problem. If the complaints were urgent enough, they would send a steamer to the most affected waters, but it rarely encountered any pirates, even though the latter were conducting their raids just in front and behind.
Government steamer easily eluded.At Samars, the principal town, I subsequently met with a Government steamer, which for fourteen days past had been nominally engaged in cruising against the pirates; but the latter, generally forewarned by their spies, perceive the smoke of the steamers sufficiently soon to slip away in their flat boats; and the officers knew beforehand that their cruise would have no other result than to show the distressed provinces that their outcry was not altogether unnoticed.6
Government boat easily escaped.At Samars, the main town, I later encountered a Government steamer that had been supposedly patrolling against the pirates for fourteen days. However, the pirates, usually tipped off by their informants, spotted the steamers' smoke early enough to escape in their flat boats. The officers were already aware that their mission would only serve to demonstrate to the troubled provinces that their cries for help were not completely ignored.6
Steam gunboats more successful.Twenty small steam gunboats of light draught had shortly before been ordered from England, and were nearly ready. The first two indeed arrived soon after in Manila (they had to be transported in pieces round the Cape), and were to be followed by the rest; and they were at one time almost successful in delivering the archipelago from these burdensome pests;7 at least, from the proscribed Moros who came every year from the Sulu Sea, mostly from the island of Tawitawi, arriving in May at the Bisayas, and continuing their depredations in the archipelago until the change of the monsoon [214]in October or November compelled them to return.8 Renegades join pirates and bandits.In the Philippines they gained new recruits among vagabonds, deserters, runaway criminals, and ruined spendthrifts; and from the same sources were made up the bands of highway robbers (tulisanes), which sometimes started up, and perpetuated acts of extraordinary daring. Not long before my arrival they had made an inroad into a suburb of Manila, and engaged with the military in the highways. Some of the latter are regularly employed in the service against the tulisanes. The robbers are not, as a rule, cruel to their victims when no opposition is offered.9
Steam gunboats were more effective. Twenty small steam gunboats with shallow drafts had recently been ordered from England and were almost ready. The first two arrived shortly in Manila (they had to be transported in parts around the Cape), and more were on the way; at one point, they nearly succeeded in freeing the archipelago from these troublesome pests;7 at least, from the outlawed Moros who came every year from the Sulu Sea, mostly from the island of Tawitawi, arriving in May in the Visayas and continuing their raids across the archipelago until the change of the monsoon [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] in October or November forced them to go back.8 Renegades joined pirates and thieves. In the Philippines, they attracted new recruits from vagrants, deserters, runaway criminals, and broke spendthrifts; and the same sources formed bands of highway robbers (tulisanes), which occasionally emerged and committed acts of remarkable boldness. Not long before I arrived, they had launched an attack on a suburb of Manila and clashed with the military on the roads. Some of these soldiers are regularly assigned to track down the tulisanes. Generally, the robbers are not cruel to their victims when there's no resistance. 9
Plants from Berlin.In Legaspi I found awaiting me several chests with tin lining, which had been sixteen months on their passage by overland route, instead of seven weeks, having been conveyed from Berlin by way of Trieste, on account of the Italian war. Their contents, which had been intended for use in the Philippines exclusively, were now for the most part useless. In one chest there were two small flasks with glass stoppers, one filled with moist charcoal, and the other with moist clay, both [215]containing seeds of the Victoria Regia and tubers of red and blue nymphae (water-lily). Those in the first flask were spoiled, as might have been expected; but in that filled with moist clay two tubers had thrown out shoots of half an inch in length, and appeared quite sound. I planted them at once, and in a few days vigorous leaves were developed. One of these beautiful plants, which had been originally intended for the Buitenzorg Garden in Java, remained in Legaspi; the other I sent to Manila, where, on my return, I saw it in full bloom. In the charcoal two Victoria seeds had thrown out roots above an inch in length, which had rotted off. Most likely they had been torn up by the custom-house inspectors, and had afterwards rotted, for the neck of the bottle was broken, and the charcoal appeared as if it had been stirred. I communicated the brilliant result of his mode of packing to the Inspector of the Botanical Gardens at Berlin, who made a second consignment direct to Java, which arrived in the best condition; so that not only the Victoria, but also the one which had been derived in Berlin from an African father and an Asiatic mother, now adorn the water-basins of Java with red pond-roses (the latter plants probably those of the Philippines also).
Plants from Berlin. In Legaspi, I found several chests lined with tin that had spent sixteen months on their journey overland instead of the expected seven weeks, as they were sent from Berlin via Trieste due to the Italian war. The items inside, originally meant for use in the Philippines, were mostly useless by now. One chest contained two small flasks with glass stoppers: one filled with moist charcoal and the other with moist clay, both [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]holding seeds of the Victoria Regia and tubers of red and blue nymphae (water-lilies). The seeds in the first flask were spoiled, as expected; however, the tubers in the moist clay showed half-inch long shoots and seemed healthy. I planted them right away, and a few days later, they developed strong leaves. One of these beautiful plants, originally meant for the Buitenzorg Garden in Java, stayed in Legaspi; I sent the other to Manila, where I saw it bloom fully upon my return. In the charcoal, two Victoria seeds had started to grow roots over an inch long, but they had rotted off. They were likely damaged by customs inspectors and then decayed, as the neck of the bottle was broken, and the charcoal looked like it had been disturbed. I shared the successful packing method with the Inspector of the Botanical Gardens in Berlin, who sent a second shipment directly to Java, which arrived in great condition; thus, both the Victoria and a variety derived in Berlin from an African father and an Asian mother now flourish in the water-basins of Java, along with red pond-roses (the latter probably also Philippine plants).
Carpentering difficulties.Being compelled by the continuous rain to dry my collections in two ovens before packing them, I found that my servant had burned the greater part, so that the remains found a place in a roomy chest which I purchased for a dollar at an auction. This unfortunately lacked a lid; to procure which I was obliged, in the first place, to liberate a carpenter who had been imprisoned for a small debt; secondly, to advance money for the purchase of a board and the redemption of his tools out of pawn; and even then the work, when it was begun, was several times broken off because previous claims of violent creditors had to be discharged by labor. In [216]five days the lid was completed, at the cost of three dollars. It did not last long, however, for in Manila I had to get it replaced by a new one.
Carpentry challenges. Due to the constant rain, I had to dry my collections in two ovens before packing them, but I discovered that my servant had burned most of them. As a result, the leftovers found a home in a spacious chest I bought for a dollar at an auction. Unfortunately, it didn’t have a lid, so I first had to free a carpenter who was jailed for a small debt; then, I had to give him money to buy a board and get his tools back from pawn. Even after that, the work was stopped several times because he had to pay off urgent debts through labor. In [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] five days, the lid was finished at a cost of three dollars. However, it didn’t last long, as I had to get it replaced with a new one in Manila.
Off to Samar.At Legaspi I availed myself of an opportunity to reach the island of Samar in a small schooner. It is situated south-east from Luzon, on the farther side of the Strait of San Bernardino, which is three leagues in breadth. At the moment of my departure, to my great regret, my servant left me, “that he might rest a little from his fatigue,” for Pepe was good-natured, very skilful, and always even-tempered. Losing a clever assistant.He had learned much from the numerous Spanish soldiers and sailors resident in Cavite, his native place, where he used to be playfully called the “Spaniard of Cavite.” Roving from one place to another was his delight; and he quickly acquired acquaintances. He knew especially how to gain the favor of the ladies, for he possessed many social accomplishments, being equally able to play the guitar and to milk the carabao-cows. When we came to a pueblo, where a mestiza, or even a “daughter of the country” (creole), dwelt, he would, when practicable, ask permission to milk a cow; and after bringing the señora some of the milk, under pretext of being the interpreter of my wishes, he would maintain such a flow of ingeniously courteous conversation, praising the beauty and grace of the lady, and most modestly allowing his prodigious travelling adventures to be extracted from him, that both knight and esquire beamed with brilliant radiance. A present was always welcome, and brought us many a little basket of oranges; and carabao milk is excellent with chocolate: but it seemed as if one seldom has the opportunity of milking a cow. Unfortunately Pepe did not like climbing mountains, and when he was to have gone with me he either got the stomach-ache or gave away my strong shoes, or allowed them to be stolen; [217]the native ones, however, being allowed to remain untouched, for he knew well that they were fit only for riding, and derived comfort from the fact. In company with me he worked quickly and cheerfully; but, when alone, it became tedious to him. Particularly he found friends, who hindered him, and then he would abandon his skinning of the birds, which therefore became putrid and had to be thrown away. Packing was still more disagreeable to him, and consequently he did it as quickly as possible, though not always with sufficient care, as on one occasion he tied up, in one and the same bundle, shoes, arsenic-soap, drawings, and chocolate. Notwithstanding trifling faults of this kind, he was very useful and agreeable to me; but he did not go willingly to such an uncivilized island as Samar; and when he received his wages in full for eight months all in a lump, and so became a small capitalist, he could not resist the temptation to rest a little from his labors.
Heading to Samar. In Legaspi, I took the chance to get to the island of Samar on a small schooner. It's located southeast of Luzon, on the other side of the San Bernardino Strait, which is three leagues wide. Right before I left, to my great disappointment, my servant decided to take a break “to rest a little from his fatigue,” because Pepe was kind-hearted, very skilled, and always calm. Losing a smart assistant. He had picked up a lot from the many Spanish soldiers and sailors living in Cavite, his hometown, where he was playfully known as the “Spaniard of Cavite.” He loved to wander from place to place and quickly made friends. He especially knew how to win the favor of women, as he had many social skills, being able to play the guitar and milk the carabao cows. Whenever we arrived at a village where a mestiza or even a “daughter of the country” (creole) lived, he would, when possible, ask to milk a cow; and after bringing the señora some of the milk, under the pretense of interpreting my wishes, he would keep up a charming flow of conversation, complimenting the lady's beauty and grace while modestly sharing his incredible travel stories, making both knight and squire shine with delight. A small gift was always appreciated, bringing us many little baskets of oranges; and carabao milk is fantastic with chocolate. However, it seemed like we rarely got the chance to milk a cow. Unfortunately, Pepe didn't like climbing mountains, and whenever he was supposed to go with me, he either got a stomachache, gave away my sturdy shoes, or let them get stolen; [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] the local ones, however, were left untouched, as he knew they were only good for riding and found comfort in that. When he worked with me, he was quick and cheerful; but left to his own devices, he found it tedious. He often made friends who distracted him, and then he'd abandon his bird-skinning, which would spoil and have to be thrown away. Packing was even less enjoyable for him, so he did it as quickly as he could, though not always with enough care; once, he packed shoes, arsenic soap, drawings, and chocolate all in one bundle. Despite these minor mistakes, he was very helpful and pleasant to have around; but he wasn't eager to go to such an uncivilized place as Samar, and when he was paid for eight months' work all at once and became a small capitalist, he couldn't resist the urge to take a break from his duties.
2 Rafflesia Cumingii R. Brown, according to Dr. Kuhn.
2 Rafflesia Cumingii R. Brown, as noted by Dr. Kuhn.
3 According to E. Bernaldez (“Guerra al Sur”) the number of Spaniards and Filipinos kidnapped and killed within thirty years amounted to twenty thousand.
3 According to E. Bernaldez (“Guerra al Sur”), over thirty years, about twenty thousand Spaniards and Filipinos were kidnapped and killed.
4 The richly laden Nao (Mexican galleon) acted in this way.
4 The galleon Nao was heavily loaded and behaved this way.
5 Extract from a letter of the alcalde to the captain-general, June 20, ’60:—“For ten days past ten pirate vessels have been lying undisturbed at the island of San Miguel, two leagues from Tabaco, and interrupt the communication with the island of Catanduanes and the eastern part of Albay. * * * They have committed several robberies, and carried off six men. Nothing can be done to resist them as there are no fire-arms in the villages, and the only two faluas have been detained in the roads of San Bernardino by stress of weather.”
5 Extract from a letter of the mayor to the captain-general, June 20, ’60:—“For the past ten days, ten pirate ships have been hanging out at San Miguel Island, two leagues from Tabaco, disrupting communication with Catanduanes Island and the eastern part of Albay. * * * They have stolen from several places and taken away six men. We can’t do anything to stop them since there are no firearms in the villages, and the only two boats have been stuck in the San Bernardino strait due to the bad weather.”
Letter of June 25:—“Besides the above private ships four large pancos and four small vintas have made their appearance in the straits of San Bernardino. * * * Their force amounts from four hundred and fifty to five hundred men. * * * Already they have killed sixteen men, kidnapped ten, and captured one ship.”
Letter of June 25:—“In addition to the private ships mentioned above, four large pancos and four small vintas have shown up in the straits of San Bernardino. * * * Their total force consists of around four hundred to five hundred men. * * * They have already killed sixteen men, kidnapped ten, and captured one ship.”
6 In Chamisso’s time it was even worse. “The expeditions in armed vessels, which were sent from Manila to cruise against the enemy (the pirates) * * * serve only to promote smuggling, and Christians and Moros avoid one another with equal diligence on such occasions.” (“Observations and Views,” p. 73.) * * * Mas (i. iv. 43) reports to the same effect, according to notices from the secretary-general’s office at Manila, and adds that the cruisers sold even the royal arms and ammunition, which had been entrusted to them, whence much passed into the hands of the Moros. The alcaldes were said to influence the commanders of the cruisers, and the latter to overreach the alcaldes; but both usually made common cause. La Pérouse also relates (ii., p. 357), that the alcaldes bought a very large number of persons who had been made slaves by the pirates (in the Philippines); so that the latter were not usually brought to Batavia where they were of much less value.
6 In Chamisso’s time, things were even worse. “The expeditions in armed ships sent from Manila to hunt down the enemy (the pirates) * * * only end up encouraging smuggling, and Christians and Moros carefully avoid each other during these times.” (“Observations and Views,” p. 73.) * * * Mas (i. iv. 43) reports similarly, based on information from the secretary-general’s office in Manila, and adds that the cruisers sold even the royal arms and ammunition that were given to them, which often ended up in the hands of the Moros. The alcaldes were said to influence the commanders of the cruisers, while the commanders would often outsmart the alcaldes; however, they usually collaborated. La Pérouse also mentions (ii., p. 357) that the alcaldes bought a large number of people who had been enslaved by the pirates (in the Philippines), meaning that these captives were not typically brought to Batavia, where they were worth much less.
7 According to the Diario de Manila, March 14, 1866, piracy on the seas had diminished, but had not ceased. Paragua, Calamianes, Mindoro, Mindanao, and the Bisayas still suffer from it. Robberies and kidnapping are frequently carried on as opportunity favors; and such casual pirates are to be extirpated only by extreme severity. According to my latest accounts, piracy is again on the increase.
7 According to the Diario de Manila, March 14, 1866, piracy on the seas has decreased but hasn't stopped completely. Paragua, Calamianes, Mindoro, Mindanao, and the Bisayas are still affected by it. Robberies and kidnappings happen frequently when the opportunity arises, and these occasional pirates can only be eliminated through harsh measures. Based on my latest reports, piracy is on the rise again.
8 The Spaniards attempted the conquest of the Sulu Islands in 1628, 1629, 1637, 1731, and 1746; and frequent expeditions have since taken place by way of reprisals. A great expedition was likewise sent out in October, 1871, against Sulu, in order to restrain the piracy which recently was getting the upper hand; indeed, a year or two ago, the pirates had ventured as far as the neighborhood of Manila; but in April of this year (1872) the fleet returned to Manila without having effected its object. The Spaniards employed in this expedition almost the whole marine force of the colony, fourteen ships, mostly steam gunboats; and they bombarded the chief town without inflicting any particular damage, while the Moros withdrew into the interior, and awaited the Spaniards (who, indeed, did not venture to land) in a well-equipped body of five thousand men. After months of inactivity the Spaniards burnt down an unarmed place on the coast, committing many barbarities on the occasion, but drew back when the warriors advanced to the combat. The ports of the Sulu archipelago are closed to trade by a decree, although it is questionable whether all navigators will pay any regard to it. Not long since the sovereignty of his district was offered by the Sultan of Sulu to the King of Prussia; but the offer was declined.
8 The Spaniards tried to conquer the Sulu Islands in 1628, 1629, 1637, 1731, and 1746; and there have been many expeditions since then for retaliation. A major expedition was also launched in October 1871 against Sulu to curb the piracy that had recently become more prevalent; indeed, a year or two ago, the pirates had even ventured near Manila. However, in April of this year (1872), the fleet returned to Manila without achieving its goal. The Spaniards involved in this expedition used almost the entire naval force of the colony, fourteen ships, mostly steam gunboats; they bombarded the main town without causing significant damage, while the Moros retreated inland, waiting for the Spaniards (who did not dare to land) with a well-organized group of five thousand men. After months of inactivity, the Spaniards burned down an unarmed location on the coast, committing many brutal acts in the process, but they pulled back when the warriors moved to engage them in battle. The ports of the Sulu archipelago are closed to trade by a decree, although it is uncertain whether all sailors will comply with it. Recently, the Sultan of Sulu offered the sovereignty of his district to the King of Prussia; however, the offer was declined.
9 The Diario de Manila of June 4, 1866, states:—“Yesterday the military commission, established by ordinance of the 3rd August, 1865, discontinued its functions. The ordinary tribunals are again in force. The numerous bands of thirty, forty, and more individuals, armed to the teeth, which have left behind them their traces of blood and fire at the doors of Manila and in so many other places, are annihilated. * * * More than fifty robbers have expiated their crimes on the gallows, and one hundred and forty have been condemned to presidio (forced labor) or to other punishments.”
9 The Diario de Manila of June 4, 1866, states:—“Yesterday, the military commission established by the ordinance on August 3, 1865, was disbanded. The regular courts are back in operation. The numerous groups of thirty, forty, or more armed individuals, who left behind a trail of blood and destruction at the gates of Manila and in many other places, have been wiped out. * * * More than fifty robbers have paid for their crimes on the gallows, and one hundred and forty have been sentenced to forced labor or other punishments.”
XIX
Samar.The island of Samar, which is of nearly rhomboidal outline, and with few indentations on its coasts, stretches from the north-west to the south-east from 12° 37′ to 10° 54′ N.; its mean length being twenty-two miles, its breadth eleven, and its area two hundred and twenty square miles. It is separated on the south by the small strait of San Juanico from the island of Leyte, with which it was formerly united into one province. At the present time each island has its separate governor.
Samar.The island of Samar, which has a nearly rhomboidal shape and few coastal indentations, stretches from the northwest to the southeast between 12° 37′ and 10° 54′ N. Its average length is twenty-two miles, its width is eleven miles, and its total area is two hundred and twenty square miles. It is separated in the south by the small San Juanico Strait from Leyte Island, with which it was once part of a single province. Currently, each island has its own governor.
Former names.By the older authors the island is called Tendaya, Ibabao, and also Achan and Filipina. In later times the eastern side was called Ibabao, and the western [218]Samar, which is now the official denomination for the whole island, the eastern shore being distinguished as the Contracosta.1
Previous names.The island was known by older writers as Tendaya, Ibabao, Achan, and Filipina. Over time, the eastern side came to be known as Ibabao, while the western side became known as Samar, which is now the official name for the entire island, with the eastern shore referred to as the Contracosta.1
Seasons and weather.As on the eastern coasts of Luzon, the north-east monsoon here exceeds that from the south-west in duration and force, the violence of the latter being arrested by the islands lying to the southwest, while the north-east winds break against the coasts of these easterly islands with their whole force, and the additional weight of the body of water which they bring with them from the open ocean. In October winds fluctuating between north-west and north-east occur; but the prevalent ones are northerly. In the middle of November the north-east is constant; and it blows, with but little intermission, from the north until April. This is likewise the rainy season, December and January being the wettest, when it sometimes rains for fourteen days without interruption. In Lauang, on the north coast, the rainy season lasts from October to the end of December. From January to April it is dry; May, June, and July are rainy; and August and September, again, are dry; so that here there are two wet and two dry seasons in the year. From October to January violent storms (baguios or typhoons) sometimes occur. Beginning generally with a north wind, they pass to the north-west, accompanied by a little rain, then back to the north, and with increasing violence to the north-east and east, where they acquire their greatest power, and then moderate [219]to the south. Sometimes, however, they change rapidly from the east to the south, in which quarter they first acquire their greatest force.
Weather and seasons. Like the eastern coasts of Luzon, the northeast monsoon here lasts longer and is stronger than the southwest monsoon. The intensity of the southwest winds is blocked by the islands to the southwest, while the northeast winds hit the coasts of these eastern islands with full force and the added weight of the water they bring from the open ocean. In October, winds shift between northwest and northeast; however, the most common ones are from the north. By mid-November, the northeast wind becomes constant, blowing mostly from the north until April. This period also marks the rainy season, with December and January being the wettest months, during which it can rain for fourteen consecutive days. In Lauang on the north coast, the rainy season runs from October to the end of December. From January to April, it’s dry; May, June, and July are wet again; while August and September are dry, resulting in two wet and two dry seasons throughout the year. Violent storms (baguios or typhoons) can occur from October to January, usually starting with a north wind, shifting to northwest with some rain, then back to the north, increasing in intensity to northeast and east, where they reach their peak strength, before tapering off [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] to the south. However, they can also quickly shift from east to south, where they initially gain their maximum strength.
Winds and storms.From the end of March to the middle of June inconstant easterly winds (N.E.E. and S.E.) prevail, with a very heavy sea on the east coast. May is usually calm; but in May and June there are frequent thunderstorms, introducing the south-west monsoon, which though it extends through the months of July, August, and September, is not so constant as the north-east. The last-named three months constitute the dry season, which, however, is often interrupted by thunderstorms. Not a week, indeed, passes without rain; and in many years a storm arises every afternoon. At this season of the year ships can reach the east coast; but during the north-east monsoon navigation there is impossible. These general circumstances are subject to many local deviations, particularly on the south and west coasts, where the uniformity of the air currents is disturbed by the mountainous islands lying in front of them. According to the Estado geografico of 1855, an extraordinarily high tide, called dolo, occurs every year at the change of the monsoon in September or October. It rises sometimes sixty or seventy feet, and dashes itself with fearful violence against the south and east coasts, doing great damage, but not lasting for any length of time. The climate of Samar and Leyte appears to be very healthy on the coasts; in fact, to be the best of all the islands of the archipelago. Dysentery, diarrhoea, and fever occur less frequently than in Luzon, and Europeans also are less subject to their attacks than in that place.
Winds and storms. From the end of March to the middle of June, inconsistent easterly winds (N.E.E. and S.E.) dominate, creating very rough seas along the east coast. May is typically calm; however, in May and June, there are often thunderstorms that signal the arrival of the southwest monsoon. Although this monsoon lasts through July, August, and September, it’s not as steady as the northeast monsoon. The latter three months form the dry season, although it’s frequently interrupted by thunderstorms. In fact, not a week goes by without rain, and in many years, a storm happens every afternoon. During this time of year, ships can reach the east coast, but navigation becomes impossible during the northeast monsoon. These general conditions can vary significantly in local areas, especially on the south and west coasts, where the flow of air currents is disrupted by the mountainous islands nearby. According to the Estado geografico of 1855, there is an exceptionally high tide, known as dolo, that occurs every year during the change of the monsoon in September or October. It can rise as much as sixty or seventy feet and crashes violently against the southern and eastern coasts, causing considerable damage, but it doesn’t last long. The climate in Samar and Leyte seems to be very healthy along the coasts; in fact, it appears to be the best among all the islands in the archipelago. Dysentery, diarrhea, and fever are less common than in Luzon, and Europeans also experience these illnesses less frequently there than in Luzon.
Only the coast settled.The civilized natives live almost solely on its coasts, and there are also Bisayans who differ in speech and manners from the Bicols in about the same degree that the latter do from the Tagalogs. Roads and villages [220]are almost entirely wanting in the interior, which is covered with a thick wood, and affords sustenance to independent tribes, who carry on a little tillage (vegetable roots and mountain rice), and collect the products of the woods, particularly resin, honey, and wax, in which the island is very rich.
Only the coast was settled.The civilized natives mostly live along the coasts, and there are also Bisayans who speak and behave differently from the Bicols, just as the Bicols differ from the Tagalogs. Roads and villages [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]are almost completely absent in the interior, which is filled with dense forests and supports independent tribes that do some farming (growing vegetable roots and mountain rice) and gather forest products, especially resin, honey, and wax, of which the island has an abundance.
A tedious but eventful voyage.On the 3rd of July we lost sight of Legaspi, and, detained by frequent calms, crawled as far as Point Montufar, on the northern edge of Albay, then onwards to the small island of Viri, and did not reach Lauang before evening of the 5th. The mountain range of Bacon (the Pocdol of Coello), which on my previous journeys had been concealed by night or mist, now revealed itself to us in passing as a conical mountain; and beside it towered a very precipitous, deeply-cleft mountain-side, apparently the remnant of a circular range. After the pilot, an old Filipino and native of the country, who had made the journey frequently before, had conducted us, to begin with, to a wrong port, he ran the vessel fast on to the bar, although there was sufficient water to sail into the harbor conveniently.
An uneventful yet interesting journey. On July 3rd, we lost sight of Legaspi, and, held back by regular calm spells, we slowly made our way to Point Montufar, at the northern edge of Albay, then continued on to the small island of Viri, finally reaching Lauang by the evening of the 5th. The Bacon mountain range (the Pocdol of Coello), which had been hidden from me during my previous trips by night or fog, now appeared as a conical peak; beside it loomed a steep, jagged mountainside, likely what's left of a circular range. After the pilot, an elderly Filipino who was familiar with the region, first took us to the wrong port, he then ran the ship right onto the bar, even though there was enough water to enter the harbor easily.
Lauang.The district of Lauang (Lahuan), which is encumbered with more than four thousand five hundred inhabitants, is situated at an altitude of forty feet, on the south-west shore of the small island of the same name, which is separated from Samar by an arm of the Catubig. According to a widely-spread tradition, the settlement was originally in Samar itself, in the middle of the rice-fields, which continue to the present day in that place, until the repeated inroads of sea-pirates drove the inhabitants, in spite of the inconvenience attending it, to protect themselves by settling on the south coast of the little island, which rises steeply out of the sea.2 The latter [221]consists of almost horizontal banks of tufa, from eight to twelve inches in thickness. The strata being continually eaten away by the waves at low watermark, the upper layers break off; and thus the uppermost parts of the strata, which are of a tolerably uniform thickness, are cleft by vertical fissures, and look like the walls of a fortress. Pressed for space, the church and the convent have taken up every level bit of the rock at various heights; and the effect of this accommodation of architecture to the requirements of the ground, though not designed by the architect, is most picturesque.
Laoang.The Lauang district (Lahuan), which has over four thousand five hundred residents, is located at an elevation of forty feet on the southwest shore of the small island that shares its name, separated from Samar by an arm of the Catubig. According to a well-known tradition, the settlement was originally in Samar itself, in the middle of the rice fields, which still exist there today, until repeated attacks by sea pirates forced the residents, despite the difficulties, to protect themselves by moving to the south coast of the small island, which rises steeply out of the sea.2 The latter [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]consists of nearly horizontal banks of tufa, ranging from eight to twelve inches thick. As the waves continuously erode the lower layers at low tide, the upper layers break off; this creates vertical fissures in the uppermost parts of the strata, which are of fairly uniform thickness, resembling the walls of a fortress. With limited space, the church and the convent have occupied every flat area of the rock at different heights; the result of this architectural adaptation to the terrain, although not planned by the architect, is quite picturesque.
Deterioration in the town.The place is beautifully situated; but the houses are not so frequently as formerly surrounded by little gardens while there is a great want of water, and foul odors prevail. Two or three scanty springs afford a muddy, brackish water, almost at the level of the sea, with which the indolent people are content so that they have just enough. Wealthy people have their water brought from Samar, and the poorer classes are sometimes compelled, by the drying-up of the springs, to have recourse to the same place. The spring-water is not plentiful for bathing purposes; and, sea-bathing not being in favor, the people consequently are very dirty. Their clothing is the same as in Luzon; but the women wear no tapis, only a camisa (a short chemise, hardly covering the breast), and a saya, mostly of coarse, stiff guinara, which forms ugly folds, and when not colored black is very transparent. But dirt and a filthy existence form a better screen than opaque garments. The inhabitants of Lauang rightly, indeed, enjoy the reputation of being very idle. Their industry is limited to a little tillage, even fishing being so neglected that frequently there is a scarcity of fish. In the absence of roads by land, there [222]is hardly any communication by water; and trade is mostly carried on by mariners from Catbalogan, who exchange the surplus of the harvests for other produce.
Town decline.The town is nicely located, but the houses are no longer surrounded by small gardens as they used to be. There's a significant lack of water, and unpleasant odors are common. A couple of meager springs provide muddy, salty water, nearly at sea level, which the lazy residents settle for since it’s just enough to get by. Wealthier people get their water from Samar, and the poorer population sometimes has to go there as well when the springs dry up. The spring water is not sufficient for bathing, and since sea bathing isn’t popular, the people tend to be quite dirty. Their clothing is similar to that in Luzon; however, the women don’t wear a tapis, only a camisa (a short chemise that barely covers the chest) and a saya, mostly made of coarse, stiff guinara, which creates unattractive folds and is very sheer when not dyed black. But dirt and poor hygiene provide a better cover than opaque clothing. The residents of Lauang rightly have a reputation for being quite lazy. Their work is limited to a bit of farming, and even fishing is so neglected that there’s often a shortage of fish. Without land roads, there [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]is hardly any water communication; trade is mainly conducted by sailors from Catbalogan, who swap surplus crops for other goods.
From the convent a view is had of part of the island of Samar, the mountain forms of which appear to be a continuation of the horizontal strata. In the centre of the district, at the distance of some miles, a table mountain, famous in the history of the country, towers aloft. The Palapat revolt.The natives of the neighboring village of Palapat retreated to it after having killed their priest, a too covetous Jesuit father, and for years carried on a guerilla warfare with the Spaniards until they were finally overpowered by treachery.
From the convent, you can see part of the island of Samar, where the mountain shapes look like an extension of the flat layers below. In the center of the area, a famous table mountain rises high into the sky, a significant landmark in the country's history. The Palapat uprising. The locals from the nearby village of Palapat fled to this mountain after killing their priest, a greedy Jesuit father, and for years they waged guerrilla warfare against the Spaniards until they were ultimately defeated through betrayal.
Pirate outrages.The interior of the country is difficult to traverse from the absence of roads, and the coasts are much infested by pirates. Quite recently several pontins and four schooners, laden with abacá, were captured, and the crews cruelly murdered, their bodies having been cut to pieces. This, however, was opposed to their general practice, for the captives are usually employed at the oars during the continuance of the foray, and afterwards sold as slaves in the islands of the Sulu sea. It was well that we did not encounter the pirates, for, although we carried four small cannons on board, nobody understood how to use them.3
Pirate attacks.The interior of the country is hard to navigate because there are no roads, and the coasts are heavily plagued by pirates. Recently, several small boats and four schooners full of abacá were captured, and the crews were brutally murdered, their bodies mutilated. However, this was unusual for them, as captives are typically used as rowers during the attack and later sold as slaves in the Sulu Sea islands. It was fortunate that we didn't run into the pirates, because even though we had four small cannons on board, no one knew how to operate them.3
Electing officers. The governor, who was expected to conduct the election of the district officials in person, but was prevented by illness, sent a deputy. As the annual elections are conducted in the same manner over the whole country, that at which I was present may be taken as typical of the rest. It took place in the common hall; the governor [223](or his deputy) sitting at the table, with the pastor on his right hand, and the clerk on his left—the latter also acting as interpreter; while Cabezas de Barangay, the gobernadorcillo, and those who had previously filled the office, took their places all together on benches. First of all, six cabezas and as many gobernadorcillos are chosen by lot as electors; the actual gobernadorcillo is the thirteenth, and the rest quit the hall. After the reading of the statutes by the president, who exhorts the electors to the conscientious performance of their duty, the latter advance singly to the table, and write three names on a piece of paper. Unless a valid protest be made either by the parish priest or by the electors, the one who has the most votes is forthwith named gobernadorcillo for the coming year, subject to the approval of the superior jurisdiction at Manila; which, however, always consents, for the influence of the priest would provide against a disagreeable election. The election of the other functionaries takes place in the same manner, after the new gobernadorcillo has been first summoned into the hall, in order that, if he have any important objections to the officers then about to be elected, he may be able to make them. The whole affair was conducted very quietly and with dignity.4
Voting for officers. The governor, who was supposed to conduct the election of the district officials in person but was unable to due to illness, sent a deputy instead. Since the annual elections are carried out the same way across the country, the one I attended can be considered representative of the others. It took place in the community hall; the governor [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] (or his deputy) was seated at the table, with the pastor on his right and the clerk on his left—the clerk also served as the interpreter—while the Cabezas de Barangay, the gobernadorcillo, and those who had previously held the office all sat together on benches. First, six cabezas and six gobernadorcillos were chosen by lot as electors; the current gobernadorcillo was the thirteenth, and the rest left the hall. After the president read the statutes and urged the electors to perform their duties sincerely, they approached the table one by one and wrote down three names on a piece of paper. Unless a valid protest was made either by the parish priest or the electors, the candidate with the most votes was immediately appointed gobernadorcillo for the coming year, pending approval from the higher authority in Manila; however, they always give consent, as the priest's influence would prevent an unfavorable election. The elections for the other officials occurred in the same way, after the new gobernadorcillo was called into the hall so he could raise any significant objections to the officials being elected. The entire process was carried out quietly and with dignity. 4
Unsatisfactory forced labor.On the following morning, accompanied by the obliging priest, who was followed by nearly all the boys of the village, I crossed over in a large boat to Samar. Out of eleven strong baggage porters whom the governor’s representative had selected for me, four took possession of some trifling articles and sped away with them, three [224]others hid themselves in the bush, and four had previously decamped at Lauang. The baggage was divided and distributed amongst the four porters who were detained, and the little boys who had accompanied us for their own pleasure. We followed the sea-shore in a westerly direction, and at a very late hour reached the nearest visita (a suburban chapel and settlement) where the priest was successful, after much difficulty, in supplying the places of the missing porters. On the west side of the mouth of the Pambujan a neck of land projects into the sea, which is a favorite resort of the A pirate base.sea-pirates, who from their shelter in the wood command the shore which extends in a wide curve on both sides, and forms the only communication between Lauang and Catarman. Many travellers had already been robbed in this place; and the father, who was now accompanying me thus far, had, with the greatest difficulty, escaped the same danger only a few weeks before.
Unsatisfactory labor conditions. The next morning, along with the helpful priest and almost all the boys from the village, I took a large boat over to Samar. Out of the eleven strong baggage porters the governor’s representative had picked for me, four grabbed some small items and ran off with them, three hid in the bushes, and four had already vanished at Lauang. We split up the baggage among the four porters who stuck around and the little boys who joined us for fun. We followed the coastline heading west and arrived at the nearest visita (a suburban chapel and settlement) quite late, where the priest managed, with a lot of effort, to find replacements for the missing porters. On the western side of the Pambujan river's mouth, a piece of land juts out into the sea, which is a popular hideout for A pirate haven. sea pirates who, from their cover in the trees, can oversee the shore that curves wide on both sides, creating the only route between Lauang and Catarman. Many travelers had already been robbed in this area, and the priest who was accompanying me now had barely escaped the same fate just a few weeks before.
The last part of our day’s journey was performed very cautiously. A messenger who had been sent on had placed boats at all the mouths of rivers, and, as hardly any other Europeans besides ecclesiastics are known in this district, I was taken in the darkness for a Capuchin in travelling attire; the men lighting me with torches during the passage, and the women pressing forward to kiss my hand. I passed the night on the road, and on the following day reached Catarman (Caladman on Coello’s map), a clean, spacious locality numbering 6,358 souls, at the mouth of the river of the same name. Six pontins from Catbalogan awaited their cargoes of rice for Albay. The inhabitants of the north coast are too indifferent sailors to export their products themselves, and leave it to the people of Catbalogan monopoly of interisland traffic.Catbalogan, who, having no rice-fields, are obliged to find employment for their activity in other places.
The last part of our day's journey was done very carefully. A messenger sent ahead had arranged for boats at all the river mouths, and since few other Europeans besides clergy are known in this area, I was mistaken for a Capuchin in travel clothes after dark; the men lit my way with torches, and the women rushed to kiss my hand. I spent the night on the road, and the next day I arrived in Catarman (Caladman on Coello's map), a clean, spacious area with a population of 6,358, located at the mouth of the river of the same name. Six boats from Catbalogan were waiting for their loads of rice for Albay. The people on the north coast are not very good sailors and don’t export their products themselves, so they leave it to the folks from Catbalogan's control of interisland traffic. Catbalogan, who, lacking rice fields, have to find work for their efforts elsewhere.
[225]A changed river and a new town.The river Catarman formerly emptied further to the east, and was much choked with mud. In the year 1851, after a continuous heavy rain, it worked for itself, in the loose soil which consists of quartz sand and fragments of mussels, a new and shorter passage to the sea—the present harbor, in which ships of two hundred tons can load close to the land; but in doing so it destroyed the greater part of the village, as well as the stone church and the priest’s residence. In the new convent there are two salons, one 16.2 by 8.8, the other 9 by 7.6 paces in dimensions, boarded with planks from a single branch of a dipterocarpus (guiso). The pace is equivalent to 30 inches; and, assuming the thickness of the boards, inclusive of waste, to be one inch, this would give a solid block of wood as high as a table (two and one-half feet), the same in breadth, eighteen feet in length, and of about one hundred and ten cubic feet.5 The houses are enclosed in gardens; but some of them only by fencing, within which weeds luxuriate. At the rebuilding of the village, after the great flood of water, the laying out of gardens was commanded; but the industry which is required to preserve them is often wanting. Pasture grounds extend themselves, on the south side of the village, covered with fine short grass; but, with the exception of some oxen and sheep belonging to the priest, there are no cattle.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]A transformed river and a new town.The Catarman River used to flow further east and was heavily silted. In 1851, after a long period of heavy rain, it carved out a new, shorter route to the sea—the current harbor—allowing ships of up to two hundred tons to load close to shore; however, this also destroyed most of the village, including the stone church and the priest’s home. The new convent features two rooms: one measuring 16.2 by 8.8 paces, and the other 9 by 7.6 paces, all made from planks taken from a single branch of dipterocarpus (guiso). A pace is about 30 inches, and with the boards' thickness, including waste, estimated at one inch, this would yield a solid block of wood about as tall as a table (two and a half feet), the same width, eighteen feet long, totaling around one hundred and ten cubic feet.5 The houses are surrounded by gardens, though some are only enclosed by fencing, where weeds thrive. When the village was rebuilt after the major flood, it was ordered that gardens be created; however, the effort needed to maintain them is often lacking. To the south of the village, there are grazing lands covered with lush short grass; besides a few oxen and sheep owned by the priest, there are no other cattle.
Up the river.Still without servants, I proceeded with my baggage in two small boats up the river, on both sides of which rice-fields and coco-groves extended; but the latter, being concealed by a thick border of Nipa palms and lofty cane, are only visible occasionally through the gaps. The sandy banks, at first flat, became gradually steeper, [226]and the rock soon showed itself close at hand, with firm banks of sandy clay containing occasional traces of indistinguishable petrifactions. A small mussel6 has pierced the clay banks at the water-line, in such number that they look like honeycombs. About twelve we cooked our rice in an isolated hut, amongst friendly people. The women whom we surprised in dark ragged clothing of guinara drew back ashamed, and soon after appeared in clean chequered sayas, with earrings of brass and tortoise-shell combs. When I drew a little naked girl, the mother forced her to put on a garment. About two we again stepped into the boat, and after rowing the whole night reached a small visita, Cobocobo, about nine in the forenoon. The rowers had worked without interruption for twenty-four hours, exclusive of the two hours’ rest at noon, and though somewhat tired were in good spirits.
Up the river.Still without servants, I carried my luggage in two small boats up the river, with rice fields and coconut groves on both sides; however, the groves were mostly hidden by a dense border of Nipa palms and tall cane, only visible occasionally through the gaps. The sandy banks, which started out flat, gradually became steeper, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]and soon the rock was close at hand, with sturdy banks of sandy clay showing occasional signs of indistinguishable fossils. A small mussel6 had bored into the clay banks at the waterline, creating a pattern that looked like honeycombs. Around noon, we cooked our rice in a secluded hut among friendly locals. The women we surprised, dressed in worn, dark clothing, were embarrassed and quickly changed into clean, checkered skirts, wearing brass earrings and tortoise-shell combs. When I sketched a little naked girl, her mother insisted she put on a dress. By two o'clock, we got back into the boat, and after rowing all night, we reached a small outpost, Cobocobo, around nine in the morning. The rowers had been working non-stop for twenty-four hours, not counting the two-hour break at noon, and although they were a bit tired, they were in good spirits.
Salta Sangley ridge.At half-past two we set out on the road over the Salta Sangley (Chinese leap) to Tragbucan, which, distant about a mile in a straight line, is situated at the place where the Calbayot, which empties on the west coast at Point Hibaton, becomes navigable for small boats. By means of these two rivers and the short but troublesome road, a communication exists between the important stations of Catarman on the north coast, and Calbayot on the west coast. The road, which at its best part is a small path in the thick wood uninvaded by the sun, and frequently is only a track, passes over slippery ridges of clay, disappearing in the mud puddles in the intervening hollows, and sometimes running into the bed of the brooks. The watershed between the Catarman and Calbayot is formed by the Salta Sangley already [227]mentioned, a flat ridge composed of banks of clay and sandstone, which succeed one another ladder-wise downwards on both its sides, and from which the water collected at the top descends in little cascades. In the most difficult places rough ladders of bamboo are fixed. I counted fifteen brooks on the north-east side which feed the Catarman, and about the same number of feeders of the Calbayot on the south-west side. About forty minutes past four we reached the highest point of the Salta Sangley, about ninety feet above the sea; and at half-past six we got to a stream, the highest part of the Calbayot, in the bed of which we wandered until its increasing depth forced us, in the dark, laboriously to beat out our path through the underwood to its bank; and about eight o’clock we found ourselves opposite the visita Tragbucan. The river at this place was already six feet deep, and there was not a boat. After shouting entreaties and threats for a long time, the people, who were startled out of sleep by a revolver shot, agreed to construct a raft of bamboo, on which they put us and our baggage. The little place, which consists of only a few poor huts, is prettily situated, surrounded as it is by wooded hillocks on a plateau of sand fifty feet above the reed-bordered river.
Salta Sangley Ridge.At 2:30, we set off on the road over the Salta Sangley (Chinese leap) to Tragbucan, which is about a mile away in a straight line. It’s located where the Calbayot, which flows into the west coast at Point Hibaton, becomes navigable for small boats. This route, along with the two rivers and the short but tricky road, connects the key locations of Catarman on the north coast and Calbayot on the west coast. The road, at its best, is a narrow path through dense woods that doesn’t get much sunlight, and often it’s just a track that slips over muddy clay ridges, disappearing into puddles in the low spots and sometimes running into the streambeds. The watershed between Catarman and Calbayot is formed by the Salta Sangley, a flat ridge made of layers of clay and sandstone, which descend like steps on both sides, with water from the top cascading down in small waterfalls. In the toughest spots, rough bamboo ladders are set up. I counted fifteen streams on the northeast side that feed into the Catarman, and about the same number feeding into the Calbayot on the southwest side. At around 4:40 PM, we reached the highest point of the Salta Sangley, about ninety feet above sea level; and by 6:30, we arrived at a stream, the highest part of the Calbayot, where we wandered along the riverbed until it got too deep in the dark, forcing us to struggle through the underbrush to reach its bank. At around 8 PM, we found ourselves opposite the visita Tragbucan. The river here was already six feet deep, and there wasn’t a boat in sight. After shouting pleas and threats for a long time, the people, startled awake by a gunshot, agreed to build a bamboo raft to carry us and our luggage. The little settlement, consisting of just a few shabby huts, is nicely located, surrounded by wooded hills on a sandy plateau fifty feet above the river lined with reeds.
On the Calbayot River.Thanks to the activity of the teniente of Catarman who accompanied me, a boat was procured without delay, so that we were able to continue our journey about seven o’clock. The banks were from twenty to forty feet high; and, with the exception of the cry of some rhinoceros birds which fluttered from bough to bough on the tops of the trees, we neither heard nor saw a trace of animal life. About half-past eleven we reached Taibago, a small visita, and about half-past one a similar one, Magubay; and after two hours’ rest at noon, about five o’clock, we got into a current down which we skilfully [228]floated, almost without admitting any water. The river, which up to this point is thirty feet broad, and on account of many projecting branches of trees difficult to navigate, here is twice as broad. About eleven at night we reached the sea, and in a complete calm rowed for the distance of a league along the coast to Calbayot, the convent at which place affords a commanding view of the islands lying before it.
By the Calbayot River.Thanks to the efforts of the teniente of Catarman who was with me, we quickly got a boat, allowing us to continue our journey around seven o’clock. The riverbanks were twenty to forty feet high, and apart from the calls of some rhinoceros birds fluttering among the trees, we didn’t hear or see any signs of animal life. Around eleven-thirty, we arrived at Taibago, a small visita, and by one-thirty, we reached another similar place, Magubay. After resting for two hours at noon, we resumed our journey around five o’clock, and skillfully floated down a current that barely let any water in. The river, which up to this point is thirty feet wide and challenging to navigate due to many tree branches, now expands to twice that width. We reached the sea around eleven at night and rowed calmly for about a league along the coast to Calbayot, where the convent offers a great view of the islands in front of it.
A thunderstorm obliged us to postpone the journey to the chief town, Catbalogan (or Catbalonga), which was seven leagues distant, until the afternoon. In a long boat, formed out of the stem of one tree, and furnished with outriggers, we travelled along the shore, which is margined by a row of low-wooded hills with many small visitas; and as night was setting in we rounded the point of Napalisan, a rock of trachytic conglomerate shaped by perpendicular fissures with rounded edges into a series of projections like towers, which rises up out of the sea to the height of sixty feet, like a knight’s castle. Catbalogan.At night we reached Catbalogan, the chief town of the island, with a population of six thousand, which is picturesquely situated in the middle of the western border, in a little bay surrounded by islands and necks of land, difficult to approach and, therefore, little guarded. Not a single vessel was anchored in the harbor.
A thunderstorm forced us to delay our trip to the main town, Catbalogan (or Catbalonga), which was seven leagues away, until the afternoon. We traveled in a long boat made from the trunk of a single tree, equipped with outriggers, along the shore lined with low, wooded hills and several small visitas. As night fell, we rounded the point of Napalisan, a rock made of trachytic conglomerate with vertical fissures and rounded edges, forming a series of tower-like projections that rise sixty feet out of the sea, resembling a knight’s castle. Catbalogan.By nightfall, we arrived in Catbalogan, the island's main town, which has a population of six thousand. It is charmingly located in the middle of the western coast, in a small bay surrounded by islands and peninsulas, making it hard to access and, consequently, not heavily guarded. Not a single ship was anchored in the harbor.
The houses, many of which are of boards, are neater than those in Camarines; and the people, though idle, are more modest, more honorable, more obliging, and of cleaner habits, than the inhabitants of South Luzon. Through the courtesy of the governor I quickly obtained a roomy dwelling, and a servant who understood Spanish. An ingenious mechanic.Here I also met a very intelligent Filipino who had acquired great skill in a large variety of crafts. With the simplest tools he improved in many points on my instruments [229]and apparatus, the purpose of which he quickly comprehended to my entire satisfaction, and gave many proofs of considerable intellectual ability.
The houses, many made of wood, are tidier than those in Camarines; and the people, while not very active, are more modest, honorable, helpful, and have better habits than the residents of South Luzon. Thanks to the governor's kindness, I quickly got a spacious place to stay and a servant who spoke Spanish. A brilliant mechanic. Here I also met a very smart Filipino who had gained great skills in many different crafts. With just a few basic tools, he made several improvements to my instruments [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] and equipment, which he quickly understood to my complete satisfaction, showcasing considerable intellectual ability.
The flying monkey.In Samar the flying monkey or lemur (the kaguang of the Bisayans—galeopithecus) is not rare. These animals, which are of the size of the domestic cat, belong to the quadrumana; but, like the flying squirrels, they are provided with a bird-like membrane, which, commencing at the neck, and passing over the fore and hinder limbs, reaches to the tail; by means of which they are able to glide from one tree to another at a very obtuse angle.7 Body and membrane are clothed with a very short fur, which nearly equals the chinchilla in firmness and softness, and is on that account in great request. While I was there, six live kaguangs arrived as a present for the priest (three light grey, one dark brown, and two greyish brown; all with irregularly distributed spots); and from these I secured a little female with her young.
The flying monkey.In Samar, the flying monkey or lemur (the kaguang of the Bisayans—galeopithecus) is not uncommon. These animals, about the size of a domestic cat, belong to the quadrumana; but, like flying squirrels, they have a membrane that resembles a bird's, which starts at the neck and stretches over the front and back limbs, reaching to the tail. This allows them to glide from one tree to another at a shallow angle.7 Their body and membrane are covered with very short fur that is almost as firm and soft as chinchilla fur, making it highly sought after. While I was there, six live kaguangs arrived as a gift for the priest (three light gray, one dark brown, and two grayish brown; all with irregular spots); and I managed to get a little female with her baby.
A hasty and unfounded judgment.It appeared to be a very harmless, awkward animal. When liberated from its fetters, it remained lying on the ground with all its four limbs stretched out, and its belly in contact with the earth, and then hopped in short awkward leaps, without thereby raising itself from the ground, to the nearest wall, which was of planed boards. Arrived there, it felt about it for a long time with the sharp claw, which is bent inwards, of its fore-hand, until at length it realized the impossiblity of climbing it at any part. It succeeded by means of a corner or an accidental crevice in climbing a foot upwards, and fell down again immediately, because it had abandoned the comparatively secure footing of its hinder limbs before its fore-claws had obtained a firm hold. It [230]received no hurt, as the violence of the fall was broken by the flying membrane which was rapidly extended. These attempts, which were continued with steady perseverance, showed an astonishing deficiency of judgment, the animal endeavoring to do much more than was in its power to accomplish. All its endeavors, therefore, were unsuccessful, though made without doing itself any hurt—thanks to the parachute with which Nature had provided it. Had the kaguang not been in the habit of relying so entirely on this convenient contrivance, it probably would have exercised its judgment to a greater extent, and formed a more correct estimate of its ability. The animal repeated its fruitless efforts so often that I no longer took any notice of it, and after some time it disappeared: but I found it again in a dark corner, under the roof, where it would probably have waited for the night in order to continue its flight. Evidently it had succeeded in reaching the upper edge of the boarded wall by squeezing its body between this and the elastic covering of bamboo hurdle-work which lay firmly imposed upon it; so that the poor creature, which I had rashly concluded was stupid and awkward, had, under the circumstances, manifested the greatest possible skill, prudence, and perseverance.
A rushed and baseless judgment. It seemed to be a harmless, clumsy animal. When freed from its restraints, it lay on the ground with all four limbs stretched out, its belly touching the earth, and then hopped in short, awkward leaps, without lifting itself off the ground, to the nearest wall, which was made of smooth boards. Once there, it probed the surface for a long time with the sharp, inwardly bent claw of its front foot, until it finally realized it couldn’t climb anywhere on it. It managed to climb a foot up using a corner or an accidental gap but fell right back down because it had lost the relatively secure support of its back legs before its front claws secured a grip. It [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]wasn't hurt, as the force of the fall was softened by the flapping membrane that extended quickly. These attempts, which continued with unwavering persistence, displayed a surprising lack of judgment, as the animal tried to do far more than it was capable of achieving. Consequently, all its efforts failed, though it wasn’t harmed—thanks to the parachute that Nature had equipped it with. If the kaguang hadn’t relied so heavily on this handy device, it likely would have used its judgment more effectively and had a better understanding of its limitations. The animal repeated its fruitless attempts so often that I eventually stopped paying attention to it, and after a while, it disappeared: but I found it again in a dark corner, under the roof, where it was likely waiting for night to continue its attempts. Clearly, it had managed to reach the top edge of the boarded wall by squeezing its body between it and the elastic bamboo covering, which was firmly placed on it; so the poor creature, which I had foolishly assumed was dumb and clumsy, had actually shown remarkable skill, caution, and determination under the circumstances.
A promise of rare animals and wild people.A priest who was present on a visit from Calbigan promised me so many wonders in his district—abundance of the rarest animals, and Cimarrones uncivilized in the highest degree—that I accompanied him, on the following day, in his journey home. In an hour after our departure we reached the little island of Majava, which consists of perpendicular strata of a hard, fine-grained, volcanic tufa, with small, bright crystals of hornblende. The island of Buat (on Coello’s map) is called by our mariners Tubigan. In three hours we reached Umauas, a dependency of Calbigan. It is [231]situated, fifty feet above the sea, in a bay, before which (as is so often the case on this coast) a row of small picturesque islands succeed one another, and is exactly four leagues from Catbalogan. But Calbigan, which we reached towards evening, is situated two leagues N.N.E. from Umauas, surrounded by rice-fields, forty feet above the river of the same name, and almost a league and a half from its mouth. A tree with beautiful violet-blue panicles of blossoms is especially abundant on the banks of the Calbigan, and supplies a most valuable wood for building purposes in the Philippines. It is considered equal to teak, like which it belongs to the class verbenaceae; and its inland name is Molave.molave (Vitex geniculata, Blanco).
A promise of unusual animals and adventurous people.A priest who was visiting from Calbigan promised me so many wonders in his area—plenty of the rarest animals and Cimarrones living in a completely uncivilized state—that I decided to join him on his journey home the next day. An hour after we left, we reached the small island of Majava, which consists of steep layers of hard, fine-grained volcanic tufa, with small, bright crystals of hornblende. The island of Buat (on Coello’s map) is referred to by our sailors as Tubigan. In three hours, we arrived at Umauas, a part of Calbigan. It is located fifty feet above the sea, in a bay with a row of small, picturesque islands in front of it, and is exactly four leagues from Catbalogan. Calbigan, which we reached in the evening, is about two leagues N.N.E. of Umauas, surrounded by rice fields, forty feet above the river of the same name, and nearly a league and a half from its mouth. A tree with stunning violet-blue clusters of flowers grows abundantly along the banks of the Calbigan and provides highly valuable wood for construction in the Philippines. It is regarded as equal to teak and belongs to the verbenaceae family; its local name is Molave.molave (Vitex geniculata, Blanco).
Serpent-charmers.According to the statements of credible men, there are serpent-tamers in this country. They are said to pipe the serpents out of their holes, directing their movements, and stopping and handling them at will, without being injured by them. The most famous individual amongst them, however, had been carried off by the sea-pirates a short time before; another had run away to the Cimarronese in the mountains; and the third, whose reputation did not appear to be rightly established, accompanied me on my excursion, but did not justify the representations of his friends. He caught two poisonous serpents,8 which we encountered on the road, by dexterously seizing them immediately behind the head, so that they were incapable of doing harm; and, when he commanded them to lie still, he took the precaution of placing his foot on their necks. In the chase I hurt my foot so severely against a sharp-pointed branch which was concealed by the mud that I was obliged to return to Catbalogan without effecting my object. The inhabitants of Calbigan are considered more active [232]and circumspect than those on the west coast, and they are praised for their honesty. I found them very skilful; and they seemed to take an evident pleasure in making collections and preparing plants and animals, so that I would gladly have taken with me a servant from the place; but they are so reluctant to leave their village that all the priest’s efforts to induce one to ride with us were fruitless.
Snake charmers. According to reliable sources, there are snake tamers in this country. They’re said to play music to coax the snakes out of their holes, guiding their movements and handling them at will without getting harmed. However, the most famous one had recently been kidnapped by pirates; another had escaped to the Cimarronese in the mountains; and the third, whose reputation didn’t seem worthy of much, joined me on my journey but didn’t live up to his friends’ claims. He caught two venomous snakes, 8 that we encountered on the way, by quickly grabbing them just behind the head so they couldn’t bite. And when he told them to stay still, he made sure to put his foot on their necks. During the chase, I hurt my foot badly on a sharp branch hidden in the mud, which forced me to return to Catbalogan without achieving my goal. The people of Calbigan are seen as more active [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] and cautious than those on the west coast, and they’re praised for their honesty. I found them very skilled, and they seemed to genuinely enjoy collecting and preparing plants and animals, so I would have happily taken a local servant with me; but they’re so hesitant to leave their village that all the priest’s attempts to convince one to ride with us were in vain.
A coral garden.At a short distance north-west from Catbalogan a most luxuriant garden of corals is to be observed in less than two fathoms, at the ebb. On a yellow carpet of calcareous polyps and sponges, groups of leather-like stalks, finger-thick, lift themselves up like stems of vegetable growth; their upper ends thickly covered with polyps (Sarcophyton pulmo Esp.), which display their roses of tentacula wide open, and resplendent with the most beautiful varying colors, looking, in fact, like flowers in full bloom. Very large serpulites extend from their calcareous tubes, elegant red, blue, and yellow crowns of feelers, and, while little fishes of marvellously gorgeous color dart about in this fairy garden, in their midst luxuriantly grow delicate, feathered plumulariae.
A coral reef.Just a short distance northwest of Catbalogan, you can see a stunning garden of corals in less than two fathoms at low tide. On a yellow carpet of calcareous polyps and sponges, clusters of leather-like stalks, about the thickness of a finger, stand tall like plant stems; their tops are densely covered with polyps (Sarcophyton pulmo Esp.), which show off their wide-open tentacles in a beautiful display of varying colors, resembling flowers in full bloom. Very large serpulites extend from their calcareous tubes, showcasing elegant crowns of red, blue, and yellow feelers. Meanwhile, small fish with incredibly vibrant colors dart around in this enchanting garden, alongside delicate, feather-like plumulariae that grow abundantly.
Ornamental but useless forts.Bad weather and the flight of my servant, who had gambled away some money with which he had been entrusted, at a cock-fight, having detained me some days in the chief town, I proceeded up the bay, which extends southwards from Catbalogan and from west to east as far as Paranas. Its northern shore consists of ridges of earth, regular and of equal height, extending from north to south, with gentle slopes towards the west, but steep declivities on the east, and terminating abruptly towards the sea. Nine little villages are situated on this coast between Catbalogan and Paranas. From the hollows, amidst coco and betel palms, they expand in isolated groups of houses up the gentle western slopes, and, on [233]reaching the summit, terminate in a little castle, which hardly affords protection against the pirates, but generally forms a pretty feature in the landscape. In front of the southern edge of the bay, and to the south-west, many small islands and wooded rocks are visible, with the mountains of Leyte in the high-ground, constituting an ever-shifting series of views.
Fancy but useless forts.Bad weather and the departure of my servant, who lost some money he was responsible for at a cockfight, kept me in the main town for a few days. I then made my way up the bay that stretches south from Catbalogan and runs from west to east as far as Paranas. The northern shore features ridges of earth that are consistent and of equal height, sloping gently towards the west but declining steeply on the east, ending abruptly at the sea. Nine small villages are located along this coastline between Catbalogan and Paranas. From the valleys, nestled among coconut and betel palms, they spread out in distinct groups of houses up the gentle western slopes and, on [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]reaching the top, culminate in a small fort, which barely offers any defense against pirates but usually adds a charming touch to the landscape. In front of the southern edge of the bay, and to the southwest, many small islands and wooded rocks can be seen, with the mountains of Leyte rising in the background, creating a constantly changing panorama.
Paranas.As the men, owing to the sultry heat, the complete calm, and almost cloudless sky, slept quite as much as they rowed, we did not reach Paranas before the afternoon. It is a clean village, situated on a declivity between twenty and a hundred and fifty feet above the sea. The sides, which stand perpendicularly in the sea, consist of grey banks of clay receding landwards, and overspread with a layer of fragments of mussels, the intervals between which are filled up with clay, and over the latter is a solid breccia, cemented with lime, composed of similar fragments. In the clay banks are well-preserved petrifactions, so similar in color, habitat, and aspect to many of those in the German tertiary formations that they might be taken for them. The breccia also is fossil, probably also tertiary; at all events, the identity of the few species which were recognisable in it—Cerithium, Pecten, and Venus—with living species could not be determined.9
Paraná. Since the men were so exhausted from the humid heat, the stillness, and the nearly clear skies, they ended up sleeping more than they rowed, so we didn’t reach Paranas until the afternoon. It’s a tidy village located on a slope that’s between twenty and one hundred fifty feet above sea level. The cliffs that drop straight into the sea are made up of grey clay banks that slope back towards land, covered with a layer of mussel fragments, with the spaces in between filled with clay, and on top of that is a solid breccia, sealed with lime, made of similar fragments. The clay banks contain well-preserved fossils that look so much like those found in German tertiary formations that they could easily be mistaken for them. The breccia is also fossilized, likely tertiary as well; in any case, we couldn’t determine whether the few recognizable species in it—Cerithium, Pecten, and Venus—matched with any living species.9
A canal through the bog.On the following morning I proceeded northwards by a small canal, through a stinking bog of rhizophora (mangroves), and then continued my journey on land to Loquilocun, a little village which is situated in the forest. Half-way we passed through a river, twenty feet broad, flowing east to west, with steep banks rendered accessible by ladders.
A canal through the marsh. The next morning, I headed north along a small canal, through a smelly bog of mangroves, and then continued my journey on land to Loquilocun, a tiny village located in the forest. Halfway there, we crossed a river that was twenty feet wide, flowing from east to west, with steep banks that could be climbed with ladders.
[234]Hammock-travelling.As I still continued lame (wounds in the feet are difficult to heal in warm countries), I caused myself to be carried part of the way in the manner which is customary hereabouts. The traveller lies on a loose mat, which is fastened to a bamboo frame, borne on the shoulders of four robust polistas. About every ten minutes the bearers are relieved by others. As a protection against sun and rain, the frame is furnished with a light roof of pandanus.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Hammock camping.Since I was still struggling with a leg injury (wounds on the feet take a long time to heal in warm climates), I arranged to be carried part of the way in the local style. The traveler lies on a loose mat, attached to a bamboo frame, which is carried on the shoulders of four strong bearers. About every ten minutes, the bearers are switched out for others. To protect against the sun and rain, the frame is equipped with a lightweight roof made of pandanus.
Poor roads.The roads were pretty nearly as bad as those at the Salta Sangley; and, with the exception of the sea-shore, which is sometimes available, there appear to be none better in Samar. After three hours we reached the Loquilocun, which, coming from the north, here touches its most southerly point, and then flows south-east to the great ocean. Through the kind care of the governor, I found two small boats ready, which were propelled with wonderful dexterity by two men squatted at the extreme ends, and Running the rapids.glided between the branches of the trees and rocks into the bed of the rapid mountain torrent. Amidst loud cheers both the boats glided down a cascade of a foot and a half in height without shipping any water.
Bad roads.The roads were almost as bad as those at the Salta Sangley; and besides the sea-shore, which is sometimes usable, it seems there are no better roads in Samar. After three hours, we arrived at the Loquilocun, which comes from the north and reaches its southernmost point here, then flows southeast to the ocean. Thanks to the governor's kind assistance, I found two small boats ready, expertly paddled by two men sitting at the ends, and they glided between the branches of trees and rocks into the rapid mountain stream. Amidst loud cheers, both boats went down a waterfall about a foot and a half high without taking on any water.
Loquilocun.The little village of Loquilocun consists of three groups of houses on three hillocks. The inhabitants were very friendly, modest, and obliging, and so successful in collecting that the spirits of wine which I had with me was quickly consumed. In Catbalogan my messengers were able with difficulty to procure a few small flasks. Through the awkward arrangements of a too obliging friend, my own stores, having been sent to a wrong address, did not reach me until some months afterwards; and the palm-wine, which was to be bought in Samar, was too weak. One or two boats went out daily to fish for me; but I obtained only a few specimens, [235]which belonged to almost as many species and genera. Probably the bad custom of poisoning the water in order to kill the fish (the pounded fruit of a Barringtonia here being employed for the purpose) is the cause of the river being so empty of fish.
Loquacious.The small village of Loquilocun is made up of three clusters of houses on three little hills. The locals were very friendly, humble, and helpful, and they quickly finished off the spirits of wine I had with me. In Catbalogan, my messengers had a hard time finding a few small flasks. Due to the clumsy efforts of a too-helpful friend, my own supplies, which had been sent to the wrong address, didn’t reach me until several months later; and the palm-wine available in Samar was too weak. Each day, one or two boats went out to fish for me, but I only got a few samples, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]representing almost as many species and genera. It's likely that the bad habit of poisoning the water to catch fish (using the crushed fruit of a Barringtonia for this purpose) is why the river has so few fish.
Numerous small streams.After a few days we left the little place about half-past nine in the forenoon, packed closely in two small boats; and, by seven minutes past one when we reached an inhabited hut in the forest, we had descended more than forty streams of a foot and a foot and a half and more in depth. The more important of them have names which are correctly given on Coello’s map; and the following are their distances by the watch:—At ten o’clock we came to a narrow, rocky chasm, at the extremity of which the water falls several feet below into a large basin; and here we unloaded the boats, which hitherto had, under skilful management, wound their way, like well-trained horses, between all the impediments in the bed of the river and over all the cascades and waves, almost without taking any water; only two men remaining in each boat, who, loudly cheering, shot downwards; in doing which the boats were filled to the brim.
Many small streams.After a few days, we left the little place around half-past nine in the morning, packed tightly into two small boats; by seven minutes past one, when we reached a hut in the forest, we had navigated more than forty streams, each about a foot to a foot and a half deep or more. The more significant ones are correctly named on Coello’s map, and here are their distances according to the watch:—At ten o’clock, we arrived at a narrow, rocky gorge, where the water drops several feet into a large basin; here we unloaded the boats, which had skillfully maneuvered like well-trained horses through all the obstacles in the riverbed, over every cascade and wave, without taking on much water. Only two men stayed in each boat, who cheered loudly as they shot downstream, causing the boats to fill to the brim.
Jasper and Coal.Opposite this waterfall a bank of rubbish had been formed by the alluvium, in which, besides fragments of the subjacent rock, were found well-rounded pieces of jasper and porphyry, as well as some bits of coal containing several pyrites, which had probably been brought during the rain from higher up the river. Its origin was unknown to the sailors. From fifty-six minutes past eleven to twelve o’clock there was an uninterrupted succession of rapids, which were passed with the greatest dexterity, without taking in water. Somewhat lower down, at about three minutes past twelve, we took in so much water that we were compelled to land and bale [236]it out. At about fifteen minutes past twelve, we proceeded onwards, the river now being on the average sixty feet broad. On the edge of the wood some slender palms, hardly ten feet high, were remarkable by their frequency, and many phalaenopses by their display of blossoms, which is of rare occurrence. Neither birds nor apes, nor serpents were observed; but large pythons, as thick as one’s leg are said to be not unfrequent.
Jasper and Coal. Across from this waterfall, there was a pile of debris created by the sediment, which contained not only pieces of the underlying rock but also smooth stones of jasper and porphyry, along with some coal fragments that had several pyrite inclusions, likely washed down from upstream during the rain. The sailors didn’t know where it all came from. From 11:56 to noon, we faced a continuous series of rapids, which we navigated skillfully without taking on any water. A little further downstream, at around 12:03, we took on so much water that we had to land and bail it out. At about 12:15, we continued our journey, with the river averaging sixty feet in width. On the edge of the forest, some slender palms, barely ten feet tall, stood out for their abundance, along with many blooming phalaenopsis orchids, which is a rare sight. We didn’t see any birds, monkeys, or snakes, but large pythons, as thick as a person’s leg, are said to be fairly common.
Big pythons.About thirty-six minutes past twelve we reached one of the most difficult places—a succession of waves, with many rocks projecting out of the water, between which the boats, now in full career, and with rapid evolutions, glided successfully. The adventure was accomplished with equal skill by the two crews, who exerted their powers to the utmost. At seventeen minutes past one we arrived at Dini portage.Dini, the most considerable waterfall in the whole distance; and here we had to take the boats out of the water; and, availing ourselves of the lianas which hung down from the lofty forest trees like ropes, we dragged them over the rocks. At twenty-one minutes past two we resumed our journey; and from twenty-two minutes past to half past eight we descended an irregular stair composed of several ledges, shipping much water. Up to this point the Loquilocun flowed in a rocky bed, with (for the most part) steep banks, and sometimes for a long distance under a thick canopy of boughs, from which powerful tendrils and ferns, more than a fathom in length, were suspended. Here the country was to some extent open; flat hillocks, with low underwood, came to view, and, on the north-west, loftier wooded mountains. The last two hours were notable for a heavy fall of rain, and, about half past five, we reached a solitary house occupied by friendly people, where we took up our quarters for the night.
Large pythons.At around 12:36, we hit one of the toughest spots—a series of waves with many rocks sticking out of the water. The boats, now moving at full speed and making quick maneuvers, navigated through successfully. Both crews handled this challenge with impressive skill, pushing themselves to the limit. At 1:17, we arrived at Dini transfer.Dini is the biggest waterfall along the entire route. Here, we had to lift the boats out of the water and, using the vines that hung down from the tall forest trees like ropes, we dragged them over the rocks. At 2:21, we continued our journey, and from 2:22 to 8:30, we descended a jagged staircase made up of several ledges, taking on a lot of water. Up until this point, the Loquilocun flowed through a rocky bed, mostly with steep banks, and sometimes stretched for long distances beneath a thick canopy of branches, with powerful tendrils and ferns hanging down over a yard long. The landscape was somewhat open here; low hills with shrubs came into view, and to the northwest, there were taller wooded mountains. The last two hours were marked by heavy rain, and at about 5:30, we reached a lone house inhabited by friendly people, where we settled in for the night.
[237]Down the river.On the following morning the journey was continued down the river. Within ten minutes we glided past the last waterfall, between white calcareous rocks of a kind of marble, covered with magnificent vegetation. Branches, completely covered with phalaenopses (P. Aphrodite, Reichb. fls.), projected over the river, their flowers waving like large gorgeous butterflies over its foaming current. Two hours later the stream became two hundred feet broad, and, after leaping down a ladder of fifty meters in height from Loquilocun, it steals away in gentle windings through a flat inundated country to the east coast; forming a broad estuary, on the right bank of which, half a league from the sea, the district of Jubasan or Paric (population 2,300) is situated. The latter give their names to the lower portion of the stream. Here the excellent fellows of Loquilocun left me in order to begin their very arduous return journey.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Down the river. The next morning, we continued our journey down the river. Within ten minutes, we floated past the last waterfall, surrounded by white limestone rocks resembling marble, draped in lush vegetation. Branches, completely covered with phalaenopsis orchids (P. Aphrodite, Reichb. fls.), hung over the river, their flowers swaying like large, beautiful butterflies above the frothy current. Two hours later, the river widened to two hundred feet, and after dropping fifty meters from Loquilocun, it meandered gently through a flat, flooded landscape toward the east coast; forming a wide estuary, on the right bank of which, half a league from the sea, lies the district of Jubasan or Paric (population 2,300). The latter gives its name to the lower section of the river. Here, the good people of Loquilocun left me to start their challenging return journey.
Along the coast.Owing to bad weather, I could not embark for Tubig (population 2,858), south of Paric, before the following day; and, being continually hindered by difficulties of land transit, I proceeded in the rowboat along the coast to Borongan (population 7,685), with the equally intelligent and obliging priest with whom I remained some days, and then continued my journey to Guiuan (also Guiuang, Guiguan), the most important district in Samar (population 10,781), situated on a small neck of land which projects from the south-east point of the island into the sea.
By the coast. Due to bad weather, I couldn't leave for Tubig (population 2,858), south of Paric, until the next day. Being constantly held up by difficulties with land travel, I took a rowboat along the coast to Borongan (population 7,685), where I stayed for a few days with a very helpful and smart priest, and then I continued my journey to Guiuan (also Guiuang, Guiguan), the most important district in Samar (population 10,781), located on a small strip of land that juts out from the southeast point of the island into the sea.
A tideland spring.Close to the shore at the latter place a copious spring bursts out of five or six openings, smelling slightly of sulphuretted hydrogen. It is covered by the sea during the flow, but is open during the ebb, when its salt taste is hardly perceptible. In order to test the water, a well was formed by sinking a deep bottomless jar, and from this, after the water had flowed for the space of half [238]an hour, a sample was taken, which, to my regret, was afterwards lost. The temperature of the water of the spring, at eight o’clock in the forenoon, was 27.7°; of the atmosphere, 28.7°; of the sea-water, 31.2°C. The spring is used by the women to dye their sarongs. The materials, after being steeped in the decoction of a bark abounding in tannin (materials made of the abacá are first soaked in a calcareous preparation), and dried in the sun, are placed in the spring during the ebb, taken out during the flow, re-dried, dipped in the decoction of bark, and again, while wet, placed in the spring; and this is repeated for the space of three days; when the result is a durable, but ugly inky black (gallussaures, oxide of iron).
A coastal spring. Close to the shore at that location, a strong spring bursts out of five or six openings, giving off a slight smell of hydrogen sulfide. It gets covered by the sea when it flows, but is visible during the ebb, at which point its salty taste is barely noticeable. To test the water, a deep, empty jar was sunk to create a well, and after the water had flowed for about half [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] an hour, a sample was collected, which, unfortunately, I later lost. The temperature of the spring water at eight o’clock in the morning was 27.7°C; the air temperature was 28.7°C; and the sea water was at 31.2°C. The local women use the spring to dye their sarongs. The materials, after being soaked in a tannin-rich bark decoction (those made from abacá are first soaked in a lime solution), are dried in the sun, put into the spring during low tide, taken out during high tide, re-dried, dipped in the bark decoction, and while still wet, placed back into the spring. This process is repeated for three days, resulting in a durable, but unattractive, inky black color (gallussaures, iron oxide).
East Indian monkeys.At Loquilocun and Borongan I had an opportunity of purchasing two live macaques.10 These extremely delicate and rare little animals, which belong to the class of semi-apes, are, as I was assured in Luzon and Leyte, to be found only in Samar, and live exclusively on charcoal. My first “mago” was, in the beginning, somewhat voracious, but he disdained vegetable food, and was particular in his choice of insects, devouring live grasshoppers with delight.11 It was extremely ludicrous, when he was fed in the day time, to see the animal standing, perched up perpendicularly on his two thin legs with his bare tail, and turning his large head—round as a ball, and with very large, yellow, owl-like eyes—in every direction, looking like a dark lantern on a pedestal with a circular swivel. Only gradually did he succeed in fixing his eyes on the object presented to him; but, as soon as he did perceive it, [239]he immediately extended his little arms sideways, as though somewhat bashful, and then, like a delighted child, suddenly seizing it with hand and mouth at once, he deliberately tore the prey to pieces. During the day the mago was sleepy, short-sighted, and, when disturbed, morose; but with the decreasing daylight he expanded his pupils, and moved about in a lively and agile manner, with rapid noiseless leaps, generally sideways. He soon became tame, but to my regret died after a few weeks; and I succeeded only for a short time in keeping the second little animal alive.
Indian monkeys.At Loquilocun and Borongan, I had the chance to buy two live macaques.10 These incredibly delicate and rare little creatures, part of the semi-ape category, were, as I was told in Luzon and Leyte, found only in Samar and lived solely on charcoal. My first “mago” was quite hungry at first, but he refused plant-based food and was picky about his insect choices, happily devouring live grasshoppers. 11 It was really funny to watch him being fed during the day as he stood upright on his thin legs with his bare tail, turning his large head—round like a ball, with huge yellow, owl-like eyes—in every direction, resembling a dark lantern on a rotating base. He took his time to focus on the food in front of him; but once he spotted it, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]he would stretch out his little arms to the side, acting a bit bashful, and then, like an excited child, he would suddenly grab it with both his hands and mouth, tearing apart his snack with gusto. Throughout the day, the mago was sleepy, short-sighted, and, when disturbed, grumpy; but as it got darker, his pupils widened, and he became lively and agile, bouncing around silently, usually sideways. He quickly got used to me, but sadly, he died after a few weeks; I was only able to keep the second little animal alive for a short time.
1 According to Arenas (“Memorias,” 21) Albay was formerly called Ibalon; Tayabas, Calilaya; Batangas, Comintan; Negros, Buglas; Cebu, Sogbu; Mindoro, Mait; Samar, Ibabao; and Basilan, Taguima. Mindanao is called Cesarea by B. de la Torre, and Samar, by R. Dudleo “Arcano del Mare” (Florence, 1761), Camlaia. In Hondiv’s map of the Indian islands (Purchas, 605) Luzon is Luconia; Samar, Achan; Leyte, Sabura; Camarines, Nebui. In Albo’s “Journal,” Cebu is called Suba; and Leyte, Seilani. Pigafetta describes a city called Cingapola in Zubu, and Leyte, on his map, is in the north called Baybay, and in the south Ceylon.
1 According to Arenas (“Memorias,” 21), Albay used to be called Ibalon; Tayabas was known as Calilaya; Batangas was Comintan; Negros was Buglas; Cebu was Sogbu; Mindoro was Mait; Samar was Ibabao; and Basilan was Taguima. Mindanao is referred to as Cesarea by B. de la Torre, and Samar as Camlaia by R. Dudleo in “Arcano del Mare” (Florence, 1761). In Hondiv’s map of the Indian islands (Purchas, 605), Luzon is labeled as Luconia; Samar as Achan; Leyte as Sabura; and Camarines as Nebui. In Albo’s “Journal,” Cebu is called Suba, and Leyte is referred to as Seilani. Pigafetta mentions a city named Cingapola in Zubu, and his map shows Leyte in the north as Baybay and in the south as Ceylon.
2 No mention is made of it in the Estado geografico of the Franciscans, published at Manila in 1855.
2 It isn’t mentioned in the Estado geografico by the Franciscans, published in Manila in 1855.
3 Small ships which have no cannon should be provided with pitchers filled with water and the fruit of the sacchariferous arenga, for the purpose of be sprinkling the pirates, in the event of an attack, with the corrosive mixture, which causes a burning heat. Dumont d’Urville mentions that the inhabitants of Solo had, during his visit, poisoned the wells with the same fruit. The kernels preserved in sugar are an agreeable confection.
3 Small ships without cannons should carry pitchers filled with water and the fruit of the sugar palm to sprinkle on pirates during an attack, as it creates a burning sensation. Dumont d’Urville notes that the people of Solo had poisoned the wells with the same fruit during his visit. The sugar-preserved kernels make for a tasty treat.
4 There were also elected a teniente mayor (deputy of the gobernadorcillo, a juez mayor (superior judge) for the fields, who is always an ex-captain; a second judge for the police; a third judge for disputes relating to cattle; a second and third teniente; and first and second policemen; and finally, in addition, a teniente, a judge, and a policeman for each visita. All three of the judges can be ex-capitanes, but no ex-capitan can be teniente. The first teniente must be taken from the higher class, the others may belong either to that or to the common people. The policemen (alguacils) are always of the latter class.
4 They also elected a deputy mayor (under the gobernadorcillo), a senior judge for the fields who is always a former captain; a second judge for police matters; a third judge for cattle disputes; a second and third deputy; and first and second police officers. Additionally, there should be a deputy, a judge, and a police officer for each visita. All three judges can be former captains, but no former captain can be a deputy. The first deputy must come from the higher class, while the others can come from either that class or the common people. The police officers (alguacils) are always from the latter class.
5 G. Squier (“States of Central America,” 192) mentions a block of mahogany, seventeen feet in length, which, at its lowest section, measured five feet six, inches square, and contained altogether five hundred fifty cubic feet.
5 G. Squier (“States of Central America,” 192) notes a block of mahogany that was seventeen feet long, measuring five feet six inches square at its smallest section, and had a total volume of five hundred fifty cubic feet.
6 According to Dr. V. Martens, Modiola striatula, Hanley, who found the same bivalve at Singapore, in brackish water, but considerably larger. Reeve also delineates the species collected by Cumming in the Philippines, without precise mention of the locality, as being larger (38 mm.), that from Catarman being 17 mm.
6 According to Dr. V. Martens, Modiola striatula, Hanley, was also found by him in Singapore, in brackish water, but it was significantly larger. Reeve also describes the species collected by Cumming in the Philippines, although he doesn't specify the exact location, indicating that it is larger (38 mm), compared to the one from Catarman which is 17 mm.
7 In Sumatra Wallace saw, in the twilight, a lemur run up the trunk of a tree, and then glide obliquely through the air to another trunk, by which he nearly reached the ground. The distance between the two trees amounted to 210 feet, and the difference of height was not above 35 or 40 feet; consequently, less than l:5.—(“Malay Archipelago,” i. 211).
7 In Sumatra, Wallace saw a lemur running up the trunk of a tree at dusk, then gliding diagonally through the air to another trunk, almost reaching the ground. The distance between the two trees was 210 feet, and the height difference was only about 35 or 40 feet; therefore, it was less than 1:5.—(“Malay Archipelago,” i. 211).
8 According to W. Peters, Tropidolaenus Philippinensis, Gray.
8 According to W. Peters, Tropidolaenus Philippinensis, Gray.
9 V. Martens identified amongst the tertiary mussels of the banks of clay the following species, which still live in the Indian Ocean:—Venus (Hemitapes) hiantina, Lam.; V. squamosa, L.; Arca cecillei, Phil.; A. inaequivalvis, Brug.; A. chalcanthum, Rv., and the genera Yoldia, Pleurotoma, Cuvieria, Dentalium, without being able to assert their identity with living species.
9 V. Martens identified among the tertiary mussels found in the clay banks the following species, which still exist in the Indian Ocean:—Venus (Hemitapes) hiantina, Lam.; V. squamosa, L.; Arca cecillei, Phil.; A. inaequivalvis, Brug.; A. chalcanthum, Rv., and the genera Yoldia, Pleurotoma, Cuvieria, Dentalium, although he couldn't confirm their identity with living species.
10 Tarsius spectrum, Tem.; in the language of the country—mago.
10 Tarsius spectrum, Tem.; in the local language—mago.
11 Father Camel mentions that the little animal is said to live only on coal, but that it was an error, for he ate the ficus Indica (by which we here understand him to mean the banana) and other fruits. (Camel de quadruped. Phil. Trans., 1706–7. London.) Camel also gives (p. 194) an interesting account of the kaguang, which is accurate at the present day.—Ibid., ii. S. 2197.
11 Father Camel notes that the little animal is said to only eat coal, but that was a mistake, as it actually ate the ficus Indica (which we understand here to mean the banana) and other fruits. (Camel de quadruped. Phil. Trans., 1706–7. London.) Camel also provides (p. 194) an interesting description of the kaguang, which is still accurate today.—Ibid., ii. S. 2197.
XX
Pearl divers from the Carolines.In Guiuan I was visited by some Micronesians, who for the last fourteen days had been engaged at Sulangan on the small neck of land south-east from Guiuan, in diving for pearl mussels (mother-of-pearl), having undertaken the dangerous journey for the express purpose.1
Pearl divers from the Carolinas.In Guiuan, I was visited by some Micronesians who, for the past two weeks, had been diving for pearl mussels (mother-of-pearl) at Sulangan, a small stretch of land southeast of Guiuan, having taken on the risky journey for that specific purpose. 1
Hardships and perils of their voyage.They had sailed from Uleai (Uliai, 7° 20′ N., 143°57′ E. Gr.) in five boats, each of which had a crew of nine men and carried forty gourds full of water, with coconuts and batata. Every man received one coconut daily, and two batatas, which they baked in the ashes of the coco shells; and they caught some fish on the way, and collected a little rain-water. During the day they directed their course by the sun, and at night by the [240]stars. A storm destroyed the boats. Two of them sank, together with their crews, before the eyes of their companions, and of these, only one—probably the sole individual rescued—two weeks afterwards reached the harbor of Tandag, on the east coast of Mindanao. The party remained at Tandag two weeks, working in the fields for hire, and then proceeded northwards along the coast to Cantilang, 8° 25′ N.; Banouan (called erroneously Bancuan by Coello), 9° 1′ N.; Taganaan, 9° 25′ N.; thence to Surigao, on the north point of Mindanao; and then, with an easterly wind, in two days, direct to Guiuan. In the German translation of Captain Salmon’s “History of the Oriental Islands” (Altona, 1733), it is stated that:
Challenges and risks of their journey. They had set sail from Uleai (Uliai, 7° 20′ N., 143°57′ E. Gr.) in five boats, each with a crew of nine men and carrying forty gourds of water, along with coconuts and batatas. Each person received one coconut a day and two batatas, which they baked in the ashes of the coconut shells; they also caught some fish along the route and collected a bit of rainwater. During the day, they navigated by the sun, and at night by the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] stars. A storm wrecked the boats. Two of them sank, taking their crewmembers down with them, and of those, only one—likely the only survivor—managed to reach the harbor of Tandag on the east coast of Mindanao two weeks later. The group stayed in Tandag for two weeks, working in the fields for money, and then continued north along the coast to Cantilang, 8° 25′ N.; Banouan (incorrectly called Bancuan by Coello), 9° 1′ N.; Taganaan, 9° 25′ N.; then to Surigao at the north point of Mindanao; and from there, with a favorable easterly wind, they reached Guiuan in two days. In the German translation of Captain Salmon’s “History of the Oriental Islands” (Altona, 1733), it is stated that:
Castaways from the Pelews.“Some other islands on the east of the Philippines have lately been discovered which have received the name of the New Philippines because they are situated in the neighborhood of the old, which have been already described. Father Clan (Clain), in a letter from Manila, which has been incorporated in the ‘Philosophical Transactions,’ makes the following statement respecting them:—It happened that when he was in the town of Guivam, on the island of Samar, he met twenty-nine Palaos (there had been thirty, but one died soon after in Guiuan), or natives of certain recently discovered islands, who had been driven thither by the east winds, which prevail from December to May. According to their own statement, they were driven about by the winds for seventy days, without getting sight of land, until they arrived opposite to Guivam. When they sailed from their own country, their two boats were quite full, carrying thirty-five souls, including their wives and children; but several had died miserably on the way from the fatigue which they had undergone. When some one from Guivam wished to go on board to them, they were thrown into such a state of terror that all who were in one of the boats sprang overboard, along with their wives and children. However, they at last thought it [241]best to come into the harbor; so they came ashore on December 28, 1696. They fed on coconuts and roots, which were charitably supplied to them, but refused even to taste cooked rice, which is the general food of the Asiatic nations. Previous castaways.Two women who had previously been cast away on the same islands acted as interpreters for them....
Castaways from the Pelew Islands. “Recently, some other islands east of the Philippines were discovered and named the New Philippines because they are near the original Philippines that have already been mentioned. Father Clan (Clain), in a letter from Manila included in the ‘Philosophical Transactions,’ makes the following statement about them:—When he was in the town of Guivam on the island of Samar, he encountered twenty-nine Palaos (there had been thirty, but one died shortly after in Guiuan), who were natives of certain newly discovered islands and had been blown there by the east winds that prevail from December to May. According to their account, they were tossed around by the winds for seventy days without sighting land until they reached Guivam. When they left their homeland, their two boats were completely full, carrying thirty-five people, including their wives and children; however, several had died along the way due to the exhaustion they experienced. When someone from Guivam tried to board their boats, they were so terrified that everyone in one of the boats jumped into the water with their wives and children. Eventually, they decided it was [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]best to come into the harbor and landed on December 28, 1696. They survived on coconuts and roots, which were generously provided to them, but refused to even try cooked rice, the staple food of many Asian countries. Past castaways.Two women who had previously been cast away on the same islands acted as interpreters for them....
Lived by sea-fishing and rain water.“The people of the country went half naked, and the men painted their bodies with spots and all kinds of devices.... As long as they were on the sea they lived on fish, which they caught in a certain kind of fish-basket, with a wide mouth but tapering to a point at the bottom, which was dragged along underneath the boats; and rain-water, when they could catch it (or, as is stated in the letter itself, preserved in the shells of the coconut), served them for drink. When they were about to be taken into the presence of the Father, whom, from the great respect which was shown to him, they took for the governor, they colored their bodies entirely yellow, an operation which they considered highly important, as enabling them to appear as persons of consideration. They are very skilful divers, and now and then find pearls in the mussels which they bring up, which, however, they throw away as useless things.”
Lived by catching fish from the sea and using rainwater. “The people of the country dressed mostly in minimal clothing, and the men decorated their bodies with spots and various designs.... While they were at sea, they survived on fish, which they caught using a type of fish-basket that had a wide opening but narrowed at the bottom, dragged along beneath the boats. They drank rainwater when they could collect it (or, as noted in the letter itself, stored it in coconut shells). When they were summoned to meet the Father, whom they regarded with great respect as the governor, they painted their bodies entirely yellow, a practice they deemed very important to appear dignified. They are skilled divers and occasionally find pearls in the mussels they bring up, which they generally discard as worthless.”
Not the first time for one.But one of the most important parts of Father Clain’s letter has been omitted by Capt. Salmon:—“The oldest of these strangers had once before been cast away on the coast of the province of Caragan, on one of our islands (Mindanao); but as he found only heathens (infidels), who lived in the mountains or on the desert shore, he returned to his own country.”
Not the first time for someone.But one of the most important parts of Father Clain’s letter has been left out by Capt. Salmon:—“The oldest of these strangers had previously been shipwrecked on the coast of the province of Caragan, on one of our islands (Mindanao); but when he found only non-believers (infidels), who lived in the mountains or on the deserted shore, he went back to his own country.”
Yap camotes from Philippines.In a letter from Father Cantova to Father d’Aubenton, dated from Agdana (i.e. Agaña, of the Marianne Islands), March 20, 1722, describing the Caroline and Pelew Islands, it is said:—“The fourth district lies to the west. Yap (9° 25′ N., 138° 1′ E. Gr.),2 which is the principal island, [242]is more than forty leagues in circumference. Besides the different roots which are used by the natives of the island instead of bread, there is the batata, which they call camote, and which they have acquired from the Philippines, as I was informed by one of our Caroline Indians, who is a native of the island. He states that his father, named Coorr, ... three of his brothers, and himself had been cast away in a storm on one of the provinces in the Philippines, which was called Bisayas; that a missionary of our society (Jesus) received them in a friendly manner ... that on returning to their own island they took with them the seeds of different plants, amongst others the Other arrivals of Micronesians.batata, which multiplied so fast that they had sufficient to supply the other islands of the Archipelago with them.” Murillo Velarde states that in 1708 some Palaos were wrecked in a storm on Palapag (north coast of Samar); and I personally had the opportunity, in Manila, of photographing a company of Palaos and Caroline islanders, who had been the year before cast on the coast of Samar by foul weather. Apart from the question of their transport, whether voluntary or not, these simply were six examples, such as still occur occasionally, of Micronesians cast up on the shore of the Philippines; and probably it would not be difficult to find several more; but how often, both before and after the arrival of the Spaniards, might not vessels from those islands have come within the influence of the north-east storms, and been driven violently on the east coast of the Philippines without any record of such facts being preserved?3 Even as, on the west side of the Archipelago, the type of the race seems to have been modified by its long intercourse with China, Japan, Lower India, and later with Europe, so likewise may Polynesian [243]Possible influence on Filipinos.influences have operated in a similar manner on the east side; and the further circumstance that the inhabitants of the Ladrones4 and the Bisayans5 possess the art of coloring their teeth black, seems to point to early intercourse between the Bisayans and the Polynesians.6
Yap sweet potatoes from the Philippines. In a letter from Father Cantova to Father d’Aubenton, dated from Agdana (i.e. Agaña, of the Marianne Islands), March 20, 1722, describing the Caroline and Pelew Islands, it is said:—“The fourth district lies to the west. Yap (9° 25′ N., 138° 1′ E. Gr.), 2 which is the main island, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] is over forty leagues in circumference. Along with the various roots that the natives use instead of bread, there is the batata, which they call camote, that they got from the Philippines, as I learned from one of our Caroline Indians, who is a native of the island. He mentions that his father, named Coorr, ... three of his brothers, and himself were shipwrecked in a storm on one of the provinces in the Philippines, called Bisayas; that a missionary from our society (Jesus) welcomed them kindly... that when they returned to their island, they brought back seeds of different plants, including the Other Micronesian arrivals.batata, which multiplied so quickly that they had enough to supply the other islands of the Archipelago.” Murillo Velarde states that in 1708 some Palaos were wrecked in a storm on Palapag (north coast of Samar); and I personally had the chance, in Manila, to photograph a group of Palaos and Caroline islanders, who had washed ashore on the coast of Samar due to bad weather the previous year. Aside from how they were transported, whether voluntarily or not, these were just six examples, like what sometimes happens, of Micronesians ending up on the shores of the Philippines; and it would likely not be hard to find several more; but how often, both before and after the arrival of the Spaniards, might vessels from those islands have been caught in north-east storms and violently pushed onto the east coast of the Philippines without any records of those events being kept? 3 Just as, on the west side of the Archipelago, the racial type seems to have been altered by long contact with China, Japan, Lower India, and later with Europe, so Polynesian [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Possible impact on Filipinos. influences might have similarly affected the east side; and the fact that the inhabitants of the Ladrones 4 and the Bisayans 5 have the practice of coloring their teeth black suggests early interactions between the Bisayans and the Polynesians. 6
A futile sea voyage in an open boat.At Guiuan I embarked on board an inconveniently cranky, open boat, which was provided with an awning only three feet square, for Tacloban, the chief town of Leyte. After first experiencing an uninterrupted calm, we incurred great danger in a sudden tempest, so that we had to retrace the whole distance by means of the oars. The passage was very laborious for the crew, who were not protected by an awning (temperature in the sun 35° R., of the water 25° R.7), and lasted thirty-one hours, with few intermissions; the party voluntarily abridging their intervals of rest in order to get back quickly to Tacloban, which keeps up an active intercourse with Manila, and has all the attractions of a luxurious city for the men living on the inhospitable eastern coast. Beauty of Samar-Leyte strait. It is questionable whether the sea anywhere washes over a spot of such peculiar beauty as the narrow strait which divides Samar from Leyte. On the west it is enclosed by steep banks of tuff, which tolerate no swamps of mangroves on their borders. There the lofty primeval forest approaches in all its sublimity close to the shore, interrupted only here and there by groves of cocos, in whose sharply defined shadows solitary [244]huts are to be found; and the steep hills facing the sea, and numerous small rocky islands, are crowned with little castles of blocks of coral. At the eastern entrance of the strait the south coast of Samar consists of white limestone, like marble, but of quite modern date, which in many places forms precipitous cliffs.8 At Nipa-Nipa, a small hamlet two leagues from Basey, they project into the sea in a succession of picturesque rocks, above one hundred feet in height, which, rounded above like a dome, thickly covered with vegetation, and corroded at the base by the waters of the sea, rise out of the waves like gigantic mushrooms. A peculiar atmosphere of enchantment pervades this locality, whose influence upon the native mariner must be all the more powerful when, fortunately escaping from the billows outside and the buffeting of the north-east wind, he suddenly enters this tranquil place of refuge. No wonder that superstitious imagination has peopled the place with spirits.
A meaningless boat trip on the open sea. In Guiuan, I boarded a notoriously unstable open boat that had an awning barely three feet square, bound for Tacloban, the main town of Leyte. After a period of uninterrupted calm, we faced serious danger when a sudden storm hit, forcing us to row back the entire distance. The journey was extremely exhausting for the crew, who had no protection from the sun (with temperatures reaching 35° R. and water at 25° R.7), and lasted thirty-one hours with few breaks. The group willingly shortened their rest periods to return quickly to Tacloban, which has active connections with Manila and offers all the comforts of a luxury city for those living on the harsh eastern coast. Beauty of Samar-Leyte Strait. It's debatable whether any sea touches a place as uniquely beautiful as the narrow strait between Samar and Leyte. On the west, it’s bordered by steep tuff banks that don’t allow mangrove swamps along their edges. There, the majestic primeval forest reaches almost to the shore, occasionally broken by groves of coconut trees, where solitary [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] huts can be found. The steep hills facing the sea and many small rocky islands are topped with tiny castles made of coral blocks. At the eastern entrance of the strait, the southern coast of Samar is made up of white limestone that resembles marble but is relatively new, forming steep cliffs in many areas.8 At Nipa-Nipa, a small village two leagues from Basey, these cliffs extend into the sea as a series of picturesque rocks over a hundred feet high, rounded at the top like domes, thickly covered in vegetation, and eroded at the base by the sea, rising from the waves like giant mushrooms. This location has a unique enchanting atmosphere, which must be even more powerful for native sailors fortunate enough to escape the rough waves and the north-east wind, suddenly finding themselves in this tranquil refuge. It’s no surprise that superstitious beliefs have filled this place with spirits.
Burial caves.In the caverns of these rocks the ancient Pintados interred the corpses of their heroes and ancestors in well-locked coffins, surrounded by those objects which had been held in the highest regard by them during life. Slaves were also sacrificed by them at their obsequies, in order that they might not be without attendance in the world of shadows;9 and the numerous coffins, implements, [245]arms, and trinkets, protected by superstitious terrors, continued to be undisturbed for centuries. No boat ventured to cross over without the observance of a religious ceremony, derived from heathen times, to propitiate the spirits of the caverns who were believed to punish the omission of it with storm and ship-wreck.
Burial caves. In the caverns of these rocks, the ancient Pintados buried the bodies of their heroes and ancestors in securely locked coffins, surrounded by items they valued most in life. They also sacrificed slaves during these funerals so that they wouldn’t be alone in the afterlife; 9 and the countless coffins, tools, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] weapons, and trinkets, shielded by superstitious fears, remained undisturbed for centuries. No boat dared to cross without performing a religious ceremony, rooted in pagan times, to appease the spirits of the caverns who were believed to punish any oversight with storms and shipwrecks.
Objects destroyed but superstition persists.About thirty years ago a zealous young ecclesiastic, to whom these heathen practices were an abomination, determined to extirpate them by the roots. With several boats well equipped with crosses, banners, pictures of saints, and all the approved machinery for driving out the Devil, he undertook the expedition against the haunted rocks, which were climbed amidst the sounds of music, prayers, and the reports of fireworks. A whole pailful of holy water first having been thrown into the cave for the purpose of confounding the evil spirits, the intrepid priest rushed in with elevated cross, and was followed by his faithful companions, who were fired with his example. A brilliant victory was the reward of the well-contrived and carefully executed plot. The coffins were broken to fragments, the vessels dashed to pieces, and the skeletons thrown into the sea; and the remaining caverns were stormed with like results. The objects of superstition have indeed been annihilated, but the superstition itself survives to the present day.
Objects destroyed but beliefs persist.About thirty years ago, a passionate young churchman, who found these pagan practices repulsive, decided to eliminate them completely. With several boats equipped with crosses, banners, images of saints, and all the necessary tools to drive out evil, he set out on a mission against the haunted rocks, climbing up to the sounds of music, prayers, and fireworks. After first throwing a bucket of holy water into the cave to confuse the evil spirits, the fearless priest rushed inside holding a raised cross, followed by his devoted companions, inspired by his bravery. Their well-planned and carefully executed strategy led to a stunning victory. The coffins were shattered, the vessels smashed, and the skeletons thrown into the sea; the remaining caves were attacked with similar outcomes. The objects of superstition were indeed destroyed, but the superstition itself remains to this day.
Skulls from a rock near Basey.I subsequently learned from the priest at Basey that there were still some remains on a rock, and a few days afterwards the worthy man surprised me with several skulls and a child’s coffin, which he had had brought from the place. Notwithstanding the great respect in which he was held by his flock, he had to exert all his powers of persuasion to induce the boldest of them to engage in so daring an enterprise. A boat manned by sixteen rowers was fitted out for the purpose; with a smaller crew they would not have ventured to undertake [246]the journey. On their return home a thunderstorm broke over them, and the sailors, believing it to be a punishment for their outrage, were prevented only by the fear of making the matter worse from throwing coffin and skulls into the sea. Fortunately the land was near, and they rowed with all their might towards it; and, when they arrived, I was obliged to take the objects out of the boat myself, as no native would touch them.
Skulls found in a rock near Basey.I later found out from the priest at Basey that there were still some remains on a rock, and a few days later, the kind man surprised me with several skulls and a child’s coffin that he had brought from the site. Despite the high regard in which he was held by his congregation, he had to use all his persuasive skills to get even the bravest among them to take on such a risky task. A boat with sixteen rowers was prepared for the journey; they wouldn’t have dared attempt it with a smaller crew. On their way back, a thunderstorm hit them, and the sailors, thinking it was a punishment for what they had done, were only held back from tossing the coffin and skulls into the sea by the fear of making things worse. Luckily, land was close by, and they rowed as hard as they could toward it; and when they arrived, I had to take the items out of the boat myself, as no local would touch them.
The cavern’s contents.Notwithstanding, I was the next morning successful in finding some resolute individuals who accompanied me to the caverns. In the first two which we examined we found nothing; the third contained several broken coffins, some skulls, and potsherds of glazed and crudely painted earthenware, of which, however, it was impossible to find two pieces that belonged to each other. A narrow hole led from the large cavern into an obscure space, which was so small that one could remain in it only for a few seconds with the burning torch. This circumstance may explain the discovery, in a coffin which was eaten to pieces by worms, and quite mouldered away, of a well-preserved skeleton, or rather a mummy, for in many places there were carcasses clothed with dry fibers of muscle and skin. It lay upon a mat of pandanus, which was yet recognizable, with a cushion under the head stuffed with plants, and covered with matting of pandanus. There were no other remains of woven material. The coffins were of three shapes and without any ornament. Those of the first form, which were of excellent molave-wood, showed no trace of worm-holes or decay, whereas the others had entirely fallen to dust; and those of the third kind, which were most numerous, were distinguishable from the first only by a less curved form and inferior material.
The cave's contents.The next morning, I successfully found some determined people who joined me to explore the caverns. In the first two we checked, we didn’t find anything; the third one had several broken coffins, some skulls, and fragments of glazed and crudely painted pottery, although it was impossible to find two pieces that matched. A narrow opening led from the large cavern into a dark space, so small that you could only stay in it for a few seconds with the burning torch. This might explain why we found, in a coffin that was completely eaten away by worms and quite decayed, a well-preserved skeleton, or rather a mummy, since in many areas there were remains covered with dry fibers of muscle and skin. It was laying on a recognizable mat of pandanus, with a cushion under its head made of packed plants, and covered with matting of pandanus. There were no other woven materials left. The coffins had three shapes and were unadorned. The first type, made of high-quality molave wood, showed no signs of wormholes or deterioration, while the others had completely crumbled to dust; the third type, which was the most common, could only be distinguished from the first by its less curved shape and lower-quality material.
Impressive location of burial cave.No legend could have supplied an enchanted royal sepulchre with a more suitable approach than that of [247]the last of these caverns. The rock rises out of the sea with perpendicular sides of marble, and only in one spot is to be observed a natural opening made by the water, hardly two feet high, through which the boat passed at once into a spacious court, almost circular, and over-arched by the sky, the floor of which was covered by the sea, and adorned with a garden of corals. The steep sides are thickly hung with lianas, ferns, and orchids, by help of which one climbs upwards to the cavern, sixty feet above the surface of the water. To add to the singularity of the situation, we also found at the entrance to the grotto, on a large block of rock projecting two feet above the ground, A sea snake.a sea-snake, which tranquilly gazed at us, but which had to be killed, because, like all genuine sea-snakes, it was poisonous. Twice before I had found the same species in crevices of rock on the dry land, where the ebb might have left it; but it was strange to meet with it in this place, at such a height above the sea. It now reposes, as Platurus fasciatus Daud., in the Zoological Museum of the Berlin University.
Impressive burial cave location.No story could have provided a more fitting entrance to an enchanting royal tomb than that of [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]the last of these caves. The rock rises out of the sea with straight-edged marble cliffs, and there’s only one spot where a natural opening created by the water can be seen, barely two feet high, through which the boat passed directly into a spacious, almost circular court, open to the sky, with the sea covering the floor and a garden of corals enhancing its beauty. The steep walls are thickly draped with vines, ferns, and orchids, which help you climb up to the cave, sixty feet above the water's surface. To add to the uniqueness of the location, we also found at the entrance to the grotto, on a large rock sticking two feet above the ground, A sea snake.a sea snake, which calmly stared at us, but had to be killed because, like all true sea snakes, it was poisonous. I had encountered this same species twice before in rock crevices on dry land, where the tide might have left it; but it was surprising to find it here, so high above the sea. It now rests, as Platurus fasciatus Daud., in the Zoological Museum of the Berlin University.
Chinese dishers from a cave.In Guiuan I had an opportunity of purchasing four richly painted Chinese dishes which came from a similar cavern, and a gold signet ring; the latter consisting of a plate of gold, originally bent into a tube of the thickness of a quill with a gaping seam, and afterwards into a ring as large as a thaler, which did not quite meet. The dishes were stolen from me at Manila.
Cave-dwelling Chinese dishes.In Guiuan, I had the chance to buy four beautifully painted Chinese dishes that came from a similar cave, along with a gold signet ring. The ring was made from a piece of gold that was originally shaped into a tube about the thickness of a quill, with a noticeable seam, and later formed into a ring roughly the size of a thaler, which didn't completely close. The dishes were stolen from me in Manila.
Burial caves.There are similar caverns which have been used as burial-places in many other localities in this country; on the island of Andog, in Borongan (a short time ago it contained skulls); also at Batinguitan, three hours from Borongan, on the banks of a little brook; and in Guiuan, on the little island of Monhon, which is difficult of approach by reason of the boisterous sea. In Catubig trinkets of gold have been found, but they have been converted [248]into modern articles of adornment. One cavern at Lauang, however, is famous over the whole country on account of the gigantic, flat, compressed skulls, without sutures, which have been found in it.10 It will not be uninteresting to compare the particulars here described with the statements of older authors; and for this reason I submit the following extracts:—
Burial caves. There are similar caves that have been used as burial sites in many other places in this country; on the island of Andog, in Borongan (not long ago it contained skulls); also at Batinguitan, which is three hours from Borongan, along the banks of a small brook; and in Guiuan, on the tiny island of Monhon, which is hard to reach because of the rough sea. In Catubig, gold trinkets have been found, but they have been turned into modern jewelry. One cave in Lauang, however, is famous throughout the country because of the huge, flat, compressed skulls, without sutures, that have been discovered there.10 It will be interesting to compare the details described here with the accounts of earlier authors; for this reason, I present the following excerpts:—
Embalming.Mas (Informe, i. 21), who does not give the sources of his information, thus describes the customs of the ancient inhabitants of the archipelago at their interments:—They sometimes embalmed their dead with aromatic substances * * * and placed those who were of note in chests carved out of a branch of a tree, and furnished with well-fitted lids * * * The coffin was placed, in accordance with the wish of the deceased, expressed before his death, either in the uppermost room of the house, where articles of value were secreted, or under the dwelling-house, in a kind of grave, which was not covered, but enclosed with a railing; or in a distant field, or on an elevated place or rock on the bank of a river, where he might be venerated by the pious. A watch was set over it for a certain time, lest boats should cross over, and the dead person should drag the living after him.
Embalming. Mas (Informe, i. 21), who doesn’t provide the sources of his information, describes the burial customs of the ancient inhabitants of the archipelago: They sometimes embalmed their dead with aromatic substances and placed those who were distinguished in chests carved from a tree branch, equipped with well-fitting lids. The coffin was positioned, according to the wishes of the deceased, expressed before their death, either in the top room of the house, where valuables were hidden, or beneath the house, in a type of grave that was not covered but enclosed with a railing; or in a distant field, or on a high spot or rock by the riverbank, where they might be honored by the faithful. A watch was kept over it for a certain period, to prevent boats from crossing, so the deceased wouldn’t pull the living with them.
Burial customs.According to Gaspar San Agustín (p. 169), the dead were rolled up in cloths, and placed in clumsy chests, carved out of a block of wood, and buried under their houses, together with their jewels, gold rings, and some plates of gold over the mouth and eyes, and furnished with provisions, cups, and dishes. They were also accustomed to bury slaves along with men of note, in order that they might be attended in the other world.
Funeral traditions. According to Gaspar San Agustín (p. 169), the dead were wrapped in cloths and placed in awkward chests carved from a solid block of wood. These were buried under their houses, along with their jewels, gold rings, and some gold plates over the mouth and eyes, along with provisions, cups, and dishes. They also buried slaves alongside notable individuals so that they could serve them in the afterlife.
[249]“Their chief idolatry consisted in the worship of those of their ancestors who had most distinguished themselves by courage and genius, whom they regarded as deities * * * * They called them humalagar, which is the same as manes in the Latin * * * Even the aged died under this conceit, choosing particular places, such as one on the island of Leyte, which allowed of their being interred at the edge of the sea, in order that the mariners who crossed over might acknowledge them as deities, and pay them respect.” (Thévenot, Religieux, p. 2.)
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]“Their main form of worship involved honoring their ancestors who had shown exceptional bravery and intelligence, and they viewed them as gods * * * * They referred to them as humalagar, which is the same as manes in Latin * * * Even the elderly embraced this belief when they died, choosing specific locations, like one on the island of Leyte, that allowed them to be buried by the sea so that the sailors passing by could recognize them as deities and show them respect.” (Thévenot, Religieux, p. 2.)
Slaves sacrificed.“They did not place them (the dead) in the earth, but in coffins of very hard, indestructible wood * * * Male and female slaves were sacrificed to them, that they should not be unattended in the other world. If a person of consideration died, silence was imposed upon the whole of the people, and its duration was regulated by the rank of the deceased; and under certain circumstances it was not discontinued until his relations had killed many other persons to appease the spirit of the dead.” (Ibid., p. 7.)
Slaves were sacrificed. “They didn’t bury the dead in the ground, but in coffins made of very hard, indestructible wood. * * * Male and female slaves were sacrificed for them, so they wouldn’t be alone in the afterlife. When a person of importance died, everyone had to be silent, and the length of the silence was determined by the deceased’s status; sometimes, it wouldn’t end until the relatives had killed many others to appease the spirit of the dead.” (Ibid., p. 7.)
“For this reason (to be worshipped as deities) the oldest of them chose some remarkable spot in the mountains, and particularly on headlands projecting into the sea, in order to be worshipped by the sailors.” (Gemelli Careri, p. 449.)
“For this reason (to be worshipped as gods) the oldest of them selected a special location in the mountains, especially on cliffs that jutted out into the sea, so that sailors would come to worship them.” (Gemelli Careri, p. 449.)
Basey and its river.From Tacloban, which I chose for my headquarters on account of its convenient tribunal, and because it is well supplied with provisions, I returned on the following day to Samar, and then to Basey, which is opposite to Tacloban. The people of Basey are notorious over all Samar for their laziness and their stupidity, but are advantageously distinguished from the inhabitants of Tacloban by their purity of manners. Basey is situated on the delta of the river, which is named after it. We proceeded up a small arm of the principal stream, which [250]winds, with a very slight fall, through the plain; the brackish water, and the fringe of nipa-palms which accompanies it, consequently extending several leagues into the country. Coco plantations stretch behind them; and there the floods of water (avenidas), which sometimes take place in consequence of the narrow rocky bed of the upper part of the river, cause great devastation, as was evident from the mutilated palms which, torn away from their standing-place, rise up out of the middle of the river. After five hours’ rowing we passed out of the flat country into a narrow valley, with steep sides of marble, which progressively closed in and became higher. In several places they are underwashed, cleft, and hurled over each other, and with their naked side-walls form a beautiful contrast to the blue sky, the clear, greenish river, and the luxuriant lianas, which, attaching themselves to every inequality to which they could cling, hung in long garlands over the rocks.
Basey and its river. From Tacloban, which I picked as my base because it has a convenient court and good access to supplies, I went back the next day to Samar and then to Basey, which is across from Tacloban. The people of Basey are known throughout Samar for being lazy and not very bright, but they are notably more decent than the residents of Tacloban. Basey is located at the delta of the river that shares its name. We traveled up a small branch of the main river, which [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] meanders gently through the plain; the brackish water and the line of nipa palms that grow along it stretch several miles into the inland area. Coco plantations extend behind them, and during flooding events (called avenidas) that occasionally happen due to the narrow rocky upper part of the river, significant damage occurs, as seen from the broken palm trees that have been uprooted and now stand in the middle of the river. After five hours of rowing, we moved out of the flat area into a narrow valley with steep marble sides that gradually closed in and rose higher. In several spots, they are undercut, split, and piled on top of each other, creating a stunning contrast to the blue sky, the clear greenish water, and the lush lianas that, clinging to every bump they can, hang in long garlands over the rocks.
A frontage.The stream became so rapid and so shallow that the party disembarked and dragged the boat over the stony bed. In this manner we passed through a sharp curve, twelve feet in height, formed by two rocks thrown opposite to each other, into a tranquil oval-shaped basin of water enclosed in a circle of limestone walls, inclining inwards, of from sixty to seventy feet in height; on the upper edge of which a circle of trees permitted only a misty sunlight to glimmer through the thick foliage. A magnificent gateway of rock, fifty to sixty feet high, and adorned with numerous stalactites, raised itself up opposite the low entrance; and through it we could see, at some distance, the upper portion of the river bathed in the sun. A beautiful grotto.A cavern of a hundred feet in length, and easily climbed, opened itself in the left side of the oval court, some sixty feet above the surface of the water; and it ended in a small gateway, through which you [251]stepped on to a projection like a balcony, studded with stalactites. From this point both the landscape and the rocky cauldron are visible, and the latter is seen to be the remainder of a stalactitic cavern, the roof of which has fallen in. The beauty and peculiar character of the place have been felt even by the natives, who have called it Sogoton (properly, a bay in the sea). In the very hard limestone, which is like marble, I observed traces of bivalves and multitudes of spines of the sea-urchin, but no well-defined remains could be knocked off. The river could still be followed a short distance further upwards; and in its bed there were disjointed fragments of talcose and chloritic rocks.
A facade.The stream became so fast and shallow that the group got out and dragged the boat over the rocky bottom. In this way, we navigated through a sharp curve, towering twelve feet high, formed by two rocks facing each other, leading into a peaceful oval-shaped pool of water surrounded by limestone walls that slanted inward, standing sixty to seventy feet tall; at the top, a ring of trees allowed only a faint sunlight to filter through the thick leaves. A stunning rock gateway, fifty to sixty feet high and decorated with numerous stalactites, rose opposite the low entrance; through it, we could see in the distance the upper part of the river glowing in the sunshine. A stunning grotto.[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]stepped out onto a ledge like a balcony, adorned with stalactites. From this spot, both the landscape and the rocky basin are visible, with the latter being remnants of a stalactite cavern whose roof has collapsed. The beauty and unique nature of the place haven’t gone unnoticed, even by the locals, who have named it Sogoton (which actually means a bay in the sea). In the very hard limestone, resembling marble, I noticed traces of bivalves and countless sea-urchin spines, but no distinct remains could be knocked off. The river could still be traced a short distance further upstream; in its bed, there were broken fragments of talcose and chloritic rocks.
Fishing.A few small fishes were obtained with much difficulty; and amongst them was a new and interesting species, viviparous.11 An allied species (H. fluviatilis, Bleeker) which I had two years previously found in a limestone cavern on Nusa Kambangan, in Java, likewise contained living young ones. The net employed in fishing appears to be suited to the locality, which is a shallow river, full of transparent blocks. It is a fine-meshed, longish, four-cornered net, having its ample sides fastened to two poles of bamboo, which at the bottom were provided with a kind of wooden shoes, which curve upwards towards the stems when pushed forwards. The fisherman, taking hold of the upper ends of the poles, pushes the net, which is held obliquely before him, and the wooden shoes cause it to slide over the stones, while another person drives the fish towards him.
Fishing.A few small fish were caught with a lot of effort, and among them was a new and interesting species, viviparous.11 I had previously found a related species (H. fluviatilis, Bleeker) two years ago in a limestone cave on Nusa Kambangan, Java, which also had living young ones. The net used for fishing seems appropriate for the area, which is a shallow river filled with clear stones. It’s a long, fine-meshed, rectangular net, with its sides attached to two bamboo poles. At the bottom, it has wooden shoes that curve up toward the stems when pushed forward. The fisherman holds the upper ends of the poles and pushes the net in front of him at an angle, while the wooden shoes help it slide over the stones, and another person drives the fish toward him.
Fossil beds.On the right bank, below the cavern, and twenty feet above the surface of the water, there are beds of fossils, pectunculus, tapes, and placuna, some of which, from the fact of their barely adhering by the tip, must be of very recent date. I passed the night in a small hut, [252]which was quickly erected for me, and on the following day attempted to pass up the river as far as the limits of the crystalline rock, but in vain. In the afternoon we set out on our return to Basey, which we reached at night.
Fossil sites. On the right bank, just below the cave and twenty feet above the water level, there are fossil beds filled with pectunculus, tapes, and placuna. Some of these are barely hanging on by the tip, indicating they are quite recent. I spent the night in a small hut, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] that was quickly set up for me, and the next day I tried to travel up the river as far as the edge of the crystalline rock, but I couldn’t. In the afternoon, we started heading back to Basey, and we got there at night.
Recent elevation of coast.Basey is situated on a bank of clay, about fifty feet above the sea, which towards the west elevates itself into a hill several hundred feet in height, and with steep sides. At twenty-five to thirty feet above the sea I found the same recent beds of mussels as in the stalactitic cavern of Sogoton. From the statements of the parish priest and of other persons, a rapid elevation of the coasts seems to be taking place in this country. Thirty years ago ships could lie alongside the land in three fathoms of water at the flood, whereas the depth at the same place now is not much more than one fathom. Immediately opposite to Basey lie two small islands, Genamok and Tapontonan, which, at the present time, appear to be surrounded by a sandbank at the lowest ebb-tide. Twenty years ago nothing of the kind was to be seen. Supposing these particulars to be correct, we must next ascertain what proportion of these changes of level is due to the floods, and how much to volcanic elevation; which, if we may judge by the neighboring active solfatara at Leyte, must always be of considerable amount.
Recent rise of coast.Basey is located on a clay bank, about fifty feet above sea level, which rises to the west into a hill several hundred feet high, with steep sides. At twenty-five to thirty feet above the sea, I found the same recent mussel beds as in the stalactite cave of Sogoton. According to the parish priest and others, the coastlines in this area seem to be rising rapidly. Thirty years ago, ships could dock right by the shore in three fathoms of water at high tide, while now the depth at the same location is barely over one fathom. Directly across from Basey are two small islands, Genamok and Tapontonan, which currently seem to be enclosed by a sandbank at the lowest tide. Twenty years ago, there was no sign of anything like that. If these details are accurate, we need to determine what percentage of these level changes is caused by flooding and how much is due to volcanic uplift; which, based on the nearby active solfatara in Leyte, must be significant.
Crocodiles.As the priest assured us, there are crocodiles in the river Basey over thirty feet in length, those in excess of twenty feet being numerous. The obliging father promised me one of at least twenty-four feet, whose skeleton I would gladly have secured; and he sent out some men who are so practised in the capture of these animals that they are dispatched to distant places for the purpose. Their contrivance for capturing them, which I, however, never personally witnessed, consists of a light raft of bamboo, with a stage, on which, several [253]feet above the water, a dog or a cat is bound. Alongside the animal is placed a strong iron hook, which is fastened to the swimming bamboo by means of fibers of abacá. The crocodile, when it has swallowed the bait and the hook at the same time, endeavors in vain to get away, for the pliability of the raft prevents its being torn to pieces, and the peculiar elasticity of the bundle of fibers prevents its being bitten through. The raft serves likewise as a buoy for the captured animal. According to the statements of the hunters, the large crocodiles live far from human habitations, generally selecting the close vegetation in an oozy swamp, in which their bellies, dragging heavily along, leave trails behind them which betray them to the initiated. After a week the priest mentioned that his party had sent in three crocodiles, the largest of which, however, measured only eighteen feet, but that he had not kept one for me, as he hoped to obtain one of thirty feet. His expectation, however, was not fulfilled.
Crocodiles. As the priest told us, there are crocodiles in the Basey River that are over thirty feet long, and there are many that exceed twenty feet. The helpful father promised me one that would be at least twenty-four feet long, and I would have gladly taken its skeleton; he also sent out some men who are so skilled at capturing these animals that they’re often sent to faraway places for this purpose. Their method for catching them, which I never saw myself, involves a lightweight bamboo raft with a platform where a dog or cat is tied down several [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] feet above the water. Next to the animal is a strong iron hook, secured to the raft by abacá fibers. When the crocodile swallows the bait and the hook together, it tries in vain to escape since the flexibility of the raft keeps it intact, and the elasticity of the fiber bundle prevents it from biting through. The raft also acts as a buoy for the captured animal. According to the hunters, large crocodiles usually stay far from people, often choosing dense vegetation in swampy areas where their heavy bellies leave trails that can be spotted by those who know. After a week, the priest said his group had caught three crocodiles, the largest of which was only eighteen feet long; however, he hadn’t kept any for me because he was hoping to catch one that was thirty feet. Unfortunately, his hopes weren't realized.
Ignatius bean.In the environs of Basey the Ignatius bean grows in remarkable abundance, as it also does in the south of Samar and in some other of the Bisayan islands. It is not met with in Luzon, but it is very likely that I have introduced it there unwittingly. Its sphere of propagation is very limited; and my attempts to transplant it to the Botanical Garden of Buitenzorg were fruitless. Some large plants intended for that purpose, which during my absence arrived for me at Daraga, were incorporated by one of my patrons into his own garden; and some, which were collected by himself and brought to Manila, were afterwards lost. Every effort to get these seeds (kernels), which are used over the whole of Eastern Asia as medicine, to germinate miscarried, [254]they having been boiled before transmission, ostensibly for their preservation, but most probably to secure the monopoly of them.
Ignatius bean.In the area around Basey, the Ignatius bean grows very abundantly, just like it does in southern Samar and some other Bisayan islands. It isn’t found in Luzon, but it’s very likely that I accidentally introduced it there. Its range is quite limited; my attempts to transplant it to the Botanical Garden of Buitenzorg were unsuccessful. Some large plants I intended for that purpose, which arrived for me at Daraga during my absence, were taken by one of my patrons and added to his garden. Additionally, some that he collected and brought to Manila were eventually lost. Every attempt to get these seeds (kernels), which are used across Eastern Asia as medicine, to germinate failed, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] as they had been boiled before shipment, supposedly for preservation, but most likely to secure a monopoly on them.
Strychnine.According to Flueckinger,12 the gourd-shaped berry of the climbing shrub (Ignatia amara, L. Strychnos Ignatii, Berg. Ignatiana Philippinica. Lour.) contains twenty-four irregular egg-shaped seeds of the size of an inch which, however, are not so poisonous as the Ignatius beans, which taste like crack-nuts. In these seeds strychnine was found by Pelletier and Caventou in 1818, as it subsequently was in crack-nuts. The former contained twice as much of it as the latter, viz. one and a half per cent; but, as they are four times as dear, it is only produced from the latter.
Strychnine. According to Flueckinger, the gourd-shaped berry of the climbing shrub (Ignatia amara, L. Strychnos Ignatii, Berg. Ignatiana Philippinica, Lour.) contains twenty-four irregular egg-shaped seeds about an inch in size, which are not as poisonous as the Ignatius beans, which have a taste similar to crack-nuts. Pelletier and Caventou discovered strychnine in these seeds in 1818, as it was also found in crack-nuts. The former contained twice as much of it as the latter, at one and a half percent; however, since they are four times more expensive, strychnine is only produced from the latter.
Cholera and snake-bite cure.In many households in the Philippines the dangerous drug is to be found as a highly prized remedy, under the name of Pepita de Catbalonga. Gemelli Careri mentions it, and quotes thirteen different uses of it. Dr. Rosenthal (“Synopsis Plantarum Diaphor.” p. 363) says:—“In India it has been employed as a remedy against cholera under the name of Papecta.” Papecta is probably a clerical error. In K. Lall Dey’s “Indigenous Drugs of India,” it is called Papeeta, which is pronounced Pepita in English; and Pepita is the Spanish word for the kernel of a fruit. It is also held in high estimation as an antidote for the bite of serpents. Father Blanco (“Flora of the Philippines,” 61), states that he has more than once proved its efficacy in this respect in his own person; but he cautions against its employment internally, as it had been fatal in very many cases. It should not be taken into the mouth, for should the spittle be swallowed, and vomiting not ensue, death would be inevitable. The parish priest of Tabaco, however, almost always [255]carried a pepita in his mouth. From 1842 he began occasionally to take an Ignatius bean into his mouth as a protection against cholera, and so gradually accustomed himself to it. When I met him in 1860 he was quite well, and ascribed his health and vigor expressly to that habit. According to his communication, in cases of cholera the decoction was successfully administered in small doses introduced into tea; but it was most efficacious when, mixed with brandy, it was applied as a liniment.
Cholera and snakebite treatment. In many homes in the Philippines, a dangerous drug is considered a highly valued remedy, known as Pepita de Catbalonga. Gemelli Careri mentions it and lists thirteen different uses for it. Dr. Rosenthal (“Synopsis Plantarum Diaphor.” p. 363) states: “In India, it has been used as a treatment for cholera known as Papecta.” Papecta is likely a typo. In K. Lall Dey’s “Indigenous Drugs of India,” it is referred to as Papeeta, which is pronounced Pepita in English; and Pepita is the Spanish word for the seed of a fruit. It is also highly regarded as an antidote for snake bites. Father Blanco (“Flora of the Philippines,” 61) mentions that he has personally proven its effectiveness in this regard multiple times; however, he warns against taking it internally, as it has been fatal in many instances. It should not be taken orally, because if saliva is swallowed and vomiting does not occur, death is inevitable. The parish priest of Tabaco, however, almost always [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] kept a pepita in his mouth. Starting in 1842, he began occasionally placing an Ignatius bean in his mouth as protection against cholera, gradually getting used to it. When I met him in 1860, he was in great health and credited his well-being and vigor specifically to that habit. According to him, in cases of cholera, the decoction was successfully given in small doses added to tea; but it was most effective when mixed with brandy and used as a liniment.
Superstitions regarding the “Bisayan” bean.Huc also (“Thibet,” I. 252) commends the expressed juice of the kouo-kouo (Faba Ign. amar.) both for internal and external use, and remarks that it plays a great part in Chinese medicine, no apothecary’s shop being without it. Formerly the poisonous drug was considered a charm, as it is still by many. Father Camel13 states that the Catbalogan or Bisayan-bean, which the Indians call Igasur or Mananaog (the victorious), was generally worn as an amulet round the neck, being a preservative against poison, contagion, magic, and philtres, so potent, indeed, that the Devil in propia persona could not harm the wearer. Especially efficacious is it against a poison communicated by breathing upon one, for not only does it protect the wearer, but it kills the individual who wishes to poison him. Camel further mentions a series of miracles which superstition ascribed to the Ignatius bean.
Superstitions about the Bisayan bean. Huc also (“Thibet,” I. 252) praises the extracted juice of the kouo-kouo (Faba Ign. amar.) for both internal and external use, noting that it plays a significant role in Chinese medicine, with no apothecary’s shop being without it. In the past, the poisonous substance was seen as a charm, and many still believe it to be so. Father Camel13 states that the Catbalogan or Bisayan bean, which the locals call Igasur or Mananaog (the victorious), was commonly worn as an amulet around the neck, being viewed as a safeguard against poison, infection, magic, and love spells, so powerful that even the Devil in propia persona couldn't harm the wearer. It is especially effective against poison transmitted by breath, as it not only protects the wearer but also kills the person attempting to poison them. Camel further mentions a series of miracles that superstition attributed to the Ignatius bean.
Coconuts.On the southern half of the eastern border, on the shore from Borongan by Lauang as far as Guiuan, there are considerable plantations of cocos, which are most imperfectly applied to the production of oil. From Borongan and its visitas twelve thousand pitchers of coconut oil are yearly exported to Manila, and the nuts consumed by men and pigs would suffice for at least [256]eight thousand pitchers. As a thousand nuts yield eight pitchers and a half, the vicinity of Borongan alone yields annually six million nuts; for which, assuming the average produce at fifty nuts, one hundred-twenty thousand fullbearing palms are required. The statement that their number in the above-mentioned district amounts to several millions must be an exaggeration.
Coconuts.On the southern half of the eastern border, along the shore from Borongan to Lauang and up to Guiuan, there are large coconut plantations, which are not very effectively used for oil production. Every year, around twelve thousand pitchers of coconut oil are exported from Borongan and its sitios to Manila, and the coconuts consumed by people and pigs could easily provide at least [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]eight thousand pitchers. Since a thousand coconuts produce eight and a half pitchers, the area near Borongan alone produces six million coconuts annually; to support this, an average yield of fifty nuts means that one hundred twenty thousand fully productive palms are needed. The claim that there are several million coconuts in this area must be an overstatement.
Getting coco oil.The oil is obtained in a very rude manner. The kernel is rasped out of the woody shell of the nut on rough boards, and left to rot; and a few boats in a state of decay, elevated on posts in the open air, serve as reservoirs, the oil dropping through their crevices into pitchers placed underneath; and finally the boards are subjected to pressure. This operation, which requires several months for its completion, yields such a bad, dark-brown, and viscid product that the pitcher fetches only two dollars and a quarter in Manila, while a superior oil costs six dollars.14
Getting coconut oil.The oil is extracted in a very crude way. The kernel is scraped out of the hard shell of the nut on rough boards and left to decompose. A few decaying boats elevated on posts outdoors act as containers, allowing the oil to drip through their cracks into pitchers placed underneath; then, the boards are pressed. This process takes several months to complete and produces a poor-quality, dark brown, thick oil that sells for only two dollars and twenty-five cents in Manila, while a better quality oil costs six dollars.14
Oil factory.Recently a young Spaniard has erected a factory in Borongan for the better preparation of oil. A winch, turned by two carabaos, sets a number of rasps in motion by means of toothed wheels and leather straps. They are somewhat like a gimlet in form, and consist of five iron plates, with dentated edges, which are placed radiating on the end of an iron rod, and close together, forming a blunt point towards the front. The other end of the rod passes through the center of a disk, which communicates the rotary motion to it, and projects beyond it. The workman, taking a divided coconut in his two hands, holds its interior arch, which contains the oil-bearing nut, with a firm pressure against the revolving rasp, at the same time urging with his breast, [257]which is protected by a padded board, against the projecting end of the rod. The fine shreds of the nut remain for twelve hours in flat pans, in order that they may be partially decomposed. They are then lightly pressed in hand-presses; and the liquor, which consists of one-third oil and two-thirds water, is caught in tubs, from which, at the end of six hours, the oil, floating on the surface, is skimmed off. It is then heated in iron pans, containing 100 liters, until the whole of the water in it has evaporated, which takes from two to three hours. In order that the oil may cool rapidly, and not become dark in color, two pailfuls of cold oil, freed from water, are poured into it, and the fire quickly removed to a distance. The compressed shreds are once more exposed to the atmosphere, and then subjected to a powerful pressure. After these two operations have been twice repeated, the rasped substance is suspended in sacks between two strong vertical boards and crushed to the utmost by means of clamp screws, and repeatedly shaken up. The refuse serves as food for pigs. The oil which runs from the sacks is free from water, and is consequently very clear, and is employed in the cooling of that which is obtained in the first instance.15
Oil plant.Recently, a young Spaniard built a factory in Borongan to better produce oil. A winch, driven by two carabaos, powers several rasps using gears and leather straps. They are shaped somewhat like a gimlet and consist of five iron plates with notched edges, arranged radiating on the end of an iron rod, which come together to form a blunt point at the front. The other end of the rod goes through the center of a disk that transfers the rotary motion to it and extends beyond it. The worker, holding a split coconut in both hands, presses its inner curved section, which contains the oil-bearing nut, firmly against the spinning rasp while pushing his chest, protected by a padded board, against the extended end of the rod. The fine pieces of the nut sit in flat pans for twelve hours to partially break down. They are then lightly pressed in hand-presses; the resulting liquid, made up of one-third oil and two-thirds water, is collected in tubs, from which, after six hours, the oil that floats on the surface is skimmed off. It is then heated in iron pans that hold 100 liters until all the water evaporates, which takes about two to three hours. To cool the oil quickly and prevent it from darkening, two buckets of cold oil, drained of water, are poured into it, and the fire is moved away. The pressed shreds are then exposed to the air again and subjected to strong pressure. After repeating these two processes twice, the rasped material is placed in sacks between two sturdy vertical boards and crushed thoroughly using clamp screws, then shaken repeatedly. The leftover material is fed to pigs. The oil that flows from the sacks is free of water, making it very clear, and is used to cool the oil obtained initially. 15
Limited output.The factory produces fifteen hundred tinajas of oil. It is in operation only nine months in the year; from December to February the transport of nuts being prevented by the tempestuous seas, there being no land communication. The manufacturer was not successful in procuring nuts from the immediate vicinity in sufficient quantity to enable him to carry on his operations [258]without interruption, nor, during the favorable season of the year, could he lay up a store for the winter months, although he paid the comparatively high price of three dollars per thousand.
Limited output.The factory produces fifteen hundred tinajas of oil. It operates only nine months out of the year; from December to February, the transport of nuts is halted by the rough seas, as there is no land access. The manufacturer was unsuccessful in getting enough nuts from the nearby area to keep his operations running smoothly [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__], nor could he stock up for the winter during the favorable season, even though he paid the relatively high price of three dollars per thousand.
Illogical business.While the natives manufactured oil in the manner just described, they obtained from a thousand nuts three and a half pots, which, at six reals each, fetched twenty-one reals; that is three reals less than was offered them for the raw nuts. These data, which are obtained from the manufacturers, are probably exaggerated, but they are in the main well founded; and the traveller in the Philippines often has the opportunity of observing similar anomalies. For example, in Daet, North Camarines, I bought six coconuts for one cuarto, at the rate of nine hundred and sixty for one dollar, the common price there. On my asking why no oil-factory had been erected, I received for answer that the nuts were cheaper singly than in quantities. In the first place, the native sells only when he wants money; but he knows that the manufacturer cannot well afford to have his business suspended; so, careless of the result, he makes a temporary profit, and never thinks of ensuring for himself a permanent source of income.
Nonsensical business. While the locals made oil as described, they managed to extract three and a half pots from a thousand nuts, which sold for twenty-one reals at six reals each; that’s three reals less than what they were offered for the raw nuts. These figures, sourced from the manufacturers, might be slightly inflated, but they are mostly accurate; travelers in the Philippines often notice similar discrepancies. For instance, in Daet, North Camarines, I bought six coconuts for one cuarto, priced at nine hundred and sixty for one dollar, which is the usual rate there. When I asked why no oil factory had been set up, I was told that the nuts were cheaper when sold individually rather than in bulk. To start with, the locals only sell when they need cash; however, they know that manufacturers can't easily pause their operations. So, without concern for the outcome, they opt for a quick profit instead of securing a steady source of income for themselves.
Sugar venders.In the province of Laguna, where the natives prepare coarse brown sugar from sugar-cane, the women carry it for leagues to the market, or expose it for sale on the country roads, in small loaves (panoche), generally along with buyo. Every passenger chats with the seller, weighs the loaf in the hand, eats a bit, and probably passes on without buying any. In the evening the woman returns to her home with her wares, and the next day repeats the same process.
Sugar sellers. In the province of Laguna, where locals make coarse brown sugar from sugar cane, the women carry it for miles to the market or sell it by the roadside in small loaves (panoche), usually alongside buyo. Every passerby chats with the seller, weighs the loaf in their hands, takes a bite, and likely moves on without making a purchase. In the evening, the woman goes home with her goods and repeats the same process the next day.
Disproportionate prices.I have lost my special notes, but I remember that in two cases at least the price of the sugar in these loaves was cheaper than by the picul. Moreover, the [259]Government of the day anticipated the people in setting the example, by selling cigars cheaper singly than in quantities.
Unfair prices. I’ve misplaced my detailed notes, but I recall that in at least two instances, the price of sugar in these loaves was less expensive than by the picul. Additionally, the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] government at the time led by example, selling cigars at a lower price individually than in bulk.
Uncertain trading.In Europe a speculator generally can calculate beforehand, with the greatest certainty, the cost of production of any article; but in the Philippines it is not always so easy. Independently of the uncertainty of labor, the regularity of the supply of raw material is disturbed, not only by laziness and caprice, but also by jealousy and distrust. The natives, as a rule, do not willingly see Europeans settle amongst them and engage successfully in local operations which they themselves do not understand how to execute; and in like manner the creoles are reserved with foreigners, who generally are superior to them in capital, skill, and activity. Besides jealousy, suspicion also plays a great part, and this influences the native as well against the mestizo as against the Castilian. Enough takes place to the present day to justify this feeling; but formerly, when the most thrifty subjects could buy governorships, and shamelessly fleece their provinces, such outrageous abuses are said to have been permitted until, in process of time, suspicion has become a kind of instinct amongst the Filipinos.
Volatile trading. In Europe, a speculator can usually predict the cost of producing any item with a high degree of certainty. However, in the Philippines, it's not always that straightforward. Aside from the unpredictability of labor, the supply of raw materials is often disrupted, not just by laziness and whim but also by jealousy and mistrust. Generally, the locals are not eager to see Europeans settle among them and successfully carry out operations that they themselves don’t know how to manage. Similarly, the creoles tend to be cautious around foreigners, who are often better equipped in terms of capital, skill, and activity. Alongside jealousy, suspicion plays a significant role, affecting the locals' views towards both mestizos and Castilians. There is enough that happens even today to justify this mindset; but in the past, when the most enterprising individuals could purchase governorships and exploit their provinces with impunity, such outrageous abuses were reportedly allowed, leading to a deep-rooted sense of suspicion among Filipinos over time.
1 The following communication appeared for the first time in the reports of a session of the Anthropological Society of Berlin; but my visitors were there denominated Palaos islanders. But, as Prof. Semper, who spent a long time on the true Palaos (Pelew) islands, correctly shows in the “Corresp.-Bl. f. Anthropol.,” 1871, No. 2, that Uliai belongs to the group of the Carolinas, I have here retained the more common expression, Micronesian, although those men, respecting whose arrival from Uliai no doubt existed, did not call themselves Caroline islanders, but Palaos. As communicated to me by Dr. Graeffe, who lived many years in Micronesia, Palaos is a loose expression like Kanaka and many others, and does not, at all events, apply exclusively to the inhabitants of the Pelew group.
1 The following communication was first reported in a session of the Anthropological Society of Berlin; however, my visitors were referred to as Palaos islanders. Yet, as Professor Semper, who spent considerable time on the actual Palaos (Pelew) islands, correctly mentions in the “Corresp.-Bl. f. Anthropol.,” 1871, No. 2, Uliai belongs to the Carolina group. Therefore, I have used the more common term, Micronesian, even though those men, about whose arrival from Uliai there was no doubt, did not identify themselves as Carolina islanders, but rather as Palaos. Dr. Graeffe, who lived in Micronesia for many years, informed me that Palaos is a general term similar to Kanaka and many others, and does not specifically refer to the inhabitants of the Pelew group.
2 Dumont d’Urville, Voyage to the South Pole, v. 206, remarks that the natives call their island Gouap or Ouap, but never Yap; and that the husbandry in that place was superior to anything he had seen in the South Sea.
2 Dumont d’Urville, Voyage to the South Pole, v. 206, notes that the locals refer to their island as Gouap or Ouap, but never Yap; and that the agriculture there was better than anything he had encountered in the South Sea.
3 The voyages of the Polynesians were also caused by the tyranny of the victorious parties, which compelled the vanquished to emigrate.
3 The voyages of the Polynesians were also driven by the oppression of the winning groups, which forced the defeated to leave their homeland.
6 “The Bisayans cover their teeth with a shining varnish, which is either black, or of the color of fire, and thus their teeth become either black, or red like cinnabar; and they make a small hole in the upper row, which they fill with gold, the latter shining all the more on the black or red ground.”—(Thévenot, Religieux, 54.) Of a king of Mindanao, visited by Magellan at Massana, it is written:—“In every tooth he had three machie (spots?) of gold, so that they had the appearance of being tied together with gold;” which Ramusio interprets—“On each finger he had three rings of gold.”—Pigafetta, p. 66; and compare also Carletti, Voyages, i. 153.
6 “The Bisayans coat their teeth with a shiny varnish, which can be either black or fiery red, making their teeth either black or bright red like cinnabar. They also create a small hole in the upper row of teeth, filling it with gold, which stands out even more against the black or red background.” —(Thévenot, Religieux, 54.) About a king of Mindanao, whom Magellan saw at Massana, it’s noted: “He had three gold spots on each tooth, making them look like they were linked with gold;” which Ramusio interprets as “On each finger, he wore three gold rings.” —Pigafetta, p. 66; and see also Carletti, Voyages, i. 153.
7 42 and 30 Cent. or 108 and 86 Fahr.—C.
7 42 and 30 degrees Celsius, or 108 and 86 degrees Fahrenheit.—C.
8 In one of these cliffs, sixty feet above the sea, beds of mussels were found: ostrea, pinna, chama; according to Dr. V. M.—O. denticula, Bron.; O. cornucopiae, Chemn.; O. rosacea, Desh.; Chama sulfurea, Reeve; Pinna Nigrina, Lam. (?).
8 In one of these cliffs, sixty feet above the sea, beds of mussels were found: ostrea, pinna, chama; according to Dr. V. M.—O. denticula, Bron.; O. cornucopiae, Chemn.; O. rosacea, Desh.; Chama sulfurea, Reeve; Pinna Nigrina, Lam. (?).
9 In the Athenaeum of January 7, 1871, Captain Ullmann describes a funeral ceremony (tiwa) of the Dyaks, which corresponds in many points with that of the ancient Bisayans. The coffin is cut out of the branch of a tree by the nearest male kinsman, and it is so narrow that the body has to be pressed down into it, lest another member of the family should die immediately after to fill up the gap. As many as possible of his effects must be heaped on the dead person, in order to prove his wealth and to raise him in the estimation of the spirit world; and under the coffin are placed two vessels, one containing rice and the other water.
9 In the Athenaeum from January 7, 1871, Captain Ullmann talks about a funeral ceremony (tiwa) of the Dyaks, which has a lot in common with that of the ancient Bisayans. The coffin is carved from a tree branch by the closest male relative, and it’s so tight that the body has to be pressed into it, to prevent another family member from dying right after to take the empty space. As many of his belongings as possible need to be placed on the deceased, to showcase his wealth and elevate his status in the spirit world; and below the coffin are two containers, one with rice and the other with water.
One of the principal ceremonies of the tiwa consisted formerly (and does still in some places) in human sacrifices. Where the Dutch Government extended these were not permitted; but sometimes carabaos or pigs were killed in a cruel manner, with the blood of which the high priest smeared the forehead, breast, and arms of the head of the family. Similar sacrifices of slaves or pigs were practised amongst the ancient Filipinos, with peculiar ceremonies by female priests (Catalonas).
One of the main ceremonies of the tiwa used to involve (and still does in some areas) human sacrifices. Where the Dutch Government had control, these were not allowed; however, sometimes carabaos or pigs were brutally killed, and the high priest would smear the blood on the forehead, chest, and arms of the family head. Similar sacrifices of slaves or pigs were practiced among ancient Filipinos, with unique ceremonies conducted by female priests (Catalonas).
10 In the chapter De monstris et quasi monstris * * * of Father Camel, London Philos. Trans., p. 2259, it is stated that in the mountains between Guiuan and Borongan, footsteps, three times as large as those of ordinary men, have been found. Probably the skulls of Lauang, which are pressed out in breadth, and covered with a thick crust of calcareous sinter, the gigantic skulls (skulls of giants) have given rise to the fable of the giants’ footsteps.
10 In the chapter De monstris et quasi monstris * * * by Father Camel, London Philos. Trans., p. 2259, it mentions that in the mountains between Guiuan and Borongan, there have been found footprints that are three times larger than those of regular humans. It's likely that the skulls from Lauang, which are wide and covered with a thick layer of calcareous sinter, the enormous skulls (skulls of giants) have contributed to the legend of the giants’ footprints.
11 Hemiramphus viviparus, W. Peters (Berlin Monatsb., March 16, 1865).
11 Hemiramphus viviparus, W. Peters (Berlin Monthly, March 16, 1865).
12 Lehrbuch der Pharmakognosie des Pflanzenreichs (Compendium of the “Pharmacopoeia of the Vegetable Kingdom,”) p. 698.
12 Textbook of Pharmacognosy of the Plant Kingdom (Compendium of the “Pharmacopoeia of the Vegetable Kingdom,”) p. 698.
14 At Borongan the tinaja of 12 gantas cost six reals (one quart about two pesetas), the pot two reals, the freight to Manila three reals, or, if the product is carried as cargo (matrose), two and one-half reals. The price at Manila refers to the tinaja of sixteen gantas.
14 At Borongan, a tinaja holding 12 gantas costs six reals (about two pesetas for one quart), the pot costs two reals, the shipping cost to Manila is three reals, or if the product is shipped as cargo (matrose), it’s two and a half reals. The price in Manila is for the tinaja that holds sixteen gantas.
15 Newly prepared coconut oil serves for cooking, but quickly becomes rancid. It is very generally used for lighting. In Europe, where it seldom appears in a fluid state, as it does not dissolve until 16° R., (20 C. or 68 Fahr.) it is used in the manufacture of tapers, but especially for soap, for which it is peculiarly adapted. Coconut soap is very hard, and brilliantly white, and is dissolved in salt water more easily than any other soap. The oily nut has lately been imported from Brazil into England under the name of “copperah,” (copra) and pressed after heating.
15 Fresh coconut oil can be used for cooking, but it spoils quickly. It’s commonly used for lighting. In Europe, where it usually doesn’t show up in liquid form since it doesn’t melt until 16° R. (20° C. or 68° F.), it’s used to make candles, but especially for soap, which it’s particularly suited for. Coconut soap is very hard and pure white, and it dissolves in saltwater more easily than any other soap. The oily nut has recently been imported from Brazil to England under the name “copperah” (copra) and is pressed after being heated.
XXI
Leyte.The island of Leyte, between 9° 49′ and 11° 34′ N., and 124° 7′ and 125° 9′ E. Gr., is above twenty-five miles in length, and almost twelve miles broad, and contains one hundred seventy square miles. As I have already remarked, it is divided from Samar only by the small strait of San Juanico. The chief town, Tacloban or Taclobang, lies at the eastern entrance of this [260]strait, with a very good harbor and uninterrupted communication with Manila, and has consequently become the chief emporium of trade to Leyte, Biliran, and South and East Samar.1
Leyte.The island of Leyte, located between 9° 49′ and 11° 34′ N, and 124° 7′ and 125° 9′ E, is over twenty-five miles long and almost twelve miles wide, covering an area of one hundred seventy square miles. As I mentioned earlier, it is separated from Samar by the small San Juanico Strait. The main town, Tacloban or Taclobang, is situated at the eastern entrance of this [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]strait, featuring a great harbor and continuous communication with Manila, making it the primary hub for trade for Leyte, Biliran, and South and East Samar.1
Obliging Spanish officials.The local governor likewise showed me much obliging attention; indeed, almost without exception I have, since my return, retained the most agreeable remembrances of the Spanish officials; and, therefore, if fitting opportunity occurred, I could treat of the improprieties of the Administration with greater impartiality.
Cooperative Spanish officials.The local governor also treated me with great kindness; in fact, almost without exception, I've kept very positive memories of the Spanish officials since my return. Therefore, if the right opportunity comes up, I could discuss the shortcomings of the Administration more fairly.
Locusts.In the afternoon of the day after my arrival at Tacloban, on a sudden there came a sound like the rush of a furious torrent; the air became dark, and a large cloud of locusts swept over the place.2 I will not again recount that phenomenon, which has been so often described, and is essentially the same in all quarters of the globe, but will simply remark that the swarm, which was more than five hundred feet in width, and about fifty feet in depth, its extremity being lost in the forest, was not thought a very considerable one. It caused vigilance, but not consternation. Old and young eagerly endeavored to catch as many of the delicate creatures as they could, with cloths, nets, and flags, in order, as Dampier relates, “to roast them in an earthen pan over fire until their legs and wings drop off, and their heads and backs assume the color of boiled crabs;” after which [261]process he says they had a pleasant taste. In Burma at the present day, they are considered as delicacies at the royal court.3
Locusts.In the afternoon of the day after I arrived in Tacloban, a sudden sound like a raging torrent filled the air; it turned dark, and a massive cloud of locusts swept over the area.2 I won’t recount that event again, as it’s been described many times and is pretty much the same everywhere in the world. I’ll just point out that the swarm, which was over five hundred feet wide and about fifty feet deep, with its end lost in the forest, wasn’t considered very significant. It caused alertness, but not panic. Young and old rushed to catch as many of the delicate insects as they could, using cloths, nets, and flags, so they could, as Dampier describes, “roast them in a clay pan over a fire until their legs and wings fall off, and their heads and backs turn the color of boiled crabs;” after which [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]he claims they had a nice taste. In Burma today, they’re regarded as delicacies at the royal court.3
Plan for their extermination.The locusts are one of the greatest plagues of the Philippines, and sometimes destroy the harvest of entire provinces. The Legislación Ultramarina (iv. 504) contains a special edict respecting the extirpation of these devastating pests. As soon as they appear, the population of the invaded localities are to be drawn out in the greatest possible numbers, under the conduct of the authorities, in order to effect their destruction. The most approved means for the attainment of this object are set forth in an official document referring to the adoption of extraordinary measures in cases of public emergency; and in this the locusts are placed midway between sea-pirates and conflagrations. Of the various means that have been contrived against the destructive creatures, that, at times, appear in incredible numbers, but have been as frequently ineffectual as otherwise, only a few will be now mentioned. On April 27, 1824, the Sociedad Economica determined to import the bird, the martin (Gracula sp.), “which feeds by instinct on locusts.” In the autumn of the following year the first consignment arrived from China; in 1829 a second; and in 1852 again occurs the item of $1,311 for martins.
Plan for their elimination.The locusts are one of the biggest plagues in the Philippines and can sometimes wipe out the crops of entire provinces. The Legislación Ultramarina (iv. 504) includes a special order regarding the elimination of these destructive pests. As soon as they appear, the people in the affected areas are supposed to gather in large numbers, guided by the authorities, to help destroy them. The best methods for achieving this goal are outlined in an official document addressing the implementation of emergency measures; in this document, locusts are ranked between sea pirates and fires in terms of danger. Among the various strategies devised to combat these destructive creatures, which can appear in astonishing numbers but have often proven ineffective, only a few will be mentioned here. On April 27, 1824, the Sociedad Economica decided to import the martin bird (Gracula sp.), “which instinctively feeds on locusts.” The first shipment arrived from China in the autumn of the following year; a second shipment came in 1829, and in 1852, there was again an entry of $1,311 for martins.
Tacloban to Tanauan.On the following day I proceeded with the priest of Dagami (there are roads in Leyte) from Tacloban southwards to Palos and Tanauan, two flourishing places on the east coast. Hardly half a league from the latter place, and close to the sea, a cliff of crystal lime rock rises up out of the sandy plain, which was level up to this point. It is of a greyish-green quartzose chlorite schist, from [262]which the enterprising Father had endeavored, with a perseverance worthy of better success, to procure lime by burning. After an ample breakfast in the convent, we proceeded in the afternoon to Dagami, and, on the next day, to Burauen.4
Tacloban to Tanauan. The next day, I traveled with the priest from Dagami (there are roads in Leyte) south from Tacloban to Palos and Tanauan, two thriving towns on the east coast. Just half a league from Tanauan and close to the sea, a cliff of crystal lime rock rises from the sandy plain, which had been flat up to that point. It consists of greyish-green quartzose chlorite schist, from [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]which the dedicated Father had tried, with a determination deserving better results, to make lime by burning. After a hearty breakfast at the convent, we headed to Dagami in the afternoon and then on to Burauen the next day.4
A pleasing people.The country was still flat. Coco-groves and rice-fields here and there interrupted the thick forest; but the country is thinly inhabited, and the people appear more cheerful, handsomer, and cleaner than those of Samar. South of Burauen rises the mountain ridge of Manacagan, on the further slope of which is a large solfatara, which yields sulphur for the powder manufactory in Manila, and for commerce. A Spanish sailor accompanied me. Where the road passed through swamp we rode on carabaos. The pace of the animals is not unpleasant, but the stretching across the broad backs of the gigantic carabaos of the Philippines is very fatiguing. A quarter of an hour beyond Burauen we crossed the Daguitan, which flows south-west to north-east, and is a hundred feet broad, its bed being full of large volcanic blocks; and, soon after, a small river in a broad bed; and, some hundred paces farther, one of a hundred and fifty feet in breadth; the two latter being arms of the Burauen. They flow from west to east, and enter the sea at Dulag. The second arm was originated only the preceding year, during a flood.
Pleasant people.The landscape was still flat. Coconut groves and rice fields sporadically broke up the dense forest; however, the area was sparsely populated, and the people seemed more cheerful, better-looking, and cleaner than those in Samar. South of Burauen is the mountain ridge of Manacagan, where on the opposite slope lies a large solfatara that produces sulfur for the gunpowder factory in Manila and for trade. I was accompanied by a Spanish sailor. Where the road went through swamps, we rode on carabaos. The pace of the animals is fine, but stretching across the broad backs of the massive Philippine carabaos can be quite tiring. A quarter hour past Burauen, we crossed the Daguitan, which flows from south-west to north-east, is a hundred feet wide, and has a bed filled with large volcanic rocks; shortly after, we encountered a small river in a wide bed, and a hundred paces further, another river that was one hundred fifty feet wide; the latter two are tributaries of the Burauen. They flow from west to east and empty into the sea at Dulag. The second tributary was formed only the previous year during a flood.
The height of hospitality.We passed the night in a hut on the northern slope of the Manacagan, which the owner, on seeing us approach, had voluntarily quitted, and with his wife and child sought other lodgings. The customs of the country require this when the accommodation does not suffice for both parties; and payment for the same is neither demanded nor, except very rarely, tendered.
The peak of hospitality. We spent the night in a hut on the northern slope of the Manacagan, which the owner had gladly left upon seeing us arrive, taking his wife and child to find somewhere else to stay. It's a local custom that when space doesn’t allow for both parties, the owner seeks other accommodations; payment for this is neither asked for nor, except in rare cases, offered.
[263]Up the Manacagan.About six o’clock on the following morning we started; and about half-past six climbed, by a pleasant path through the forest, to the ridge of the Manacagan, which consists of trachytic hornblende; and about seven o’clock we crossed two small rivers flowing north-west, and then, by a curve, reached the coast at Dulag. From the ridge we caught sight, towards the south, of the great white heaps of débris of the mountain Danan glimmering through the trees. About nine o’clock we came through the thickly-wooded crater of the Kasiboi, and, further south, to some sheds in which the sulphur is smelted.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Up the Manacagan.We set off around six o’clock the next morning, and by about six-thirty we climbed a nice path through the forest to the top of the Manacagan, which is made up of trachytic hornblende. Around seven, we crossed two small rivers flowing northwest, and then, with a curve, we reached the coast at Dulag. From the ridge, we saw the large white piles of débris from Mount Danan shining through the trees to the south. By nine o’clock, we passed through the dense woods of the Kasiboi crater and further south to some sheds where they smelt sulphur.
Sulphur.The raw material obtained from the solfatara is bought in three classes: firstly, sulphur already melted to crusts; secondly, sublimated, which contains much condensed water in its interstices; and thirdly, in the clay, which is divided into the more or less rich, from which the greatest quantity is obtained. Coconut oil, which is thrown into flat iron pans holding six arrobas, is added to the sulphurous clay, in the proportion of six quarts to four arrobas, and it is melted and continually stirred. The clay which floats on the surface, now freed from the sulphur, being skimmed off, fresh sulphurous clay is thrown into the cauldron, and so on. In two or three hours six arrobas of sulphur, on an average, may be obtained in this manner from twenty-four arrobas of sulphurous clay, and, poured into wooden chests, it is moulded into blocks of about four arrobas. Half the oil employed is recovered by throwing the clay which has been saturated with it into a frame formed by two narrow bamboo hurdles, placed at a sharp angle. The oil drops into a sloping gutter of bamboo which is placed underneath, and from that flows into a pot. The price of the sulphur at Manila varies between Prices.$1.25 and $4.50 per picul. I saw the frames, full of clay, from which the oil exuded; but the operation itself I did [264]not, unfortunately, then witness, and I cannot explain in what manner the oil is added. From some experiments made on a small scale, therefore under essentially different conditions, and never with the same material, it appeared that the oil accelerates the separation of the sulphur, and retards the access of the air to the sulphur. In these experiments, the sulphur contained in the bottom of the crucible was always colored black by the separation of charcoal from the oil, and it was necessary to purify it by distillation beforehand. Of this, however, the smelters at Leyte made no mention, and they even had no apparatus for the purpose, while their sulphur was of a pure yellow color.
Sulfur. The raw material sourced from the solfatara is categorized into three types: first, sulphur that has already been melted into crusts; second, sublimated sulphur, which has a lot of condensed water trapped in its pores; and third, sulphur found in clay, sorted by richness, from which the largest yield is obtained. Coconut oil is added to the sulphurous clay in flat iron pans that hold six arrobas, using a ratio of six quarts for every four arrobas, and it is melted and stirred continuously. The clay that floats on the surface, now free of sulphur, is skimmed off, and fresh sulphurous clay is added to the cauldron, and this process continues. In two to three hours, you can get an average of six arrobas of sulphur from twenty-four arrobas of sulphurous clay, which is then poured into wooden chests and shaped into blocks weighing about four arrobas each. Half of the oil used can be recovered by placing the saturated clay into a frame made of two narrow bamboo hurdles set at a sharp angle. The oil drips into a sloping bamboo gutter placed underneath, which directs it into a pot. The price of sulphur in Manila fluctuates between Pricing. $1.25 and $4.50 per picul. I observed the frames filled with clay from which the oil was oozing; however, I unfortunately did not witness the actual process, so I cannot describe how the oil is added. Based on some small-scale experiments conducted under very different conditions and with different materials, it seems that the oil speeds up the separation of the sulphur and slows down air from reaching it. In these experiments, the sulphur at the bottom of the crucible was always blackened by charcoal separating from the oil, requiring purification by distillation first. However, the workers at Leyte didn't mention this, and they didn’t have any apparatus for it, while their sulphur was a pure yellow color.
Hot spring.Some hundreds of paces further south, a hot spring (50° R.),5 twelve feet broad, flows from the east, depositing silicious sinter at its edges.
Hot spring.About a few hundred steps further south, a hot spring (50° R.),5 twelve feet wide, flows from the east, leaving behind silicious sinter along its edges.
A solfatara.As we followed a ravine stretching from north to south, with sides one hundred to two hundred feet in height, the vegetation gradually ceased, the rock being of a dazzling white, or colored by sublimated sulphur. In numerous places thick clouds of vapor burst from the ground, with a strong smell of sulphurated water. At some thousand paces further, the ravine bends round to the left (east), and expands itself to the bay; and here numerous silicious springs break through the loose clay-earth, which is permeated with sulphur. This solfatara must formerly have been much more active than it is now. The ravine, which has been formed by its destruction of the rock, and is full of lofty heaps of débris, may be one thousand feet in breadth, and quite five times as long. At the east end there are a number of small, boiling quagmires, which, on forcing a stick into the matted ground, send forth water and steam. [265]In some deep spots further west, grey, white, red, and yellow clays have been deposited in small beds over each other, giving them the appearance of variegated marls.
A volcanic fumarole. As we followed a ravine running north to south, with walls that are one hundred to two hundred feet high, the vegetation gradually disappeared, revealing dazzling white rock or rock stained by sublimated sulfur. In many spots, thick clouds of vapor escaped from the ground, releasing a strong smell of sulfurous water. After walking for about a thousand paces, the ravine curves to the left (east) and opens up to the bay; here, numerous silicious springs burst through the loose clay that is infused with sulfur. This solfatara must have been much more active in the past. The ravine, shaped by the erosion of the rock and filled with tall piles of débris, can be about a thousand feet wide and approximately five times as long. At the eastern end, there are several small boiling mud pits that, when you push a stick into the tangled ground, release water and steam. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] In some deeper areas further west, gray, white, red, and yellow clays were deposited in layers, creating a variegated marl-like appearance.
Petrifying waterTo the south, right opposite to the ridge which leads to Burauen, may be seen a basin twenty-five feet broad, in a cavern in the white decomposed rock, from which a petrifying water containing silicious acid flows abundantly. The roof of the cavern is hung with stalactites, which either are covered with solid sulphur, or consist entirely of that substance.
Scary waterTo the south, directly across from the ridge that leads to Burauen, there’s a basin about twenty-five feet wide in a cave in the white decomposed rock, from which an abundant flow of petrifying water rich in silicic acid emerges. The cave's ceiling is adorned with stalactites, which are either coated in solid sulfur or made up entirely of that substance.
Danan solfatara.On the upper slope of the Danan mountain, near to the summit, so much sulphur is deposited by the vapors from the sulphurated water that it may be collected with coconut shells. In some crevices, which are protected against the cooling effects of the atmospheric air, it melts together in thick, brown crusts. The solfatara of Danan is situated exactly south of that below, at the end of the ravine of the Kasiboi. The clay earth, from which the silicic acid has been washed out by the rains, is carried into the valley, where it forms a plain, the greater part of which is occupied by a small lake, Malaksan (sour), slightly impregnated with sulphuric acid. Its surface, which, by reason of the very flat banks, is protected against the weather, I found to be about five hundred paces long and one hundred broad. From the elevation of the solfatara, a rather large fresh-water lake, surrounded by wooded mountains, is seen through a gap, exactly south, which is named Jaruanan. The night was passed in a ruined shed at the south-east of the lake Malaksan; and on the following morning we climbed the south side of the mountain ridge and, skirting the solfatara of the Danan, arrived in an hour and a half at lake Jaruanan.
Danan volcanic crater. On the upper slope of Danan mountain, close to the summit, a lot of sulfur is deposited by vapors from the sulfurous water, which can be collected using coconut shells. In some cracks, protected from the cooling effects of the air, it melts into thick, brown crusts. The Danan solfatara is located directly south of the one below, at the end of the Kasiboi ravine. The clay soil, from which silicic acid has been washed away by the rains, is carried into the valley, forming a plain that is largely taken up by a small lake called Malaksan (sour), which is slightly infused with sulfuric acid. Its surface, thanks to the very flat banks that shield it from the weather, measures about five hundred paces long and one hundred wide. From the height of the solfatara, a large freshwater lake surrounded by wooded mountains can be seen through a gap to the south, which is named Jaruanan. We spent the night in a ruined shed at the southeast of lake Malaksan; the next morning, we climbed the south side of the mountain ridge and, passing by the Danan solfatara, reached lake Jaruanan in an hour and a half.
Jaruanan Lake.This lake, as well as the Malaksan, inspires the natives with superstitious fear on account of the suspicious [266]neighborhood of the solfatara, and therefore has not been profaned by either mariner, fisher, or swimmer, and was very full of fish. For the purpose of measuring its depth, I had a raft of bamboos constructed; and when my companions saw me floating safely on the lake, they all, without exception, sprang into it, and tumbled about in the water with infinite delight and loud outcries, as if they wished to indemnify themselves for their long abstinence; so that the raft was not ready before three o’clock. The soundings at the centre of the basin, which was, at the southern edge, steeper than on the north, gave thirteen brazas, or over twenty-one meters of depth; the greatest length of the lake amounted to nearly eight hundred varas (six hundred and sixty-eight meters), and the breadth to about half as much. As we returned in the evening, by torchlight, over the crest of the mountain to our night-quarters at the lake, we passed by the very modest dwelling-place of a married pair. Three branches, projecting outwards from the principal trunk of a tree, and lopped at equal points, sustained a hut of bamboos and palm-leaves of eight feet square. A hole in the floor formed the entrance, and it was divided into a chamber and ante-chamber, and four bamboo poles supported, above and below, two layers of bamboos, one of which furnished a balcony, and the other a shop in which betel was sold.
Jaruanan Lake.This lake, along with the Malaksan, fills the locals with superstitious fear because of the suspicious [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]surroundings of the solfatara, and as a result, it hasn’t been disturbed by any sailors, fishermen, or swimmers, making it very full of fish. To measure its depth, I had a bamboo raft built; when my friends saw me floating safely on the lake, they all jumped onto it without hesitation, tumbling around in the water with great joy and noisy laughter, as if they wanted to make up for their long abstinence, so the raft wasn’t ready until three o’clock. The measurements at the center of the basin, which was steeper on the southern edge than on the northern, revealed a depth of thirteen brazas, or over twenty-one meters; the lake's greatest length was nearly eight hundred varas (six hundred and sixty-eight meters), and its width was about half that. As we made our way back in the evening by torchlight, over the mountain to our sleeping spot by the lake, we passed the very simple home of a married couple. Three branches extending outward from a tree's main trunk, trimmed at equal lengths, supported a hut made of bamboo and palm leaves that was eight feet square. There was a hole in the floor that served as the entrance, and it was divided into a bedroom and a small anteroom, with four bamboo poles supporting two layers of bamboo above and below, one of which formed a balcony, while the other served as a shop that sold betel.
To Dulag.The day after my return to Burauen an obliging Spanish merchant drove me through the fertile plain of volcanic sand, on which rice, maize, and sugar-cane were cultivated, to Dulag, which lies directly to the west, on the shore of the tranquil sea. The distance (according to Coello three leagues) hardly amounts to two leagues. From this place, Point Guiuan, the south point of Samar, appears like an island separated from the mainland, and further south (N. 102° 4′ to 103° 65° S.) Jomonjol [267]is seen, the first island of the Archipelago sighted by Magellan on April 16, 1521. At Dulag, my former companion joined us in order to accompany us on the journey to the Bito Lake. The arrangement of transportation and of provisions, and, still more, the due consideration of all the propositions of three individuals, each of whose claims were entitled to equal respect, occupied much time and required some address. We at length sailed in a large casco (barge) southwards along the coast to the mouth of the river Up Mayo River.Mayo, which, according to the map and the information there given, is said to come from the Bito Lake. We proceeded upwards in a boat, but were informed at the first hut that the lake could be reached only by making a long circuit through swampy forest; when most of our party proposed to return. Various reasons besides the want of unanimity in the conduct of our adventure, which had proceeded thus far, delayed our arrival at Abuyog until eleven o’clock at night. In the first place, on our way, we had to cross a small branch of the Mayo, and after that the Bito River. The distance of the latter from Abuyog (extravagantly set down on Coello’s map) amounts to fourteen hundred brazas, according to the measurement of the gobernadorcillo, which is probably correct.6
To Dulag.The day after I got back to Burauen, a helpful Spanish merchant drove me through the lush volcanic plains where rice, corn, and sugar cane were grown, to Dulag, which is directly to the west, by the calm sea. The distance (according to Coello, three leagues) is actually just under two leagues. From this location, Point Guiuan, the southern tip of Samar, looks like an island separated from the mainland, and further south (N. 102° 4′ to 103° 65° S.) Jomonjol [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]can be seen, the first island of the Archipelago that Magellan spotted on April 16, 1521. In Dulag, my former companion met us to join our journey to Bito Lake. Organizing transportation and supplies, and especially considering all the proposals of three individuals whose opinions deserved equal attention, took a lot of time and required some skill. Eventually, we sailed south in a large casco (barge) along the coast to the mouth of the Up Mayo River.Mayo River, which, according to the map and provided information, is said to originate from Bito Lake. We moved upstream in a boat, but were told at the first hut that we could only reach the lake by taking a long detour through a swampy forest; most of our group then suggested going back. Other reasons, in addition to the lack of agreement about our adventure, which had already been quite a journey, delayed us from arriving in Abuyog until eleven o’clock at night. First, on our way, we had to cross a small branch of the Mayo River, and then the Bito River. The distance of the latter from Abuyog (absurdly exaggerated on Coello’s map) is measured at fourteen hundred brazas, according to the gobernadorcillo, which is likely accurate.6
An unpromising road.The following day, as it rained heavily, was employed in making inquiries respecting the road to the Bito Lake. We received very varied statements as to the distance, but all agreed in painting the road thither in a discouraging light. A troublesome journey of at least ten hours appeared to us to be what most probably awaited us.
A discouraging path.The next day, as it poured rain, we spent our time asking about the road to Bito Lake. We got a lot of different answers about the distance, but everyone seemed to agree that the journey ahead looked pretty discouraging. It seemed most likely that we were in for a challenging trek of at least ten hours.
Bito Lake.On the morrow, through a pleasant forest road, we reached in an hour the Bito River, and proceeded in boats, which we met there, up the river between flat [268]sandy banks covered with tall cane and reeds. In about ten minutes, some trees fallen right across the stream compelled us to make a circuit on land, which in half an hour brought us again to the river, above the obstacles. Here we constructed rafts of bamboo, upon which, immersed to the depth of half a foot, the material being very loosely adjusted, we reached the lake in ten minutes. We found it covered with green confervae; a double border of pistia and broad-leaved reed grasses, six to seven feet high, enclosing it all round. On the south and west some low hillocks rose up, while from the middle it appeared to be almost circular, with a girdle of forest. Coello makes the lake much too large (four instead of one square mile), and its distance from Abuyog can be only a little over a league. With the assistance of a cord of lianas tied together, and rods placed in a line, we found its breadth five hundred and eighty-five brazas or nine hundred and seventy-seven meters, (in the broadest part it might be a little over one thousand meters); and the length, as computed from some imperfect observations, one thousand and seven brazas (sixteen hundred and eighty meters), consequently less than one square mile. Soundings showed a gently inclined basin, eight brazas, or over thirteen meters, deep in the middle. I would gladly have determined the proportions with more accuracy; but want of time, the inaccessibility of the edge of the bank, and the miserable condition of our raft, allowed of only a few rough measurements.
Bito Lake.The next day, we followed a nice forest path and reached the Bito River in about an hour. There, we boarded some boats we found and traveled upstream along the river, which had flat sandy banks lined with tall reeds and canes. After about ten minutes, we encountered fallen trees blocking the stream, forcing us to navigate around them on land. This took us half an hour before we reached the river again, above the fallen trees. We then built rafts from bamboo. The rafts were partially submerged, about half a foot deep, and because the materials were loosely put together, we got to the lake in ten minutes. The lake was covered in green algae, surrounded by a double border of water lettuce and tall reed grasses, six to seven feet high. To the south and west, there were some low hills, and from the center, the lake looked almost circular, encircled by forest. Coello overestimates the lake’s size—he claims it’s four square miles instead of just one—and its distance from Abuyog is barely a bit over a league. By tying together a length of vines and using sticks laid out in a line, we measured the lake’s width at five hundred and eighty-five brazas, or nine hundred and seventy-seven meters (it might be slightly over one thousand meters at its widest). From some rough estimates, we found its length to be one thousand and seven brazas (sixteen hundred and eighty meters), making it less than one square mile. Our soundings indicated a gently sloping basin that was eight brazas, or over thirteen meters, deep at the center. I would have liked to measure the dimensions more accurately, but due to time constraints, the difficult access to the bank, and the poor condition of our raft, we could only take a few rough measurements.
A forest home.Not a trace of human habitations was observable on the shore; but a quarter of an hour’s distance from the northern edge we found a comfortable hut, surrounded by deep mud and prickly calamus, the tenants of which, however, were living in plenty, and with greater conveniences than many dwellers in the villages. We were [269]very well received and had fish in abundance, as well as tomatoes, and capsicum to season them with, and dishes of English earthenware out of which to eat them.
A forest house.There was no sign of human settlements on the shore, but about fifteen minutes from the northern edge, we came across a cozy hut, surrounded by thick mud and thorny calamus. The people living there, however, had plenty to eat and better comforts than many in the nearby villages. We were [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]warmly welcomed and had an abundance of fish, along with tomatoes and peppers for seasoning, served on dishes made of English earthenware.
Snaring swine.The abundance of wild swine had led the settlers to invent a peculiar contrivance, by which they are apprised of their approach even when asleep, and guided to their trail in the darkness. A rope made of strips of banana tied together, and upwards of a thousand feet in length, is extended along the ground, one end of which is attached to a coconut shell, full of water, which is suspended immediately over the sleeping-place of the hunter. When a pig comes in contact with the rope, the water is overturned by the jerk upon the sleeper, who, seizing the rope in his hand, is thereby conducted to his prey. The principal employment of our hosts appeared to be fishing, which is so productive that the roughest apparatus is sufficient. There was not a single boat, but only loosely-bound rafts of bamboo, on which the fishers, sinking, as we ourselves did on our raft, half a foot deep, moved about amongst the crocodiles, which I never beheld in such numbers and of so large a size as in this lake. Some swam about on the surface with their backs projecting out of the water. It was striking to see the complete indifference with which even two little girls waded in the water in the face of the great monsters. Fortunately the latter appeared to be satisfied with their ample rations of fish. Four kinds of fish are said to be found in the lake, amongst them an eel; but we got only one.7
Catching pigs.The abundance of wild pigs led the settlers to create a unique device that alerts them of their approach even while they sleep and directs them to their path in the dark. A rope made from strips of banana, over a thousand feet long, is laid out on the ground, one end attached to a coconut shell filled with water, which hangs just above the hunter's sleeping area. When a pig touches the rope, it tips the water over onto the sleeper, who then grabs the rope to follow the sound to his prey. The main activity of our hosts seemed to be fishing, which is so productive that even the simplest gear works well. They didn’t have any boats, just loosely tied bamboo rafts, on which the fishers, sinking like we did on our raft, moved around among the crocodiles, which I had never seen in such numbers or sizes before. Some swam close to the surface with their backs sticking out of the water. It was striking to see how completely unbothered even two little girls were as they waded in the water surrounded by these giant creatures. Luckily, the crocodiles seemed satisfied with their abundant supply of fish. Four types of fish are said to inhabit the lake, including an eel; however, we only caught one.7
A secret still.Early on the following morning our native attendants were already intoxicated. This led to the discovery of another occupation of the settlers, which I do not hesitate to disclose now that the Government monopoly [270]has been abolished. They secretly distilled palm-brandy and carried on a considerable trade in it; and this also explained to me why the horrors of the road to the Mayo River and to Abuyog had been painted in such warm colors.8 We returned on our rafts to the place where we had found them, a distance of about fifteen hundred feet; and onwards, through wild cane with large clusters of flowers (Saccharum sp.), sixteen feet high, east by north, we got to our boats, and then to the bar, whence, after a march of an hour and a half, we reached Abuyog. From Abuyog we returned by water to Dulag, and by land to Burauen, where we arrived at night, sooner than our hostlers had expected, for we caught them sleeping in our beds.
A hidden secret. The next morning, our local helpers were already drunk. This revealed another activity of the settlers, which I feel free to share now that the Government monopoly [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] has been lifted. They secretly made palm-brandy and were involved in a significant trade in it; this also helped me understand why the dangers of the road to the Mayo River and to Abuyog had been described so dramatically. 8 We went back on our rafts to where we had found them, about fifteen hundred feet away; and then, through wild cane with large flower clusters (Saccharum sp.) that were sixteen feet high, heading east by north, we reached our boats, and finally the bar, from where, after a one-and-a-half-hour walk, we arrived at Abuyog. From Abuyog, we traveled by water to Dulag, and then by land to Burauen, where we got there at night, earlier than our hostlers anticipated, so we found them sleeping in our beds.
Tobacco prohibition.Not long ago much tobacco was cultivated in this country, and was allowed to be sold to the peasantry under certain conditions; but recently it was forbidden to be sold, except by the Government, who themselves determined its value at so very low a rate that the culture of tobacco has almost entirely ceased. As the tobacco company, however, had already erected stores and appointed collectors, the knowing ones rightly foresaw that these steps would be followed by compulsory labor, even as it occurred in other places. The east coast of Leyte is said to be rising while the west is being destroyed by the sea, and at Ormog the sea is said to have advanced about fifty ells9 in six years. [271]
Tobacco ban.Not long ago, a lot of tobacco was grown in this country and could be sold to the farmers under certain conditions. However, it has now been banned from being sold, except by the Government, which has set its price so low that tobacco farming has nearly stopped. Since the tobacco company had already built storage facilities and hired collectors, the savvy predicted that this would lead to forced labor, just like in other areas. The east coast of Leyte is reportedly rising while the west is being eroded by the sea, and in Ormog, the sea is said to have moved about fifty ells9 in six years. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
1 On Pigafetta’s map Leyte is divided into two parts, the north being called Baibay, and the south Ceylon. When Magellan in Massana (Limasana) inquired after the most considerable places of business, Ceylon (i.e. Leyte), Calagan (Caraga), and Zubu (Cebu) were named to him. Pigaf., 70.
1 On Pigafetta’s map, Leyte is split into two regions: the north is called Baibay and the south Ceylon. When Magellan was in Massana (Limasana) and asked about the most important trade areas, he was told Ceylon (i.e. Leyte), Calagan (Caraga), and Zubu (Cebu). Pigaf., 70.
2 According to Dr. Gerstaecker: Oedipoda subfasciata, Haan, Acridium Manilense, Meyen. The designation of Meyen which the systemists must have overlooked, has the priority of Haan’s; but it requires to be altered to Oedipoda Manilensis, as the species does not belong to the genus acridium in the modern sense. It occurs also in Luzon and in Timor, and is closely allied to our European migratory locusts Oedipoda migratoria.
2 According to Dr. Gerstaecker: Oedipoda subfasciata, Haan, Acridium Manilense, Meyen. The name given by Meyen, which the taxonomists must have missed, actually takes precedence over Haan’s; however, it needs to be changed to Oedipoda Manilensis, since the species doesn't fit into the genus Acridium in the way we understand it today. It is also found in Luzon and Timor, and is closely related to our European migratory locusts, Oedipoda migratoria.
3 After the king had withdrawn * * * “sweetmeats and cakes in abundance were brought, and also roasted locusts, which were pressed upon the guests as great delicacies.”—“Col. Fytche’s Mission to Mandalay Parliament,” Papers, June, 1869.
3 After the king had left, “a lot of sweets and cakes were served, along with roasted locusts, which were offered to the guests as special treats.” —“Col. Fytche’s Mission to Mandalay Parliament,” Papers, June, 1869.
4 The names of these two localities, on Coello’s map, are confounded. Burauen lies south of Dagami.
4 The names of these two places on Coello’s map are mixed up. Burauen is located south of Dagami.
6 A small river enters the sea 950 brazas south of the tower of Abuyog.
6 A small river flows into the sea 950 fathoms south of the Abuyog tower.
XXII
The Bisayans.The Bisayans—at least the inhabitants of the Islands of Samar and Leyte (I have not become closely acquainted with any others)—belong to one race.1 They are, physically and intellectually, in character, dress, manners and customs, so similar that my notes, which were originally made at different points of the two Islands, have, after removal of the numerous repetitions, fused into one, which affords a more complete picture, and affords, at the same time, opportunity for the small differences, where they do occur, to stand out more conspicuously.
The Visayans.The Bisayans—specifically the people from the Islands of Samar and Leyte (I haven’t gotten to know any others well)—belong to the same race.1 They are, in terms of physical traits, intellect, character, clothing, behaviors, and traditions, so similar that my notes, which were originally taken at different locations on the two Islands, have, after removing the many repetitions, merged into one. This creates a more complete picture and allows the small differences, when they do appear, to stand out more clearly.
Mountaineers.There are no Negritos either in Samar or Leyte, but Cimarronese, who pay no tribute, and who do not live in villages, but independently in the forests. Unfortunately I have had no personal intercourse with them, and what I have learned respecting them from the Christian inhabitants of Samar is too uncertain to be repeated. But it does seem certain that all these Cimarronese or their ancestors have traded with the Spaniards, and that their religion has appropriated many Catholic forms. Thus, when planting rice, and, according to ancient practices, setting apart some of the seed to be offered in the four corners of the field as sacrifice, they are accustomed to repeat some mutilated Catholic [272]prayers, which they appear to consider as efficacious as their old heathenish ones. Some have their children baptized as well, as it costs nothing; but, save in these respects, they perform no other Christian or civil obligations. They are very peaceable, neither making war with one another, nor having poisoned arrows. Instances of Cimarronese, who go over to Christianity and village life, together with tribute and servitude, are very rare; and the number of the civilized, who return to the forests in order to become Cimarronese, is, on the other hand, very inconsiderable indeed—still smaller than in Luzon, as the natives, from the dull, almost vegetating life which they lead, are not easily brought into such straitened circumstances as to be compelled to leave their village, which, still more than in Luzon, is all the world to them.
Climbers. There are no Negritos in Samar or Leyte, but there are Cimarronese, who don’t pay tribute and live independently in the forests instead of in villages. Unfortunately, I haven't interacted with them personally, and what I’ve learned about them from the Christian residents of Samar is too uncertain to share. However, it seems clear that these Cimarronese or their ancestors have traded with the Spaniards, and their religion has adopted many Catholic elements. For instance, when planting rice, they still set aside some of the seeds to be offered at the four corners of the field as a sacrifice, repeating some incomplete Catholic [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] prayers that they seem to believe are as effective as their old pagan ones. Some also have their children baptized, as it doesn’t cost anything; but apart from that, they don't fulfill any other Christian or civic duties. They are very peaceful, not engaging in wars with each other and lacking poisoned arrows. Cases of Cimarronese converting to Christianity and village life, along with paying tribute and serving, are very rare. Likewise, the number of civilized individuals who return to the forests to live as Cimarronese is quite small—smaller than in Luzon—since the natives, who lead a monotonous, almost vegetative existence, aren't easily pushed into situations that would force them to leave their village, which is, even more than in Luzon, their entire world.
Rice-farming.The culture of rice follows the seasons of the year. In some places where there are large fields the plough (arado) and the sod-sod (here called surod) are employed; but, almost universally, the rice-field is only trodden over by carabaos in the rainy season. Sowing is done on the west coast in May and June, planting in July and August, and reaping from November to January. One ganta of seed-corn gives two, sometimes from three to four, cabanes (i.e., fifty, seventy-five, and a hundred fold). In the chief town, Catbalogan, there are but very few irrigated fields (tubigan, from tubig, water), the produce of which does not suffice for the requirements, and the deficiency is made up from other places on the coasts of the Island. On the other hand, Catbalogan produces abaca, coconut oil, wax, balate (edible holothuria, sea cucumber), dried fish, and woven stuffs. On the north and east coasts sowing takes place from November to January, and reaping six months later. During the remaining six months the field serves as [273]pasture for the cattle; but in many places rice culture goes on even during these months, but on other fields. A large portion of this rice is frequently lost on account of the bad weather.
Rice farming.The process of rice cultivation depends on the seasons. In some areas with large fields, they use a plow (arado) and a harrow (locally called surod); however, in most places, rice fields are typically just trampled by carabaos during the rainy season. Sowing takes place on the west coast in May and June, planting happens in July and August, and harvesting occurs from November to January. One ganta of seed can yield two to sometimes three or four cabanes (i.e., fifty, seventy-five, and a hundred-fold). In the main town, Catbalogan, there are very few irrigated fields (tubigan, from tubig, water), and their output is not enough to meet local demands, so the shortfall is supplemented by supplies from other coastal areas of the island. Conversely, Catbalogan produces abaca, coconut oil, wax, balate (edible holothuria, sea cucumber), dried fish, and woven goods. On the northern and eastern coasts, sowing occurs from November to January, with harvesting six months later. During the other six months, the fields serve as [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]pasture for cattle; however, in many places, rice cultivation continues during these months, but in different fields. A significant amount of rice is often lost due to bad weather.
Land tenure.Purchases of land are seldom made, it being generally acquired by cultivation, by inheritance, or forfeiture. In Catbalogan the best rice land was paid for at the rate of one dollar for a ganta of seed-corn, and, on the north coast of Lauang, a field producing yearly one hundred cabanes was purchased for thirty dollars. Reckoning, as in Naga, one ganta of seed-corn at four loanes, and seventy-five cabanes of produce at one quiñon, the eastern rice land costs, in the first instance, three thalers and a third, in the second three thalers. The owner lets the bare property out on leases, and receives one-half the harvest as rent.2 The cultivation of rice in Leyte is conducted as in Samar, but it has given way to the cultivation of abacá; the governors, while they were allowed to trade, compelled the natives to devote a part of their fields and of their labor to it. Should a peasant be in arrears, it is the prevalent custom in the country for him to pay to the dealer double the balance remaining due at the next harvest.
Land ownership.Purchasing land is rare; it is usually obtained through farming, inheritance, or loss. In Catbalogan, the best rice land was bought at a rate of one dollar for a ganta of seed-corn, and on the north coast of Lauang, a field yielding one hundred cabanes a year was purchased for thirty dollars. Accounting, like in Naga, where one ganta of seed-corn is valued at four loanes, and seventy-five cabanes of produce at one quiñon, the cost of eastern rice land is three thalers and a third for the first instance, and three thalers for the second. The owner leases out the land and gets half of the harvest as rent.2 Rice cultivation in Leyte is similar to that in Samar, but has shifted towards growing abacá; the governors, when permitted to trade, forced the locals to allocate some of their fields and labor to it. If a peasant falls behind on payments, it's common practice for him to pay the dealer double the outstanding balance at the next harvest.
Mountain rice.Mountain-rice culture, which in Catbalogan is almost the only cultivation, requires no other implement of agriculture than the bolo to loosen the soil somewhat, and a sharp stick for making holes at distances of six inches for the reception of five or six grains of rice. Sowing is done from May to June, weeding twice, and five months later it is cut stalk by stalk; the reaper receiving half a real daily wages and food. The produce is between two and three cabanes per ganta, or fifty [274]to seventy fold. The land costs nothing, and wages amount to nearly five reals per ganta of seed-corn. After a good harvest the caban fetches four reales; but just before the harvest the price rises to one dollar, and often much higher. The ground is used only once for dry rice; camote (batata), abacá, and caladium being planted on it after the harvest. Mountain rice is more remunerative than watered rice about in the proportion of nine to eight.
Mountain rice. Mountain rice farming, which is nearly the only type of agriculture in Catbalogan, needs nothing more than a bolo to slightly loosen the soil and a sharp stick to make holes six inches apart for planting five or six grains of rice. Sowing happens from May to June, followed by two rounds of weeding, and five months later, it's harvested stalk by stalk; the reaper earns half a real daily for their labor and food. The yield is between two and three cabanes per ganta, or fifty [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] to seventy times the amount. The land is free, and wages amount to nearly five reales for each ganta of seed corn. After a good harvest, a caban sells for four reales; just before the harvest, the price can go up to one dollar and often even higher. The land is only used once for dry rice; sweet potato, abacá, and caladium are planted in it after the harvest. Mountain rice is more profitable than irrigated rice at a ratio of about nine to eight.
Other products.Next to rice the principal articles of sustenance are camote (convolvulus batatas), ubi (dioscorea), gabi (caladium), palauan (a large arum, with taper leaves and spotted stalk). Camote can be planted all the year around, and ripens in four months; but it takes place generally when the rice culture is over, when little labor is available. When the cultivation of camote is retained, the old plants are allowed to multiply their runners, and only the tubers are taken out of the ground. But larger produce is obtained by cleaning out the ground and planting anew. From eighteen to fifteen gantas may be had for half a real.
Other items.Next to rice, the main food sources are sweet potato (convolvulus batatas), yam (dioscorea), taro (caladium), and palauan (a large arum with long leaves and spotted stems). Sweet potatoes can be planted all year round and are ready to harvest in four months; however, this usually happens after the rice harvest, when there’s less labor available. When sweet potato farming is continued, the old plants are allowed to spread their runners, and only the tubers are harvested. But you can get a larger yield by clearing the ground and replanting. You can get between eighteen and fifteen gantas for half a real.
Abacá.Although there are large plantations of abacá, during my visit it was but little cultivated, the price not being sufficiently remunerative.
Abaca.Even though there are big plantations of abacá, during my visit it was only lightly cultivated, as the price wasn’t high enough to make it worth the effort.
Tobacco.Tobacco also is cultivated. Formerly it might be sold in the country, but now it has to be delivered to the government.
Cigarettes. Tobacco is also grown. It used to be sold locally, but now it has to be turned over to the government.
Balao oil.A resinous oil (balao or malapajo) is found in Samar and Albay, probably also in other provinces. It is obtained from a dipterocarpus (apiton), one of the loftiest trees of the forest, by cutting in the trunk a wide hole, half a foot deep, hollowed out into the form of a basin, and from time to time lighting a fire in it, so as to free the channels, through which it flows, of obstructions. The oil thus is collected daily and comes [275]into commerce without any further preparation. Its chief application is in the preservation of iron in shipbuilding. Nails dipped in the oil of the balao, before being driven in, will, as I have been assured by credible individuals, defy the action of rust for ten years; but it is principally used as a varnish for ships, which are painted with it both within and without, and it also protects wood against termites and other insects. The balao is sold in Albay at four reals for the tinaja of ten gantas (the liter at eight pence). A cement formed by the mixture of burnt lime, gum elemi, and coconut oil, in such proportions as to form a thick paste before application, is used for the protection of the bottoms of ships; and the coating is said to last a year.3 Wax.Wax is bartered by the Cimarronese. The whole of Samar annually yields from two hundred to three hundred piculs, whose value ranges between twenty-five and fifty dollars per picul, while in Manila the price is generally five to ten dollars higher; but it fluctuates very much, as the same product is brought from many other localities and at very irregular intervals of time.
Balao oil.A resinous oil (balao or malapajo) is found in Samar and Albay, and likely in other provinces as well. It's extracted from a dipterocarpus tree (apiton), one of the tallest trees in the forest, by cutting a wide hole in the trunk, about half a foot deep, shaped like a basin. Periodically, a fire is lit in this basin to clear any blockages in the channels through which the oil flows. The oil is collected daily and enters commerce without any further processing. Its main use is for preserving iron in shipbuilding. Nails dipped in balao oil before being hammered in, as I've been told by reliable sources, can resist rust for ten years; however, it's mainly used as a varnish for ships, painted with it both inside and out, and it also protects wood from termites and other pests. In Albay, balao is sold for four reals per tinaja of ten gantas (approximately eight pence per liter). A mixture of burnt lime, gum elemi, and coconut oil, combined to create a thick paste before use, is applied to protect ship bottoms; this coating reportedly lasts a year. 3 Wax. Wax is traded by the Cimarronese. The entirety of Samar produces between two hundred to three hundred piculs annually, with a value between twenty-five and fifty dollars per picul, while prices in Manila are generally five to ten dollars higher; however, it fluctuates significantly, as similar products are imported from various regions and at very irregular intervals.
Scarcity of stock.There is hardly any breeding of cattle, notwithstanding the luxuriant growth of grasses and the absence of destructive animals. Horses and carabao are very rare, and are said to have been introduced late, not before the present century. As in Samar there are hardly any other country roads than the seashore and the shallow beds of rivers (it is better in the north of Leyte), the carabao is used only once every year in treading over the earth of the rice-field. During the year he roams at large on the pastures, in the forest, or on a small island, where such exists, in the neighborhood. [276]Some times in the year one may see several carabaos, attached to the large trunk of a tree, dragging it to the village. Their number, consequently, is extremely small. Carabaos which tread the rice land well are worth as much as ten dollars. The mean price is three dollars for a carabao, and five to six dollars for a caraballa. Horned cattle are only occasionally used as victims at festivals. The property of several owners, they are very limited in number, and live half-wild in the mountains. There is hardly any trade in them, but the average price is three dollars for a heifer, and five or six dollars for a cow. Swine.Almost every family possesses a pig; some, three or four of them. A fat pig costs six or seven dollars, even more than a cow. Many Filipino tribes abstain strictly from beef; but pork is essential to their feasts. Grease, too, is so dear that from three to four dollars would, under favorable circumstances, be got on that account for a fat animal. Sheep and goats.Sheep and goats thrive well, and propagate easily, but also exist only in small numbers, and are hardly utilized either for their wool or their flesh. Creoles and mestizos are for the most part too idle even to keep sheep, preferring daily to eat chicken. The sheep of Shanghai, imported by the governor of Tacloban, also thrive and propagate famously. Poultry.A laying hen costs half a real, a rooster the same, and a game cock as much as three dollars, often considerably more. Six or eight hens, or thirty eggs, may be bought for one real.
Lack of livestock. There’s barely any cattle breeding happening, even though there’s a lot of grass growth and no harmful animals around. Horses and carabaos are very rare and are said to have been brought in relatively recently, not before this century. In places like Samar, there are hardly any roads besides the coastline and shallow riverbeds (it's better in the northern part of Leyte), so carabaos are only used once a year for plowing the rice fields. Throughout the year, they roam freely on pastures, in forests, or on small nearby islands where they exist. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] Occasionally, you might see a few carabaos tied to a large tree trunk, pulling it toward the village. Because of this, their numbers are very small. Carabaos that work well in rice fields can be worth as much as ten dollars. The average price for a carabao is about three dollars, while caraballas go for five to six dollars. Cattle with horns are only sometimes used for ceremonial sacrifices. They are owned by several people, are very few in number, and live half-wild in the mountains. There isn’t much trade for them, but a heifer typically averages around three dollars, and cows are priced at five or six dollars. Pigs. Almost every family has at least one pig, and some have three or four. A fat pig costs six or seven dollars, even more than a cow. Many Filipino tribes strictly avoid eating beef, but pork is essential for their celebrations. Fat animals can fetch three to four dollars for their fat alone during good conditions. Sheep and goats. Sheep and goats do well and breed easily, yet they exist only in small numbers and are hardly used for wool or meat. Creoles and mestizos are usually too lazy to keep sheep, preferring to eat chicken daily instead. The Shanghai sheep, brought in by the governor of Tacloban, also thrive and breed well. Chicken. A laying hen costs half a real, a rooster costs the same, and a game cock can go for as much as three dollars, often significantly more. You can buy six or eight hens or thirty eggs for one real.
Cost of food.A family consisting of father, mother, and five children requires daily nearly twenty-four chupas of palay (rice in the husk), which, after winnowing, comes to about twelve chupas. This at the average price of four reals per cavan costs about half a real. The price, however, varies. Sometimes, after the harvest, it is three reals per cavan; before it, ten; and in Albay, even about [277]thirty reals. Then about three cuartos are wanted for extras (as fish, crabs, vegetables, etc.), which, however, are generally collected by the children; and, lastly, for oil two cuartos, buyo one cuarto, tobacco three cuartos (three leaves for one cuarto), the latter being smoked, not chewed. A woman consumes half as much buyo and tobacco as a man. Buyo and tobacco are less used in Leyte than in Samar.
Food prices.A family with a father, mother, and five kids needs almost twenty-four chupas of palay (unhusked rice) every day, which after winnowing becomes about twelve chupas. At an average price of four reals per cavan, this costs about half a real. However, prices can change. Sometimes after the harvest, it's three reals per cavan; before the harvest, it goes up to ten; and in Albay, it can even reach about [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]thirty reals. Additionally, about three cuartos are needed for extras (like fish, crabs, vegetables, etc.), which are usually gathered by the kids. Lastly, for oil, it costs two cuartos, buyo one cuarto, and tobacco three cuartos (three leaves for one cuarto), with the latter being smoked rather than chewed. A woman uses half as much buyo and tobacco as a man, and buyo and tobacco are less commonly used in Leyte compared to Samar.
Clothing cost.For clothing a man requires yearly—four rough shirts of guinara, costing from one to two reals; three or four pairs of trousers, at one to two and a half reals; two kerchiefs for the head, at one and a half real (hats are not worn on the south and west coasts), and for the church festivals generally one pair of shoes, seven reals; one fine shirt, a dollar or more; and fine pantaloons, at four reals. A woman requires—four to six camisas of guinara, at one real; two to three sayas of guinara, at three to four reals, and one or two sayas of European printed cotton, at five reals; two head-kerchiefs at one and a half to two reals; and one or two pairs of slippers (chinelas) to go to mass in, at two reals and upwards.
Clothing price.For clothing, a man needs each year—four rough shirts made of guinara, costing between one and two reals; three or four pairs of trousers, at one to two and a half reals; two head kerchiefs, at one and a half real (hats are not worn on the south and west coasts); and usually one pair of shoes for church festivals, costing seven reals; one nice shirt, a dollar or more; and fine pants, at four reals. A woman needs—four to six camisas made of guinara, at one real each; two to three sayas of guinara, at three to four reals each, and one or two sayas of European printed cotton, at five reals each; two head kerchiefs at one and a half to two reals; and one or two pairs of slippers (chinelas) for mass, starting at two reals.
Women’s extras.The women generally have, besides, a fine camisa costing at least six reals; a mantilla for churchgoing, six reals (it lasts four years); and a comb, two cuartos. Many also have under skirts (nabuas), two pieces at four reals, and earrings of brass and a rosary, which last articles are purchased once for all. In the poorer localities, Lauang for instance, only the home-woven guinaras are worn; and there a man requires—three shirts and three pairs of trousers, which are cut out of three pieces of guinara, at two reals, and a salacot (hat), generally home made, worth half a real; while a woman uses yearly—four sayas, value six reals; and a camisa, [278]with a finer one for the festivals, eight reals. Underskirts are not worn; and the clothing of the children may be estimated at about half of the above rates.
Women's accessories. The women generally have a nice shirt that costs at least six reals; a mantilla for church, six reals (which lasts four years); and a comb, costing two cuartos. Many also own underskirts (nabuas), with two pieces priced at four reals each, along with brass earrings and a rosary, which are purchased once. In poorer areas, like Lauang, only home-woven guinaras are worn; and there, a man needs three shirts and three pairs of trousers, made from three pieces of guinara at two reals, plus a salacot (hat), usually homemade, worth half a real; while a woman typically wears four skirts each year, worth six reals; and a camisa, along with a nicer one for festivals, costing eight reals. Underskirts are not worn; and children's clothing can be estimated at about half of the above prices.
Household furniture.For household furniture a family has a cooking pot4 of unglazed burnt clay, imported by ships from Manila, the cost of which is fixed by the value of its contents in rice; a supply of bamboo-canes; seven plates, costing between two and five cuartos; a carahai (iron pan), three to four reals; coconut shells serving for glasses; a few small pots, altogether half a real; a sundang, four to six reals, or a bolo (large forest knife), one dollar; and a pair of scissors (for the women), two reals. The loom, which every household constructs for itself of bamboo of course costs nothing.
Home furniture. For household furniture, a family has a cooking pot of unglazed burnt clay, imported by ships from Manila, with its cost determined by the value of the rice it holds; a supply of bamboo canes; seven plates, costing between two and five cuartos; a carahai (iron pan), costing three to four reals; coconut shells used as glasses; a few small pots, totaling half a real; a sundang, costing four to six reals, or a bolo (large forest knife), priced at one dollar; and a pair of scissors (for the women), costing two reals. The loom, which every household builds for itself out of bamboo, of course costs nothing.
Wages.The rate of daily wages, in the case of Filipino employers, is half a real, without food; but Europeans always have to give one real and food, unless, by favor of the gobernadorcillo, they get polistas at the former rate, which then regularly goes into the public coffers. An ordinary carpenter earns from one to two reals; a skilful man, three reals daily. The hours of work are from six to noon, and from two to six in the evening.
Pay.The daily wage rate for Filipino employers is half a real without food; however, Europeans always have to pay one real plus food, unless they manage to get polistas at the lower rate by favor of the gobernadorcillo, in which case the extra goes into the public funds. A regular carpenter earns between one and two reals; a skilled worker makes three reals a day. Work hours are from six to noon and from two to six in the evening.
Industries.Almost every village has a rude smith, who understands the making of sundangs and bolos; but the iron and the coal required for the purpose must be supplied with the order. No other work in metal is executed. With the exception of a little ship-building, hardly any other pursuit than weaving is carried on; the loom is rarely wanting in a household. Guinara, i.e., stuff made of the abacá, is manufactured, as well as also some piña, or figured silk stuffs, the silk being brought from Manila, and of Chinese origin. All these fabrics are made in private homes; there are no factories.
Industries. Almost every village has a basic blacksmith who knows how to make machetes and swords, but the iron and coal needed for this must be provided with the order. No other metalwork is done. Aside from a little shipbuilding, almost all other work consists of weaving; there's almost always a loom in a household. Guinara, i.e., fabric made from abacá, is produced, along with some piña, or patterned silk fabrics, which come from Manila and are of Chinese origin. All these textiles are made at home; there are no factories.
[279]Barter.In places where rice is scarce the lower class of people catch fish, salt and dry them, and barter them for rice. In the chief towns purchases are made with the current money; but, in the interior, where there is hardly any money, fabrics and dried fish are the most usual means of exchange. Salt is obtained by evaporating the seawater in small iron hand-pans (carahais), without previous evaporation in the sun. The navigation between Catbalogan and Manila continues from December to July, and in the interval between those months the ships lie dismantled under sheds. Communication.There also is communication by the coast eastwards to Guian, northwards to Catarman, and sometimes to Lauang. The crews consist partly of natives, and partly of foreigners, as the natives take to the sea with great reluctance; indeed, almost only when compelled to leave their villages. Samar has scarcely any other means of communication besides the navigation of the coast and rivers, the interior being roadless; and burdens have to be conveyed on the shoulders. An able-bodied porter, who receives a real and a half without food, will carry three arrobas (seventy-five pounds at most) six leagues in a day, but he cannot accomplish the same work on the following day, requiring at least one day’s rest. A strong man will carry an arroba and a half daily for a distance of six leagues for a whole week.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Trade. In areas where rice is hard to find, people from the lower class catch fish, salt and dry them, and trade them for rice. In the main towns, people buy things with cash; but in the rural areas, where there’s hardly any money, fabrics and dried fish are the most common forms of trade. Salt is made by evaporating seawater in small iron pans (carahais), without first drying it in the sun. Shipping between Catbalogan and Manila runs from December to July, and during the rest of the year, the ships are left disassembled under shelters. Communication. There’s also coastal communication going east towards Guian, north to Catarman, and sometimes to Lauang. The crews are made up of both locals and foreigners, as locals are generally hesitant to go out to sea, only doing so when they have to leave their villages. Samar has few other ways to get around besides navigating the coast and rivers, as the interior lacks roads, and goods must be carried on people’s backs. An able-bodied porter, who gets paid a real and a half without food, can carry three arrobas (about seventy-five pounds) for six leagues in one day, but he needs at least a day's rest afterward. A strong man can carry one and a half arrobas daily for a distance of six leagues over the course of a week.
No markets.There are no markets in Samar and Leyte; so that whoever wishes to buy seeks what he requires in the houses, and in like manner the seller offers his goods.
No markets available. There are no markets in Samar and Leyte; so anyone who wants to buy looks for what they need in the homes, and similarly, the seller offers their goods.
Debts.A Filipino seeking to borrow money has to give ample security and pay interest at the rate of one real for every dollar per month (twelve and one-half per cent. monthly); and it is not easy for him to borrow more than five dollars, for which sum only he is legally liable. Trade and credit are less developed in eastern and northern Samar than [280]in the western part of the island, which keeps up a more active communication with the other inhabitants of the Archipelago. There current money is rarely lent, but only its value in goods is advanced at the rate of a real per dollar per mensem. If the debtor fails to pay within the time appointed, he frequently has to part with one of his children, who is obliged to serve the lender for his bare food, without wages, until the debt has been extinguished. I saw a young man who had so served for the term of five years, in liquidation of a debt of five dollars which his father, who had formerly been a gobernadorcillo in Paranas, owed to a mestizo in Catbalogan; and on the east coast a pretty young girl, who, for a debt of three dollars due by her father, had then, for two years, served a native, who had the reputation of being a spendthrift. I was shown in Borongan a coconut plantation of three hundred trees, which was pledged for a debt of ten dollars about twenty years ago, since which period it had been used by the creditor as his own property; and it was only a few years since that, upon the death of the debtor, his children succeeded, with great difficulty, in paying the original debt and redeeming the property. It is no uncommon thing for a native to borrow two dollars and a half from another in order to purchase his exemption from the forty days of annual service, and then, failing to repay the loan punctually, to serve his creditor for a whole year.5
Debts.A Filipino looking to borrow money must provide sufficient collateral and pay interest at a rate of one real for every dollar each month (which is twelve and a half percent monthly). It's not easy for him to borrow more than five dollars, as that's the maximum amount he's legally accountable for. Trade and credit are less established in eastern and northern Samar compared to the western part of the island, which maintains more active connections with the other residents of the Archipelago. Current money is rarely lent; instead, people advance its value in goods at the rate of one real per dollar per mensem. If the borrower fails to repay on time, they often have to give up one of their children, who is required to work for the lender only for food, without pay, until the debt is settled. I saw a young man who had worked for five years to settle a five-dollar debt his father, a former gobernadorcillo in Paranas, owed to a mestizo in Catbalogan. On the east coast, there was a young girl who, for a three-dollar debt owed by her father, had served a native known for being a spendthrift for two years. In Borongan, I was shown a coconut plantation with three hundred trees that had been pledged for a ten-dollar debt about twenty years ago. The creditor had treated it as his own property ever since, and it was only a few years ago, after the debtor’s death, that his children managed to pay off the original debt and reclaim the plantation with great difficulty. It's not unusual for a local to borrow two and a half dollars from someone in order to buy his way out of the forty days of annual service, and then, failing to repay the loan on time, end up serving his creditor for an entire year.5
People of Samar and Leyte.The inhabitants of Samar and Leyte, who are at once idler and filthier than those of Luzon, seem to be as much behind the Bicols as the latter are behind the Tagalogs. [281]In Tacloban, where a more active intercourse with Manila exists, these qualities are less pronounced, and the women, who are agreeable, bathe frequently. For the rest, the inhabitants of the two islands are friendly, obliging, tractable, and peaceable. Abusive language or violence very rarely occurs, and, in case of injury, information is laid against the offender at the tribunal. Great purity of manners seems to prevail on the north and west coasts, but not on the east coast, nor in Leyte. External piety is universally conspicuous, through the training imparted by the priests; the families are very united, and great influence is wielded by the women, who are principally engaged in household employments, and are tolerably skilful in weaving, and to whom only the lighter labors of the field are assigned. The authority of the parents and of the eldest brother is supreme, the younger sisters never venturing to oppose it; women and children are kindly treated.
People from Samar and Leyte.The people living in Samar and Leyte, who are somewhat lazier and dirtier than those in Luzon, appear to be as much behind the Bicolanos as the latter are behind the Tagalogs. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]In Tacloban, where there's more interaction with Manila, these traits are less evident, and the women are friendly and bathe regularly. Overall, the residents of both islands are warm, helpful, easygoing, and peaceful. Foul language or violence is rare, and if someone is injured, a complaint is made against the offender at the local court. There seems to be a strong adherence to proper behavior along the north and west coasts, but not on the east coast or in Leyte. Visible expressions of faith are widespread, influenced by the teachings of the priests; families are very close-knit, and women hold significant influence, primarily managing household tasks, are fairly skilled in weaving, and are assigned only the lighter agricultural work. The authority of parents and the oldest brother is absolute, with younger sisters not daring to contradict it; women and children are treated with kindness.
Leyte.The natives of Leyte, clinging as strongly to their native soil as those of Samar, like them, have no partiality for the sea, though their antipathy to it is not quite so manifest as that of the inhabitants of Samar.6
Leyte.The people of Leyte are just as attached to their land as those from Samar. Similar to them, they don’t have much fondness for the sea, though their dislike isn’t quite as obvious as that of the residents of Samar.6
Public charity not accepted.There are no benevolent institutions in either of the two islands. Each family maintains its own poor and crippled, and treats them tenderly. In Catbalogan, the chief town of the island, with five to six thousand inhabitants, there were only eight recipients of charity; but in Albay mendicants are not wanting. In Lauang, when a Spaniard, on a solemn festival, had caused it to be proclaimed that he would distribute rice to the poor, not a single applicant came forward. The honesty [282]of the inhabitants of Samar is much commended. Obligations are said to be contracted almost always without written documents, and never forsworn, even if they make default in payment. Robberies are of rare occurrence in Samar, and thefts almost unknown. There are schools also here in the pueblos, which accomplish quite as much as they do in Camarines.
Public charity not allowed. There are no charitable organizations on either island. Each family looks after its own poor and disabled members and cares for them with kindness. In Catbalogan, the main town of the island, which has about five to six thousand residents, there were only eight people receiving charity; however, in Albay, beggars are common. In Lauang, when a Spaniard announced during a major festival that he would distribute rice to the poor, not a single person came forward to ask for it. The integrity of the people of Samar is highly praised. Agreements are usually made without written contracts and are rarely broken, even when payments are missed. Robberies are very rare in Samar, and thefts are almost nonexistent. There are also schools in the towns here, which perform just as well as those in Camarines.
Amusements.Of the public amusements cock-fighting is the chief, but it is not so eagerly pursued as in Luzon. At the church festivals they perform a drama translated from the Spanish, generally of a religious character; and the expense of the entertainment is defrayed by voluntary contributions of the wealthy. The chief vices of the population are play and drunkenness; in which latter even women and young girls occasionally indulge. The marriage feasts, combining song and dance, often continue for several days and nights together, where they have a sufficient supply of food and drink. Suitor’s service.The suitor has to serve in the house of the bride’s parents two, three, and even five years, before he takes his bride home; and money cannot purchase exemption from this onerous restriction. He boards in the house of the bride’s parents who furnish the rice, but he has to supply the vegetables himself.7 At the expiration of his term of service he builds, with the assistance of his relations and friends, the house for the family which is about to be newly established.
Entertainment.Among public entertainments, cock-fighting is the main event, but it’s not as popular as in Luzon. During church festivals, they put on a play translated from Spanish, usually with a religious theme; the cost of this entertainment is covered by voluntary donations from the wealthy. The main vices of the community are gambling and drinking, with even women and young girls sometimes participating in the latter. Marriage celebrations, which include singing and dancing, can last for several days and nights, provided there is enough food and drink available. Date's service.A suitor has to work in the bride’s parents’ house for two, three, or even five years before he can take his bride home, and money cannot exempt him from this demanding obligation. He lives in the bride’s parents' house, where they provide the rice, but he must provide the vegetables himself. 7 When his service period ends, he builds, with help from family and friends, the house for the new family he is starting.
Morals.Though adultery is not unknown, jealousy is rare, and never leads to violence. The injured individual generally goes with the culprit to the minister, who, [283]with a severe lecture to one, and words of consolation to the other, sets everything straight again. Married women are more easily accessible than girls, whose prospect of marriage, however, it seems is not greatly diminished by a false step during single life. While under parental authority girls, as a rule, are kept under rigid control, doubtless in order to prolong the time of servitude of the suitor. External appearance is more strictly regarded among the Bisayans than by the Bicols and Tagalogs. Here also the erroneous opinion prevails, that the number of the women exceeds that of the men. Instances occur of girls of twelve being mothers; but they are rare; and though women bear twelve or thirteen children, many of these, however, do not live. Great infant mortality.So much so is this the case, that families of more than six or eight children are very rarely met with.
Ethics. While adultery isn't uncommon, jealousy is rare and never results in violence. The person who feels wronged usually goes with the offender to the minister, who, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] gives a stern lecture to one person and offers comfort to the other, making everything right again. Married women are generally more approachable than young girls, although it seems that a misstep during single life doesn’t significantly hurt a girl’s chances of getting married. While living at home, girls are typically kept under strict control, likely to extend the duration of their suitor's servitude. The Bisayans place more emphasis on appearance than the Bicols and Tagalogs do. There's also a common misconception that there are more women than men. There are instances of twelve-year-old girls becoming mothers, but these cases are rare, and although women may give birth to twelve or thirteen children, many of them don’t survive. High infant mortality. So much so that families with more than six or eight children are very seldom seen.
Superstitions.Superstition is rife. Besides the little church images of the Virgin, which every Filipina wears by a string round the neck, many also have heathen amulets, of which I had an opportunity of examining one that had been taken from a very daring criminal. It consisted of a small ounce flask, stuffed full of vegetable root fibres, which appeared to have been fried in oil. This flask, which is prepared by the heathen tribes, is accredited with the virtue of making its owner strong and courageous. The capture of this individual was very difficult; but, as soon as the little flask was taken from him, he gave up all resistance, and allowed himself to be bound. In almost every large village there are one or more Ghouls.Asuang families who are generally dreaded and avoided, and regarded as outlaws, and who can marry only amongst themselves. They have the reputation of being cannibals.8 Perhaps they are descended from such tribes? At any rate, the belief is very general and firmly [284] rooted; and intelligent old natives when questioned by me on the subject, answered that they certainly did not believe that the Asuangs ate men at the present time, but that their forefathers had assuredly done so.9
Superstitions. Superstitions are everywhere. In addition to the small church images of the Virgin that every Filipina wears around her neck, many also carry pagan amulets. I had the chance to examine one that had been taken from a particularly bold criminal. It was a small flask, filled with plant fibers that looked like they’d been fried in oil. This flask, made by pagan tribes, is believed to make its owner strong and courageous. Capturing this individual was quite difficult; however, once the little flask was taken from him, he stopped resisting and allowed himself to be tied up. In nearly every large village, there are one or more Monsters.Asuang families, who are generally feared and avoided, viewed as outlaws, and can only marry among themselves. They’re rumored to be cannibals. 8 Maybe they’re descended from those tribes? In any case, the belief is quite widespread and deeply [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] rooted; when I asked educated older locals about it, they confirmed that while they didn’t believe the Asuangs eat people anymore, their ancestors definitely did. 9
Ancient Literature.Of ancient legends, traditions, or ballads, it is stated that there are none. It is true they have songs at their dances, but these are spiritless improvisations, and mostly in a high key. They have not preserved any memorials of former civilization. “The ancient Pintados possessed no temples, every one performing his anitos in his own house, without any special solemnity”—(Morga, f. 145 v). Pigafetta (p. 92) certainly mentions that the King of Cebu, after his conversion to Christianity, caused many temples built on the seashore to be destroyed; but these might only have been structures of a very perishable kind. Festivals and shrines.On certain occasions the Bisayans celebrated a great festival, called Pandot, at which they worshipped their gods in huts, which were expressly built for the purpose, covered with foliage, and adorned with flowers and lamps. They called these huts simba or simbahan (the churches are so called to the present day), “and this is the only thing which they have similar to a church or a temple”—(Informe, I., i., 17). According to Gemelli Careri they prayed to some particular gods, derived from their forefathers, who are called by the Bisayans Davata (Divata), and by the Tagalogs Anito; one anito being for the sea and another for the house, to watch over the children.10 Ancestor worship.In the number of these anitos they placed their grandfathers and great-grandfathers, whom they invoked in all their necessities, and [285]in whose honor they preserved little statues of stone, wood, gold, and ivory, which they called liche or laravan. Amongst their gods they also reckoned all who perished by the sword, or were killed by lightning, or devoured by crocodiles, believing that their souls ascended to heaven on a bow which they called balangas. Pigafetta thus describes the idols which were seen by him:—“They are of wood, and concave, or hollow, without any hind quarters, with their arms extended, and their legs and feet bent upwards. They have very large faces, with four powerful teeth like boars’ tusks, and are painted all over.”11
Classical Literature. There are no ancient legends, traditions, or ballads to speak of. While it’s true they have songs for their dances, these are lifeless improvisations, mostly sung in a high pitch. They haven't kept any records of an earlier civilization. “The ancient Pintados had no temples; everyone performed their anitos in their own home, without any specific ceremony”—(Morga, f. 145 v). Pigafetta (p. 92) indeed notes that after converting to Christianity, the King of Cebu ordered the destruction of many shoreline temples, but these may have just been temporary structures. Festivals and temples. On certain occasions, the Bisayans held a major festival called Pandot, where they worshipped their gods in special huts built for this purpose, covered with foliage and decorated with flowers and lamps. They referred to these huts as simba or simbahan (which is still what churches are called today), “and this is the only thing they have that resembles a church or a temple”—(Informe, I., i., 17). According to Gemelli Careri, they prayed to specific gods from their ancestors, called Davata (or Divata by the Bisayans) and Anito by the Tagalogs; one anito was for the sea and another for the home, to watch over the children.10 Ancestor veneration. Among these anitos, they included their grandfathers and great-grandfathers, whom they called upon in times of need, and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] in whose honor they kept small statues made of stone, wood, gold, and ivory, which they called liche or laravan. They also considered all who died by the sword, were struck by lightning, or were eaten by crocodiles as gods, believing their souls ascended to heaven on a bow called balangas. Pigafetta describes the idols he saw: “They are made of wood, hollow, missing hindquarters, with their arms extended and their legs bent upwards. They have very large faces with four strong teeth like boar tusks, and are painted all over.”11
In conclusion, let me take a brief account of the religion of the ancient Bisayans from Fr. Gaspar San Agustin (Conquest, 169):
In conclusion, let me give a quick overview of the religion of the ancient Bisayans from Fr. Gaspar San Agustin (Conquest, 169):
1 Pintados, or Bisayas, according to a native word denoting the same, must be the inhabitants of the islands between Luzon and Mindanao, and must have been so named by the Spaniards from their practice of tattooing themselves. Crawfurd (“Dict.” 339) thinks these facts not firmly established, and they are certainly not mentioned by Pigafetta; who, however, writes, p. 80:—“He (the king of Zubut) was ... painted in various ways with fire.” Purchas (“Pilgrimage,” fo. i. 603)—“The king of Zubut has his skinne painted with a hot iron pensill;” and Morga, fo. 4—“Traen todo il cuerpo labrado con fuego.” From this they appear to have tattooed themselves in the manner of the Papuas, by burning in spots and stripes into the skin. But Morga states in another place (f. 138)—“They are distinguished from the inhabitants of Luzon by their hair which the men cut into a pigtail after the old Spanish manner, and paint their bodies in many patterns, without touching the face.” The custom of tattooing, which appears to have ceased with the introduction of Christianity, for the clergymen so often quoted (Thevenot, p. 4) describes it as unknown, cannot be regarded as a characteristic of the Bisayans; and the tribes of the northern part of Luzon tattoo at the present day.
1 Pintados, or Bisayas, based on a local term with the same meaning, likely refers to the people living on the islands between Luzon and Mindanao. The Spaniards probably named them this because of their practice of tattooing themselves. Crawfurd (“Dict.” 339) believes this is not definitively proven, and it isn't mentioned by Pigafetta; however, he does write on p. 80: “He (the king of Zubut) was ... painted in various ways with fire.” Purchas (“Pilgrimage,” fo. i. 603) notes, “The king of Zubut has his skin painted with a hot iron brush;” and Morga, fo. 4—“They bring their entire body engraved with fire..” This suggests they tattooed themselves similar to the Papuas, by burning designs into their skin. But Morga also states elsewhere (f. 138)—“They are different from the people of Luzon because the men style their hair in pigtails like the old Spanish way and decorate their bodies with many patterns, leaving the face untouched.” The practice of tattooing seems to have stopped with the arrival of Christianity, as the clergy often cited (Thevenot, p. 4) describe it as unknown. Therefore, it shouldn't be seen as a defining feature of the Bisayans, especially since tribes in northern Luzon still practice tattooing today.
3 In China an oil is procured from the seeds of vernicia montana, which, by the addition of alum, litharge, and steatite, with a gentle heat, easily forms a valuable varnish which, when mixed with resin, is employed in rendering the bottoms of vessels watertight. P. Champion, Indust. Anc. et Mod. de l’Emp. Chinois.” 114.
3 In China, oil is extracted from the seeds of vernicia montana. By adding alum, litharge, and steatite, and applying gentle heat, it easily forms a valuable varnish. When mixed with resin, this varnish is used to make the bottoms of vessels watertight. P. Champion, Indust. Anc. et Mod. de l’Emp. Chinois. 114.
4 Petzholdt (“Caucasus,” i. 203) mentions that in Bosslewi the price of a clay vessel is determined by its capacity of maize.
4 Petzholdt (“Caucasus,” i. 203) notes that in Bosslewi, the price of a clay pot is based on how much maize it can hold.
5 As usual these abuses spring from the non-enforcement of a statute passed in 1848 (Leg. ult., i. 144), which prohibits usurious contracts with servants or assistants, and threatens with heavy penalties all those whom, under the pretext of having advanced money, or of having paid debts or the poll-tax or exemption from service, keep either individual natives or whole families in a continual state of dependence upon them, and always secure the increase of their obligations to them by not allowing them wages sufficient to enable them to satisfy the claims against them.
5 As usual, these abuses arise from the lack of enforcement of a law passed in 1848 (Leg. ult., i. 144), which forbids usurious contracts with workers or assistants. It imposes serious penalties on anyone who, under the guise of having lent money or paid debts or taxes, keeps individual locals or entire families in a constant state of dependence, ensuring that their obligations grow by not providing them with wages high enough to meet their debts.
6 Formerly it appears to have been different with them. “These Bisayans are a people little disposed to agriculture, but practised in navigation, and eager for war and expeditions by sea, on account of the pillage and prizes, which they call ‘mangubas,’ which is the same as taking to the field in order to steal.”—Morga, f. 138.
6 It seems that things used to be different for them. “These Bisayans aren’t really into farming, but they’re skilled at sailing and have a strong desire for war and sea expeditions, drawn by the loot and treasures they call ‘mangubas,’ which means going out to steal.” —Morga, f. 138.
7 Ill-usage prevails to a great extent, although prohibited by a stringent law; the non-enforcement of which by the alcaldes is charged with a penalty of 100 dollars for every single case of neglect. In many provinces the bridegroom pays to the bride’s mother, besides the dower, an indemnity for the rearing (“mother’s milk”) which the bride has enjoyed (bigay susu). According to Colin (“Labor Evangelico,” p. 129) the penhimuyal, the present which the mother received for night-watching and care during the bringing up of the bride, amounted to one-fifth of the dowry.
7 Mistreatment is quite common, even though it's banned by strict laws; the lack of enforcement by the mayors comes with a fine of 100 dollars for each instance of negligence. In many regions, the groom pays the bride’s mother, in addition to the dowry, compensation for the care ("mother’s milk") that the bride has received (bigay susu). According to Colin ("Labor Evangelico," p. 129), the penhimuyal, the gift the mother received for overnight care and nurturing during the bride’s upbringing, was one-fifth of the dowry.
8 The Asuang is the ghoul of the Arabian Nights’ tales.—C.
8 The Asuang is the ghoul from the tales of the Arabian Nights.—C.
9 Veritable cannibals are not mentioned by the older authors on the Philippines. Pigafetta (p. 127) heard that a people lived on a river at Cape Benuian (north of Mindanao) who ate only the hearts of their captured enemies, along with lemon-juice; and Dr. Semper (“Philippines,”) in ’62 found the same custom, with the exception of the lemon-juice, on the east coast of Mindanao.
9 Real cannibals aren't mentioned by the earlier writers about the Philippines. Pigafetta (p. 127) heard that a group lived by a river at Cape Benuian (north of Mindanao) who only consumed the hearts of their captured foes, along with lemon juice; and Dr. Semper (“Philippines,”) in '62 noted the same practice, except for the lemon juice, on the east coast of Mindanao.
10 The Anito occurs amongst the tribes of the Malayan Archipelago as Antu, but the Anito of the Philippines is essentially a protecting spirit, while the Malayan Antu is rather of a demoniacal kind.
10 The Anito exists among the tribes of the Malayan Archipelago as Antu, but the Anito in the Philippines is fundamentally a protective spirit, whereas the Malayan Antu is more of a demonic nature.
11 These idol images have never come under my observation. Those figured in Bastian and Hartmann’s Journal of Ethnology (b. i. pl. viii. Idols from the Philippines,) whose originals are in the Ethnographical Museum of Berlin, were certainly acquired in the Philippines, but, according to A. W. Franks, undoubtedly belong to the Solomon Islands. Sections ii. to viii., p. 46, in the catalogue of the Museum at Prague are entitled:—“Four heads of idols, made of wood, from the Philippines, contributed by the Bohemian naturalist Thaddaeus Haenke, who was commissioned by the King of Spain, in the year 1817, to travel in the islands of the South Sea.” The photographs, which were obligingly sent here at my request by the direction of the museum, do not entirely correspond to the above description, pointing rather to the west coast of America, the principal field of Haenke’s researches. The Reliquiae Botanicae, from his posthumous papers, likewise afford no information respecting the origin of these idols.
11 I have never seen these idol images myself. The ones mentioned in Bastian and Hartmann’s Journal of Ethnology (b. i. pl. viii. Idols from the Philippines), which are housed in the Ethnographical Museum of Berlin, were definitely obtained in the Philippines. However, according to A. W. Franks, they actually belong to the Solomon Islands. Sections ii. to viii., p. 46, in the catalogue of the Museum in Prague are titled: “Four wooden heads of idols from the Philippines, contributed by the Bohemian naturalist Thaddaeus Haenke, who was sent by the King of Spain in 1817 to explore the South Sea islands.” The photographs, which the museum kindly sent to me upon my request, don’t quite match the above description and seem more aligned with the west coast of America, which was where Haenke primarily conducted his research. The Reliquiae Botanicae, from his posthumous papers, also do not provide any details about the origin of these idols.
XXIII
Ports of entry.In 1830 seven new ports were opened as an experiment, but, owing to great frauds in the charges, were soon afterwards closed again. In 1831 a custom-house was established at Zamboanga, on the south-west point of Mindanao; and in 1855 Sual, in the Gulf of Lingayen, one of the safest harbors on the west coast of Luzon, and Iloilo in Panay, were thrown open; and in 1863 Cebu, on the island of the same name, for the direct communication with foreign countries.
Entry points.In 1830, seven new ports were opened as an experiment, but due to significant fraud in the fees, they were quickly closed again. In 1831, a customs office was set up in Zamboanga, at the southwest tip of Mindanao; and in 1855, Sual, located in the Gulf of Lingayen, one of the safest harbors on the west coast of Luzon, and Iloilo in Panay, were opened. Lastly, in 1863, Cebu, on the island of the same name, was opened for direct communication with foreign countries.
Old Zamboanga fort.Before 1635 the Spaniards had established a fort at Zamboanga, which, although it certainly could not wholly prevent the piratical excursions against the colonies, yet considerably diminished them.1 Until 1848 from eight hundred to fifteen hundred individuals are stated to have been carried off yearly by the Moros.2 The establishment of this custom-house has, therefore, been based upon political rather than commercial motives, it being found desirable to open an easily accessible place to the piratical states of the Sulu Sea for the disposal of their products. Exports.Trade, up to the present date, is but of very inconsiderable amount, the exports consisting chiefly of a little coffee (in 1871 nearly six thousand piculs), which, from bad management, is worth thirty per cent. less than Manila coffee, and of the collected products of the forest and of the water, such as wax, birds’-nests, tortoise-shell, pearls, mother-of-pearl, and edible holothuria. This trade, [287]as well as that with Sulu, is entirely in the hands of the Chinese, who alone possess the patience, adaptiveness, and adroitness which are required for the purpose.
Old Zamboanga fort. Before 1635, the Spaniards set up a fort in Zamboanga, which, while it couldn’t completely stop the pirate raids on the colonies, did reduce them significantly. 1 Until 1848, it’s reported that between eight hundred and fifteen hundred people were taken each year by the Moros. 2 The establishment of this customs house was therefore driven more by political reasons than commercial ones, as it was deemed important to create an easily accessible spot for the pirate states of the Sulu Sea to sell their products. Exports. So far, trade has been quite minimal, with exports mainly consisting of a small amount of coffee (almost six thousand piculs in 1871), which, due to poor management, is valued at thirty percent less than Manila coffee, along with various collected products from the forest and sea, like wax, bird's nests, tortoise shell, pearls, mother-of-pearl, and edible holothuria. This trade, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] as well as trade with Sulu, is completely controlled by the Chinese, who are the only ones with the patience, adaptability, and skill required for this business.
Sual’s foreign trade.Sual is specially important for its exports of rice; and its foreign trade is therefore affected by the results of the harvests in Saigon, Burma, and China. In 1868, when the harvests in those countries turned out good, Sual carried on only a coasting trade.
Sual's international trade.Sual is particularly significant for its rice exports; as a result, its foreign trade depends on the harvests in Saigon, Burma, and China. In 1868, when the harvests in those countries were good, Sual engaged only in coastal trade.
Cebu.Cebu (with a population of 34,000) is the chief town of the island of the same name, the seat of Government and of the bishop of the Bisayas, and within forty-eight hours from Manila by steamer. It is as favorably situated with regard to the eastern portion of the Bisayan group as Iloilo is for the western, and is acquiring increased importance as the emporium for its products. Sugar and tobacco are obtained from Bohol; rice from Panay; abacá from Leyte and Mindanao; and coffee, wax, Spanish cane, and mother-of-pearl from Misamis (Mindanao). Its distance from Samar is twenty-six, from Leyte two and a half, from Bohol four, and from Negros eighteen miles.
Cebu City.Cebu (with a population of 34,000) is the main town on the island of the same name, serving as the government center and the bishop's seat for the Visayas, and it's about a forty-eight-hour boat ride from Manila. It is just as well-placed in relation to the eastern part of the Visayan group as Iloilo is for the west, and it's becoming more important as a hub for local products. Sugar and tobacco come from Bohol; rice from Panay; abacá from Leyte and Mindanao; and coffee, wax, Spanish cane, and mother-of-pearl from Misamis (Mindanao). The distances are twenty-six miles from Samar, two and a half from Leyte, four from Bohol, and eighteen from Negros.
Cebu island.The island of Cebu extends over seventy-five square miles. A lofty mountain range traverses it from north to south, dividing the east from the west side, and its population is estimated at 340,000,—4,533 to the square mile. The inhabitants are peaceable and docile; thefts occur very seldom, and robberies never. Their occupations are agriculture, fishing, and weaving for home consumption. Cebu produces sugar, tobacco, maize, rice, etc., and in the mountains potatoes; but the rice produced does not suffice for their requirements, there being only a little level land, and the deficiency is imported from Panay.
Cebu Island.The island of Cebu spans about seventy-five square miles. A tall mountain range runs through it from north to south, separating the eastern and western sides, and the population is estimated at 340,000—4,533 per square mile. The locals are friendly and easygoing; theft is rare, and robbery is unheard of. Their main activities are farming, fishing, and weaving for personal use. Cebu grows sugar, tobacco, corn, rice, and, in the mountains, potatoes; however, the rice produced isn't enough to meet their needs since there's only a small amount of flat land, so they import the shortfall from Panay.
Land tenure.The island possesses considerable beds of coal, the full yield of which may now be looked for, as the duty [288]on export was abandoned by a decree of the 5th of May, 1869.3 While in Luzon and Panay the land is for the most part the property of the peasantry, in Cebu it mostly belongs to the mestizos, and is let out by them, in very small allotments, upon lease. The owners of the soil know how to keep the peasants in a state of dependence by usurious loans; and one of the results of this abuse is that agriculture in this island stands lower than in almost any other part of the archipelago.4 Customhouse data.The entire value of the exports in 1868 amounted to $1,181,050; of which sugar to the value of $481,127, and abacá to the value of $378,256; went to England, abacá amounting to $112,000 to America, and tobacco to $118,260 to Spain. The imports of foreign goods, mostly by the Chinese, come through Manila, where they purchase from the foreign import houses. The value of these imports amounted in 1868 to $182,522; of which $150,000 were for English cotton stuffs. The entire imports of the island were estimated at $1,243,582, and the exports at $226,898. Among the importations were twenty chests of images, a sign of the deeply-rooted worship of the Virgin. Formerly the products for exportation were bought up by the foreign merchants, mostly Chinese mestizos; but now they are bought [289]direct from the producers, who thus obtain better prices in consequence of the abolition of the high brokerages. To this and to the energy of the foreign merchants, under favorable circumstances, is the gradual improvement of agriculture principally to be ascribed.
Land ownership.The island has significant coal deposits, and now we can expect to see the full yield since the export duty [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] was lifted by a decree on May 5, 1869.3 In Luzon and Panay, land mostly belongs to the local farmers, while in Cebu, it largely belongs to mestizos who lease it out in small plots. The landowners manage to keep the farmers dependent through high-interest loans; one of the consequences of this exploitation is that agriculture on this island lags behind almost every other part of the archipelago.4 Customs data.[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]directly from the producers, allowing for better prices due to the elimination of high brokerage fees. The gradual improvement of agriculture is mainly attributed to this change and the effort of foreign merchants under favorable conditions.
Iloilo.Iloilo is the most important of the newly opened ports, being the central point of the Bisayan group, and situated in one of the most thickly populated and industrious provinces. Nicholas Loney5 estimates the export of goods woven from the fiber of the piña, from Iloilo, and the neighboring provinces, at about one million dollars annually. The harbor is excellent, being completely protected by an island which lies immediately before it; and at high tide there is about twelve feet of water close in shore for vessels to lie in. On account of the bar, however, ships of a deeper draught than this are obliged to complete their loading outside. Previous to the opening of the new harbors, all the provinces were compelled as well to bring their products intended for exportation to Manila, as to receive from the same place their foreign imports; the cost of which therefore was greatly increased through the extra expenses incurred by the double voyage, reloading, brokerage, and wharfage charges. According to a written account by N. Loney, it is shown how profitable, even after a few years, the opening of Iloilo has been to the provinces immediately adjoining—the islands of Panay and Negros.
Iloilo.Iloilo is the most significant of the recently opened ports, serving as the central hub of the Visayan group and located in one of the most densely populated and industrious provinces. Nicholas Loney5 estimates that the export of goods made from piña fiber from Iloilo and nearby provinces is around one million dollars each year. The harbor is great, fully protected by an island right in front of it; and at high tide, there’s about twelve feet of water close to shore for vessels to dock. However, due to the bar, ships with a deeper draft have to finish loading outside. Before the new harbors opened, all provinces had to transport their products meant for export to Manila and get their foreign imports from there, which significantly increased costs due to additional expenses from the double trip, reloading, brokerage, and wharfage fees. A written account by N. Loney shows how profitable the opening of Iloilo has been for the neighboring provinces—the islands of Panay and Negros—within just a few years.
Sugar.The higher prices which can be obtained for directly exported sugar, combined with the facility and security of the trade as contrasted with the late monopoly enjoyed by Manila, have occasioned a great extension of the cultivation of that article. Not only in Iloilo, but also in Antique and Negros, many new plantations have [290]arisen, and the old ones have been enlarged as much as possible; and not less important has been the progress in the manufacture. In 1857 there was not one iron mill to be found on the island; so that, in working with the wooden mill, about thirty per cent. of the sap remained in the cane, even after it had thrice passed through. The old wooden presses, which were worked by steam or carabaos, have now been supplanted by new ones; and these the native planters have no difficulty in obtaining, as they can get them on credit from the warehouses of the English importers. Instead of the old Chinese cast-iron pans which were in use, far superior articles have been imported from Europe; and many large factories worked by steam-power and with all modern improvements have been established. In agriculture, likewise, creditable progress is noticeable. Improved ploughs, carts, and farming implements generally, are to be had in plenty. These changes naturally show how important it was to establish at different points, extending over two hundred miles of the Archipelago, commercial centers, where it was desirable that foreigners should settle. Without these latter, and the facilities afforded to credit which thereby ensued, the sudden rise and prosperity of Iloilo would not have been possible, inasmuch as the mercantile houses in that capital would have been debarred from trading with unknown planters in distant provinces, otherwise than for ready money. A large number of half-castes, too, who before traded in manufactured goods purchased in Manila, were enabled after this to send their goods direct to the provinces, to the foreign firms settled there; and as, ultimately, neither these latter nor the Chinese retail dealers could successfully compete with them, the result has been that, as much to their own profit as to that of the country, they have betaken themselves to [291]the cultivation of sugar. In this manner important plantations have been established in Negros, which are managed by natives of Iloilo: but there is a scarcity of laborers on the island.
Sugar.The higher prices that can be fetched for exported sugar, along with the ease and security of the trade compared to the previous monopoly held by Manila, have led to a significant increase in the cultivation of this crop. Not only in Iloilo, but also in Antique and Negros, many new plantations have [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]emerged, and the older ones have been expanded as much as possible. The improvements in manufacturing are equally important. In 1857, there wasn't a single iron mill on the island; as a result, when using wooden mills, about thirty percent of the sap remained in the cane, even after it had passed through three times. The old wooden presses, powered by steam or carabaos, have now been replaced by new models; and the local planters can easily acquire these, as they can purchase them on credit from English importers' warehouses. Instead of the old Chinese cast-iron pans, much better equipment has been imported from Europe, and many large factories powered by steam and equipped with modern advancements have been established. Agriculture is also showing commendable progress. Improved plows, carts, and farming tools are readily available. These changes clearly demonstrate how crucial it was to set up commercial centers across more than two hundred miles of the Archipelago, where it was beneficial for foreigners to settle. Without these centers and the resulting credit facilities, the rapid growth and prosperity of Iloilo would not have been possible, as the trading houses in that capital would have been unable to engage with unknown planters in remote provinces except for cash transactions. A large group of mestizos, who previously traded in manufactured goods sourced from Manila, could then send their goods directly to provinces and foreign firms established there. Ultimately, neither these firms nor the Chinese retail dealers could effectively compete with them, resulting in a situation where they turned, to their own benefit as well as that of the country, to [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]the cultivation of sugar. This led to the establishment of significant plantations in Negros, run by natives of Iloilo; however, there remains a shortage of laborers on the island.
Land disputes.Foreigners now can legally acquire property, and possess a marketable title; in which respect the law, until a very recent period, was of an extremely uncertain nature. Land is to be obtained by purchase, or, when not already taken up, by “denuncia” (i.e. priority of claim). In such case, the would-be possessor of the land must enter into an undertaking in the nearest of the native Courts to cultivate and keep the said land in a fit and serviceable condition. Should no other claim be put in, notice is thereupon given of the grant, and the magistrate or alcalde concludes the compact without other cost than the usual stamp duty.
Land conflicts.Foreigners can now legally acquire property and have a marketable title; previously, the law was quite uncertain in this area. Land can be obtained through purchase or, if it’s not already claimed, through “denuncia” (i.e. priority of claim). In this case, the prospective landholder must commit to cultivating and maintaining the land in good condition in the nearest native court. If no other claims are made, notice of the grant is given, and the magistrate or alcalde finalizes the agreement with only the usual stamp duty as the cost.
Lack of capital for large plantations.Many mestizos and natives, not having the necessary capital to carry on a large plantation successfully, sell the fields which they have already partially cultivated to European capitalists, who are thus relieved of all the preliminary tedious work. Evidently the Colonial Government is now sincerely disposed to favor the laying out of large plantations.
Insufficient funding for large plantations.Many mestizos and natives, lacking the necessary funds to run a large plantation successfully, sell the land they have already started to cultivate to European investors, who are then spared from all the initial hard work. It’s clear that the Colonial Government is now genuinely interested in promoting the establishment of large plantations.
Lack of roads.The want of good roads is particularly felt: but, with the increase of agriculture, this defect will naturally be remedied; and, moreover, most of the sugar factories are situated on rivers which are unnavigable even by flat freight boats. The value of land in many parts of the country has doubled within the last ten years.6
No roads available.The absence of good roads is especially noticeable; however, as agriculture grows, this issue will likely be resolved. Additionally, most sugar factories are located on rivers that aren't deep enough for even flat cargo boats. The value of land in many areas of the country has doubled in the past decade.6
Sugar prices.Up to 1854 the picul of sugar was worth in Iloilo from $1.05 to $1.25 and seldom over $2.00 in Manila; [292]in 1866, $3.25; and in 1868, $4.75 to $5.00 in Iloilo. The business in Iloilo therefore shows an increase of $1.75 per picul.7
Sugar prices. Until 1854, a picul of sugar was priced between $1.05 and $1.25 in Iloilo, rarely exceeding $2.00 in Manila; [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] by 1866, it reached $3.25, and in 1868, it was priced at $4.75 to $5.00 in Iloilo. Thus, the market in Iloilo shows a rise of $1.75 per picul.7
Negros.At the end of 1856 there were as many as twenty Europeans established on the island of Negros as sugar planters, besides a number of mestizos. Some of them were working with steam machinery and vacuum pans. The general rate of pay is from $2.05 to $3.00 per month. On some plantations the principle of acsa, i.e. part share, is in operation. The owner lets out a piece of ground, providing draught cattle and all necessary ploughing implements, to a native, who works it, and supplies the mill with the cut cane, receiving as payment a share, generally a third, of the product. In Negros the violet cane is cultivated, and in Manila the white (Otaheiti). The land does not require manuring. On new ground, or what we may term virgin soil, the cane often grows to a height of thirteen feet. A vast improvement is to be observed in the mode of dress of the people. Piña and silk stuffs are beoming quite common. Advance in luxury is always a favorable sign; according to the increase of requirements, industry flourishes in proportion.
Black people.By the end of 1856, there were about twenty Europeans living on the island of Negros as sugar planters, along with several mestizos. Some of them were using steam machinery and vacuum pans. The typical pay ranged from $2.05 to $3.00 per month. On some plantations, a system called acsa, meaning part share, was being used. The owner would lease a piece of land, providing draft animals and all necessary plowing tools, to a local worker, who would cultivate it and supply the mill with harvested cane, receiving a share—usually a third—of the product as payment. In Negros, they grow violet cane, while in Manila, they cultivate white (Otaheiti) cane. The land doesn't need fertilization. On new or what we might call virgin soil, the cane can grow up to thirteen feet tall. A noticeable improvement can be seen in the clothing of the people. Piña and silk fabrics are becoming quite common. An increase in luxury is always a positive sign; as needs grow, industry tends to prosper accordingly.
The future sugar market.As I have already mentioned, California, Japan, China, and Australia appear designed by nature to be the principal consumers of the products of the Philippine Islands. Certainly at present England is the best customer; but nearly half the account is for sugar, in consequence of their own custom duties. Sometimes it happens that not more than one-fourth of the sugar crop is sufficiently refined to compete in the Australian and Californian markets with the sorts from Bengal, Java, [293]and the Mauritius; the remaining three-fourths, if particularly white, must perforce undertake the long voyage to England, despite the high freight and certain loss on the voyage of from ten to twelve per cent. through the leakage of the molasses. The inferior quality of the Philippine sugar is at once perceived by the English refiners, and is only taxed at 8s. per cwt., while purer sorts pay 10s. to 12s.8
The upcoming sugar market. As I’ve mentioned before, California, Japan, China, and Australia seem naturally suited to be the main consumers of products from the Philippine Islands. Right now, England is definitely the biggest customer; however, almost half of the sales are for sugar, due to their own customs duties. Sometimes, only about one-fourth of the sugar crop is refined enough to compete in the Australian and Californian markets against the varieties from Bengal, Java, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] and Mauritius; the other three-fourths, if very white, have to make the long journey to England, despite the high shipping costs and a guaranteed loss of about ten to twelve percent due to molasses leakage during the voyage. The lower quality of Philippine sugar is immediately noticeable to English refiners, and it is only taxed at 8s. per cwt., while purer varieties are taxed at 10s. to 12s. 8
A valuable by-product.In this manner the English customs favor the inferior qualities of manufactured sugar. The colonial Government did not allow those engaged in the manufacture of sugar to distil rum from the molasses until the year 1862. They had, therefore, little inducement to extract, at a certain expense, a substance the value on which they were not permitted to realize; but under ordinary circumstances the distillation of the rum not only covered the cost of refining, but gave, in addition, a fair margin of profit.
A valuable byproduct.In this way, the English customs support the lower-quality manufactured sugar. The colonial government didn’t let those who were making sugar distill rum from the molasses until 1862. As a result, they had little incentive to extract, at a certain cost, a product they couldn’t profit from; however, typically, distilling rum not only paid for the refining costs but also provided a decent profit margin.
1 As an example, in anticipation of an attack on Cogseng, all the available forces, including those of Zamboanga, were collected round Manila, and the Moros attacked the island with sixty ships, whereas formerly their armaments used not to exceed six or eight ships. Torrubia, p. 363.
1 For instance, preparing for an attack on Cogseng, all available forces, including those from Zamboanga, gathered around Manila, and the Moros launched an assault on the island with sixty ships, whereas before their fleets usually didn't exceed six or eight ships. Torrubia, p. 363.
3 According to the Mineral Review, Madrid, 1866, xvii. 244, the coal from the mountain of Alpacó, in the district of Naga, in Cebu, is dry, pure, almost free of sulphur pyrites, burns easily, and with a strong flame. In the experiments made at the laboratory of the School of Mines in Madrid it yielded four per cent. of ashes, and a heating power of 4,825 caloria; i.e., by the burning of one part by weight 4,825 parts by weight of water were heated to 1° C. Good pit-coal gives 6,000 cal. The first coal pits in Cebu were excavated in the Massanga valley; but the works were discontinued in 1859, after considerable outlay had been made on them. Four strata of considerable thickness were subsequently discovered in the valley of Alpacó and in the mountain of Oling, in Naga. * * “The coal of Cebu is acknowledged to be better than that of Australia and Labuan, but has not sufficient heating power to be used, unmixed with other coal, on long sea voyages.”
3 According to the Mineral Review, Madrid, 1866, xvii. 244, the coal from the Alpacó mountain in Naga, Cebu, is dry, pure, almost free of sulfur pyrites, burns easily, and produces a strong flame. In experiments conducted at the School of Mines laboratory in Madrid, it produced four percent ash and had a heating power of 4,825 calories; i.e., burning one part by weight heated 4,825 parts by weight of water by 1° C. Good pit coal provides 6,000 calories. The first coal mines in Cebu were dug in the Massanga valley, but the operations stopped in 1859 after significant investment. Four thick seams were later found in the Alpacó valley and in the Oling mountain in Naga. * * "The coal from Cebu is recognized as better than that from Australia and Labuan, but it lacks enough heating power to be used alone for long sea voyages."
According to the Catalogue of the Products of the Philippines (Manila, 1866), the coal strata of Cebu have, at many places in the mountain range which runs from north to south across the whole of the island, an average thickness of two miles. The coal is of middling quality, and is burnt in the Government steam works after being mixed with Cardiff coal. The price in Cebu is on the average six dollars per ton.
According to the Catalogue of the Products of the Philippines (Manila, 1866), the coal layers in Cebu have an average thickness of two miles at many spots in the mountain range that stretches north to south across the entire island. The coal is of average quality and is burned in the Government steam works after being mixed with Cardiff coal. The average price in Cebu is six dollars per ton.
5 The man credited with the development of the sugar industry through machinery. A monument has been erected to his memory.—T.
5 The man recognized for advancing the sugar industry through machinery. A monument has been built in his honor.—T.
6 In Jaro the leases have increased threefold in six years: and cattle which were worth $10 in 1860, fetched $25 in 1866. Plots of land on the “Ria,” in Iloilo, have risen from $100 to $500, and even as high as $800. (Diario, February 1867). These results are to be ascribed to the sugar trade, which, through free exportation, has become extremely lucrative.
6 In Jaro, the lease prices have tripled over six years: cattle that were worth $10 in 1860 now sell for $25 in 1866. Land prices on the “Ria” in Iloilo have skyrocketed from $100 to $500, and even up to $800. (Diario, February 1867). These changes can be attributed to the sugar trade, which, due to free exportation, has become very profitable.
7 In 1855 Iloilo took altogether from Negros 3,000 piculs out of 11,700; in 1860 as much as 90,000 piculs; in 1863, 176,000 piculs (in twenty-seven foreign ships); in 1866, 250,000 piculs; in 1871, 312,379 picula from both islands.
7 In 1855, Iloilo imported 3,000 piculs from Negros out of a total of 11,700; in 1860, that number jumped to 90,000 piculs; in 1863, it rose to 176,000 piculs (on twenty-seven foreign ships); in 1866, it reached 250,000 piculs; and by 1871, it was 312,379 piculs from both islands.
8 The sugar intended for the English market cost in Manila, in the years 1868 and 1869, from £15 to £16 per ton, and fetched in London about £20 per ton. The best refined sugar prepared in Manila for Australia was, on account of the higher duty, worth only £3 per ton more in London; but, being £5 dearer than the inferior quality, it commanded a premium of £2. Manila exports the sugar chiefly from Pangasinan, Pampanga, and Laguna.—(From private information.)
8 The sugar meant for the English market cost in Manila, in 1868 and 1869, between £15 and £16 per ton, and sold in London for about £20 per ton. The best refined sugar made in Manila for Australia was, due to the higher duty, only worth £3 per ton more in London; however, since it was £5 more expensive than the lower quality, it fetched a premium of £2. Manila mainly exports sugar from Pangasinan, Pampanga, and Laguna.—(From private information.)
XXIV
Manila hemp.One of the most interesting productions of the island is Manila hemp. The French, who, however, hardly use it, call it “Silk-Plant,” because of its silky appearance.
Abacá.One of the most fascinating products of the island is Manila hemp. The French, who rarely use it, call it “Silk-Plant” because of its silky look.
The natives call the fiber bandala, and in commerce (generally speaking) abacá, just as the plant from which it is obtained.
The locals refer to the fiber as bandala, while in trade, it is commonly known as abacá, the same name as the plant it comes from.
Abacá.The latter is a wild species of banana growing in the Philippine Islands, known also as Arbol de Cañamo (hemp-tree), Musa textilis, Lin. It does not differ in [294]appearance to any great extent from the edible banana (Musa paradisiaca), one of the most important plants of the torrid zone, and familiar to us as being one of our most beautiful hot-house favorites.
Abaca. This is a wild type of banana found in the Philippine Islands, also known as Arbol de Cañamo (hemp-tree), Musa textilis, Lin. It doesn’t look very different from the edible banana (Musa paradisiaca), which is one of the key plants in the tropical zone and well-known as one of the most attractive hot-house plants we have. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
Undetermined plant relations.Whether this and the “musae” (M. troglodytarum, M. sylvestris, and others), frequently known, too, as M. textilis, are of the same species, has not yet been determined. The species Musaceae are herbaceous plants only. The outer stem consists of crescent-shaped petioles crossing one another alternately, and encircling the thin main stem. These petioles contain a quantity of bast fiber, which is used as string, but otherwise is of no commercial value. The serviceable hemp fiber has, up to the present time, been exclusively obtained from the southern portion of the Philippines.
Uncertain plant connections.Whether this and the “musae” (M. troglodytarum, M. sylvestris, and others), often referred to as M. textilis, are the same species is still unknown. The Musaceae family consists only of herbaceous plants. The outer stem is made up of crescent-shaped petioles that alternately cross over each other, encircling the thin main stem. These petioles have a good amount of bast fiber, which can be used as string, but otherwise hold no commercial value. So far, the hemp fiber that is useful has only been obtained from the southern part of the Philippines.
Abacá districts.The southern Camarines and Albay are favorably adapted for the cultivation of this plant, as are also the islands of Samar and Leyte, and the adjacent islands; and Cebu likewise, although a portion of the so-called “Cebu hemp” comes from Mindanao. In Negros the bast-banana thrives only in the south, not in the north; and Iloilo, which produces most of the hemp cloth (guinara), is obliged to import the raw material from the eastern district, as it does not flourish in the island of Panay. In Capiz, it is true, some abacá may be noticed growing, but it is of trifling value. Hitherto all attempts, strenuous though the efforts were, to acclimatize the growth of hemp in the western and northern provinces have failed. The plants rarely grow as high as two feet, and the trouble and expense are simply unremunerative. This failure may be accounted for by the extreme dryness prevailing during many months of the year, whereas in the eastern provinces plentiful showers fall the whole year round.
Abacá regions.The southern parts of Camarines and Albay are well-suited for growing this plant, as are the islands of Samar, Leyte, and nearby islands; Cebu is also included, although some of the so-called “Cebu hemp” comes from Mindanao. In Negros, the bast-banana only thrives in the south, not in the north; and Iloilo, which produces most of the hemp cloth (guinara), has to import the raw material from the eastern district, as it doesn’t grow well on the island of Panay. In Capiz, there are some abacá plants, but they are not very valuable. So far, all attempts, no matter how hard they tried, to grow hemp in the western and northern provinces have failed. The plants rarely reach a height of two feet, and the trouble and cost are just not worth it. This failure can be attributed to the extreme dryness during many months of the year, while the eastern provinces experience plenty of rain all year round.
[295]Peculiar to the Philippines.The great profit which the Manila hemp has yielded in the few years since its production, however, has given encouragement to still further experiments; so that, indeed, it will shortly be shown whether the cultivation of abacá is to be confined to its present limited area, while the edible species of banana has spread itself over the whole surface of the earth within the tropics. On the volcanic mountains of Western Java a species of the Musaceae grows in great luxuriance. The Government has not, however, made any real effort to cultivate it, and what has been done in that respect has been effected, up to the present date, by private enterprise. Various writers have stated that abacá is to be obtained in the north of the Celebes. Bickmore, however, says positively that the inhabitants having made great efforts in attempting its successful cultivation, have abandoned it again in favor of the cultivation of coffee, which is found to be far more profitable.1 According to previous statements, Guadaloupe appears to be able to produce abacá (fiber of the M. textilis?);2 and Pondicherry and Guadaloupe have produced fabrics woven from abacá, and French Guiana stuffs from the fiber of the edible banana;3 all these, however, are only experiments.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Unique to the Philippines. The significant profits from Manila hemp in the few years since its production have encouraged further experiments; soon, it will become clear whether the cultivation of abacá will remain limited to its current small area, while the edible banana has spread across the entire tropical region. On the volcanic mountains of Western Java, a type of Musaceae thrives remarkably well. However, the Government has not made any substantial effort to cultivate it, with any progress so far being the result of private initiative. Several writers have mentioned that abacá can be found in the northern Celebes. Bickmore, however, firmly states that the locals invested considerable effort in trying to grow it successfully but eventually switched to cultivating coffee, which has proven to be much more profitable.1 Previous reports suggest that Guadaloupe appears capable of producing abacá (fiber from M. textilis?);2 and both Pondicherry and Guadaloupe have created fabrics made from abacá, while French Guiana has produced materials using the fibers from the edible banana;3 but all of these instances are merely experiments.
Superiority of fiber.Royle affirms that the Manila hemp (abacá fiber) excels the Russian in firmness, lightness, and strength in tension, as well as in cheapness, and has only the one disadvantage that ropes made from it become stiff in wet weather. The reason, however, is found in the manner in which it is spun, and may be avoided by [296]proper preparation.4 Through the better preparation of the raw material in Manila by means of adequate machinery, these difficulties have been overcome; but abacá no longer has the advantage of superior cheapness, as the demand has increased much faster than the supply. During the year 1859 it was worth from £22 to £25 per ton; in 1868, £45 per ton; while Russian hemp fetched £31 per ton. Thus in nine years it rose to double its value.
Fiber advantages. Royle states that Manila hemp (abacá fiber) is better than Russian hemp in terms of durability, lightness, tensile strength, and cost, but it has one drawback: ropes made from it tend to become stiff in wet weather. This issue is related to how the fiber is spun and can be addressed with [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]proper preparation.4 By improving the preparation of raw materials in Manila with adequate machinery, these problems have been resolved; however, abacá is no longer as cheap as it once was since demand has significantly outpaced supply. In 1859, it was priced between £22 and £25 per ton; by 1868, it cost £45 per ton, while Russian hemp was priced at £31 per ton. Therefore, in nine years, its value has doubled.
Banana varieties.In Albay there are about twelve varieties of the best banana cultivated, which are particularly favored by the qualities of the soil. The cultivation is extremely simple, and entirely independent of the seasons. The plants thrive best on the slopes of the volcanic mountains (in which Albay and Camarines abound), in open spaces of the woods protected by the trees, which cast their shadows to an extent of about sixty feet. In exposed level ground they do not thrive so well, and in marshy land not at all.
Banana types. In Albay, there are about twelve varieties of the best bananas grown, favored by the quality of the soil. The cultivation is really straightforward and doesn’t depend on the seasons. The plants grow best on the slopes of the volcanic mountains (which are common in Albay and Camarines), in clear areas of the forest where trees provide shelter with their shadows reaching about sixty feet. They don't do as well in open flat ground and not at all in marshy areas.
Cultivation.In the laying out of a new plantation the young shoots are generally made use of, which sprout so abundantly from the roots that each individual one soon becomes a perfect plant. In favorable ground the custom is to allow a distance of about ten feet between each plant; in poor ground six feet. The only care necessary is the extermination of the weeds, and clearing away the undergrowth during the first season; later on, the plants grow so luxuriantly and strongly that they entirely prevent the growth of anything else in their vicinity. The protection afforded by the shade of the trees at this period is no longer required, the young buds finding sufficient protection against the sun’s rays under cover of the fan-like leaves. Only in exceptional [297]cases, contrary to the usual practice, are the plants raised from seed. The fruit, when ready, is cut off and dried, though care must be taken that it is not over ripe; otherwise the kernels will not germinate. These latter are about the size of peppercorns; and the extraction of them in the edible species almost always brings about decay. Two days before sowing, the kernels are taken out of the fruit, and steeped overnight in water; on the following day they are dried in a shady place; and on the third day they are sown in holes an inch deep in fresh, unbroken, and well-shaded forest ground, allowing six inches distance between each plant and row. After a year the seedlings, which are then about two feet high, are planted out, and tended in the same way as the suckers. Differences with abacá.While many of the edible bananas bear fruit after one year, and a few varieties even after six months, the abacá plant requires on an average three years to produce its fiber in a proper condition; when raised from suckers four years; and raised from year-old seedlings, even under the most favorable conditions, two years.
Farming. When starting a new plantation, young shoots are usually used, as they grow so abundantly from the roots that each one quickly turns into a healthy plant. In good soil, the usual practice is to space each plant about ten feet apart; in poorer soil, it's six feet. The only care needed is to remove weeds and clear away undergrowth during the first season; after that, the plants grow so lush and strong that they completely suppress any other growth nearby. The shade of the trees is no longer necessary at this point, as the young buds have enough protection from the sun under the fan-like leaves. Only in rare [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] cases, contrary to standard practice, are the plants grown from seeds. When the fruit is ready, it's harvested and dried, but care must be taken not to let it get overripe, or the seeds won’t germinate. These seeds are about the size of peppercorns, and extracting them from edible varieties usually leads to decay. Two days before planting, the seeds are removed from the fruit and soaked overnight in water; the next day, they are dried in a shaded area; and on the third day, they are planted in holes one inch deep in fresh, undisturbed, well-shaded forest ground, keeping six inches between each plant and each row. After a year, the seedlings, which are then about two feet tall, are transplanted and cared for in the same way as the suckers. Differences with abaca. While many of the edible bananas produce fruit within a year, and some varieties even within six months, the abacá plant generally takes about three years to produce its fiber adequately; if grown from suckers, it takes four years, and if grown from year-old seedlings, even under the best conditions, two years.
Cutting.On the first crop, only one stalk is cut from each bush; but later on the new branches grow so quickly that they can be cut every two months.5 After a few years the plants become so strong and dense that it is scarcely possible to push through them. Bast is in its best condition at the time of blossoming; but, when the price of the fiber happens to stand high in the market, this particular time is not always waited for.
Cutting-edge. In the first harvest, only one stalk is cut from each plant; but later, the new branches grow so quickly that they can be trimmed every two months. 5 After a few years, the plants become so robust and thick that it's nearly impossible to move through them. Bast is at its best condition during the blooming period; however, when the fiber's market price is high, this specific time is not always awaited.
Prejudice against cutting after blossoming.Plants which have blossomed cease to be profitable in any way, by reason of the fiber becoming too weak—a matter of too great nicety for the unpractical consumers on the other side of the Atlantic to decide [298]upon, and one in which, despite inquiries and careful inspections, they might be deceived. There really is no perceptible reason why the fiber should become weaker through fructification, which simply consists in the fact of the contents of the vascular cells changing into soluble matter, and gradually oozing away, the consequence of which is that the cells of the fiber are not replenished. These, on the contrary, acquire additional strength with the age of the plant, because the emptied cells cling so firmly together, by means of a certain resinous deposit, that it is impossible to obtain them unbroken without a great deal of trouble. The idea may have erroneously arisen from the circumstance that, previously to drying, as with hemp, the old plants were picked out, and allowed to be thrown away, though not without considerably increasing the rate of pay, which already consumed the greater part of the general expenses.6
Prejudice against cutting after blooming. Plants that have bloomed lose their profitability because the fiber becomes too weak—a detail too subtle for the impractical customers across the Atlantic to grasp [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__], and one that, despite inquiries and close inspections, could mislead them. There’s really no obvious reason why the fiber should weaken after flowering; it simply happens because the contents of the vascular cells turn into soluble substances and gradually leak away, which results in the fiber cells not being replenished. On the contrary, they actually gain strength as the plant ages, since the emptied cells cling tightly together due to a certain resinous deposit, making it hard to extract them intact without a lot of effort. The misconception may have arisen because, before drying, older plants were removed, leading to their disposal, though this notably increased the pay rate, which already took up most of the overall expenses. 6
Extracting the fiber.In order to obtain the bast, the stalk above ground is closely pruned and freed from leaves and other encumbrances; each leaf is then singly divided into strips—a cross incision being made through the membrane on the inner or concave side, and connected by means of the pulpy parts (the parenchym) clinging together. In this manner as much as possible of the clear outer skin only remains behind. Another method is to strip the bast from the undivided stem. To effect this the operator makes an oblique incision in the skin of the under part of the stalk, drawing the knife gradually to the tip, and stripping off the whole length as broad a piece as possible; and the operation is repeated as many times as practicable. This method of handling [299]is more productive than the one previously described; but, on the other hand, it takes considerably more time, and for that reason is not often practised. The strips of bast are then drawn under a knife, the blade of which is three inches broad by six long, fastened at one end to the extremity of a flexible stick so that it is suspended perpendicularly over a well-smoothed block, and at the other end to a handle connected by means of a cord to a treadle, which can be pressed firmly down, as occasion requires. The workman draws the bast, without any regard to quality, between the knife and block, commencing in the middle, and then from side to side. The knife must be free from notches, or all indentations, according to the direction of Father Blanco.7
Extracting the fiber.To get the bast, the above-ground stalk is carefully trimmed and cleared of leaves and other obstacles; each leaf is then carefully cut into strips—making a cross-cut through the inner or concave side and connecting them through the pulpy parts (the parenchyme) that stick together. This way, as much of the clear outer skin as possible is left behind. Another method is to strip the bast from the undivided stem. To do this, the worker makes a slanting cut in the skin of the lower part of the stalk, gradually pulling the knife toward the tip and stripping off as wide a piece as possible along the entire length; this process is repeated as many times as needed. This method of handling [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]is more efficient than the one described earlier, but it takes significantly more time, which is why it's not commonly used. The bast strips are then passed under a knife, the blade of which is three inches wide by six inches long, attached at one end to the tip of a flexible stick so that it hangs straight over a well-smoothed block, and at the other end to a handle connected by a cord to a treadle, which can be pressed down as needed. The worker pulls the bast, without worrying about quality, between the knife and the block, starting in the middle and then moving to each side. The knife must be free of notches or any indentations, as per Father Blanco's directions.7
Laborers’ work and wages.Three hired-men usually get twenty-five pounds per day. One worker cuts up the stalks, strips off the leaves, and attends to the supply; the second, frequently a boy, spreads out the strips; and the third draws them under the knife. A single plant has been known to yield as much as two pounds of fiber; but the most favorable average rarely affords more than one pound, and plants grown in indifferent soil scarcely a sixth of that quantity. The plantations are worked either by the owner or by day-laborers, who, when the market prices are very low, take half share of the crop harvested by them. In these cases an industrious workman may obtain as much as one picul in a week. During my stay exceptionally low prices ruled—sixteen and one-half reals per picul undelivered. The workman could, therefore, in six days earn half the amount, viz., eight and a quarter reals at a rate of one and three-eighths [300]reals per day. The day’s pay at that time was half a real, and board a quarter of a real, making together three-quarters of a real.
Workers' pay and tasks.Three hired workers usually earn twenty-five pounds a day. One worker cuts the stalks, removes the leaves, and manages the supply; the second, often a boy, lays out the strips; and the third pulls them under the knife. A single plant has been known to produce up to two pounds of fiber; however, the best average usually doesn’t exceed one pound, and plants grown in poor soil yield barely one-sixth of that amount. The plantations are operated either by the owner or by day laborers, who, when market prices are very low, take half of the crop they harvest. In such cases, a hardworking laborer can earn up to one picul in a week. During my visit, prices were exceptionally low—sixteen and a half reals per undelivered picul. Therefore, a worker could earn half that amount in six days, which is eight and a quarter reals at a daily rate of one and three-eighths [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]reals per day. The daily wage at that time was half a real, and meals cost a quarter of a real, totaling three-quarters of a real.
Profit.
Profit.
By daily pay. | Half share. | |
The workman therefore earned daily | 0.75 r. or | 1.375 r. |
Wages amounted to per picul | 12. 6 r. or | 8. 25 r. |
Profit of the planters after deduction of the wages | 3. 9 r. or | 8. 25 r. |
Lupis and bandala.The edges of the petioles, which contain much finer fiber than the middle parts, are separately divided into strips an inch wide, and with strong pressure are drawn several times under the knife. This substance, which is called lupis, is in high request, being employed in the native weaving; while is chiefly used for ships’ rigging.8
Lupus and bandana.The edges of the petioles, which have much finer fiber than the middle parts, are individually cut into strips an inch wide, and with strong pressure, they're pulled several times under the knife. This material, known as lupis, is in high demand, as it's used in local weaving; while it is mainly utilized for ship rigging.8
Grades of Lupis.Lupis, according to the fineness of the fiber, is sorted into four classes—first, Binani; second, Totogna; third, Sogotan; and fourth, Cadaclan. A bundle of these is then taken up in the left hand, and, while with the right the first three sorts are inserted between the fingers, the fourth is held between the thumb and forefinger. This last description is no longer used in fine weaving, and is therefore sold with bandala. After the fine sorts have been pounded in a rice-mortar, in order to render the fiber soft and pliable, they are severally knotted into one another, and converted into web.
Lupis Grades.Lupis is categorized into four grades based on the quality of the fiber: first, Binani; second, Totogna; third, Sogotan; and fourth, Cadaclan. A bundle of these fibers is picked up with the left hand, while the right hand separates the first three types between the fingers, holding the fourth type between the thumb and forefinger. This last method is no longer used in high-quality weaving and is therefore sold with bandala. After the finer types are pounded in a rice-mortar to make the fiber soft and flexible, they are individually knotted together and turned into a web.
Lupis fabrics.Generally the first sort is worked as woof with the second as warp, and the third as warp with the second as woof. The fabrics so woven are nearly as fine as piña fabrics (Nipis de Piña), and almost equal the best quality of cambric; and, notwithstanding the many little nodules occasioned by the tangling of the fiber, which may be discerned on close inspection, are clearer and [301]stouter, and possess a warmer yellowish tint.9 As to these last three qualities—purity, flexibility, and color—they stand in relation to cambric somewhat as cardboard to tissue-paper.
Lupis textiles. Generally, the first type is used as the weft, with the second as the warp, and the third as the warp with the second as the weft. The fabrics woven this way are almost as fine as piña fabrics (Nipis de Piña) and are nearly equal in quality to the best cambric. Despite the many small nodules caused by the fibers tangling, which can be seen on close inspection, they are clearer and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] sturdier, with a warmer yellowish tint.9 In terms of these last three qualities—purity, flexibility, and color—they are somewhat like cambric as cardboard is to tissue paper.
Weaving.Weaving such fabrics on very simple looms is exceedingly troublesome as the fibers, which are not spun but twisted, very frequently break. The finest stuffs require so great an amount of dexterity, patience, and time in their preparation, and for that reason are so expensive, that they would find no purchasers in Europe where there is the competition of cheap, machine-made goods. Their fine, warm yellowish color also is objected to by the European women, who are accustomed to linen and calicoes strongly blued in the washing. In the country, however, high prices are paid for them by the rich mestizos, who understand the real goodness of their qualities.
Weaving. Weaving these fabrics on very simple looms is incredibly challenging since the fibers, which are twisted rather than spun, often break. The finest materials require a significant amount of skill, patience, and time to prepare, making them so expensive that they wouldn't attract buyers in Europe, where cheap, machine-made goods dominate the market. Additionally, European women tend to dislike their fine, warm yellowish color, as they are used to linen and calicos that are heavily bleached in the wash. However, in the country, wealthy mestizos pay high prices for them, recognizing their true quality.
Bandala fabrics.The fibers of the inner petioles, which are softer but not so strong as the outer, are called tupus, and sold with bandala, or mixed with tapis and used in the native weaving. Bandala also serves for weaving purposes; and, in that portion of the Archipelago where the native abacá plantations are, the entire dress of both sexes is made of coarse guinara. Still coarser and stronger fabrics are prepared for the European market, such as crinoline and stiff muslin used by dressmakers.
Bandala fabrics.The fibers from the inner petioles, which are softer but not as strong as the outer ones, are called tupus and are sold alongside bandala or mixed with tapis for traditional weaving. Bandala is also used for weaving; in the parts of the Archipelago where you find native abacá plantations, people wear entire outfits made from rough guinara. Even coarser and stronger fabrics are produced for the European market, like crinoline and stiff muslin used by dressmakers.
A Pre-Spanish product.Before the arrival of the Spaniards the natives wore stuffs from abacá; which became an important article of export only some few decades since. This is in great measure due to the enterprising spirit of two American firms, and would not have been attained without great perseverance and liberal pecuniary assistance.
A pre-Spanish product.Before the arrival of the Spanish, the locals wore items made from abacá, which only became a significant export product in the last few decades. This was largely due to the ambitious efforts of two American companies, and it wouldn’t have been possible without substantial perseverance and generous financial support.
[302]Unbusinesslike early methods.The plants flourish without any care or attention, the only trouble being to collect the fiber; and, the bounteousness of Nature having provided them against want, the natives shirk even this trouble when the market price is not very enticing. In general low prices are scarcely to be reckoned on, because of the utter indifference of the laborers, over whom the traders do not possess enough influence to keep them at work. Advances to them are made both in goods and money, which the creditor must repay either by produce from his own plantation or by giving an equivalent in labor.10 As long as the produce stands high in price, everything goes on pretty smoothly, although even then, through the dishonesty of the workers and the laziness, extravagance, and mercantile incapacity of the middlemen, considerable loss frequently ensues. If, however, prices experience any considerable fall, then the laborers seek in any and every way to get out of their uncomfortable position, whilst the percentage of profit secured to the middleman is barely sufficient to cover the interest on his outlay. Nevertheless, they must still continue the supplies, inasmuch as they possess no other means of securing payment of their debt in the future. The laborers, in their turn, bring bitter complaints against the agents, to the effect that they are forced to severe labor, unprofitable to themselves, through their acceptance of advances made to them at most exorbitant rates; and the agents (generally mestizos or creoles) blame the crafty, greedy, [303]extortionate foreigners, who shamelessly tempt the lords of the soil with false promises, and bring about their utter ruin. Change to a safer basis.As a general rule, the “crafty foreigner” experiences a considerable diminution of his capital. It was just so that one of the most important firms suffered the loss of a very large sum. At length, however, the Americans, who had capital invested in this trade, succeeded in putting an end to the custom of advances, which hitherto had prevailed, erected stores and presses on their own account, and bought through their agents direct from the growers. All earlier efforts tending in this direction had been effectually thwarted by the Spaniards and creoles, who considered the profits derived from the country, and especially the inland retail trade, to be their own by prescriptive right. They are particularly jealous of the foreign intruders, who enrich themselves at their expense; consequently they place every obstacle in their way. If it depended upon the will of these people, all foreigners would be ejected from the country—the Chinese alone, as workmen (coolies), being allowed to remain.11
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Unprofessional early methods.The plants thrive without any care or attention, and the only effort needed is to gather the fiber. Since Nature provides abundantly, the locals often avoid even this task when market prices aren’t appealing. Typically, low prices are not reliable due to the complete apathy of the workers, who the traders don't have enough influence over to motivate them. They receive advances in goods and cash, which they must pay back either with produce from their own farms or by providing equivalent labor. 10 When produce prices are high, everything runs relatively smoothly, but even then, due to the dishonesty of the workers and the laziness, extravagance, and lack of business skills of the middlemen, significant losses often occur. However, if prices drop significantly, the workers try every possible way to escape their tough situation, while the profit margin for the middlemen barely covers the interest on their investments. Still, they have to continue supplying, as they lack other means to secure repayment of their debts in the future. The workers complain bitterly about the agents, claiming they are forced into hard labor that doesn’t benefit them due to the exorbitant rates of the advances they accepted; the agents (usually mestizos or creoles) blame the cunning, greedy, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]exploitative foreigners, who deceitfully entice the landowners with false promises and lead them to ruin. Switch to a safer foundation.Generally, the "cunning foreigner" sees a significant reduction in their capital. This is how one of the major firms lost a large sum of money. Eventually, however, the Americans, who had invested money in this trade, managed to end the practice of giving advances, which had been common. They set up their own stores and bought directly from the growers through their agents. All previous efforts toward this goal had been effectively blocked by the Spaniards and creoles, who believed they had an exclusive right to the profits from the country, especially in the inland retail market. They are particularly protective of their territory against foreign intruders who profit at their expense; as a result, they create numerous obstacles for them. If it were up to these individuals, all foreigners would be expelled from the country, with only the Chinese remaining as laborers (coolies). 11
Anti-Chinese feeling.The same feeling was exhibited by the natives towards the Chinese, whom they hated for being industrious and trustworthy workers. All attempts to carry out great undertakings by means of Chinese labor were frustrated by the native workmen intimidating them, and driving them away either by open violence or by secret persecution; and the Colonial authorities were reproached for not affording suitable protection against these and similar outrages. That, as a rule, great undertakings did not succeed in the Philippines, or at least did not yield a profit commensurate with the outlay and trouble, is a fact beyond dispute, and is solely to be ascribed to many of the [304]circumstances related above. Good work for good pay.There are those, however, who explain these mishaps in other ways, and insist upon the fact that the natives work well enough when they are punctually and sufficiently paid. The Government, at any rate, appears gradually to have come to the conclusion that the resources of the country cannot be properly opened up without the assistance of the capital and enterprise of the Tardy justice to foreigners.foreigners; and, therefore, of late years it has not in any way interfered with their establishment. In 1869 their right of establishment was tardily conceded to them by law.
Anti-Chinese sentiment.The local people showed the same hostility towards the Chinese, whom they despised for being hardworking and dependable laborers. Efforts to undertake major projects using Chinese workers were constantly thwarted by the local workers who intimidated them, driving them away either through outright violence or covert harassment; and the colonial authorities faced criticism for not providing adequate protection against these and similar acts of aggression. The fact that, as a rule, major projects did not succeed in the Philippines, or at least did not generate profits that matched the investment and effort, is undeniable, and is entirely attributed to many of the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]circumstances mentioned earlier. Fair pay for good work.However, some argue that these failures can be explained differently, emphasizing that the locals perform well enough when they are paid on time and fairly. The government seems to have gradually concluded that the country's resources cannot be effectively developed without the investment and initiative of the Delayed justice for foreigners.foreigners; hence, in recent years, it has not interfered with their establishment. In 1869, their right to establish themselves was finally granted by law.
Abacá production and prospects.At this period the prospects of the abacá cultivation seemed very promising; and since the close of the American war, which had the effect of causing a considerable fall in the value of this article in America, the prices have been steadily increasing. It is stated (on authority) that, in 1840, 136,034 piculs of abacá, to the value of $397,995 were exported, the value per picul being reckoned at about $2.09. The rate gradually rose and stood between four and five dollars—and, during the civil war, reached the enormous sum of nine dollars per picul—the export of Russian hemp preventing, however, a further rise. This state of affairs occasioned the laying out of many new plantations, the produce of which, when it came on the market, after three years, was valued at $3.50 per picul, in consequence of the prices having returned to their normal condition; and even then it paid to take up an existing plantation, but not to lay out a new one. This rate continued until 1860, since which time it has gradually risen (only during the American civil war was there any stoppage), and it now stands once more as high as during the civil war; and there is no apparent prospect of a fall so long as the Philippines have no competitors in the trade. In 1865 the picul in Manila never cost less than $7 which two years previously [305]was the maximum value; and it rose gradually, until $9.50 was asked for ordinary qualities. The production in many provinces had reached the extreme limit; and a further increase, in the former at least, is impossible, as the work of cultivation occupies the whole of the male population—an evidence surely that a suitable recompense will overcome any natural laziness of the natives.12
Abacá production and outlook.At this time, the future of abacá cultivation looked very promising; since the end of the American war, which significantly decreased the value of this product in America, prices have been steadily rising. Reports indicate that in 1840, 136,034 piculs of abacá, valued at $397,995, were exported, with the price per picul estimated at about $2.09. The rate gradually increased to between four and five dollars and, during the civil war, even reached an astonishing nine dollars per picul—though the export of Russian hemp prevented any further increase. This situation led to the establishment of many new plantations. When their produce entered the market after three years, it was valued at $3.50 per picul, as prices had returned to normal. At that point, it was profitable to take over an existing plantation, but not to start a new one. This price held steady until 1860, after which it has gradually risen (with only a pause during the American civil war) and is now back to the high levels seen during that period, with no clear sign of a drop as long as the Philippines remain the main player in the market. By 1865, the price per picul in Manila never fell below $7, which was the highest price just two years earlier; it then increased gradually, reaching $9.50 for average qualities. Production in many provinces had hit its peak; further increases in output there seem impossible, as all the male population is engaged in cultivation—clearly indicating that proper compensation can motivate the locals. 12
An examination of the following table will confirm the accuracy of these views:—
An look at the table below will confirm that these views are accurate:—
Export of “Manila hemp.”
Export of “Manila hemp.”
Export of Abacá (In Piculs).
To | 1861 | 1864 | 1866 | 1868 | 1870 | 1871 |
Great Britain | 198,954 | 226,258 | 96,000 | 125,540 | 131,180 | 143,498 |
North America, Atlantic Ports | 158,610 | 249,106 | 280,000 | 294,728 | 327,728 | 285,112 |
California | 6,600 | 9,426 | — | 14,200 | 15,900 | 22,500 |
Europe | 901 | 1,134 | — | 200 | 244 | 640 |
Australia | 16 | 5,194 | — | 21,244 | 11,434 | 6,716 |
Singapore | 2,648 | 1,932 | — | 3,646 | 1,202 | 2,992 |
China | 5,531 | 302 | — | — | 882 | 2,294 |
Total | 273,260 | 493,352 | 406,682 | 460,588 | 488,570 | 463,752 |
Commercial Report | Prussian Consular Report | Belgian Consular Report | English Consular Report | Market Report, T.H. & Co. |
Large local consumption.The consumption in the country is not contained in the above schedule, and is difficult to ascertain; but it must certainly be very considerable, as the natives throughout entire provinces are clothed in guinara, the weaving of which for the family requirements generally is done at home.
High local consumption.The consumption in the country isn't included in the schedule above, and it's hard to determine; but it must definitely be quite significant, as people in entire provinces are dressed in guinara, which is typically woven at home to meet family needs.
Sisal-hemp.Sisal, also sisal-hemp, or, as it is sometimes known, Mexican grass, has for some years past been used in the trade in increasing quantities as a substitute for abacá, which it somewhat resembles in appearance, though wanting that fine gloss which the latter possesses. It is somewhat weaker, and costs from £5 to £10 less per ton; it is only used for ships’ rigging. The refuse from it has been found an extremely useful adjunct to the materials [306]ordinarily used in the manufacture of paper. The Technologist for July, 1865, calls attention to the origin of this substitute, in a detailed essay differing essentially from the representations contained in the “U. S. Agricultural Report” published at Washington in 1870; and the growing importance of the article, and the ignorance prevailing abroad as to its extraction, may render a short account of it acceptable. The description shows the superior fineness of the abacá fiber, but not its greater strength.13
Sisal hemp.Sisal, also known as sisal-hemp or Mexican grass, has been increasingly used in trade as a substitute for abacá over the past few years. It looks somewhat similar to abacá, though it lacks the smooth sheen that abacá has. It's a bit weaker and costs between £5 to £10 less per ton; it’s only used for ships’ rigging. The leftover material from it has proven to be a very useful addition to the materials [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]commonly used in paper manufacturing. The Technologist for July 1865 highlights the origins of this substitute in a detailed essay that significantly differs from the claims made in the “U. S. Agricultural Report” published in Washington in 1870. Given the growing importance of this material and the lack of knowledge abroad regarding its extraction, a brief overview may be helpful. The description emphasizes the finer quality of the abacá fiber, although it doesn’t indicate that it's stronger.13
Varieties of sisal.Sisal-hemp, which is named after the export harbor of Sisal (in the north-western part of the peninsula), is by far the most important product of Yucatan; and this rocky, sun-burnt country seems peculiarly adapted to the growth of the fiber. In Yucatan the fiber is known as jenequem, as indeed the plant is obtained from it. Of the latter there are seven sorts or varieties for purposes of cultivation; only two, the first and seventh, are also to be found in a wild state. First, Chelem, apparently identical with Agave angustifolia; this ranks first. Second, Yaxci (pronounced Yachki; from yax, green, and tri, agave), the second in order; this is used only for fine weaving. Third, Sacci (pronounced Sakki; sack, white), the most important and productive, supplying almost exclusively the fiber for exportation; each plant yields annually twenty-five leaves, weighing twenty-five pounds, from which is obtained one pound of clear fiber. Fourth, Chucumci, similar to No. 3, but coarser. Fifth, Babci; the fiber very fair, but the leaves rather small, therefore not very productive. Sixth, Citamci (pronounced Kitamki; kitam, hog); [307]neither good nor productive. Seventh, Cajun or Cajum, probably Fourcroya cubensis; leaves small, from four to five inches long.
Types of sisal. Sisal-hemp, named after the export harbor of Sisal in the northwestern part of the peninsula, is by far the most important product of Yucatan. This rocky, sun-scorched region seems particularly suited for growing the fiber. In Yucatan, the fiber is referred to as jenequem, since the plant is derived from it. There are seven types or varieties for cultivation; only two, the first and the seventh, are also found in the wild. First, Chelem, which is apparently identical to Agave angustifolia; this ranks first. Second, Yaxci (pronounced Yachki; from yax, meaning green, and tri, meaning agave), comes second in line; it's used only for fine weaving. Third, Sacci (pronounced Sakki; sack, white), is the most important and productive, supplying nearly all the fiber for export; each plant produces twenty-five leaves yearly, weighing twenty-five pounds, from which one pound of clear fiber is obtained. Fourth, Chucumci, similar to No. 3, but coarser. Fifth, Babci; the fiber is decent, but the leaves are somewhat small, making it not very productive. Sixth, Citamci (pronounced Kitamki; kitam, meaning hog); [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] is neither good nor productive. Seventh, Cajun or Cajum, likely Fourcroya cubensis; the leaves are small, measuring about four to five inches long.
Machine-spinning.The cultivation of sisal has only in recent times been prosecuted vigorously; and the extraction of the fiber from the leaves, and the subsequent spinning for ships’ rigging, are already done by steam-machinery. This occupation is especially practiced by the Maya Indians, a memorial of the Toltecs, who brought it with them upon their emigration from Mexico, where it was in vogue long before the arrival of the Spaniards.
Machine spinning.The cultivation of sisal has only recently become more intense; and the process of extracting the fiber from the leaves and then spinning it for ship rigging is now done using steam machinery. This work is mainly done by the Maya Indians, a legacy of the Toltecs, who brought it with them when they migrated from Mexico, where it had been popular long before the arrival of the Spaniards.
Profit.The sisal cultivation yields an annual profit of 95 per cent. A mecate, equal to five hundred seventy-six square yards (varas), contains sixty-four plants, giving sixty-four pounds of clear fiber, of the value of $3.84; which, after deducting $1.71, the cost of obtaining it, leaves $2.13 remaining. The harvesting commences from four to five years after the first laying out of the plantation, and continues annually for about fifty or sixty years.
Profit.The sisal farming produces an annual profit of 95 percent. One mecate, which is equivalent to five hundred seventy-six square yards (varas), holds sixty-four plants, yielding sixty-four pounds of pure fiber valued at $3.84; after subtracting $1.71, the cost of production, there’s $2.13 left. Harvesting starts four to five years after the plantation is first established and continues every year for about fifty to sixty years.
Banana substitute unsatisfactory.In tropical countries there is scarcely a hut to be seen without banana trees surrounding it; and the idea presented itself to many to utilize the fiber of these plants, at that time entirely neglected, which might be done by the mere labor of obtaining it; besides which, the little labor required for their proper cultivation is quickly and amply repaid by their abundant fruitfulness.14
Unsatisfactory banana substitute.In tropical countries, it’s hard to find a hut that isn’t surrounded by banana trees; many people thought it could be useful to take advantage of the fiber from these plants, which were completely overlooked at the time. This could be achieved with just a bit of work to gather it, and the minimal effort needed for growing them pays off greatly with their abundant fruit. 14
[308]This idea, however, under the existing circumstances, would certainly not be advantageous in the Philippines, as it does not pay to obtain bast from the genuine abacá plant as soon as it has borne fruit. The fiber of the edible banana might very well be used as material for paper-making, though obtaining it would cost more than the genuine bandala.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]This idea, however, under the current circumstances, wouldn't be beneficial in the Philippines, since it's not worth it to harvest bast from the true abacá plant right after it has produced fruit. The fiber from the edible banana could definitely be used for paper-making, but getting it would be more expensive than the authentic bandala.
Fiber-extracting machinery.In the Report of the Council of the Society of Arts, London, May 11, 1860, attention was called to a machine invented by F. Burke, of Montserrat, for obtaining fiber from banana and other endogenous plants. While all the earlier machines worked the fiber parallelwise, this one operated obliquely on it; the consequence of which was that it was turned out particularly clear. With this machine, from seven to nine per cent. of fibrous substance may be obtained from the banana. The Tropical Fiber Company have sent these machines to Demerara, also to Java and other places, with the design of spinning the fiber of the edible banana, and also to utilize some portions of the plant as materials in the manufacture of paper. Proofs have already been brought forward of fiber obtained in this manner in Java, the value of which to the spinner has been reckoned at from £20 to £25. It does not appear, however, that these promising experiments have led to any important results; at least, the consular reports which have come to hand contain no information on the subject. In the obtaining of bandala in the Philippines this machine has not yet been used; nor has it even been seen, though the English consul, in his latest report, complains that all the hitherto ingeniously constructed machines have proved virtually useless.
Fiber extraction machine. In the Report of the Council of the Society of Arts, London, May 11, 1860, attention was drawn to a machine invented by F. Burke from Montserrat for extracting fiber from banana and other types of plants. While earlier machines worked the fiber parallel to its strands, this one operated at an angle, resulting in particularly clean output. With this machine, it is possible to extract seven to nine percent of fibrous material from the banana. The Tropical Fiber Company has sent these machines to Demerara, as well as to Java and other locations, aiming to spin the fiber from edible bananas and to use some parts of the plant as raw materials for paper production. There have already been demonstrations of fiber obtained in this way in Java, with its value to manufacturers estimated between £20 and £25. However, it seems that these promising experiments have not led to significant outcomes; at least, the consular reports received so far provide no information on the matter. The machine has not been used in the extraction of bandala in the Philippines, nor has it even been observed, although the English consul in his latest report mentions that all previously well-designed machines have turned out to be practically useless.
The bast of the edible banana continues still to be used in the Philippines, notwithstanding that the plants, instead of being grown, as in many parts of America, [309]in large well-tended gardens, are here scattered around the huts; but the forwarding of the raw material, the local transport, and the high freightage will always render this material too expensive for the European market (considering always its very ordinary quality)—£10 per ton at the very least; while “Sparto grass” (Lygaeum spartum, Lœffl.), Paper-making materials.which was imported some few years since in considerable quantities for the purpose of paper-making, costs in London only £5 per ton.15 The jute (Corchurus casularis) coffee-sacks supply another cheap paper material. These serve in the fabrication of strong brown packing paper, as the fiber will not stand bleaching. According to P. Symmonds, the United States in recent years have largely used bamboo. The rind of the Adansonia digitata also yields an extremely good material; in particular, paper made entirely from New Zealand flax deserves consideration, being, by virtue of its superior toughness, eminently suited for “bill paper.”
The fiber of the edible banana is still being used in the Philippines, even though the plants are not typically grown in large, well-maintained gardens like in many parts of America, but are instead scattered around the huts. However, the cost of raw material, local transport, and high freight will always make this fiber too expensive for the European market—at least £10 per ton—especially considering its rather ordinary quality. Meanwhile, “Sparto grass” (Lygaeum spartum, Lœffl.), which was imported in large quantities a few years ago for paper-making, only costs about £5 per ton in London.Paper-making supplies. Jute (Corchurus casularis) coffee sacks provide another inexpensive paper material. These are used to create strong brown packing paper since the fiber doesn’t handle bleaching well. According to P. Symmonds, the United States has recently made extensive use of bamboo. The bark of the Adansonia digitata also produces an excellent material, and paper made entirely from New Zealand flax is especially noteworthy due to its superior toughness, making it ideal for “bill paper.”
Preferability of discarded cloth.It must not be overlooked that, in the manufacture of paper, worn linen and cotton rags are the very best materials that can be employed, and make the best paper. Moreover, they are generally to be had for the trouble of collecting them, after they have once covered the cost of their production in the form of clothing materials; when, through being frayed by repeated washings, they undergo a preparation which particularly adapts them to the purpose of paper-making.
Preference for discarded fabric. It’s important to note that when making paper, old linen and cotton rags are the best materials you can use and produce the highest quality paper. Additionally, they are usually available with just a bit of effort to collect them, especially after they’ve already covered their production cost as clothing. After being worn out from multiple washes, they go through a process that makes them particularly suitable for paper-making.
Increasing use of wood and straw.The more paper-making progresses, the more are ligneous fibers brought forward, particularly wood and straw, which produce really good pastes; all the raw [310]materials being imported from a distance. That England takes so much sparto is easily explained by the fact that she has very little straw of her own, for most of the grain consumed by her is received from abroad in a granulated condition.
Growing use of wood and straw.The more paper-making advances, the more plant fibers come into play, especially wood and straw, which create really good pulps; all the raw [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]materials are imported from far away. England's high demand for sparto can be easily understood since she has very little straw of her own, as most of the grain she uses is imported in processed form.
1 The Islands of the East Indian Archipelago, 1868, p. 340.
1 The Islands of the East Indian Archipelago, 1868, p. 340.
2 Exhibition Catalogue; section, French Colonies, 1867, p. 80.
2 Exhibition Catalogue; section, French Colonies, 1867, p. 80.
3 Report of the Commissioners, Exhibition 1867, iv. 102. The South American Indians have for a long time past employed the banana fiber in the manufacture of clothing material;—(The Technologist, September, 1865, p. 89, from unauthenticated sources,) and in Loo Choo the banana fiber is the only kind in use (Faits Commerciaux, No. 1514. p. 36).
3 Report of the Commissioners, Exhibition 1867, iv. 102. South American Indians have long used banana fiber to make clothing;—(The Technologist, September 1865, p. 89, from unverified sources,) and in Loo Choo, banana fiber is the only type used (Faits Commerciaux, No. 1514. p. 36).
4 Abacá not readily taking tar is, consequently, only used for running, and not standing, rigging.
4 Abacá doesn't easily absorb tar, so it's only used for running rigging, not standing rigging.
5 A plant in full growth produces annually 30 cwt. bandala to the acre, whereas from an acre of flax not more than from 2 to 4 cwt. of pure flax, and from 2 to 8 cwt. seed can be obtained.
5 A fully grown plant produces about 30 hundredweight of bandala per acre each year, while an acre of flax yields only 2 to 4 hundredweight of pure flax and 2 to 8 hundredweight of seeds.
6 As Dr. Wittmack communicated to me, only fiber or seed can be obtained from hemp, as when the hemp is ripe, i.e. run to seed, the fiber becomes then both brittle and coarse. When cultivating flax very often both seeds and fiber are used, but then they both are of inferior quality.
6 As Dr. Wittmack told me, you can only get fiber or seeds from hemp because when hemp is ripe, meaning it has gone to seed, the fiber becomes brittle and rough. In the case of flax cultivation, both seeds and fiber are often used, but they tend to be of lower quality.
8 In 1868, £100 per ton was paid for lupis, although only imported in small quantities—about five tons per annum—and principally used at one time in France in the manufacture of a particular kind of underclothing. The fashion soon, however, died out. Quitol, a less valuable sort of lupis, could be sold at £75 per ton.
8 In 1868, £100 per ton was paid for lupis, but it was only imported in small amounts—about five tons a year—and mainly used in France for making a specific type of underclothing. However, that trend quickly faded. Quitol, a less valuable type of lupis, could be sold for £75 per ton.
9 Inflexibility is peculiar to all fibers of the Monocotyledons, because they consist of coarsely rounded cells. On the other hand, the true bast fibers—the Dicotyledons (flax, for instance)—are the reverse.
9 Inflexibility is a characteristic of all the fibers in Monocotyledons, as they are made up of thick, rounded cells. In contrast, true bast fibers—the Dicotyledons (like flax, for example)—are quite different.
10 Through the agricultural system, also, the mestizos and natives secure the work of their countrymen by making these advances, and renewing them before the old ones are paid off. These thoughtless people consequently fall deeper and deeper into debt, and become virtually the peons of their creditors, it being impossible for them to escape in any way from their position. The “part-share contract” is much the same in its operative effects, the landlord having to supply the farmer with agricultural implements and draught-cattle, and often in addition supplying the whole family with clothing and provisions; and, on division of the earnings, the farmer is unable to cover his debt. It is true the Filipinos are responsible legally to the extent of five dollars only, a special enactment prohibiting these usurious bargains. As a matter of fact, however, they are generally practised.
10 Through the farming system, mestizos and locals secure work for their fellow countrymen by taking out loans and renewing them before the old ones are paid off. These unaware individuals end up falling deeper into debt, becoming almost like the serfs of their creditors, unable to escape their situation. The "part-share contract" operates in a similar way, where the landlord must supply the farmer with tools and draft animals, and often provides the entire family with clothes and food; when it comes time to divide the earnings, the farmer can't pay off his debt. It's true that Filipinos are only legally responsible for up to five dollars, due to a special law that bans these exploitative deals. However, in reality, these practices are still common.
11 This feeling of jealousy had very nearly the effect of closing the new harbors immediately after they were opened.
11 This feeling of jealousy nearly resulted in shutting down the new harbors right after they were opened.
13 In the Agricultural Report of 1869, p. 232, another fiber was highly mentioned, belonging to a plant very closely related to sisal (Bromelia Sylvestris), perhaps even a variety of the same. The Mexican name, jxtle, is possibly derived from the fact of their curiously flattened, spike-edged leaves, resembling the dentated knives formed from volcanic stone (obsidian) possessed by the Aztecs and termed by them iztli.
13 In the Agricultural Report of 1869, p. 232, another fiber was prominently mentioned, coming from a plant that is very closely related to sisal (Bromelia Sylvestris), possibly even a variety of the same. The Mexican name, jxtle, might be derived from the uniquely flattened, spike-edged leaves that resemble the jagged knives made from volcanic stone (obsidian) used by the Aztecs, which they called iztli.
14 The banana trees are well known to be among the most valuable of plants to mankind. In their unripe state they afford starch-flour; and when mature, they supply an agreeable and nutritious fruit, which, although partaken of freely, will produce neither unpleasantness nor any injurious after-effects. One of the best of the edible species bears fruit as early as five or six months after being planted, suckers in the meantime constantly sprouting from the roots, so that continual fruit-bearing is going on, the labor of the growers merely being confined to the occasional cutting down of the old plants and to gathering in the fruit. The broad leaves afford to other young plants the shade which is so requisite in tropical countries, and are employed in many useful ways about the house. Many a hut, too, has to thank the banana trees surrounding it from the conflagration, which, generally speaking, lays the village in ashes. I should here like to make an observation upon a mistake which has spread rather widely. In Bishop Pallegoix’s excellent work, Description du Royaume Thai ou Siam, I*. 144, he says: “L’arbre a vernis qui est une espece de bananier, et que les Siamois appellent ‘rak,’ fournit ce beau vernis qu’on admire dans les petits meubles qu’on apporte de Chine.” When I was in Bangkok, I called the attention of the amiable white-haired, and at that time nearly nonogenarian, bishop to this curious statement. Shaking his head, he said he could not have written it. I showed him the very passage. “Ma foi, j’ai dit une betise; j’en ai dit bien d’autres,” whispered he in my ear, holding up his hand as if afraid somebody might overhear him.
14 The banana trees are well known to be some of the most valuable plants for people. When they are unripe, they provide starch-flour; and when mature, they offer a pleasant and nutritious fruit, which, even when eaten in large amounts, won't cause any discomfort or harmful after-effects. One of the best edible varieties produces fruit just five or six months after being planted, with new shoots constantly sprouting from the roots. This allows for continuous fruit production, with the growers' tasks mainly involving cutting down old plants and harvesting the fruit. The large leaves provide essential shade for other young plants in tropical climates and are used in many practical ways around the house. Many huts also owe their safety from fires, which usually destroy villages, to the banana trees surrounding them. I would like to point out a common misconception. In Bishop Pallegoix’s excellent work, Description du Royaume Thai ou Siam, p. 144, he states: “L’arbre a vernis qui est une espece de bananier, et que les Siamois appellent ‘rak,’ fournit ce beau vernis qu’on admire dans les petits meubles qu’on apporte de Chine.” When I was in Bangkok, I brought this curious statement to the attention of the friendly, white-haired bishop, who was nearly ninety at the time. He shook his head and insisted he couldn’t have written that. I pointed out the exact passage to him. “Ma foi, j’ai dit une betise; j’en ai dit bien d’autres,” he whispered in my ear, raising his hand as if worried someone might hear him.
15 In 1862, English took from Spain 156 tons; 1863, 18,074 tons; 1866, 66,913 tons; 1868, 95,000 tons; and the import of rags fell from 24,000 tons in 1866 to 17,000 tons in 1668. In Algiers a large quantity of sparto (Alfa) grows but the cost of transport is too expensive to admit of sending it to France.
15 In 1862, England imported 156 tons from Spain; in 1863, 18,074 tons; in 1866, 66,913 tons; and in 1868, 95,000 tons. Meanwhile, the import of rags dropped from 24,000 tons in 1866 to 17,000 tons in 1868. A large amount of sparto (Alfa) grows in Algiers, but the shipping costs make it too expensive to send to France.
XXV
Tobacco revenue.Of all the productions of the country tobacco is the most important, so far (at least) as concerns the Government, which have the cultivation of this plant, its manipulation, and sale, the subjects of an extensive and strictly guarded monopoly, and derives a very considerable portion of the public revenue therefrom.1 As to the objections raised against this revenue on the score of its being opposed to justice and morality, many other sources of revenue in the colonial budget might be condemned (such as the poll-tax, gaming and opium licenses, the brandy trade, and the sale of indulgences); yet none is so invidious and pernicious as the tobacco monopoly.
Tobacco income. Of all the products of the country, tobacco is the most important, at least in terms of the Government, which maintains an extensive and tightly controlled monopoly over the cultivation, processing, and sale of this plant, deriving a significant part of public revenue from it. 1 Regarding the objections raised about this revenue being unjust and immoral, many other sources of revenue in the colonial budget could also be criticized (like the poll tax, gambling and opium licenses, the brandy trade, and the sale of indulgences); however, none is as damaging and controversial as the tobacco monopoly.
Injustice of the monopoly.Often in the course of this narrative of my travels I have had occasion to commend the clemency of the Spanish Government. In glaring contrast therewith, however, stands the management of the tobacco regulations. They appropriated the fields of the peasantry without the slightest indemnification—fields which had been brought under cultivation for their necessary means of sustenance; forced them, under penalty of bodily punishment, to raise, on the confiscated property, an article which required an immense amount of trouble and attention, and which yielded a very uncertain crop; and they then valued the harvested leaves arbitrarily [311]and without any appeal, and, in the most favorable case, paid for them at a nominal price fixed by themselves. To be paid at all, indeed, appears to have been a favor, for it has not been done in full now for several years in succession. Spain regularly remains indebted to the unlucky peasants in the amount of the miserable pittance allowed, from one year’s end to another. The Government ordered the officials to exact a higher return from the impoverished population of the tobacco districts; and even rewarded informers who, after pointing out fields already owned, but which were considered suitable to the cultivation of tobacco, were installed into possession of the proclaimed lands in the place of the original owners.
Monopoly injustice.Throughout my travels, I've often praised the kindness of the Spanish Government. However, the way they manage tobacco regulations is a stark contrast to that. They took over the peasant's fields without any compensation—fields that were cultivated for their basic needs; they forced them, under threat of physical punishment, to grow a crop on the confiscated land that required a lot of hard work and attention, and that produced unpredictable yields. They then assigned an arbitrary value to the harvested leaves [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__], without any chance to appeal, and in the best-case scenario, paid a trivial price they set themselves. In fact, receiving any payment at all seems like a privilege, as they haven't been paid in full for several years. Spain consistently owes the unfortunate peasants the tiny amount they were promised, year after year. The Government instructed officials to extract a higher yield from the already struggling population in tobacco-growing areas; they even rewarded informants who, after identifying fields that were already owned but deemed suitable for tobacco cultivation, were given control of those lands instead of the original owners.
Résumé of regulationsCap. 25, § 329. The compulsory system of cultivation in Cagayan, New Vizcaya, Gapan, Igorots, and Abra to remain in force.
Summary of rulesCap. 25, § 329. The mandatory cultivation system in Cagayan, New Vizcaya, Gapan, Igorots, and Abra will continue.
§ 331. The Director-General of the Government is authorized to extend compulsory labor to the other provinces, or to abolish it where already introduced. These instructions may be altered wholly or in part as occasion requires.
§ 331. The Director-General of the Government is authorized to expand mandatory labor to other provinces or to eliminate it where it has already been implemented. These instructions can be changed in whole or in part as needed.
§ 332. Prices may be either increased or lowered.
§ 332. Prices can be raised or lowered.
§ 337. Claims or actions concerning the possession of tobacco lands pending before the usual tribunal shall not prevent such lands from being used for the purposes of tobacco cultivation, the present proprietor being under strict obligation to continue the cultivation either in person or by substitute. (If he omits to do so, the magistrate or judge takes upon himself to appoint such substitute.)
§ 337. Claims or actions regarding the possession of tobacco lands that are under consideration by the usual court will not stop those lands from being used for tobacco cultivation. The current owner is required to keep cultivating, either personally or through a representative. (If they fail to do so, the magistrate or judge will appoint a representative.)
[312]§ 351. The collectors have received denuncies, i.e. information, that land adapted to tobacco growing is lying fallow, and that it is private property. In case such land is really suitable to the purposes of tobacco cultivation, the owners thereof are hereby summoned to cultivate the same with tobacco in preference to anything else. At the expiration of a certain space of time the land in question is to be handed over to the informer. Be it known, however, that, notwithstanding these enactments, the possessory title is not lost to the owner, but he is compelled to relinquish all rights and usufruct for three years.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]§ 351. The collectors have received information that land suitable for tobacco growing is currently unused and is private property. If this land is indeed appropriate for tobacco cultivation, the owners are required to plant tobacco on it instead of anything else. After a certain amount of time, the land will be given to the informer. However, it should be noted that despite these rules, the owner does not lose possession of their title, but they must give up all rights and benefits from the land for three years.
Cap. 27, § 357. An important duty of the collector is to insure the greatest possible extension of the tobacco cultivation upon all suitable lands, but in particular upon those which are specially convenient and fertile. Lands which, although suitable for tobacco growing, were previously planted with rice or corn, shall, as far as practicable, be replaced by forest clearings, in order, as far as possible, to prevent famine and to bring the interests of the natives into harmony with those of the authorities.
Cap. 27, § 357. One of the key responsibilities of the collector is to promote the widespread growth of tobacco on all suitable lands, especially those that are particularly well-suited and fertile. Lands that are suitable for tobacco farming but were previously used for rice or corn should, whenever possible, be converted to forest clearings to help prevent famine and align the interests of the local communities with those of the authorities.
§ 351. In order that the work which the tobacco cultivation requires may not be neglected by the natives, and that they may perform the field work necessary for their sustenance, it is ordered that every two persons working together shall, between them cultivate eight thousand square varas, that is, two and one-half acres of tobacco land.
§ 351. To ensure that the work needed for tobacco farming is not overlooked by the locals and that they can carry out the necessary field work for their survival, it is mandated that every two people working together must cultivate a total of eight thousand square varas, which is two and a half acres of tobacco land.
§ 362. Should this arrangement fail to be carried out either through age, sickness, or death, it shall be left to the priest of the district to determine what quantity of work can be accomplished by the little children, having regard to their strength and number.
§ 362. If this arrangement is not carried out due to old age, illness, or death, it will be up to the local priest to decide how much work the young children can handle, considering their strength and the number of them.
§ 369. Every collector who consigns from his district 1,000 fardos more than in former years, shall receive for the overplus a double gratuity, but this only where the proportion of first-class leaves has not decreased.
§ 369. Every collector who ships 1,000 more fardos from their district than in previous years will receive a double bonus for the extra amount, but this only applies if the proportion of first-class leaves has not decreased.
§ 370. The same gratuity will be bestowed when there is no diminution in bulk, and one-third of the leaves is of first-class quality.
§ 370. The same bonus will be given when there is no decrease in quantity, and one-third of the leaves is of top quality.
[313]The following sections regulate the action of the local authorities:—
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The following sections govern the actions of local authorities:—
§ 379. Every governor must present annually a list, revised by the priest of the district, of all the inhabitants in his district of both sexes, and of those of their children who are old enough to help in the fields.
§ 379. Every governor must present annually a list, updated by the district priest, of all the inhabitants in his area of both genders, as well as those children who are old enough to assist in the fields.
§ 430. The officers shall forward the emigrants on to Cagayan and Nueva Vizcaya, and will be entrusted with $5 for that purpose, which must be repaid by each individual, as they cannot be allowed to remain indebted in their province.
§ 430. The officers will send the emigrants on to Cagayan and Nueva Vizcaya and will be given $5 for that purpose, which each individual must repay, as they cannot be allowed to remain in debt in their province.
§ 436. Further it is ordered by the Buen Gobierno (good government) that no Filipino shall be liable for a sum exceeding $5, incurred either as a loan or a simple debt. Thus the claim of a higher sum can not impede emigration.
§ 436. Furthermore, it is ordered by the Buen Gobierno (good government) that no Filipino shall be responsible for an amount greater than $5, whether from a loan or a simple debt. Therefore, any claim for a larger amount cannot prevent emigration.
§ 437. The Hacienda (Public Treasury) shall pay the passage money and the cost of maintenance from Ilocos.
§ 437. The Hacienda (Public Treasury) will cover the travel expenses and the cost of living for those coming from Ilocos.
§ 438. They are to be provided with the means of procuring cattle, tools, etc., until the first harvest (although the Indian is only liable for $5).
§ 438. They should have access to the resources needed to obtain cattle, tools, etc., until the first harvest (even though the Indian is only responsible for $5).
§ 439. Such advances are, it is true, personal and individual; but, in the case of death or flight of the debtor, the whole village is to be liable for the amount due.
§ 439. These advances are, indeed, personal and individual; however, in the event of the debtor's death or escape, the entire village will be responsible for the amount owed.
Tobacco from Mexico.Tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum, L.) was introduced into the Philippines soon after the arrival of the Spaniards by the missionaries, who brought the seed with them from Mexico.4 The soil and climate being favorable to its production, and the pleasure derived from it [314]being speedily discovered by the natives, naturally assisted in its rapid adoption. Next to the Cuban tobacco and a few sorts of Turkish5it is admitted to be the best; and in the colony it is asserted by competent judges that it would soon surpass all others, if the existing regulations were abolished and free trade established. There can be no doubt in the minds of impartial observers that the quality and quantity of the produce might be considerably increased by such a change; on the other hand, many of the prejudiced officials certainly maintain the direct contrary. The real question is, to what extent these expectations may be realized in the fulfilment of such a measure; of course, bearing in mind that the judgment is swayed by a strong desire for the abolition of a system which interferes at present with their prospects of gain. But the fact is that, even now, the native grown tobacco, notwithstanding all the defects inseparable from an illicit trade, is equal to that produced by the High grade of Philippine product.Government officials in their own factories, and is valued at the same rate with many of the Havana brands; and the Government cigars of the Philippines are preferred to all others throughout Eastern Asia. Indeed, rich merchants, to whom a difference of price is no object, as a rule take the Manila cigars before Havanas.
Mexican tobacco.Tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum, L.) was brought to the Philippines shortly after the Spaniards arrived by missionaries who had transported the seeds from Mexico.4 The favorable soil and climate, along with the enjoyment the locals quickly found in tobacco, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] contributed to its swift acceptance. It is recognized as the best after Cuban tobacco and a few types of Turkish tobacco5, and experts in the colony claim that it would quickly surpass all others if the current regulations were lifted and free trade implemented. There’s no doubt among unbiased observers that the quality and quantity of production could greatly improve with such a change; however, many biased officials argue the exact opposite. The key issue is how much these hopes can be fulfilled if such a measure is adopted, keeping in mind that opinions are influenced by a strong wish to end a system that currently limits their profits. Nevertheless, even now, locally grown tobacco, despite the flaws that come with an illegal trade, is on par with tobacco produced by the High-quality Philippine product.government officials in their own factories and is valued equally with many Havana brands; the government cigars from the Philippines are preferred throughout Eastern Asia. In fact, wealthy merchants, for whom price is not a concern, typically choose Manila cigars over Havanas.
Manila tobacco handicapped.According to Agius (“Memoria,” 1871), in the European market the Manila tobacco was admitted to be without any rival, with the sole exception of the Vuelta abajo of Cuba; and most certainly in the Asiatic and Oceanic ports its superior quality was undisputed, [315]as the Havana tobacco loses its flavor on the long voyage to these countries; but now, from year to year, it is surely losing its reputation. If, then, the Manila cigars have not hitherto succeeded in making themselves acceptable in Europe on account of their inferiority, the blame is attributable simply to the system of compulsory labor, and the chronic insolvency of the Insular Treasury, whilst the produce of other tobacco countries has steadily progressed in quality in consequence of free competition. The fame of the Manila cigars may also have suffered in some slight measure from the wide-spread, though perfectly erroneous, idea that they contained opium.
Manila tobacco limited. According to Agius (“Memoria,” 1871), Manila tobacco was recognized in the European market as unmatched, except for Cuba's Vuelta abajo; and its superior quality was clearly acknowledged in Asian and Oceanic ports, as Havana tobacco loses its flavor during the long journey to these regions. However, year by year, its reputation is surely declining. If Manila cigars have not gained acceptance in Europe due to their inferiority, the fault lies solely with the system of forced labor and the ongoing financial issues of the Insular Treasury, while the quality of tobacco from other countries has improved steadily thanks to free competition. The reputation of Manila cigars may have also been slightly damaged by the widespread, yet completely incorrect, belief that they contained opium.
Hampered by government restrictions.How greatly the produce might be increased by means of free trade is shown under other circumstances by the example of Cuba. At the time when the Government there monopolized the tobacco trade, the crops were only partly sufficient to cover the home consumption; whereas, at the present time, Cuba supplies all the markets of the world.6 The decision of Captain-General De la Gandara upon this question is in the highest degree worthy of notice. In a MS. Report to the Colonial Minister, March, 1858, concerning a measure for rendering the regulations of the tobacco monopoly still more stringent, he says: “If the tobacco cultivation is placed without restriction into the hands of private traders, we shall most probably, in a few years, be in a position to command nearly all the markets in the world.” Most of the islands produce tobacco. According to [316]the quality of the produce, the tobacco provinces rank in the following order: First, Cagayan and Isabela; Second, Igorots; Third, Island of Mindanao; Fourth, Bisayas; Fifth, Nueva Ecija.
Restricted by government regulations. The potential for increasing production through free trade is highlighted by the example of Cuba. When the government there controlled the tobacco trade, the crops barely satisfied local demand; however, now Cuba supplies markets worldwide. 6 The statement by Captain-General De la Gandara on this matter deserves significant attention. In a written report to the Colonial Minister in March 1858 about tightening regulations on the tobacco monopoly, he states: “If tobacco cultivation is unrestricted and handed over to private traders, we will likely be able to dominate almost all global markets in a few years.” Most islands produce tobacco. According to [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]the quality of the produce, the tobacco provinces are ranked as follows: First, Cagayan and Isabela; Second, Igorots; Third, Island of Mindanao; Fourth, Bisayas; Fifth, Nueva Ecija.
Origin of monopoly.From the Government Order, dated November 20, 1625, it is evident that even at that early period the sale of betel nut, palm spirit (toddy), tobacco, etc., was a Government monopoly: but it does not seem to have been very strictly carried out. The tobacco monopoly, as it stands at present, the whole trade of which from the sowing of the seedling plants to the sale of the manufactured article is exclusively in the hands of the Government, was first introduced by Captain-General José Basco y Vargas. And a Government Order, under date of January 9, 1780 (confirmed by Departmental Regulations, December 13, 1781), further enacted that the tobacco regulations should be extended to the Philippine Islands, in like manner as in all Spanish possessions in this and the other hemisphere (de uno y otto mundo).
Origin of monopoly.From the Government Order dated November 20, 1625, it's clear that even back then, the sale of betel nut, palm spirit (toddy), tobacco, and other items was a government monopoly. However, it doesn't seem to have been enforced very strictly. The tobacco monopoly, as it is today, where the entire trade—from planting the seedlings to selling the final product—is exclusively controlled by the government, was first established by Captain-General José Basco y Vargas. Additionally, a Government Order dated January 9, 1780 (confirmed by Departmental Regulations on December 13, 1781) further specified that the tobacco regulations should be applied to the Philippine Islands just like in all Spanish territories in this hemisphere and beyond (de uno y otto mundo).
Governor Basco’s innovations.Before the administration of this very jealous Governor, for a period of two hundred years the colony received annual contributions from New Spain (Situado de Nueva España). In order to relieve the Spanish Exchequer, from this charge Basco introduced (at that time national economic ideas prevailed of making the natural resources of a State supply its immediate wants) a plan upon which, fifty years later, Java modelled its “Culture System.” In the Philippines, however, the conditions for this system were less favorable. In addition to the very slight submissiveness of the population, there were two great obstacles in the opposition of the priests and the want of trustworthy officials. Of all the provincial trades brought into existence by the energy of Basco, the indigo cultivation is the only one that [317]remains in the hands of private individuals, the tobacco trade still being a Government monopoly.7 Basco first of all confined the monopoly to the provinces immediately contiguous to the capital, in all of which the cultivation of tobacco was forbidden under penalty of severe punishment, except by persons duly authorized and in the service of the Government.8 In the other provinces the cultivation was to a certain extent permitted; but the supply remaining after deduction of what was consumed in each province was to be sold to the Government only.
Governor Basco's innovations. Before Governor Basco’s very strict administration, the colony had received annual support from New Spain for two hundred years (Situado de Nueva España). To ease the financial burden on the Spanish Treasury, Basco introduced a plan based on the contemporary economic idea that the natural resources of a state should meet its immediate needs. This plan would later inspire Java’s “Culture System” fifty years later. However, the Philippines was not as conducive to this system. The local population was not very compliant, and there were two major hurdles: the resistance from the priests and the lack of reliable officials. Out of all the provincial industries fostered by Basco's initiatives, only indigo cultivation remains in private hands; the tobacco trade is still a government monopoly. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] Basco initially limited the monopoly to provinces close to the capital, where tobacco cultivation was banned under harsh penalties, except for those authorized and working for the government. 7 In other provinces, cultivation was somewhat allowed; however, any remaining supply after local consumption had to be sold exclusively to the government. 8
Speculation with public funds.In the Bisayas the magistrates purchased the tobacco for the Government and paid for it at the rate previously fixed by the Government factories at Manila; and they were allowed to employ the surplus money of the Government treasury chest for this purpose. A worse system than this could scarcely be devised. Officials, thinking only of their own private advantage, suffered no competition in their provinces, employed their official power to oppress the producer to the utmost extent, and thereby naturally checked the production; and the Government treasury chest consequently suffered frequent losses through bankruptcies, inasmuch as the magistrates, who drew a salary of $600 and paid a license of from $100 to $300 for the right of trading, in order to make money quickly, engaged in the most hazardous speculations. In 1814 this stupid arrangement was first put an end to; and forthwith the tobacco supplies from the Bisayas increased, through the competition of the [318]private dealers, who then, for the first time, had the power of purchase; and from 1839 the planters were empowered to obtain higher prices than those afforded by the greedy monopolizing magistrates. At present, the following general regulations are in force, subject, however, to continual variation in details.
Speculating with taxpayer money.In the Visayas, the magistrates bought tobacco for the Government and paid for it at the prices set by the Government factories in Manila. They were allowed to use surplus funds from the Government treasury for this purpose. It’s hard to imagine a worse system than this. Officials, focused only on their own profit, allowed no competition in their regions, used their power to exploit producers as much as possible, and this naturally reduced production; consequently, the Government treasury frequently faced losses due to bankruptcies. The magistrates, who earned a salary of $600 and paid a trading license fee of $100 to $300, engaged in high-risk speculations to make quick money. In 1814, this foolish system was finally abolished, leading to an increase in tobacco supplies from the Visayas, thanks to the competition from private dealers who, for the first time, had the purchasing power. By 1839, planters were allowed to charge higher prices than those offered by the greedy monopolizing magistrates. Currently, the following general regulations are in place, although specifics are continually changing.
Changes bring improvement.By a Departmental Order, September 5, 1865, the cultivation of tobacco was permitted in all the provinces, though the produce was allowed to be sold only to the Government at the price regulated by them. The wholesale purchases are made in Luzon and the adjacent islands in fardos,9 by “colleccion,” that is, direct through the finance officials, who have the management of the plants from the sowing; but in the Bisayas by acopio; that is, the Government officials buy up the tobacco tendered by the growers or speculators by the cwt.
Change leads to improvement. By a Departmental Order on September 5, 1865, tobacco cultivation was allowed in all provinces, but the produce could only be sold to the Government at a price set by them. The wholesale purchases are made in Luzon and nearby islands in bales,9 through “collection,” which means directly through the finance officials who oversee the plants from planting; however, in the Visayas, it is done by acopio; that is, Government officials buy the tobacco offered by the growers or speculators by the hundredweight.
Different usages in Bisayas and Mindanao.In the Bisayas and in Mindanao everybody is allowed to manufacture cigars for his own particular use, though trade therein is strictly prohibited; and advances to the tobacco growers are also made there; while in Luzon and the neighboring islands the Government provides seed and seedling plants. Here, however, no land which is adapted to the cultivation of tobacco is allowed to be used for any other purpose of agriculture.
Different uses in the Visayas and Mindanao. In the Bisayas and Mindanao, everyone is allowed to make cigars for personal use, but selling them is strictly forbidden. Advances are also given to tobacco growers there, while in Luzon and nearby islands, the Government supplies seeds and seedlings. However, in those areas, no land suitable for growing tobacco can be used for any other type of farming.
Crude system of grading.As the Financial Administration is unable to classify the tobacco at its true value, as might be done were free competition permitted, they have adopted the expedient of determining the price by the size of the leaves; the care necessary to be bestowed upon the training of the plants in order to produce leaves of the required [319]size being at least a guarantee of a certain amount of proper attention and handling, even if it be productive of no other direct good.10
Basic grading system. Since the Financial Administration can't accurately assess the value of tobacco, as it would if free competition were allowed, they decided to set prices based on the size of the leaves. The effort put into cultivating the plants to produce leaves of the required [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] size at least ensures that a certain level of care and attention is given, even if it doesn’t lead to any other direct benefits.10
Burden knowingly increased.It is well known at Madrid how the tobacco monopoly, by oppressing the wretched population, interferes with the prosperity of the colony; yet, to the present day, the Government measures have been so arranged as to exact a still larger gain from this very impolitic source of revenue.
Burden intentionally increased.It is common knowledge in Madrid that the tobacco monopoly, by exploiting the struggling population, negatively impacts the colony's prosperity; still, to this day, the government's policies have been structured to extract an even greater profit from this misguided source of revenue.
[320]“Killing the goose that lays the golden egg.”A Government Order of January, 1866, directed the tobacco cultivation in the Philippines to be extended as much as possible, in order to satisfy the requirements of the colony, the mother country, and also the export trade; and in the memorial already quoted, “reforms” are proposed by the Captain-General, in the spirit of the goose with golden eggs. By grafting new monopolies upon those already existing, he believes that the tobacco produce can be increased from 182,102 cwt. (average of the years 1860 to 1857) to 500,000, and even 800,000 cwt. Meantime, with a view to obtaining increased prices, the Government resolved to export the tobacco themselves to the usual markets for sale; and in the year 1868 this resolution was really carried out. It was sent to London, where it secured so favorable a market that it was at once decreed that no tobacco in Manila should thenceforth be sold at less than $25 per cwt.12 This decree, however, referred only to the first three qualities, the quantity of which decreased in a relative measure with the increased pressure upon the population. Even in the table annexed to the record of La Gandara this is very clearly shown. Whilst the total produce for 1867 stood at 176,018 cwt. (not much under the average of the years 1860 to 1857, viz., 182,102 cwt.), the tobacco of the first class had decreased in quantity since 1862 from over 13,000 to less than 5,000 cwt.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]“Killing the goose that lays the golden egg.”A government order from January 1866 aimed to expand tobacco cultivation in the Philippines as much as possible to meet the needs of the colony, the mother country, and the export market. In the previously mentioned memorial, the Captain-General suggested “reforms” in line with the idea of the goose that lays the golden eggs. He believed that by adding new monopolies to the existing ones, tobacco production could be increased from an average of 182,102 cwt. (from 1860 to 1857) to between 500,000 and 800,000 cwt. Meanwhile, to achieve higher prices, the government decided to export the tobacco themselves to regular markets, and this plan was executed in 1868. The tobacco was sent to London, where it performed so well that it was soon mandated that no tobacco in Manila could be sold for less than $25 per cwt.12 This mandate, however, only applied to the top three grades, the quantities of which declined as the pressure on the population increased. This is clearly demonstrated in the table attached to La Gandara’s record. While the total production for 1867 was 176,018 cwt. (just below the average of 182,102 cwt. from 1860 to 1857), the amount of first-class tobacco had dropped since 1862 from over 13,000 to under 5,000 cwt.
Gift to Spain of unusable tobacco.The fourth, fifth, and sixth classes, the greater part of which would before have been burnt, but which now form no inconsiderable portion of the total crop, are in the open markets positively unsaleable, and can be utilized only in the form of a bonus to Spain, which [321]annually receives, under the title of atenciones á la peninsula, upwards of 100,000 cwt. If the colony were not compelled to pay half the freight of these gifts, Spain would certainly ask to be relieved of these “marks of attention.” Seeing that, according to the decision of the chief of the Government, the greater portion of this tobacco is of such inferior quality that it can find no purchaser at any price, it is impossible that its value should cover either the cost of carriage or the customs duty. Moreover, this tobacco tribute is a great burden on the colonial budget; which, in spite of all deficits, is charged with the expenses attending the collection of the tobacco, its packing, its cost of local transport, and half the expense of its carriage to Europe.
Gift of unusable tobacco to Spain.The fourth, fifth, and sixth classes, which previously would have been burned, now make up a significant portion of the total crop but are completely unsellable in open markets. They can only be given to Spain as a bonus, which [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]receives every year, under the title of atenciones á la peninsula, over 100,000 cwt. If the colony didn't have to pay half the shipping costs for these gifts, Spain would definitely want to stop receiving these “gestures of goodwill.” Since, according to the government's decision, most of this tobacco is so low quality that it can't be sold at any price, its value can't possibly cover either the shipping costs or the customs duties. Furthermore, this tobacco tribute is a heavy burden on the colonial budget, which, despite all the deficits, must account for the costs of collecting the tobacco, packing it, transporting it locally, and half the shipping costs to Europe.
De La Gandara’s proposed reforms.Dated in March, 1871,—the beginning of a Golden Age, if De La Gandara’s plans had been carried out and his expectations realized,—there exists an excellent statement from the Intendant-General addressed to the Minister of Colonies pointing out plainly to the chief of the Government the disadvantages arising from this mode of administration, and urging the immediate repeal of the monopoly. In the next place proof was adduced, supported by official vouchers, that the profits derived from the tobacco monopoly were much smaller than usual. The total average receipts of the tobacco administration for the five years 1855 to 1869, according to official accounts, amounted to $5,367,262; for the years 1866 to 1870, only $5,240,935. The expenses cannot be accurately estimated, inasmuch as there are no strict accounts obtainable; if, however, the respective expenses charged in the colonial budget are added together, they amount to $3,717,322 of which $1,812,250 is for purchase of raw tobacco.
De La Gandara’s proposed changes. Dated in March 1871—the start of a Golden Age, if De La Gandara’s plans had been implemented and his hopes realized—there is a clear statement from the Intendant-General addressed to the Minister of Colonies. It points out the drawbacks of this mode of administration and strongly urges the immediate repeal of the monopoly. Furthermore, evidence was provided, backed by official documents, showing that the profits from the tobacco monopoly were significantly lower than usual. The total average revenue from the tobacco administration for the five years from 1855 to 1869, according to official records, was $5,367,262; for the years 1866 to 1870, it was only $5,240,935. The expenses cannot be accurately calculated, as there are no detailed accounts available; however, if the relevant expenses listed in the colonial budget are summed up, they total $3,717,322, of which $1,812,250 is for the purchase of raw tobacco.
Slight real profit from monopoly.Besides these expenses pertaining exclusively to the tobacco administration there are still many other different [322]items to be taken into account; yet the cost incurred in this branch of the service would be saved, if not altogether, at least largely, if the State surrendered the tobacco monopoly. The total of the disbursements must certainly, at the very lowest, be estimated at $4,000,000; so, therefore, the State receives only a net profit of $1,357,000; but even this is not to be reckoned on in the future, for if the Government does not speedily cease carrying on this trade, they will be forced into a very considerable and unavoidable expense. To begin with, they must erect new factories and warehouses; better machinery must be bought; wages will have to be considerably increased; and, above all, means must be devised to pay off the enormous sum of $1,600,000 in which the Government is indebted to the peasants for the crops of 1869 and 1870, and to assure cash payments for future harvests. “This is the only possible mode of preventing the decay of the tobacco cultivation in the different provinces, as well as relieving the misery of the wretched inhabitants.”
Slight real profit from monopoly. In addition to the expenses related solely to the tobacco administration, there are many other various [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]items to consider; however, the costs associated with this sector could be mostly eliminated if the State gave up the tobacco monopoly. The total expenditures should definitely be estimated at a minimum of $4,000,000; thus, the State is left with only a net profit of $1,357,000. Yet, this profit cannot be counted on for the future, as if the Government doesn’t quickly stop engaging in this trade, they will face significant and unavoidable expenses. First, they will need to build new factories and warehouses; they must purchase better machinery; wages will have to be raised significantly; and, most importantly, plans must be made to pay off the massive debt of $1,600,000 that the Government owes to farmers for the crops of 1869 and 1870, and to ensure cash payments for future harvests. “This is the only way to prevent the decline of tobacco farming in various regions and to alleviate the suffering of the impoverished inhabitants.”
Suffering and law-breaking thru the monopoly.Later Agius proved how trifling in reality the arrears were on account of which the Government was abandoning the future of the colony, and showed the misfortunes, of which I shall mention, these briefly, only a few, resulting from the monopoly. He represented that the people of the tobacco district, who were the richest and most contented of all in the Archipelago, found themselves plunged into the deepest distress after the increase of the Government dues. They were, in fact, far more cruelly treated than the slaves in Cuba, who, from self-interested motives, are well-nourished and taken care of; whereas in this case, the produce of compulsory labor has to be delivered to the State at an arbitrarily determined price; and even this price is paid only when the condition of the treasury, which is invariably in difficulties, [323]permits. Frequently their very means of subsistence failed them, in consequence of their being forbidden to carry on the cultivation; and the unfortunate people, having no other resources for the relief of their pressing necessities, were compelled to alienate the debtor’s bond, which purchased the fruits of their enforced toil but had been left unpaid. Thus, for an inconsiderable deficit of about $1,330,000, the whole population of one of the richest provinces is thrown into abject misery; a deep-rooted hatred naturally arises between the people and their rulers; and incessant war ensues between the authorities and their subjects. Besides which, an extremely dangerous class of smugglers have recently arisen, who even now do not confine themselves to mere smuggling, but who, on the very first opportunity presented by the prevailing discontent, will band themselves together in one solid body. The official administrators, too, are charged with gross bribery and corruption; which, whether true or not, occasions great scandal, and engenders increasing disrespect and distrust of the colonial administration as well as of the Spanish people generally.13
Struggling and breaking the law due to the monopoly.Later, Agius demonstrated how insignificant the arrears were that led the Government to abandon the future of the colony and briefly outlined the misfortunes resulting from the monopoly. He pointed out that the people in the tobacco district, who were the wealthiest and most satisfied in the Archipelago, found themselves in deep distress after the increase in government fees. In fact, they were treated much more harshly than slaves in Cuba, who are well-fed and cared for out of self-interest; in this case, the products of forced labor must be handed over to the State at a price set arbitrarily, and this price is only paid when the treasury, which is always struggling, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]allows it. Often, their basic means of survival dwindled due to the ban on cultivation; and the unfortunate people, with no other options to meet their urgent needs, were forced to sell the debtor’s bond, which was supposed to purchase the fruits of their forced labor but remained unpaid. Thus, for a negligible deficit of about $1,330,000, the entire population of one of the richest provinces is plunged into extreme misery; a deep-seated hatred inevitably develops between the people and their rulers; and continuous conflict arises between the authorities and their subjects. Additionally, a very dangerous class of smugglers has recently emerged, who not only engage in smuggling but, at the first opportunity presented by the widespread discontent, will unite as a cohesive force. The official administrators are also accused of significant bribery and corruption, which, regardless of the truth, causes considerable scandal and fosters growing disrespect and distrust toward the colonial administration and the Spanish people in general.13
Growing opposition to the monopoly.The preceding memorial has been not only written, but also printed; and it seems to indicate that gradually in Spain, and also in wider circles, people are becoming convinced of the untenableness of the tobacco monopoly; yet, in spite of this powerful review, it is considered doubtful by competent judges whether it will be given up so long as there are any apparent or appreciable returns derived therefrom. These acknowledged evils have long been known to the Colonial Government; [324]but, from the frequent changes of ministers, and the increasing want of money, the Government is compelled, so long as they are in office, to use all possible means of obtaining profits, and to abstain from carrying out these urgent reforms lest their own immediate downfall should be involved therein. Let us, however, cherish the hope that increased demand will cause a rise in the prices; a few particularly good crops, and other propitious circumstances, would relieve at once the Insular Treasury from its difficulties; and then the tobacco monopoly might be cheerfully surrendered. One circumstance favorable to the economical management of the State that would be produced by the surrender of the tobacco monopoly would be the abolition of the numerous army of officials which its administration requires. This might, however, operate reversely in Spain. The number of place-hunters created must be very welcome to the ministers in power, who thus have the opportunity of providing their creatures with profitable places, or of shipping off inconvenient persons to the Antipodes from the mother-country, free of cost. The colony, be it known, has not only to pay the salaries, but also to bear the cost of their outward and homeward voyages. Any way, the custom is so liberally patronized that occasionally new places have to be created in order to make room for the newly-arrived nominees.14
Rising backlash against the monopoly.The earlier memorial has not only been written but also printed; and it seems to suggest that gradually in Spain and beyond, people are becoming convinced that the tobacco monopoly is unsustainable. However, despite this significant review, it's uncertain whether it will be abandoned as long as there are any noticeable profits from it. The Colonial Government has long been aware of these acknowledged problems; [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]yet, because of frequent ministerial changes and the growing need for funds, the Government is forced, while they are in office, to use all possible means to obtain profits and to avoid implementing these urgent reforms for fear of their own immediate downfall. Nevertheless, let’s hope that an increase in demand will lead to higher prices; a few particularly good harvests and other favorable circumstances could quickly relieve the Insular Treasury of its struggles; and then the tobacco monopoly might be willingly relinquished. One positive aspect of the government’s economic management that would result from ending the tobacco monopoly would be the elimination of the large number of officials it requires for its administration. However, this could have the opposite effect in Spain. The increase in job-seekers created must be very welcome to the ministers in power, as it gives them the chance to place their allies in profitable positions or to send off inconvenient individuals to distant lands at no cost. The colony, it should be noted, not only pays their salaries but also covers the costs of their outbound and return trips. In any case, the custom is so widely embraced that occasionally, new positions have to be created to make room for incoming appointees.14
[325]Wholesale rate highter than retail government.At the time of my visit, the royal factories could not turn out a supply of cigars commensurate with the requirements of commerce; and this brought about a peculiar condition of things; the wholesale dealer, who purchased cigars in very considerable quantities at the government auctions, paying higher than the retail rates at which he could buy them singly in the estancia. In order, therefore, to prevent the merchants drawing their stocks from the estancias, it was determined that only a certain quantity should be purchased, which limit no merchant dared exceed. A very intricate system of control, assisted by espionage, had to be employed in seeing that no one, through different agents and different estancias, collected more than the authorized supply; and violation of this rule, when discovered, was punished by confiscation of the offender’s stock. Everybody was free to purchase cigars in the estancia, but nobody was permitted to sell a chest of cigars to an acquaintance at cost price. Several Spaniards with whom I have spoken concerning these strange regulations maintained them to be perfectly just, as otherwise all the cigars would be carried off by foreigners, and they would not be able themselves in their own colony to smoke a decent cigar.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The wholesale rate is higher than the retail price set by the government.When I visited, the royal factories couldn't produce enough cigars to meet commercial demands, which created a unique situation; the wholesale dealer, who bought significant quantities of cigars at government auctions, ended up paying more than the retail prices he could get by purchasing them individually at the estancia. To prevent merchants from depleting stocks at the estancias, they decided that only a limited amount could be bought, and no merchant dared to exceed that limit. A complex control system, aided by surveillance, was put in place to ensure that no one collected more than the approved supply through various agents and different estancias; breaking this rule would result in confiscation of the violator’s stock. Everyone could buy cigars at the estancia, but no one was allowed to sell a chest of cigars to a friend at cost price. Several Spaniards I've talked to about these strange regulations insisted they were completely fair, because otherwise all the cigars would be snatched up by foreigners, leaving them unable to enjoy a decent cigar in their own colony.
Money juggling.There was, as I afterwards learnt, a still more urgent reason for the existence of these decrees. The government valued their own gold at sixteen dollars per ounce, while in commerce it fetched less, and the premium on silver had, at one time, risen to thirty-three per cent. Moreover, on account of the insufficient quantity of copper money for minor currency, the small change frequently gained a premium on the silver dollar, so much so that by every purchaser not less than half a dollar was realized. In exchanging the dollar from five to fifteen per cent discount was charged; [326]it was profitable, therefore, to purchase cigars in the estancias with the gold ounce, and then to retail them in smaller quantities nominally at the rate of the estancias. Both premiums together might in an extreme case amount to as much as forty-three per cent.15
Money management.There was, as I later learned, an even more pressing reason for these decrees. The government valued their gold at sixteen dollars per ounce, while it was worth less in the market, and the premium on silver had, at one point, climbed to thirty-three percent. Additionally, due to the lack of copper coins for smaller transactions, change often commanded a premium over the silver dollar, so much so that every buyer would get at least fifty cents back. When exchanging dollars, a discount of five to fifteen percent was applied; [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]therefore, it made sense to buy cigars at the estancias with an ounce of gold and then sell them in smaller amounts at the nominal price of the estancias. Combined, both premiums could potentially amount to as much as forty-three percent.15
Directions for cultivating tobaccoNot being able to give a description of the cultivation of tobacco from personal knowledge and experience, I refer the reader to the following short extract from the Cartilla Agricola:—
How to Grow TobaccoSince I can’t provide a personal account of how to grow tobacco, I’ll direct you to the following brief excerpt from the Cartilla Agricola:—
Directions for preparing and laying out the seed beds.—A suitable piece of land is to be enclosed quadrilaterally by boundaries, ploughed two or three times, cleared of all weeds and roots, made somewhat sloping, and surrounded by a shallow ditch, the bed of which is to be divided by drains about two feet wide. The soil of the same must be very fine, must be ground almost as fine as powder, otherwise it will not mix freely and thoroughly with the extremely fine tobacco seed. The seed is to be washed, and then suspended in cloths during the day, in order to allow the water to run off; after which it is to be mixed with a similar quantity of ashes, and strewn carefully over the bed. The subsequent successful results depend entirely upon the careful performance of this work. From the time the seed first begins to sprout, the beds must be kept very clean, in dry weather sprinkled daily, and protected from birds and animals by brambles strewn over, and by means of light mats from storms and heavy rains. After two months the plants will be between five and six inches high, and generally have from four to six leaves; they must then be replanted. This occurs, [327]supposing the seed-beds to have been prepared in September, about the beginning or the middle of November. A second sowing takes place on the 15th of October, as much as a precaution against possible failure, as for obtaining plants for the lowlands.
Directions for preparing and laying out the seed beds.—Choose a suitable piece of land and enclose it with boundaries shaped like a quadrilateral. Plow it two or three times, remove all weeds and roots, create a slight slope, and surround it with a shallow ditch, dividing the bed with drains about two feet wide. The soil needs to be very fine, ground almost to a powder; otherwise, it won't mix well with the extremely fine tobacco seeds. The seeds should be washed and then suspended in cloths during the day to allow excess water to drain off. Then, mix the seeds with an equal amount of ashes and carefully spread them over the bed. The success of the following growth entirely hinges on how well this work is done. From the moment the seeds start to sprout, the beds should be kept very clean, watered daily during dry weather, and protected from birds and animals with brambles and from storms and heavy rain with light mats. After two months, the plants will be about five to six inches tall and typically have four to six leaves; at this point, they need to be replanted. This replanting happens, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]assuming the seed beds were prepared in September, around early to mid-November. A second sowing occurs on October 15, both as a precaution against potential failure and to obtain plants for the lowlands.
Concerning the land most advantageous to the tobacco and its cultivation. Replanting of the seedlings.—Land must be chosen of middling grain; somewhat difficult, calciferous soil is particularly recommended, when it is richly fertilized with the remains of decayed plants, and not less than two feet deep; and the deeper the roots are inserted the higher will the plant grow. Of all the land adapted to the tobacco cultivation, that in Cagayan is the best, as from the overflowing of the large streams, which occurs every year, it is laid under water, and annually receives a new stratum of mud, which renders the soil particularly productive. Plantations prepared upon such soil differ very materially from those less favored and situated on a higher level. In the former the plants shoot up quickly as soon as the roots strike; in the latter they grow slowly and only reach a middling height. Again in the fertile soil the plants produce quantities of large, strong, juicy leaves, giving promise of a splendid harvest. In the other case the plants remain considerably smaller and grow sparsely. Sometimes, however, even the lowlands are flooded in January and February, and also in March, when the tobacco has already been transplanted, and grown to some little height. In that event everything is irreparably lost, particularly if the flood should occur at a time when it is too late to lay out new plantations. High-lying land also must, therefore, be cultivated, in the hope that by very careful attention it may yield a similar return. In October these fields must be ploughed three or four times, and harrowed twice or thrice. On account of the floods, the lowlands cannot be ploughed until the end of December, or the middle of January; when the work is light and simple. The strongest plants in the seed-beds are chosen, and set in the prepared grounds at a distance of three feet from each other, care being taken that the earth clinging to the roots is not shaken off.
About the land best suited for tobacco and its cultivation. Replanting the seedlings.—The land should be of moderate quality; slightly challenging, calcareous soil is recommended, especially when it's enriched with decayed plant matter and is at least two feet deep. The deeper the roots are planted, the taller the plant will grow. Among all the land suitable for tobacco farming, Cagayan stands out as the best. The annual flooding from large streams deposits a fresh layer of mud, making the soil particularly fertile. Plantations on this soil grow much faster than those on higher ground, where growth is slower and the plants only reach a moderate height. In fertile soil, the plants produce abundant large, strong, juicy leaves, promising a great harvest. Meanwhile, plants in less favorable conditions remain smaller and grow thinly. However, sometimes lowlands can be flooded in January, February, and even March, after the tobacco has already been transplanted and has started to grow. In such cases, everything can be lost, especially if the flooding happens too late to start new plantations. Therefore, high ground must also be cultivated in hopes that, with careful attention, it might yield similar results. In October, these fields need to be plowed three or four times and harrowed two or three times. Due to the floods, lowlands can't be plowed until late December or mid-January, making the work easier. The strongest plants from the seed beds are selected and planted in the prepared ground, spaced three feet apart, ensuring that the soil on the roots remains intact.
[328]Of the care necessary to be bestowed upon the plants.—In the east a little screen, formed by two clods, is to be erected, with a view to protecting the plant from the morning sun, and retaining the dew for a longer time. The weeds to be carefully exterminated, and the wild shoots removed. A grub which occasionally appears in great numbers is particularly dangerous. Rain is very injurious immediately before the ripening, when the plants are no longer in a condition to secrete the gummy substance so essential to the tobacco, which, being soluble in water, would be drawn off by the action of the rain. Tobacco which has been exposed to bad weather is always deficient in juice and flavor, and is full of white spots, a certain sign of its bad quality. The injury is all the greater the nearer the tobacco is to its ripening period; the leaves hanging down to the ground then decay, and must be removed. If the subsoil is not deep enough, a carefully tended plant will turn yellow, and nearly wither away. In wet seasons this does not occur so generally, as the roots in insufficient depth are enabled to find enough moisture.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Of the care necessary to be bestowed upon the plants.—In the east, set up a small screen made of two clods to protect the plant from the morning sun and keep the dew around for longer. Make sure to carefully remove any weeds and wild shoots. A grub that can show up in large numbers is especially harmful. Rain can be very damaging right before harvesting when the plants can no longer produce the essential gummy substance for tobacco, which can wash away because it's soluble in water. Tobacco that's been exposed to bad weather often lacks juice and flavor and is marked with white spots, a clear sign of poor quality. The damage is worse the closer the tobacco is to being ripe; the leaves droop to the ground, decay, and need to be taken off. If the subsoil isn't deep enough, even a well-cared-for plant will turn yellow and nearly die. This issue is less common in wet seasons because the roots, even if they're not very deep, can still find enough moisture.
Cutting and manipulation of the leaves in the drying shed.—The topmost leaves ripen first; they are then of a dark yellow color, and inflexible. They must be cut off as they ripen, collected into bundles, and brought to the shed in covered carts. In wet or cloudy weather, when the nightly dews have not been thoroughly evaporated by the sun, they must not be cut. In the shed the leaves are to hang upon cords or split Spanish cane, with sufficient room between them for ventilation and drying. The dried leaves are then laid in piles, which must not be too big, and frequently turned over. Extreme care must be taken that they do not become overheated and ferment too strongly. This operation, which is of the utmost importance to the quality of the tobacco, demands great attention and skill, and must be continued until nothing but an aromatic smell of tobacco can be noticed coming from the leaves; but the necessary skill for this manipulation is only to be acquired by long practice, and not from any written instructions.
Cutting and managing the leaves in the drying shed.—The top leaves ripen first; they become a dark yellow color and stiff. They should be cut as they ripen, bundled up, and transported to the shed in covered carts. In wet or cloudy weather, when the nightly dew hasn’t fully dried under the sun, they shouldn’t be cut. In the shed, the leaves should hang on cords or split Spanish cane, with enough space between them for ventilation and drying. The dried leaves are then piled up, but the piles shouldn’t be too big, and they need to be turned regularly. It’s crucial to prevent them from overheating and fermenting excessively. This process, which is very important for the quality of the tobacco, requires a lot of attention and skill, and must continue until only an aromatic smell of tobacco is coming from the leaves; however, the necessary skill for this task can only be gained through long practice, not from written instructions.
[329]
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1 The British Consul estimates the receipts from this monopoly for the year 1866–7 at $8,418,939, after an expenditure of $4,519,866; thus leaving a clear profit of $3,899,073. In the colonial budget for 1867 the profit on tobacco was estimated at $2,627,976, while the total expenditure of the colony, after deduction of the expenses occasioned by the tobacco management, was set down at $7,033,576.
1 The British Consul estimates the revenue from this monopoly for the year 1866–67 at $8,418,939, after expenses of $4,519,866; leaving a net profit of $3,899,073. In the colonial budget for 1867, the profit from tobacco was estimated at $2,627,976, while the total expenses of the colony, after subtracting the costs related to tobacco management, were noted at $7,033,576.
According to the official tables of the chief of the Administration in Manila, 1871, the total annual revenue derived from the tobacco management between the years 1865 and 1869 amounted, on an average, to $5,367,262. By reason of proper accounts being wanting an accurate estimate of the expenditure cannot be delivered; but it would be at least $4,000,000, so that a profit of only $1,367,262 remains.
According to the official tables from the head of the Administration in Manila, 1871, the total annual revenue from the tobacco management between 1865 and 1869 averaged $5,367,262. Due to the lack of proper accounting, an accurate estimate of the expenditures can't be provided; however, it would be at least $4,000,000, leaving a profit of only $1,367,262.
2 Instruccion general para la Direccion, Administracion, y Intervencion de las Rentas Estancadas, 1849.
2 General instructions for managing, administering, and overseeing stagnant revenues, 1849.
3 Memoria sobre el Desestanco del Tabaco en las Islas Filipinas. Don J. S. Agius, Binondo (Manila), 1871.
3 Report on the Monopoly of Tobacco in the Philippines. Don J. S. Agius, Binondo (Manila), 1871.
4 The tobacco in China appears to have come from the Philippines. “The memoranda discovered in Wang-tao leave no possible doubt that it was first introduced into South China from the Philippine Islands in the sixteenth and seventeenth century, most probably by way of Japan.”—(Notes and Queries, China and Japan, May 31st, 1857.)
4 The tobacco in China seems to have originated from the Philippines. “The documents found in Wang-tao make it clear that it was first brought to South China from the Philippine Islands in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, most likely through Japan.”—(Notes and Queries, China and Japan, May 31st, 1857.)
From Schlegel, in Batavia, it was brought by the Portuguese into Japan somewhere between the years 1573 and 1591, and spread itself so rapidly in China that we find even as early as 1538, that the sale of it was forbidden under penalty of beheading.
From Schlegel, in Batavia, it was brought by the Portuguese into Japan sometime between 1573 and 1591, and spread so quickly in China that we find as early as 1538, the sale of it was banned under the penalty of beheading.
According to Notes and Queries, China and Japan, July 31, 1857, the use of tobacco was quite common in the “Manchu” army. In a Chinese work, Natural History Miscellany, it is written: “Yen t’sao (literally smoke plant) was introduced into Fukien about the end of the Wan-li Government, between 1573 and 1620, and was known as Tan-pa-ku (from Tombaku).”
According to Notes and Queries, China and Japan, July 31, 1857, smoking tobacco was pretty common in the “Manchu” army. In a Chinese book, Natural History Miscellany, it says: “Yen t’sao (literally smoke plant) was brought to Fukien around the end of the Wan-li Government, between 1573 and 1620, and was referred to as Tan-pa-ku (from Tombaku).”
5 West Cuba produces the best tobacco, the famous Vuelta abajo, 400,000 cwt. at from $14.28 to $99,96 the cwt.; picked sorts being valued at from $571.20 to $714.00 per cwt. Cuba produces 640,000 cwt. The cigars exhibited in the Paris Exhibition of 1867 were worth from $24.99 to $405.98 per thousand. The number of cigars annually exported is estimated at about 5,000,000. (Jury Report, v., 375.) In Jenidje-Karasu (Salonica) 17,500 cwt. are obtained annually, of which 2,500 cwt. are of the first quality; the cost is $1.75 the oka (about .75 per lb.). Picked sorts are worth 15s. per lb., and even more.—Saladin Bey, La Turquie a l’Exposition, p. 91.
5 West Cuba produces the best tobacco, the famous Vuelta Abajo, amounting to 400,000 cwt. priced between $14.28 and $99.96 per cwt.; premium varieties are valued from $571.20 to $714.00 per cwt. Cuba's total production is 640,000 cwt. The cigars displayed at the 1867 Paris Exhibition were valued between $24.99 and $405.98 per thousand. The estimated number of cigars exported each year is around 5,000,000. (Jury Report, v., 375.) In Jenidje-Karasu (Salonika), 17,500 cwt. are produced annually, with 2,500 cwt. being of the highest quality; the cost is $1.75 per oka (about .75 per lb.). Selected varieties are worth 15s. per lb., and sometimes even more.—Saladin Bey, La Turquie a l’Exposition, p. 91.
6 In Cuba the tobacco industry is entirely free. The extraordinary increase of the trade and the improved quality of the tobacco are, in great measure, to be ascribed to the honest competition existing between the factories, who receive no other protection from the Government than a recognition of their operations. —(Jury Report, 1867, v., 375.)
6 In Cuba, the tobacco industry operates without restrictions. The remarkable growth in trade and the enhanced quality of tobacco can largely be credited to the fair competition among the factories, which only receive acknowledgment from the government for their activities. —(Jury Report, 1867, v., 375.)
7 Basco also introduced the cultivation of silk, and had 4,500,000 mulberry trees planted in the Camarines. This industry, immediately upon his retirement, was allowed to fall into decay.
7 Basco also started the silk farming and had 4,500,000 mulberry trees planted in Camarines. After he retired, this industry quickly declined.
8 According to La Pérouse, this measure occasioned a revolt in all parts of the island, which had to be suppressed by force of arms. In the same manner the monopoly introduced into America at the same time brought about a dangerous insurrection, and was the means of reducing Venezuela to a state of extreme poverty, and, in fact, was the cause of the subsequent downfall of the colony.
8 According to La Pérouse, this action led to a revolt across the island, which had to be put down by military force. Similarly, the monopoly that was established in America around the same time sparked a major uprising and resulted in Venezuela being plunged into severe poverty, which ultimately contributed to the colony's downfall.
9 A fardo (pack) contains 40 manos (bundles); 1 mano = 10 manojitos, 1 manojito = 10 leaves. Regulations, § 7.
9 A fardo (pack) contains 40 manos (bundles); 1 mano = 10 manojitos, 1 manojito = 10 leaves. Regulations, § 7.
10 Regulations for the tobacco collection agencies in Luzon.—1st. Four classes of Tobacco will be purchased. 2nd. These classes are thus specified: the first to consist or leaves at least 18 inches long (0m 418;) the second of leaves between 14 and 18 inches (0m 325); the third of leaves between 10 and 14 inches (0m 232); and the fourth of leaves at least 7 inches in length (0m 163). Smaller leaves will not be accepted. This last limitation, however, has recently been abandoned so that the quality of the tobacco is continually deprecinting in the hands of the Government, who have added two other classes.
10 Regulations for tobacco collection agencies in Luzon.—1st. Four classes of tobacco will be purchased. 2nd. These classes are specified as follows: the first class includes leaves that are at least 18 inches long (0m 418); the second class includes leaves between 14 and 18 inches (0m 325); the third class includes leaves between 10 and 14 inches (0m 232); and the fourth class includes leaves that are at least 7 inches long (0m 163). Smaller leaves will not be accepted. However, this last limitation has recently been dropped, resulting in a continual decline in the quality of tobacco in the hands of the Government, which has added two other classes.
A fardo, 1st class, weighs 60 lbs., and in 1867 the Government rate of pay was as follows:—
A fardo, 1st class, weighs 60 lbs., and in 1867 the government pay rate was as follows:—
1 Fardo, 1st class, 60 lbs | $9.50 |
1 Fardo, 2nd class, 46 lbs | 6.00 |
1 Fardo, 3rd class, 33 lbs | 2.75 |
1 Fardo, 4th class, 18 lbs | 1.00 |
—English Consular Report.
—UK Consular Report.
The following table gives the different brands of cigars manufactured by the Government, and the prices at which they could be bought in 1867 in Estanco (i.e. a place privileged for the sale):—
The following table lists the different brands of cigars made by the government, along with the prices at which they could be purchased in 1867 at Estanco (i.e. a location authorized for sales):—
Price | |||||
Menas (Classes.) | Corresponding Havana Brands. | Per arroba.11 | Per 1000. | Per cigar. | Number of cigars in an arroba. |
Dols. | Dols. | Cents. | |||
Imperiales. | The same. | 37.50 | 30.00 | 4 | .. |
Prima Veguéro. | Do. | 37.50 | 30.00 | 4 | .. |
Segunda Veguéro. | Regalia. | .. | 26.00 | .. | .. |
Prima superiór Filipino. | Do. | .. | 26.00 | .. | .. |
2.a Superiór Filipino. | None. | 38.00 | 19.00 | 3 | .. |
3.a Superiór Filipino. | Londres | .. | 15.10 | .. | .. |
Prima Filipino. | Superior Habano. | 21.00 | 15.00 | 2 | 1400 |
Segunda Superior. | Segunda superior Habano. | 24.00 | 8.57⅛ | 1 | 2800 |
Prima Cortado. | The Same. | 21.00 | 15.00 | 2 | 1400 |
Segunda Cortado. | Do. | 24.00 | 8.57⅛ | 1 | 2800 |
Mista | Segunda Batído. | 20.50 | .. | .. | .. |
Prima Batido, larga. | None. | 18.75 | .. | 1 | 1800 |
Segunda Batido, largo. | None. | 18.75 | .. | ½ | 3750 |
12 On an average 407,500,000 cigars and 1,041,000 lbs. raw tobacco are exported annually, the weight of which together is about 56,000 cwt. after deducting what is given away in the form of gratuities.
12 On average, 407,500,000 cigars and 1,041,000 lbs. of raw tobacco are exported each year, which together weighs about 56,000 cwt. after accounting for what is given away as gifts.
13 The poor peasant being brought into this situation finds it very hard to maintain his family. He is compelled to borrow money at an exorbitant rate of interest, and, consequently, sinks deeper and deeper into debt and misery. The dread of fines or bodily punishment, rather than the prospect of high prices, is the chief method by which the supplies can be kept up.—(Report of the English Consul.)
13 The struggling peasant caught in this situation finds it extremely difficult to provide for his family. He is forced to take out loans at incredibly high interest rates, which leads him further and further into debt and despair. The fear of fines or physical punishment, rather than the threat of high prices, is the main way to ensure that supplies are maintained.—(Report of the English Consul.)
14 From December 1853 to November 1854 the colony possessed four captains-general (two effective and two provisional). In 1850 a new nominee, Oidor (member of the Supreme Court of Judicature) who with his family voyaged to Manila by the Cape, found, upon his arrival, his successor already in office, the latter having travelled by way of Suez. Such circumstances need not occasion surprise when it is remembered how such operations are repeated in Spain itself.
14 From December 1853 to November 1854, the colony had four captains-general (two in office and two acting). In 1850, a new appointee, Oidor (a member of the Supreme Court of Judicature), traveled to Manila with his family via the Cape. Upon arriving, he found his successor already in position, who had come through Suez. This situation shouldn’t be surprising considering that similar situations happen in Spain as well.
According to an essay in the Revue Nationale, April, 1867, Spain has had, from 1834 to 1862, i.e. since the accession of Isabella, 4 Constitutions, 28 Parliaments, 47 Chief Ministers, 529 Cabinet Ministers, and 68 Ministers of the Interior; of which last class of officials each, on an average, was in power only six months. For ten years past the Minister of Finance has not remained in office longer than two months; and since that time, particularly since 1868, the changes have followed one another with still greater rapidity.
According to an essay in the Revue Nationale, April 1867, Spain has had, from 1834 to 1862, i.e. since Isabella came to power, 4 Constitutions, 28 Parliaments, 47 Prime Ministers, 529 Cabinet Ministers, and 68 Ministers of the Interior; each of whom, on average, was in office for only six months. For the past ten years, the Minister of Finance hasn’t stayed in position for more than two months; and since then, especially since 1868, the changes have happened even more quickly.
15 The reason of this premiun on silver was, that the Chinese bought up all the Spanish and Mexican dollars, in order to send them to China, where they are worth more than other dollars, being known from the voyage of the galleon thither in olden times, and being current in the inland provinces. (The highest price there can be obtained for a Carlos III.)
15 The reason for this premium on silver was that the Chinese purchased all the Spanish and Mexican dollars to send to China, where they are valued more than other dollars, due to their historical significance from the galleon voyages and their circulation in the inland provinces. (The highest price there can be obtained for a Carlos III.)
A mint erected in Manila since that time, which at least supports itself, if the government has derived no other advantage from it, has removed this difficulty. The Chinese are accustomed to bring gold and silver as currency, mixed also with foreign coinage, to Manila for the purpose of buying the produce of the country; and all this the native merchants had recoined. At first only silver ounces were usually obtainable in Manila, gold ounces very rarely. This occasioned such a steady importation that the conditions were completely reversed. In the Insular Treasury the gold and silver dollar are always reckoned at the same value.
A mint established in Manila since that time, which at least sustains itself, even if the government hasn't gained any other benefits from it, has solved this issue. The Chinese are used to bringing gold and silver as currency, also mixed with foreign coins, to Manila to buy local produce; and all of this was recoined by the local merchants. Initially, only silver ounces were typically available in Manila, while gold ounces were very rare. This led to a consistent influx that completely changed the situation. In the Insular Treasury, gold and silver dollars are always valued the same.
XXVI
Importance of Chinese.An important portion of the population remains to be discussed, viz. the Chinese, who are destined to play a remarkable part, inasmuch as the development of the land-cultivation demanded by the increasing trade and commercial intercourse can be affected only by Chinese industry and perseverance. Manila has always been a favorite place for Chinese immigrants; and neither the hostility of the people, nor oppressing and prohibitory decrees for a long time by the Government, not even the repeated massacres, have been able to prevent their coming. The position of the Islands, south-east of two of the most important of the Chinese provinces, must necessarily have brought about a trade between the two countries very early, as ships can make the voyage in either direction with a moderate wind, as well in the south-west as the north-east monsoon. Early Chinese Associations.In a few old writers may even be found the assertion that the Philippine Islands were at one time subject to the dominion of China; and Father Gaubil (Lettres Edifiantes) mentions that Jaung-lo (of the Ming dynasty) maintained a fleet consisting of 30,000 men, which at different times proceeded to Manila. The presence of their ships as early as the arrival of Magellan in the extreme east of the archipelago, as well as the China plates and earthenware vessels discovered in the excavations, plainly show that the trade with China had extended far earlier to the most distant islands of the archipelago. It formed the chief support of the young Spanish colony, and, after the rise of the Encomiendas, was nearly the only source of its prosperity. It was feared that the junks would offer their cargoes to the Dutch if any obstacle was put in the way of their coming to Manila. The colony certainly [330]could not maintain its position without the “Sangleys,”1 who came annually in great numbers in the junks from China, and spread all over the country and in the towns as Industrial and commercial activity.shopkeepers, artisans, gardeners, and fishermen; besides which, they were the only skillful and industrious workers, as the Filipinos under the priestly domination had forgotten altogether many trades in which they had engaged in former times. I take these facts from Morga.
Importance of Chinese language.A significant part of the population still needs to be discussed, namely the Chinese, who are set to play a crucial role since the growth of land cultivation driven by increasing trade and commercial interactions can only be achieved through Chinese industry and determination. Manila has always been a popular destination for Chinese immigrants; neither the local people's hostility, nor long-standing oppressive decrees from the government, nor even the recurring massacres have been able to stop their arrival. Given the Islands' location, southeast of two major Chinese provinces, trade between the two countries must have started quite early, as ships can complete the journey in either direction with moderate winds, whether from the southwest or northeast monsoons. Early Chinese Communities.Some early writers even claim that the Philippine Islands were once under Chinese control; Father Gaubil (Lettres Edifiantes) notes that Jaung-lo (from the Ming dynasty) maintained a fleet of 30,000 men that sailed to Manila at various times. The presence of their ships as early as Magellan's arrival in the far east of the archipelago, along with the Chinese plates and pottery found in excavations, clearly indicates that trade with China had already reached even the most distant islands of the archipelago. This trade was the primary support for the young Spanish colony and, after the establishment of the Encomiendas, was nearly its only source of prosperity. There were concerns that the junks would sell their cargoes to the Dutch if any barriers were placed in the way of their arrival in Manila. The colony certainly [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]could not maintain its status without the “Sangleys,”1who came annually in large numbers in junks from China, spreading throughout the country and towns as Business and commercial activity.shopkeepers, artisans, gardeners, and fishermen; moreover, they were the only skilled and industrious workers available, as the Filipinos under priestly rule had forgotten many of the trades they had practiced in earlier times. I take these facts from Morga.
Unsuccessful attempts at restriction.In spite of all this, the Spaniards have, from the very commencement, endeavored rigorously to limit the number of the Chinese; who were then, as they are now, envied and hated by the natives for their industry, frugality, and cunning, by which means they soon became rich. They were an abomination, moreover, in the eyes of the priests as being irreclaimable heathens, whose example prevented the natives from making progress in the direction of Christianity; and the government feared them on account of the strong bond of union existing between them, and as being subjects of so powerful a nation, whose close proximity threatened the small body of Spaniards with destruction.2 Fortunately for the latter, the Ming dynasty, which at that time was hastening to its downfall, did not think of conquest; but wickedly disposed powers which sprang into existence upon their downfall brought the colony into extreme danger.
Failed attempts at restriction.Despite everything, the Spaniards have always tried hard to limit the number of Chinese people; they were, just like now, envied and disliked by the locals for their hard work, thriftiness, and cleverness, which led them to become wealthy quickly. Additionally, they were seen as a disgrace by the priests for being irredeemable nonbelievers, whose presence hindered the locals from progressing toward Christianity. The government also feared them because of the strong bonds among them and because they were subjects of a powerful nation, whose closeness posed a threat to the small group of Spaniards. 2 Luckily for the Spaniards, the Ming dynasty, which was quickly heading towards its collapse, wasn't focused on conquest. However, malicious forces that emerged after their downfall put the colony in serious danger.
[331]Limahong and the Mandarins’ visit.In the attack of the noted pirate, Limahong, in 1574, they escaped destruction only by a miracle; and soon new dangers threatened them afresh. In 1603 a few mandarins came to Manila, under the pretence of ascertaining whether the ground about Cavite was really of gold. They were supposed to be spies, and it was concluded, from their peculiar mission, that an attack upon the colony was intended by the Chinese.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Limahong and the Mandarin visit.In the attack by the infamous pirate, Limahong, in 1574, they narrowly avoided destruction by a miracle; and soon new threats loomed over them again. In 1603, a few mandarins arrived in Manila, claiming to be investigating whether the area around Cavite was genuinely gold-rich. They were believed to be spies, and it was concluded, based on their unusual mission, that the Chinese were planning an attack on the colony.
Early massacre of Chinese.The archbishop and the priests incited the distrust which was felt against the numerous Chinese who were settled in Manila. Mutual hate and suspicion arose; both parties feared one another and prepared for hostilities. The Chinese commenced the attack; but the united forces of the Spaniards, being supported by the Japanese and the Filipinos, twenty-three thousand, according to other reports twenty-five thousand, of the Chinese were either killed or driven into the desert. When the news of this massacre reached China, a letter from the Royal Commissioners was sent to the Governor of Manila. That noteworthy document shows in so striking a manner how hollow the great government was at that time that I have given a literal translation of it at the end of this chapter.
Early massacre of Chinese individuals.The archbishop and the priests stirred up the distrust that existed towards the many Chinese living in Manila. Hatred and suspicion developed; both sides were afraid of each other and readied themselves for conflict. The Chinese initiated the attack; however, the combined forces of the Spaniards, supported by the Japanese and Filipinos, resulted in either twenty-three thousand or, according to other reports, twenty-five thousand Chinese being killed or driven into the wilderness. When news of this massacre reached China, a letter from the Royal Commissioners was sent to the Governor of Manila. That significant document illustrates, in a striking way, how weak the central government was at that time, which is why I have provided a literal translation of it at the end of this chapter.
Chinese laborers limited.After the extermination of the Chinese, food and all Chinese other necessaries of life were difficult to obtain on account of the utter unreliability of the natives for work; but by 1605 the number of Chinese3 had again so increased that a decree was issued limiting them to six thousand, “these to be employed in the cultivation of the country;” while at the same time their rapid increase was taken advantage of by the captain-general for his own interest, as he exacted eight dollars from each Chinaman for permission to remain. In 1539 the Chinese population had risen to thirty thousand, according to other information, [332]to forty thousand, when they revolted and were reduced to seven thousand. “The natives, who generally were so listless and indifferent, showed the utmost eagerness in assisting in the Another massacre.massacre of the Chinese, but more from hatred of this industrious people than from any feeling of friendship towards the Spaniards.”4
Chinese workers limited. After the extermination of the Chinese, it became really hard to find food and other basic needs because the local people were completely unreliable for work. But by 1605, the number of Chinese 3 had increased again, so a decree was issued limiting them to six thousand, “these to be employed in the cultivation of the country;” while at the same time, the captain-general took advantage of their rapid growth for his own benefit, charging each Chinaman eight dollars for permission to stay. In 1539, the Chinese population had reached thirty thousand, according to other sources, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] maybe even forty thousand, when they revolted and were reduced to seven thousand. “The locals, who were typically so apathetic and indifferent, were extremely eager to help in the Another shooting. massacre of the Chinese, but more out of hatred for this hardworking community than any loyalty to the Spaniards.” 4
The pirate Kog-seng.The void occasioned by this massacre was soon filled up again by Chinese immigrants; and in 1662 the colony was once more menaced with a new and great danger, by the Chinese pirate Kog-seng, who had under his command between eighty and one hundred thousand men, and who already had dispossessed the Dutch of the Island of Formosa. He demanded the absolute submission of the Philippines; his sudden death, however, saved the colony, and occasioned a fresh outbreak of fury against the Chinese settlers in Manila, a great number of whom were butchered in their own “quarter” (ghetto).5 Some dispersed and hid themselves; a few in their terror plunged into the water or hanged themselves; and a great number fled in small boats to Formosa.6
The pirate Kog-seng.The void created by this massacre was quickly filled again by Chinese immigrants; and in 1662, the colony faced a new and significant threat from the Chinese pirate Kog-seng, who commanded between eighty and one hundred thousand men and had already taken over the Dutch-controlled Island of Formosa. He demanded the complete submission of the Philippines; however, his sudden death saved the colony and triggered a fresh wave of violence against the Chinese settlers in Manila, many of whom were slaughtered in their own “quarter” (ghetto).5 Some scattered and hid; a few, in their panic, jumped into the water or hanged themselves; and many fled in small boats to Formosa.6
Another expulsion.In 1709 the jealousy against the Chinese once more had reached such a height that they were accused of rebellion, and particularly of monopolizing the trades, and, with the exception of the most serviceable of the artisans and such of them as were employed by the Government, they were once again expelled. Spanish writers praise the salutariness of these measures; alleging that “under the pretence of agriculture the Chinese carry on trade; they are cunning and careful, making money and sending it to China, so that they defraud the Philippines annually of an enormous amount.” [333]Sonnerat, however, complains that art, trade, and commerce had not recovered from these severe blows; though, he adds, fortunately the Chinese, in spite of prohibitory decrees, are returning through the corrupt connivance of the governor and officials.
Another dismissal. In 1709, the animosity towards the Chinese reached such a peak that they were accused of rebellion, especially of monopolizing trades. With the exception of the most skilled artisans and those working for the Government, they were expelled once again. Spanish writers commend these actions, claiming that “under the guise of agriculture the Chinese engage in trade; they are clever and cautious, making money and sending it back to China, which defrauds the Philippines of a huge amount each year.” [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] However, Sonnerat points out that art, trade, and commerce had not bounced back from these harsh blows; yet, he adds, fortunately the Chinese, despite the bans, are returning through the corrupt support of the governor and officials.
Thrifty traders.To the present day they are blamed as being monopolists, particularly by the creoles; and certainly, by means of their steady industry and natural commercial aptitude, they have appropriated nearly all the retail trade to themselves. The sale of European imported goods is entirely in their hands; and the wholesale purchase of the produce of the country for export is divided between the natives, creoles, and the Chinese, the latter taking about one-half. Before this time only the natives and creoles were permitted to own ships for the purpose of forwarding the produce to Manila.
Savvy shoppers.To this day, they are accused of being monopolists, especially by the creoles; and it’s true that through their consistent hard work and natural business skills, they have taken almost all the retail trade for themselves. The sale of European imported goods is completely in their control; and the wholesale purchase of local produce for export is shared among the natives, creoles, and the Chinese, with the latter handling about half. Until now, only the natives and creoles were allowed to own ships to transport the produce to Manila.
In 1757 the jealousy of the Spaniards broke out again in the form of a new order from Madrid, directing the expulsion of the Chinese; and in 1759 the decrees of banishment, which were repeatedly evaded, were carried into effect: but, as the private interests of the officials did not happen to coincide with those of the creole traders, the consequence was that “the Chinese soon streamed back again in incredible numbers,” and made common cause with the English upon their invasion in 1762.7 Anda’s and 1819 massacres.Thereupon, Sr. Anda commanded “that all the Chinese in the Philippine Islands should be hanged,” which order was very generally carried out.8 The last great Chinese massacre took place in 1819, when the aliens were suspected of having brought about the cholera by poisoning the wells. The greater part of the Europeans in Manila also fell victims to the fury of the populace, but the Spaniards generally were spared. The prejudice of the Spaniards, especially of the creoles, had [334]always been directed against the Chinese tradesmen, who interfered unpleasantly with the fleecing of the natives; and against this class in particular were the laws of limitation aimed. They would willingly have let them develop the country by farming but the hostility of the natives generally prevented this.
In 1757, the Spaniards' jealousy flared up again with a new order from Madrid, commanding the expulsion of the Chinese. By 1759, the banishment decrees, which were frequently ignored, were enforced. However, since the personal interests of the officials didn't align with those of the creole traders, the result was that “the Chinese soon flowed back in incredible numbers,” and joined forces with the English during their invasion in 1762. 7 Anda's and 1819 massacres. Consequently, Sr. Anda ordered “that all the Chinese in the Philippine Islands should be hanged,” which order was largely executed. 8 The last major Chinese massacre occurred in 1819, when the aliens were suspected of causing cholera by poisoning the wells. Most Europeans in Manila also became victims of the mob’s rage, but the Spaniards were largely spared. The prejudice of the Spaniards, particularly the creoles, had [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] always been directed at the Chinese tradesmen, who disrupted the exploitation of the natives; and the laws targeting limitations were specifically aimed at this group. They might have allowed them to develop the country through farming, but the general animosity of the natives hindered this.
Expulsion of merchants from Manila.A decree, issued in 1804, commanded all Chinese shopkeepers to leave Manila within eight days, only those who were married being allowed to keep shops; and their residence in the provinces was permitted only upon the condition that they confined themselves entirely to agriculture. Magistrates who allowed these to travel in their districts were fined $200; the deputy-governor $25; and the wretched Chinese were punished with from two to three years’ confinement in irons.
Removal of merchants from Manila.A decree issued in 1804 required all Chinese shopkeepers to leave Manila within eight days, allowing only those who were married to keep their shops. They could only live in the provinces if they focused entirely on agriculture. Magistrates who let these individuals travel in their areas faced a fine of $200, while the deputy-governor was fined $25. The unfortunate Chinese people were sentenced to two to three years of confinement in chains.
In 1839 the penalties against the Chinese were somewhat mitigated, but those against the magistrates were still maintained on account of their venality. In 1843 Chinese ships were placed upon terms of equality with those of other foreign countries (Leg. Ult., II., 476). In 1850 Captain-General Urbiztondo endeavored to introduce Chinese colonial farming, and with this object promised a reduction of the taxes to all agricultural immigrants. Many Chinese availed themselves of this opportunity in order to escape the heavy poll-tax; but in general they soon betook themselves to trading once more.
In 1839, the penalties against the Chinese were eased a bit, but the penalties against the magistrates remained because of their corruption. In 1843, Chinese ships were put on equal footing with ships from other foreign countries (Leg. Ult., II., 476). In 1850, Captain-General Urbiztondo tried to promote Chinese colonial farming and offered to lower taxes for all agricultural immigrants to encourage this. Many Chinese took advantage of this opportunity to avoid the hefty poll tax, but overall, they quickly returned to trading.
Oppressive taxation.Of late years the Chinese have not suffered from the terrible massacres which used formerly to overtake them; neither have they suffered banishment; the officials being content to suppress their activity by means of heavy and oppressive taxes. For instance, at the end of 1867 the Chinese shopkeepers were annually taxed $50 for permission to send their goods to the weekly market; this was in addition to a tax of from $12 to $100 [335]on their occupations; and at the same time they were commanded thenceforth to keep their books in Spanish (English Consular Report, 1859).
Heavy taxes. In recent years, the Chinese have not faced the horrific massacres that used to be common; nor have they been exiled. Instead, officials have managed to control their activities through heavy and burdensome taxes. For example, by the end of 1867, Chinese shopkeepers were required to pay an annual tax of $50 just to sell their goods at the weekly market, in addition to an occupation tax ranging from $12 to $100. They were also ordered to keep their business records in Spanish (English Consular Report, 1859). [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
Excellent element in population.The Chinese remain true to their customs and mode of living in the Philippines, as they do everywhere else. When they outwardly embrace Christianity, it is done merely to facilitate marriage, or from some motive conducive to their worldly advantage; and occasionally they renounce it, together with their wives in Manila, when about to return home to China. Very many of them, however, beget families, are excellent householders, and their children in time form the most enterprising, industrious, and wealthy portion of the resident population.
Great factor in demographics.The Chinese stick to their traditions and lifestyle in the Philippines, just as they do everywhere else. When they seem to adopt Christianity, it's usually just to make marriage easier or for other practical benefits; occasionally, they drop it, along with their wives in Manila, when they're getting ready to go back to China. However, many of them raise families, are good heads of households, and their kids eventually become the most enterprising, hardworking, and wealthy part of the local population.
Formidable competitors.Invigorated by the severe struggle for existence which they have experienced in their over-populated country, the Chinese appear to preserve their capacity for labor perfectly unimpaired by any climate. No nation can equal them in contentedness, industry, perseverance, cunning, skill, and adroitness in trades and mercantile matters. When once they gain a footing, they generally appropriate the best part of the trade to themselves. In all parts of external India they have dislodged from every field of employment not only their native but, progressively, even their European competitors. Not less qualified and successful are they in the pursuance of agriculture than in trade. The emigration from the too thickly peopled empire of China has scarcely begun. As yet it is but a small stream, but it will by-and-by pour over all the tropical countries of the East in one mighty torrent, completely destroying all such minor obstacles as jealous interference and impotent precaution might interpose.
Tough competitors. Energized by the intense struggle for survival they've faced in their crowded country, the Chinese seem to maintain their work ethic completely unaffected by any climate. No other nation can match them in happiness, hard work, determination, cleverness, skill, and expertise in trades and business matters. Once they establish a presence, they typically take over the majority of the trade for themselves. Throughout all of external India, they have pushed out not only local workers but gradually even their European competitors from various jobs. They are equally adept and successful in agriculture as they are in trade. The emigration from the overpopulated Chinese empire has only just started. So far, it’s just a small trickle, but it will eventually surge over all the tropical regions of the East in one massive wave, effortlessly overcoming any minor barriers that jealous interference and weak precautions might try to put up.
Sphere of future influence.Over every section of remote India, in the South Sea, in the Indian Archipelago, in the states of South [336]America, the Chinese seem destined, in time, either to supplant every other element, or to found a mixed race upon which to stamp their individuality. In the Western States of the Union their number is rapidly on the increase; and the factories in California are worked entirely by them, achieving results that cannot be accomplished by European labor.
Future influence sphere.Over all parts of remote India, in the South Sea, in the Indian Archipelago, in the countries of South [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]America, the Chinese seem destined, over time, either to replace every other group or to create a mixed race where they can express their uniqueness. In the Western States of the Union, their numbers are rapidly increasing; and the factories in California are entirely operated by them, achieving results that European labor cannot match.
Mongolian vs. Caucasion in America.One of the most interesting of the many questions of large comprehensiveness which connect themselves with the penetration of the Mongolian race into America, which up till now it had been the fashion to regard as the inheritance of the Caucasians, is the relative capacity of labor possessed by both these two great races, who in the Western States of America have for the first time measured their mutual strength in friendly rivalry. Both are there represented in their most energetic individuality;9 and every nerve will be strained in carrying on the struggle, inasmuch as no other country pays for labor at so high a rate.
Mongolian vs. Caucasian in America.One of the most interesting questions related to the arrival of the Mongolian race in America, which has traditionally been seen as the domain of the Caucasians, is the comparison of the labor capabilities of these two significant races, who in the Western States of America have, for the first time, tested their strengths in friendly competition. Both are represented there in their most dynamic forms;9 and every effort will be made in this contest, since no other country offers such high pay for labor.
Efficiency and reliability of Chinese labor.The conditions, however, are not quite equal, as the law places certain obstacles in the way of the Chinese. The courts do not protect them sufficiently from insult, which at times is aggravated into malicious manslaughter through the ill-usage of the mob, who hate them bitterly [337]as being reserved, uncompanionable workers. Nevertheless, the Chinese immigrants take their stand firmly. The western division of the Pacific Railway has been chiefly built by the Chinese, who, according to the testimony of the engineers, surpass workmen of all other nationalities in diligence, sobriety, and good conduct. What they lack in physical power they make up for in perseverance and working intelligently together. The unique and nearly incredible performance that took place on April 28, 1859, when ten miles of railway track were laid in eleven working hours along a division of land which had in no way been prepared beforehand, was accomplished by Chinese workmen; and indeed only by them could it have been practicable.10
Effectiveness and dependability of Chinese workers. The conditions, however, are not quite equal, as the law places certain obstacles in the way of the Chinese. The courts do not protect them adequately from insults, which at times escalate into malicious violence due to the hostility of the mob, who resent them for being reserved and unfriendly workers. Nevertheless, the Chinese immigrants stand their ground. The western section of the Pacific Railway has been primarily constructed by the Chinese, who, according to the engineers' testimony, outperform workers from all other nationalities in diligence, sobriety, and good behavior. What they lack in physical strength, they make up for with perseverance and cooperation. The remarkable achievement on April 28, 1859, when ten miles of railway track were laid in eleven hours on land that had been untouched beforehand, was accomplished solely by Chinese workers; in fact, it could only have been achieved by them. 10
Chinese cleverness and industry.Of course, the superiority of the European in respect Chinese of the highest intellectual faculties is not for a moment to be doubted; but, in all branches of commercial life in which cleverness and perservering industry are necessary to success, the Chinese certainly appear entitled to the award. To us it appears that the influx of Chinese must certainly sooner or later kindle a struggle between capital and labor, in order to set a limit upon demands perceptibly growing beyond moderation.
Chinese intelligence and diligence.Of course, there’s no doubt that Europeans excel in terms of the highest intellectual abilities; however, in all areas of business where skill and persistent hard work are essential for success, the Chinese definitely deserve recognition. It seems to us that the arrival of Chinese workers will inevitably lead to a conflict between capital and labor, as limits need to be established on demands that are noticeably growing out of control.
Chinese problem in America.The increasing Chinese immigration already intrudes upon the attention of American statesmen questions of the utmost social and political importance. What influence will this entirely new and strange element [338]exercise over the conformation of American relations? Will the Chinese found a State in the States, or go into the Union on terms of political equality with the other citizens, and form a new race by alliance with the Caucasian element? These problems, which can only be touched upon here in a transitory form, have been dealt with in a masterly manner by Pumpelly, in his work Across America and Asia, published in London in 1870.
Chinese issues in America.The growing Chinese immigration is starting to grab the attention of American leaders regarding issues that are extremely important socially and politically. What impact will this completely new and unfamiliar group [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]have on the shape of American relations? Will the Chinese establish a state within the United States, or will they join the Union as equals with other citizens and create a new race through intermarriage with Caucasians? These questions, which can only be briefly touched on here, have been expertly analyzed by Pumpelly in his book Across America and Asia, published in London in 1870.
Letter of the Commissary-General of Chinchew to Don Pedro De Acuña, Governor of the Philippines
To the powerful Captain-General of Luzon:
To the powerful Captain-General of Luzon:
“Having been given to understand that the Chinese who proceeded to the kingdom of Luzon in order to buy and sell had been murdered by the Spaniards, I have investigated the motives for these massacres, and begged the Emperor to exercise justice upon those who had engaged in these abominable offences, with a view to security in the future.
“After learning that the Chinese who went to the kingdom of Luzon to trade were killed by the Spaniards, I looked into the reasons behind these massacres and asked the Emperor to bring justice to those responsible for these terrible acts, aiming for better security in the future."
“In former years, before my arrival here as royal commissioner, a Chinese merchant named Tioneg, together with three mandarins, went with the permission of the Emperor of China from Luzon to Cavite, for the purpose of prospecting for gold and silver; which appears to have been an excuse, for he found neither gold nor silver; I thereupon prayed the Emperor to punish this imposter Tioneg, thereby making patent the strict justice which is exercised in China.
“In earlier years, before I came here as a royal commissioner, a Chinese merchant named Tioneg, along with three mandarins, received permission from the Emperor of China to travel from Luzon to Cavite to look for gold and silver. However, it seems this was just a cover, as he found neither gold nor silver. I then requested the Emperor to punish this fraud Tioneg, demonstrating the strict justice that China upholds.”
“It was during the administration of the ex-Viceroy and Eunuchs that Tioneg and his companion, named Yanglion, uttered the untruth already stated; and subsequently I begged the Emperor to transmit all the papers bearing upon the matter, together with the minutes of Tioneg’s accusation; when I myself examined the before-mentioned papers, and knew that everything that the accused Tioneg had said was utterly untrue.
“It was during the time of the former Viceroy and Eunuchs that Tioneg and his friend, named Yanglion, made the false statement mentioned earlier; and later, I asked the Emperor to send me all the documents related to the case, along with the details of Tioneg’s accusation; when I reviewed those documents myself, I realized that everything the accused Tioneg had claimed was completely false."
[339]“I wrote to the Emperor and stated that, on account of the untruth which Tioneg had been guilty of, the Castilians entertained the suspicion that he wished to make war upon them, and that they, under this idea, had murdered more than thirty thousand Chinese in Luzon. The Emperor, complying with my request, punished the accused Yanglion, though he omitted to put him to death; neither was Tioneg beheaded or confined in a cage. The Chinese people who had settled in Luzon were in no way to blame. I and others discussed this with the Emperor in order to ascertain what his pleasure was in this matter, as well as in another, namely, the arrival of two English ships on the coast of Chinchew (Fukien or Amoy district)—a very dangerous circumstance for China; and to obtain His Imperial Majesty’s decision as to both these most serious matters.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]“I wrote to the Emperor and explained that, due to the lies Tioneg had told, the Castilians suspected he wanted to make war against them, which led them to kill over thirty thousand Chinese in Luzon. The Emperor, following my request, punished Yanglion, the one accused, but he didn’t execute him; nor did he behead Tioneg or confine him to a cage. The Chinese who had settled in Luzon were not at fault. I and others talked this over with the Emperor to find out his wishes regarding this situation, as well as another issue—the arrival of two English ships off the coast of Chinchew (Fukien or Amoy district)—a very serious threat for China; and to get His Imperial Majesty’s decision on both of these critical matters.
“We also wrote to the Emperor that he should direct the punishment of both these Chinese; and, in acknowledging our communication, he replied to us, in respect to the English ships which had arrived in China, that in case they had come for the purpose of plundering, they should be immediately commanded to depart thence for Luzon; and, with regard to the Luzon difficulty, that the Castilians should be advised to give no credence to rogues and liars from China; and both the Chinese who had discovered the harbor to the English should be executed forthwith; and that in all other matters upon which we had written to him, our will should be his. Upon receipt of this message by us—the Viceroy, the Eunuch, and myself—we hereby send this our message to the Governor of Luzon, that his Excellency may know the greatness of the Emperor of China and of his Empire, for he is so powerful that he commands all upon which the sun and moon shine, and also that the Governor of Luzon may learn with what great wisdom this mighty empire is governed, and which power no one for many years has attempted to insult, although the Japanese have sought to disturb the tranquillity of Korea, which belongs to the Government of China. They did not succeed, but on the [340]contrary were driven out, and Korea has remained in perfect security and peace, which those in Luzon well know by report.
“We also wrote to the Emperor asking him to make sure both of these Chinese were punished; in response to our message, he acknowledged it and said that regarding the English ships that had arrived in China, if they came for plundering, they should be immediately ordered to leave for Luzon. He also advised that the Castilians should not trust any rogues and liars from China concerning the Luzon issue; both Chinese who had shown the harbor to the English should be executed right away, and in all other matters we had written to him about, his will should align with ours. Upon receiving this message—the Viceroy, the Eunuch, and I— we sent this message to the Governor of Luzon, so he understands the power of the Emperor of China and his Empire, as he is so powerful that he rules everything under the sun and moon. We also want the Governor of Luzon to see the great wisdom with which this mighty empire is governed, a power that no one has dared insult for many years, even though the Japanese tried to disrupt the peace in Korea, which is under China's authority. They failed and were instead driven out, and Korea has remained completely secure and peaceful, as those in Luzon are well aware.”
“Years ago, after we learnt that so many Chinese perished in Luzon on account of Tioneg’s lies, many of us mandarins met together, and resolved to leave it to the consideration of the Emperor to take vengeance for so great a massacre; and we said as follows:—The country of Luzon is a wretched one, and of very little importance. It was at one time only the abode of devils and serpents; and only because (within the last few years) so large a number of Chinese went thither for the purpose of trading with the Castilians has it improved to such an extent; in which improvement the accused Sangleyes materially assisted by hard labor, the walls being raised by them, houses built, and gardens laid out, and other matters accomplished of the greatest use to the Castilians; and now the question is, why has no consideration been paid for these services, and these good offices acknowledged with thanks, without cruelly murdering so many people? And although we wrote to the King twice or thrice concerning the circumstances, he answered us that he was indignant about the before-mentioned occurrences, and said for three reasons it is not advisable to execute vengeance, nor to war against Luzon. The first is that for a long time till now the Castilians have been friends of the Chinese; the second, that no one can predict whether the Castilians or the Chinese would be victorious; and the third and last reason is, because those whom the Castilians have killed were wicked people, ungrateful to China, their native country, their elders, and their parents, as they have not returned to China now for very many years. These people, said the Emperor, he valued but little for the foregoing reasons; and he commanded the Viceroy, the Eunuch, and myself, to send this letter through those messengers, so that all in Luzon may know that the Emperor of China has a generous heart, great forbearance, and much mercy, in not declaring war against Luzon; and his justice is indeed manifest, as he has already punished the liar [341]Tioneg. Now, as the Spaniards are wise and intelligent, how does it happen that they are not sorry for having massacred so many people, feeling no repentance thereat, and also are not kinder to those of the Chinese who are still left? Then when the Castilians show a feeling of good-will, and the Chinese and Sangleyes who left after the dispute return, and the indebted money is repaid, and the property which was taken from the Sangleyes restored, then friendship will again exist between this empire and that, and every year trading-ships shall come and go; but if not, then the Emperor will allow no trading, but on the contrary will at once command a thousand ships of war to be built, manned with soldiers and relations of the slain, and will, with the assistance of other peoples and kingdoms who pay tribute to China, wage relentless war, without quarter to any one; and upon its conclusion will present the kingdom of Luzon to those who do homage to China.
“Years ago, after we learned that so many Chinese died in Luzon because of Tioneg’s lies, many of us officials gathered together and decided to leave it to the Emperor to seek revenge for such a terrible massacre. We stated: The country of Luzon is a miserable place and not very important. It used to be inhabited only by devils and serpents; only because (in recent years) many Chinese started going there to trade with the Spaniards has it improved so much. The accused Sangleyes contributed significantly to this improvement through their hard work, raising walls, building houses, laying out gardens, and achieving other important things for the Spaniards. Now, the question is, why hasn’t there been any acknowledgment of these services and kindnesses with thanks, instead of ruthlessly murdering so many people? Even though we wrote to the King two or three times about these matters, he replied that he was outraged by these events and said for three reasons it wouldn’t be wise to take revenge or go to war against Luzon. The first is that for a long time, the Spaniards have been friends of the Chinese; the second is that no one can predict whether the Spaniards or the Chinese would win; and the third and final reason is that those whom the Spaniards killed were wicked people, ungrateful to China, their homeland, their elders, and their parents, as they haven’t returned to China in many years. The Emperor said he values these people little for the reasons above; and he ordered the Viceroy, the Eunuch, and me to send this letter through those messengers, so that everyone in Luzon may know that the Emperor of China has a generous heart, great patience, and much mercy in not declaring war against Luzon; his justice is clear, as he has already punished the liar Tioneg. Now, considering that the Spaniards are wise and intelligent, how is it that they feel no remorse for having massacred so many people, showing no regret, and are not kinder to the remaining Chinese? When the Spaniards demonstrate goodwill, and the Chinese and Sangleyes who left after the conflict return, the debts are repaid, and the property taken from the Sangleyes is restored, then friendship will be re-established between this empire and that, and trading ships will come and go each year; but if not, then the Emperor will allow no trade and will instead command a thousand warships to be built, manned with soldiers and relatives of the slain, and will, with the help of other peoples and kingdoms that pay tribute to China, wage relentless war without mercy; and at the end, he will give the kingdom of Luzon to those who pay homage to China.”
“This letter is written by the Visitor-General on the 12th of the second month.”
“This letter is written by the Visitor-General on the 12th of the second month.”
A contemporary letter of the Ruler of Japan forms a somewhat notable contrast:—
A modern letter from the Ruler of Japan presents a significant contrast:—
Letter of Daifusama, Ruler of Japan
“To the Governor Don Pedro de Acuña, in the year 1605:
“To the Governor Don Pedro de Acuña, in the year 1605:
“I have received two letters from your Excellency, as also all the donations and presents described in the inventory. Amongst them was the wine made from grapes, which I enjoyed very much. In former years your Excellency requested that six ships might come here, and recently four, which request I have always complied with.
“I have received two letters from you, as well as all the donations and gifts listed in the inventory. Among them was the wine made from grapes, which I really enjoyed. In previous years, you asked for six ships to come here, and recently it was four, which I have always complied with.”
“But my great displeasure has been excited by the fact that of the four ships upon whose behalf your Excellency interposed, one from Antonio made the journey without my permission. This was a circumstance of great audacity, and a mark of disrespect to me. Does your Excellency wish to send that ship to Japan without my permission?
“But my great displeasure has been caused by the fact that of the four ships your Excellency advocated for, one from Antonio made the journey without my approval. This was a very bold act and a sign of disrespect towards me. Does your Excellency intend to send that ship to Japan without my permission?"
[342]“Independently of this, your Excellency and others have many times discussed with me concerning the antecedents and interests of Japan, and many other matters, your requests respecting which I cannot comply with. This territory is called Xincoco, which means ‘consecrated to Idols,’ which have been honored with the highest reverence from the days of our ancestor until now, and whose actions I alone can neither undo nor destroy. Wherefore, it is in no way fitting that your laws should be promulgated and spread over Japan; and if, in consequence of these misunderstandings, your Excellency’s friendship with the empire of Japan should cease, and with me likewise, it must be so, for I must do that which I think is right, and nothing which is contrary to my own pleasure.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]“Besides that, your Excellency and others have often talked to me about the history and interests of Japan, along with many other issues, but I'm unable to comply with your requests. This area is called Xincoco, meaning ‘consecrated to Idols,’ which have been respected since the time of our ancestors to this day, and their actions are something I alone cannot undo or destroy. Therefore, it’s not appropriate for your laws to be imposed and spread across Japan. If these misunderstandings lead to the end of your Excellency’s friendship with the Japanese empire, and with me as well, then that’s how it must be, because I must act according to what I believe is right, and not do anything that goes against my own will.
“Finally, I have heard it frequently said, as a reproach, that many Japanese—wicked, corrupt men—go to your kingdom, remaining there many years, and then return to Japan. This complaint excites my anger, and therefore I must request your Excellency henceforth not to allow such persons to return in the ships which trade here. Concerning the remaining matters, I trust your Excellency will hereafter employ your judgment and circumspection in such a manner as to avoid incurring my displeasure for the future.”
“Finally, I’ve often heard people say, as a criticism, that many Japanese—evil, corrupt individuals—come to your kingdom, stay for many years, and then go back to Japan. This complaint makes me angry, so I must ask your Excellency to no longer let these people return on the ships that trade here. As for the other matters, I hope your Excellency will use your judgment and caution going forward to avoid displeasing me in the future.”
1 The Chinese were generally known in the Philippines as “Sangleys”; according to Professor Schott, “sang-lui (in the south szang-loi, also senng-loi) mercatorum ordo.” “Sang” is more specially applied to the travelling traders, in opposition to “ku,” tabernarii.
1 The Chinese were generally referred to in the Philippines as “Sangleys”; according to Professor Schott, “sang-lui (in the south szang-loi, also senng-loi) mercatorum ordo.” “Sang” is specifically used for traveling traders, in contrast to “ku,” tabernarii.
2 ...... “They are a wicked and vicious people, and, owing to their numbers, and to their being such large eaters, they consume the provisions and render them dear ......It is true the town cannot exist without the Chinese, as they are the workers in all the trades and business, and very industrious, and work for small wages; but for that very reason a lesser number of them would be sufficient.”— Morga, p. 349.
2 ........ “They are a cruel and ruthless group, and due to their large population and heavy eating habits, they deplete supplies and drive up prices ...... It’s true that the town relies on the Chinese community, as they handle most trades and businesses, are very hardworking, and accept low wages; but because of that, a smaller number of them would be enough.” — Morga, p. 349.
5 The Chinese were not permitted to live in the town, but in a district specially set apart for them.
5 The Chinese weren’t allowed to live in the town, but in a specific area designated for them.
9 No single people in Europe can in any way compare with the inhabitants of California, which, in the early years of its existence, was composed only of men in the prime of their strength and activity, without aged people, without women, and without children. Their activity, in a country where everything had to be provided (no civilised neighbors living within some hundred miles or so), and where all provisions were to be obtained only at a fabulous cost, was stimulated to the highest pitch. Without here going into the particulars of their history, it need only be remembered that they founded, in twenty-five years, a powerful State, the fame of which has spread all over the world, and around whose borders young territories have sprung into existence and flourished vigorously; two of them indeed having attained to the condition of independent States. After the Californian gold-diggers had changed the configuration of the ground of entire provinces by having, with Titanic might, deposited masses of earth into the sea until they expanded into hilly districts, so as to obtain therefrom, with the aid of ingenious machinery, the smallest particle of gold which was contained therein, they have astonished the world in their capacity of agriculturalists, whose produce is sent even to the most distant markets, and everywhere takes the first rank without dispute. Such mighty results have been achieved by a people whose total number scarcely, indeed, exceeds 500,000; and therefore, perhaps, they may not find it an easy matter to withstand the competition of the Chinese.
9 No single people in Europe can compare to the inhabitants of California, which, in its early years, was made up entirely of men in their prime, with no elderly people, women, or children. Their drive, in a land where everything had to be sourced (with no civilized neighbors within hundreds of miles) and where all supplies came at an outrageous cost, was pushed to the limit. Without diving into the details of their history, it’s worth noting that within twenty-five years, they established a powerful state known around the globe, and young territories emerged around its borders, some even becoming independent states. After the Californian gold miners altered the landscape of entire regions by using immense strength to move earth into the sea, creating hilly areas to extract tiny particles of gold using clever machinery, they amazed the world with their skills as farmers. Their produce reaches even the farthest markets and consistently ranks at the top without question. Such remarkable outcomes have come from a population that barely exceeds 500,000; thus, they might find it challenging to compete against the Chinese.
10 The rails, if laid in one continuous line, would measure about 103,000 feet, the weight of them being 20,000 cwt. Eight Chinamen were engaged in the work, relieving one another by fours. These men were chosen to perform this feat on account of their particular activity, out of 10,000.
10 The rails, if laid in one continuous line, would measure about 103,000 feet, weighing 20,000 cwt. Eight Chinese workers were involved in the task, taking turns in groups of four. These men were selected for this job due to their exceptional agility, out of a pool of 10,000.
(The translator of the 1875 London edition notes: “This statement is incorrect, so far as the fact of the feat being accomplished by Chinese is concerned. Eight Europeans were engaged in this extraordinary piece of work. During the rejoicings which took place in Sacramento upon the opening of the line, these men were paraded in a van, with the account of their splendid achievement painted in large letters on the outside. Certainly not one of them was a Chinaman.”—C.
(The translator of the 1875 London edition notes: “This statement is incorrect regarding the fact that the feat was accomplished by Chinese workers. Eight Europeans were involved in this remarkable task. During the celebrations in Sacramento for the opening of the line, these men were displayed in a van, with the details of their impressive achievement written in large letters on the outside. Definitely, none of them was Chinese.”—C.
XXVII
Spain’s discovery and occupation.The Philippines were discovered by Magellan on the 16th of March, 1521—St. Lazarus’ day.1 But it was not until 1564,2 after many previous efforts had miscarried, that Legaspi, who left New Spain with five ships, took possession of the Archipelago in the name of Philip II. The discoverer had christened the islands after the sanctified Lazarus. This name, however, [343]never grew into general use; Numerous names.the Spaniards persistently calling them the Western Islands—Islas del Poniente; and the Portuguese, Islas del Oriente. Legaspi gave them their present name3 in honor of Philip II, who, in his turn, conferred upon them the again extinct name of New Castile.4 Legaspi first of all annexed Cebu, and then Panay; and six years later, in 1571, he first sub dued Manila, which was at that time a village surrounded by palisades, and commenced forthwith the construction of a fortified town. The subjection of the remaining territory was effected so quickly that, upon the death of Legaspi (in August, 1572), all the western parts were in possession of the Spaniards. Mindanao and Sulu independent.Numerous wild tribes in the interior, however, the Mahomedan states of Mindanao and the Sulu group, for example, have to this day preserved their independence. The character of the people, as well as their political disposition, favored the occupancy. There was no mighty power, no old dynasty, no influential priestly domination to overcome, no traditions of national pride to suppress. The natives were either heathens, or recently proselytized superficially to Islamism, and lived under numerous petty chiefs, who ruled them despotically, made war upon one another, and were easily subdued. Such a community was called Barangay; and it forms to this day, though in a considerably modified form, the foundation of the constitutional laws. Spanish improvemnts.The Spaniards limited the power of the petty chiefs, upheld slavery, and abolished hereditary nobility and dignity, substituting in its place an aristocracy created by themselves for services rendered to the State; but they carried out all these changes very gradually [344]and cautiously.5 The old usages and laws, so long as they did not interfere with the natural course of government, remained untouched and were operative by legal sanction; and even in criminal matters their validity was equal to those emanating from the Spanish courts. To this day the chiefs of Barangay, with the exception of those bearing the title of “Don,” have no privileges save exemption from the poll-tax and socage service. Unthinking policy of greed.They are virtually tax-collectors, excepting that they are not paid for such service, and their private means are made responsible for any deficit. The prudence of such a measure might well be doubted, without regard to the fact that it tempts the chiefs to embezzlement and extortion; and it must alienate a class of natives who would otherwise be a support to the Government.
Spain's discovery and colonization.The Philippines were discovered by Magellan on March 16, 1521—St. Lazarus’ day.1 However, it wasn't until 1564,2 after many earlier attempts had failed, that Legaspi, who left New Spain with five ships, claimed the Archipelago in the name of Philip II. The discoverer had named the islands after St. Lazarus. This name, however, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] never caught on; Many names.the Spaniards consistently referred to them as the Western Islands—Islas del Poniente; and the Portuguese called them Islas del Oriente. Legaspi gave them their current name3 in honor of Philip II, who, in turn, gave them the now defunct name of New Castile.4 Legaspi first annexed Cebu, then Panay; and six years later, in 1571, he conquered Manila, which was then a village surrounded by palisades, and immediately began building a fortified town. The conquest of the remaining territory happened so quickly that, by the time of Legaspi's death (in August, 1572), all the western parts were in Spanish hands. Mindanao and Sulu are independent. However, several wild tribes in the interior, such as the Muslim states of Mindanao and the Sulu group, have maintained their independence to this day. The nature of the people, as well as their political situation, facilitated the occupation. There was no powerful authority, no old dynasty, no strong priestly influence to overcome, and no traditions of national pride to suppress. The natives were either pagans or had recently converted superficially to Islam, living under numerous petty chiefs who ruled despotically, waged war among themselves, and were easily defeated. Such a community was called Barangay; and it still forms the foundation of the constitutional laws today, albeit in a significantly modified form. Spanish upgrades. The Spaniards limited the power of the petty chiefs, upheld slavery, and abolished hereditary nobility, replacing it with an aristocracy created by themselves for services to the state; but they implemented all these changes very gradually [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] and cautiously.5 The old customs and laws remained intact as long as they didn’t interfere with the governing process, and they were still legally recognized; even in criminal cases, they held the same validity as those from Spanish courts. To this day, the chiefs of Barangay, except for those titled “Don,” have no privileges other than exemption from the poll tax and socage service. Mindless greed-driven policy.They act as tax collectors, but without pay, and their personal wealth is liable for any shortfall. The wisdom of such a policy is questionable, not to mention that it encourages the chiefs to steal and extort; it also risks alienating a group of natives who could otherwise support the government.
High character of early administrators.Since the measures adopted in alleviation of the conquest and occupancy succeeded in so remarkable a manner, [345]the governors and their subordinates of those days, at a time when Spain was powerful and chivalrous, naturally appear to have been distinguished for wisdom and high spirit. Legaspi possessed both qualities in a marked degree. Hardy adventurers were tempted there, as in America, by privileges and inducements which power afforded them; as well as by the hope, which, fortunately for the country, was never realized, of its being rich in auriferous deposits. In Luzon, for instance, Hernando Riquel stated that there were many goldmines in several places which were seen by the Spaniards; “the ore is so rich that I will not write any more about it, as I might possibly come under a suspicion of exaggerating; but I swear by Christ that there is more gold on this island than there is iron in all Biscay.” Conquerors on commission.They received no pay from the kingdom; but a formal right was given them to profit by any territory which was brought into subjection by them. Some of these expeditions in search of conquest were enterprises undertaken for private gain, others for the benefit of the governor; and such service was rewarded by him with grants of lands, carrying an annuity, offices, and other benefits (encomiendas, oficios y aprovechamientos). The grants were at first made for three generations (in New Spain for four), but were very soon limited to two; when De los Rios pointed this out as being a measure very prejudicial to the Crown, “since they were little prepared to serve his Majesty, as their grand-children had fallen into the most extreme poverty.” After the death of the feoffee the grant reverted to the State; and the governor thereupon disposed of it anew.
Integrity of early administrators. Since the measures taken to ease the impact of the conquest and settlement were so successful, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] the governors and their subordinates at that time, when Spain was powerful and noble, seemed to be known for their wisdom and strong spirit. Legaspi had both qualities in abundance. Bold adventurers were attracted there, like in America, by the privileges and opportunities offered by power, as well as by the hope—though it turned out to be unfounded—that the land was rich in gold deposits. In Luzon, for example, Hernando Riquel claimed there were many gold mines in various locations visible to the Spaniards; “the ore is so rich that I won’t say more about it, for I might raise suspicions of exaggeration; but I swear by Christ that there is more gold on this island than there is iron in all of Biscay.” Contracted conquerors. They didn’t get paid by the kingdom, but were officially allowed to profit from any territory they conquered. Some of these expeditions for conquest were undertaken for personal gain, while others benefited the governor; and such service was rewarded with land grants that included an annuity, offices, and other benefits (encomiendas, oficios y aprovechamientos). Initially, the grants were made for three generations (four in New Spain), but soon were restricted to two; when De los Rios pointed this out as harmful to the Crown, stating “since they were poorly prepared to serve his Majesty, as their grandchildren had fallen into the most extreme poverty.” After the death of the grantee, the grant went back to the State, and the governor then reallocated it.
The feudal “encomiendas.”The whole country at the outset was completely divided into these livings, the defraying of which formed by far the largest portion of the expenses of the kingdom. Investitures of a similar nature existed, more or less, [346]in a territory of considerable extent, the inhabitants of which had to pay tribute to the feoffee; and this tribute had to be raised out of agricultural produce, the value of which was fixed by the feudal lord at a very low rate, but sold by him to the Chinese at a considerable profit. The feudal lords, moreover, were not satisfied with these receipts, but held the natives in a state of slavery, until forbidden by a Bull of Pope Gregory XIV, dated April 18, 1591. Kafir and negro slaves, whom the Portuguese imported by way of India, were, however, still permitted.
The feudal "encomiendas."At the beginning, the entire country was totally divided into these land grants, which accounted for the majority of the kingdom’s expenses. Similar arrangements existed to varying degrees, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]in a large territory, where the residents had to pay tribute to the landholder. This tribute was taken from agricultural products, which the feudal lord valued at a very low rate but sold to the Chinese at a significant profit. Additionally, the feudal lords were not content with these revenues alone and kept the locals in a state of slavery, until a decree from Pope Gregory XIV banned the practice on April 18, 1591. However, the importation of Kafir and Black slaves by the Portuguese from India was still allowed.
Extortions of encomenderos.The original holders of feudal tenures amassed considerable booty therefrom. Zuñiga relates that as early as the time of Lavezares, who was provisional governor between 1572 and 1575, he visited the Bisayas and checked the covetousness of the encomenderos, so that at least during his rule they relaxed their system of extortion. Towards the end of Sande’s government (1575–80) a furious quarrel broke out between the priests and the encomenderos; the first preached against the oppression of the latter, and memorialized Philip II thereon. The king commanded that the natives should be protected, as the extortionate greed of the feudal chiefs had exceeded all bounds; and the natives were then at liberty to pay their tribute either in money or in kind. The result of this well-intentioned regulation appears to have produced a greater assiduity both in agriculture and trade, “as the natives preferred to work without coercion, not on account of extreme want.” Salcedo “most illustrious of the conquerors.”And here I may briefly refer to the achievements of Juan de Salcedo, the most illustrious of all the conquerors. Supported by his grandfather, Legaspi, with forty-five Spanish soldiers, he fitted out an expedition at his own expense, embarked at Manila, in May, 1572, examined all parts of the west coast of the island, landed [347]in all the bays which were accessible to his light-draught ships, and was well received by the natives at most of the places. He generally found great opposition in penetrating into the interior; yet he succeeded in subduing many of the inland tribes; and when he reached Cape Bojeador, the north-west point of Luzon, the extensive territory which at present forms the provinces of Zambales, Pangasinan, and Ilocos Notre and Sur, acknowledged the Spanish rule. The exhaustion of his soldiers obliged Salcedo to return. In Vigan, the present capital of Ilocos Sur, he constructed a fort, and left therein for its protection his lieutenant and twenty-five men, while he himself returned, accompanied only by seventeen soldiers, in three small vessels. In this manner he reached the Cagayan River, and proceeded up it until forced by the great number of hostile natives to retreat to the sea. Pursuing the voyage to the east coast, he came down in course of time to Paracale, where he embarked in a boat for Manila, was capsized, and rescued from drowning by some passing natives.
Extortions by encomenderos. The original holders of feudal landholdings collected significant wealth from them. Zuñiga notes that as early as the time of Lavezares, who was the acting governor from 1572 to 1575, he visited the Bisayas and put a stop to the greed of the encomenderos, so that at least during his tenure they eased their system of extortion. Towards the end of Sande’s government (1575–80), a fierce dispute erupted between the priests and the encomenderos; the priests preached against the latter's oppression and reported this to Philip II. The king ordered that the natives be protected, as the greedy actions of the feudal leaders had gone too far; the natives were then free to pay their tribute in either money or goods. This well-meaning regulation seems to have resulted in increased effort in both agriculture and trade, “as the natives preferred to work without coercion, not out of extreme need.” Salcedo, "the most renowned of the conquerors." Here, I want to briefly mention the accomplishments of Juan de Salcedo, the most distinguished of all the conquerors. Backed by his grandfather, Legaspi, with forty-five Spanish soldiers, he funded his own expedition, set sail from Manila in May 1572, explored all parts of the west coast of the island, landed [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] in all the bays accessible to his shallow-draft ships, and was generally well-received by the natives at most locations. He often faced significant resistance when trying to move inland; however, he managed to conquer many of the tribes living there. When he reached Cape Bojeador, the northwestern tip of Luzon, the vast territory now known as the provinces of Zambales, Pangasinan, and Ilocos Norte and Sur accepted Spanish rule. Due to the fatigue of his soldiers, Salcedo had to return. In Vigan, the current capital of Ilocos Sur, he built a fort and left his lieutenant along with twenty-five men there for its protection, while he returned with only seventeen soldiers aboard three small vessels. He made his way to the Cagayan River and traveled upstream until he had to retreat to the sea due to the large number of hostile natives. Continuing his journey to the east coast, he eventually arrived in Paracale, where, after embarking on a boat for Manila, he was capsized and rescued from drowning by some passing natives.
“The Cortes of the Philippines.”In the meantime Legaspi had died, and Lavezares was provisionally carrying on the government. Salcedo heard of this with vexation at being passed over; but, when he recovered from his jealousy, he was entrusted with the subjugation of Camarines, which he accomplished in a short time. In 1574 he returned to Ilocos, in order to distribute annuities among his soldiers, and to receive his own share. While still employed upon the building of Vigan, he discovered the fleet of the notorious Chinese pirate, Limahong, who, bent upon taking possession of the colony, was then passing that part of the coast with sixty-two ships and a large number of soldiers. He hastened at once, with all the help which he could summon together in the neighborhood, to Manila, where he was nominated to the command of the troops, in the [348]place of the already deposed master of the forces; and he drove the Chinese from the town, which they had destroyed. They then withdrew to Pangasinan, and Salcedo burnt their fleet; which exploit was achieved with very great difficulty. In 1576 this Cortes of the Philippines died.6
“The Congress of the Philippines.” In the meantime, Legaspi had died, and Lavezares was temporarily running the government. Salcedo felt frustrated at being overlooked, but once he got over his jealousy, he was given the task of conquering Camarines, which he completed quickly. In 1574, he returned to Ilocos to distribute pensions to his soldiers and collect his own share. While still working on the construction of Vigan, he discovered the fleet of the infamous Chinese pirate, Limahong, who was attempting to take control of the colony and was sailing along that part of the coast with sixty-two ships and a large number of soldiers. He quickly gathered all the local help he could find and went to Manila, where he was appointed commander of the troops, in the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] place of the already deposed leader of the forces; he drove the Chinese out of the town they had ravaged. They then retreated to Pangasinan, and Salcedo burned their fleet, which was a very challenging task. In 1576, this Cortes of the Philippines died.6
Commercial importance of early Manila.Apart from the priests, the first-comers consisted only of officials, soldiers, and sailors; and to them, naturally, fell all the high profits of the China trade. Manila was their chief market, and it also attracted a great portion of the external Indian trade, which the Portuguese had frightened away from Malacca by their excessive cruelty. The Portuguese, it is true, still remained in Macao and the Moluccas: but they wanted those remittances which were almost exclusively sought after by the Chinese, viz., the silver which Manila received from New Spain.
Economic significance of early Manila. Aside from the priests, the first arrivals were mainly officials, soldiers, and sailors, and naturally, they reaped all the significant profits from the China trade. Manila was their main marketplace and also drew a large share of the external Indian trade, which the Portuguese had driven away from Malacca due to their extreme cruelty. It's true that the Portuguese still held positions in Macao and the Moluccas, but they were in need of the remittances that were almost exclusively in demand by the Chinese, specifically the silver that Manila received from New Spain.
Spain and Portugal united.In 1580 Portugal, together with all its colonies, was handed over to the Spanish Crown; and the period extending from this event to the decay of Portugal (1580–1640) witnessed the Philippines at the height of their power and prosperity.
Spain and Portugal united.In 1580, Portugal and all its colonies were taken over by the Spanish Crown; the time from this event to Portugal's decline (1580–1640) saw the Philippines at the peak of their power and wealth.
Manila as capital of a vast empire.The Governor of Manila ruled over a part of Mindanao, Sulu, the Moluccas, Formosa, and the original Portuguese possessions in Malacca and India. “All that lies between Cape Singapore and Japan is subject to Luzon; their ships cross the ocean to China and New Spain, and drive so magnificent a trade that, if it were only free, it would be the most extraordinary that the world could show. It is incredible what glory these islands confer upon Spain. The Governor of the Philippines treats with the Kings of Cambodia, Japan, China. The first is his ally, the last his friend; and the same with Japan. He declares war or peace, without waiting for the command [349]from distant Spain.”7 Dutch opposition.But the Dutch had now begun the struggle, which they managed to carry on against Philip II in every corner of the world; and even in 1510 De Los Rios complained that he found the country very much altered through the progress and advance made by the Dutch; also that the Moros of Mindanao and Sulu, feeling that they were supported by Holland, were continually in a state of discontent.
Manila as the capital of a large empire.The Governor of Manila governed parts of Mindanao, Sulu, the Moluccas, Taiwan, and the original Portuguese territories in Malacca and India. “Everything from Cape Singapore to Japan is under Luzon's influence; their ships sail across the ocean to China and New Spain, engaging in such outstanding trade that if it were only unrestricted, it would be the most remarkable in the world. It’s amazing the glory these islands bring to Spain. The Governor of the Philippines negotiates with the Kings of Cambodia, Japan, and China. The first is his ally, the last is his friend; the same goes for Japan. He can declare war or peace, without waiting for orders [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]from distant Spain.”7 Dutch opposition party.But the Dutch had begun their struggle, which they pursued against Philip II in every corner of the globe; even in 1510, De Los Rios noted that he found the country significantly changed due to the advances made by the Dutch; also that the Moros of Mindanao and Sulu, feeling supported by Holland, were constantly in a state of unrest.
Decline of colony.The downfall of Portugal occasioned the loss of her colonies once more. Spanish policy, the government of the priests, and the jealousy of the Spanish merchants and traders especially, did everything that remained to be done to prevent the development of agriculture and commerce—perhaps, on the whole, fortunately, for the natives.
Fall of the colony.The decline of Portugal led to the loss of its colonies again. Spanish policies, the priests' governance, and the jealousy of Spanish merchants and traders did everything possible to hinder the growth of agriculture and commerce—perhaps, overall, it turned out to be a blessing for the locals.
Philippine history unimportant and unsatisfactory.The subsequent history of the Philippines is, in all its particulars, quite as unsatisfactory and uninteresting as that of all the other Spanish-American possessions. Ineffectual expeditions against pirates, and continual disputes between the clerical and secular authorities, form the principal incidents.8
Philippine history is unimportant and unsatisfactory.The later history of the Philippines is, in every detail, just as unfulfilling and dull as that of all the other Spanish-American territories. Ineffective missions against pirates and ongoing conflicts between religious and secular leaders are the main events. 8
Undesirable emigrants from Spain.After the first excitement of religious belief and military renown had subsided, the minds of those who went later to these outlying possessions, consisting generally as they did of the very dregs of the nation, were seized with an intense feeling of selfishness; and frauds and speculations were the natural sequence. The Spanish writers are full of descriptions of the wretched state of society then existing, which it is unnecessary to repeat here.
Unwanted migrants from Spain.After the initial thrill of religious zeal and military glory faded, those who later moved to these distant territories, mostly the lowest class of society, became consumed by a strong sense of selfishness; as a result, scams and shady deals followed. Spanish authors have extensively detailed the miserable conditions of society at that time, which is unnecessary to recount here.
English occupation.The colony had scarcely been molested by external enemies, with the exception of pirates. In the earliest [350]time the Dutch had engaged occasionally in attacks on the Bisayas. But in 1762 (during the war of the Bourbon succession) an English fleet suddenly appeared before Manila, and took the surprised town without any difficulty. The Chinese allied themselves with the English. A great insurrection broke out among the Filipinos, and the colony, under the provisional government of a feeble archbishop, was for a time in great danger. It was reserved for other dignitaries of the Church and Anda, an energetic patriot, to inflame the natives against the foreigners; and the opposition incited by the zealousness of the priests grew to such an extent that the English, who were confined in the town, were actually glad to be able to retreat. In the following year the news arrived from Europe of the conclusion of peace; but in the interval this insurrection, brought about by the invasion, had rapidly and considerably extended; and it was not suppressed until 1765, when the work was accomplished by creating enmity among the different tribes.9 But this was not done without a loss to the province of Ilocos of two hundred sixty-nine thousand two hundred and seventy persons—half of the population, as represented by Zuñiga.
British rule.The colony had barely faced any external threats, aside from pirates. In the early [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]days, the Dutch occasionally attacked the Bisayas. However, in 1762 (during the war of the Bourbon succession), an English fleet suddenly showed up in Manila and easily captured the surprised town. The Chinese joined forces with the English. A major uprising erupted among the Filipinos, putting the colony, led by a weak archbishop in a temporary government, at great risk. It was left to other church leaders and Anda, a passionate patriot, to rally the locals against the foreigners; the resistance stirred up by the enthusiastic priests grew so strong that the English, who were trapped in the town, were actually relieved to retreat. The following year, news arrived from Europe about the peace agreement; however, in the meantime, the uprising triggered by the invasion had quickly and significantly spread, and it wasn't put down until 1765, when it was achieved by creating divisions among different tribes.9 This was not without a toll on the province of Ilocos, losing two hundred sixty-nine thousand two hundred and seventy individuals—about half of the population, as stated by Zuñiga.
Many minor uprisings from local grievances.Severity and want of tact on the part of the Government and their instruments, as well as bigoted dissensions have caused many revolts of the natives; yet none, it is true, of any great danger to the Spanish rule. The discontent has always been confined to a single district, as the natives do not form a united nation; neither the bond of a common speech nor a general interest binding the different tribes together. The state communications and laws among them scarcely reach beyond the borders of the villages and their dependencies.
Several small rebellions due to local issues. The government's harshness and lack of sensitivity, along with deep-seated conflicts, have led to numerous revolts among the locals; however, none of these posed any significant threat to Spanish rule. Discontent has typically been limited to individual regions since the natives don’t constitute a unified nation; there's no shared language or common interests that connect the various tribes. The state communications and laws among them barely extend beyond village boundaries and their nearby areas.
[351]Danger from mestizos and creoles.A consideration of far more importance to the distant metropolis than the condition of the constantly excited natives, who are politically divided among themselves, and really have no steady object in view, is the attitude of the mestizos and creoles, whose discontent increases in proportion to their numbers and prosperity. The military revolt which broke out in 1823, the leaders of which were two creoles, might easily have terminated fatally for Spain. The latest of all the risings of the mestizos seems to have been the most dangerous, not only to the Spanish power, but to all the European population.10
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Danger from mixed-race people and Creoles.What's more important for the distant capital than the state of the always agitated natives, who are politically fragmented and don’t have a clear goal, is the mindset of the mestizos and creoles. Their discontent grows as their numbers and wealth increase. The military rebellion that erupted in 1823, led by two creoles, could have ended disastrously for Spain. The most recent uprising of the mestizos seems to pose the greatest threat, not just to Spanish authority, but to the entire European community. 10
Cavite 1872 mutiny.On the 20th of January, 1872, between eight and nine in the evening, the artillery, marines, and the garrison of the arsenal revolted in Cavite, the naval base of the Philippines, and murdered their officers; and a lieutenant who endeavored to carry the intelligence to Manila fell into the hands of a crowd of natives. The news therefore did not reach the capital until the next morning, when all the available troops were at once dispatched, and, after a heavy preliminary struggle, they succeeded the following day in storming the citadel. A dreadful slaughter of the rebels ensued. Not a soul escaped. Among them was not a single European; but there were many mestizos, of whom several were priests and lawyers. Though perhaps the first accounts, written under the influence of terror, may have exaggerated many particulars, yet both official and private letters agree in describing the conspiracy as being long contemplated, widely spread, and well planned. The whole fleet and a large number of troops were absent at the time, engaged in the expedition against Sulu. [352]A portion of the garrison of Manila were to rise at the same time as the revolt in Cavite, and thousands of natives were to precipitate themselves on the caras blancas (pale faces), and murder them. The failure of the conspiracy was, it appears, only attributable to a fortunate accident—to the circumstance, namely, that a body of the rebels mistook some rocket fired upon the occasion of a Church festival for the agreed signal, and commenced the attack too soon.11
Cavite 1872 rebellion.On January 20, 1872, between eight and nine in the evening, the artillery, marines, and the garrison of the arsenal in Cavite, the naval base of the Philippines, revolted and killed their officers. A lieutenant who tried to deliver the news to Manila was caught by a crowd of locals. Consequently, the message didn't reach the capital until the next morning, at which point all available troops were immediately sent out. After a fierce initial battle, they managed to storm the citadel the following day. A horrific massacre of the rebels followed. No one escaped. There were no Europeans among them, but many mestizos, including several priests and lawyers. While the first reports, likely influenced by fear, may have overstated some details, both official and private letters agree that the conspiracy was long planned, widespread, and well-organized. The entire fleet and a large number of troops were away at the time, engaged in the expedition against Sulu. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]A section of the Manila garrison was supposed to rise at the same time as the revolt in Cavite, and thousands of locals were meant to attack the caras blancas (pale faces) and kill them. The conspiracy's failure seems to be due to a fortunate accident—the fact that one group of rebels mistook some rockets fired for a church festival as the agreed signal and launched their attack too early.11
Summing up.Let me be permitted, in conclusion, to bring together a few observations which have been scattered through the text, touching the relations of the Philippines with foreign countries, and briefly speculate thereon.
In summary.In closing, I’d like to gather a few thoughts that have been spread throughout the text regarding the Philippines' relationships with other countries and share some brief speculation on the matter.
Credit due Spain.Credit is certainly due to Spain for having bettered the condition of a people who, though comparatively speaking highly civilized, yet being continually distracted by petty wars, had sunk into a disordered and uncultivated state. The inhabitants of these beautiful islands, upon the whole, may well be considered to have lived as comfortably during the last hundred years, protected from all external enemies and governed by mild laws, as those of any other tropical country under native or European sway,—owing, in some measure, to the frequently discussed peculiar circumstances which protect the interests of the natives.
Credit to Spain. Spain deserves credit for improving the situation of a people who, although relatively civilized, had become disorganized and uncultivated due to constant small wars. Overall, the residents of these beautiful islands have lived quite comfortably over the last hundred years, shielded from outside threats and governed by gentle laws, similar to those in any other tropical country under native or European rule—partly due to the unique circumstances that consistently protect the interests of the locals.
Friars an important factor.The friars, also, have certainly had an essential part in the production of the results.
Friars are an important factor.The friars have definitely played a crucial role in achieving these outcomes.
Their defects have worked out for good.Sprung from the lowest orders, inured to hardship and want, and on terms of the closest intimacy with the natives, they were peculiarly fitted to introduce them to a practical conformity with the new religion and code of morality. Later on, also, when they possessed rich [353]livings, and their devout and zealous interest in the welfare of the masses relaxed in proportion as their incomes increased, they materially assisted in bringing about the circumstances already described, with their favorable and unfavorable aspects. Further, possessing neither family nor good education, they were disposed to associate themselves intimately with the natives and their requirements; and their arrogant opposition to the temporal power generally arose through their connection with the natives. With the altered condition of things, however, all this has disappeared. The colony can no longer be kept secluded from the world. Every facility afforded for commercial intercourse is a blow to the old system, and a great step made in the direction of broad and liberal reforms. The more foreign capital and foreign ideas and customs are introduced, increasing the prosperity, enlightenment, and self-respect of the population, the more impatiently will the existing evils be endured.
Their flaws have proven to be helpful. Coming from the lowest social classes, accustomed to hardship and scarcity, and having close relationships with the locals, they were particularly well-equipped to help them adapt to the new religion and moral code. Later, when they acquired wealthy [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] positions, their passionate concern for the well-being of the masses decreased as their earnings increased, and they played a significant role in creating the circumstances already mentioned, both good and bad. Furthermore, lacking family ties and a solid education, they were inclined to connect closely with the locals and their needs; their arrogant opposition to the ruling powers generally stemmed from their ties to the natives. However, with the changing circumstances, all of this has vanished. The colony can no longer remain isolated from the outside world. Every opportunity for trade is a setback for the old system and a major move towards broad and progressive reforms. As more foreign investment and new ideas and customs are introduced, enhancing the prosperity, enlightenment, and self-esteem of the community, the existing issues will be tolerated less and less.
Contrast with English colonies.England can and does open her possessions unconcernedly to the world. The British colonies are united to the mother country by the bond of mutual advantage, viz. the production of raw material by means of English capital, and the exchange of the same for English manufactures. The wealth of England is so great, the organization of her commerce with the world so complete, that nearly all the foreigners even in the British possessions are for the most part agents for English business houses, which would scarcely be affected, at least to any marked extent, by a political dismemberment. It is entirely different with Spain, which possesses the colony as an inherited property, and without the power of turning it to any useful account.
Contrast with English colonies.England can and does freely open her territories to the world. The British colonies are connected to the mother country through a relationship of mutual benefit, namely, the production of raw materials using English capital, and trading those for English manufactured goods. England's wealth is immense, and her commercial organization with the world is so thorough that most foreigners in the British colonies mainly work as representatives for English businesses, which would be hardly affected, at least not significantly, by any political separation. This situation is completely different for Spain, which sees the colony as an inherited asset, unable to utilize it effectively.
Menaces to Spanish rule.Government monopolies rigorously maintained, insolent disregard and neglect of the mestizos and powerful [354]creoles, and the example of the United States, were the chief reasons of the downfall of the American possessions. The same causes threaten ruin to the Philippines: but of the monopolies I have said enough.
Threats to Spanish authority.Government monopolies were strictly enforced, showing a blatant disregard and neglect of the mestizos and influential [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]creoles, along with the influence of the United States, which were the main reasons for the decline of the American territories. The same issues pose a risk to the Philippines: I have already said enough about the monopolies.
Growing American influence.Mestizos and creoles, it is true, are not, as they formerly were in America, excluded from all official appointments; but they feel deeply hurt and injured through the crowds of place-hunters which the frequent changes of ministries send to Manila. The influence, also, of the American element is at least visible on the horizon, and will be more noticeable when the relations increase between the two countries. At present they are very slender. The trade in the meantime follows in its old channels to England and to the Atlantic ports of the United States. Nevertheless, whoever desires to form an opinion upon the future history of the Philippines, must not consider simply their relations to Spain, but must have regard to the prodigious changes which a few decades produce on either side of our planet.
Rising American influence.Mestizos and creoles are no longer completely shut out from official positions in America, but they are still deeply hurt and offended by the influx of job-seekers that frequent changes in government bring to Manila. The American influence is starting to appear on the horizon and will be even more noticeable as relations between the two countries grow. Right now, those relations are quite limited. Meanwhile, trade continues in its usual routes to England and the Atlantic ports of the United States. Still, anyone looking to understand the future history of the Philippines shouldn't just focus on their ties to Spain but should also take into account the significant changes happening globally over the next few decades.
Powerful neighborsFor the first time in the history of the world the mighty powers on both sides of the ocean have commenced to enter upon a direct intercourse with one another—Russia, which alone is larger than any two other parts of the earth; China, which contains within its own boundaries a third of the population of the world; and America, with ground under cultivation nearly sufficient to feed treble the total population of the earth. Russia’s future role in the Pacific Ocean is not to be estimated at present.
Strong neighborsFor the first time in history, the major powers on both sides of the ocean have started to engage directly with each other—Russia, which is larger than any other two regions combined; China, which has a third of the world’s population within its borders; and America, with enough arable land to potentially feed three times the world’s total population. Russia’s future role in the Pacific Ocean can’t be determined at this point.
China and America.The trade between the two other great powers will therefore be presumably all the heavier, as the rectification of the pressing need of human labor on the one side, and of the corresponding overplus on the other, will fall to them.
China and the US.Trade between these two major powers will likely be much stronger since they will have to address the urgent need for labor on one side and the excess on the other.
[355]Nearing predominance of the Pacific.The world of the ancients was confined to the shores of the Mediterranean; and the Atlantic and Indian Oceans sufficed at one time for our traffic. When first the shores of the Pacific re-echoed with the sounds of active commerce, the trade of the world and the history of the world may be really said to have begun. A start in that direction has been made; whereas not so very long ago the immense ocean was one wide waste of waters, traversed from both points only once a year. From 1603 to 1769 scarcely a ship had ever visited California, that wonderful country which, twenty-five years ago, with the exception of a few places on the coast, was an unknown wilderness, but which is now covered with flourishing and prosperous towns and cities, served by a sea-to-sea railway, and its capital already ranking the third of the seaports of the Union; even at this early stage of its existence a central point of the world’s commerce, and apparently destined, by the proposed junction of the great oceans, to play a most important part in the future.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Reaching dominance in the Pacific.The ancient world was limited to the Mediterranean coasts; the Atlantic and Indian Oceans were enough for our trade at one point. When the Pacific shores first burst into lively commerce, that’s when global trade and history truly began. We’ve made a start in that direction; not too long ago, the vast ocean was just a huge expanse of water, crossed from either side only once a year. From 1603 to 1769, hardly any ships visited California, that amazing place which, just twenty-five years ago, apart from a few coastal towns, was an unknown wilderness. Now it’s filled with thriving towns and cities linked by a transcontinental railway, and its capital is already the third-largest port in the Union; even at this early stage of its development, it's becoming a central hub of global commerce, seemingly destined to play a significant role in the future with the planned connection of the great oceans.
The mission of America.In proportion as the navigation of the west coast of America extends the influence of the American element over the South Sea, the captivating, magic power which the great republic exercises over the Spanish colonies12 will not fail to make itself felt also in the Philippines, The Americans are evidently destined to bring to a full development the germs originated by the Spaniards. As conquerors of modern times, representing the age of free citizens in contrast to the age of knighthood, [356]they follow with the plow and the axe of the pioneer, where the former advanced under the sign of the cross with their swords.
America's mission.As navigation along the west coast of America increases, the influence of the American presence over the South Sea will strongly impact the Spanish colonies12. This influence will also be felt in the Philippines. The Americans are clearly meant to fully develop the seeds that the Spaniards planted. As modern conquerors, embodying the era of free citizens in contrast to the era of knighthood, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] they advance with the plow and axe of the pioneer, where the former came forward under the cross with their swords.
Superiority over Spanish system.A considerable portion of Spanish-America already belongs to the United States, and has since attained an importance which could not possibly have been anticipated either under the Spanish Government or during the anarchy which followed. With regard to permanence, the Spanish system cannot for a moment be compared with that of America. While each of the colonies, in order to favor a privileged class by immediate gains, exhausted still more the already enfeebled population of the metropolis by the withdrawal of the best of its ability, America, on the contrary, has attracted to itself from all countries the most energetic element, which, once on its soil and, freed from all fetters, restlessly progressing, has extended its power and influence still further and further. The Philippines will escape the action of the two great neighboring powers all the less for the fact that neither they nor their metropolis find their condition of a stable and well-balanced nature.
Better than the Spanish system.A significant part of Spanish-America is now part of the United States and has achieved a level of importance that no one could have predicted, either under Spanish rule or during the chaos that followed. In terms of stability, the Spanish system can't hold a candle to the American one. While each colony depleted the already weakened population of the homeland to benefit a privileged class with immediate rewards, America, in contrast, has drawn in the most ambitious individuals from all over the world. Once they arrive on American soil and shake off all restrictions, they contribute to continuous progress, expanding the country’s power and influence even more. The Philippines will be less able to avoid the impacts of the two large neighboring powers because neither they nor their homeland have a stable and balanced situation.
Need of Philippine awakening.It seems to be desirable for the Filipinos that the above-mentioned views should not speedily become accomplished facts, because their education and training hitherto have not been of a nature to prepare them successfully to compete with either of the other two energetic, creative, and progressive nations. They have, in truth, dreamed away their best days. [357]
Need for Philippine awakening.It seems important for Filipinos that the views mentioned above should not quickly become a reality, as their education and training so far haven't equipped them to successfully compete with the other two dynamic, creative, and forward-thinking nations. They have, in fact, wasted their best years. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
1 Magellan fell on April 27, struck by a poisoned arrow, on the small island of Mactan, lying opposite the harbor of Cebu. His lieutenant, Sebastian de Elcano, doubled the Cape of Good Hope, and on September 6, 1522, brought back one of the five ships with which Magellan set sail from St. Lucar in 1519, and eighteen men, with Pigafetta, to the same harbor, and thus accomplished the first voyage round the world in three years and fourteen days.
1 Magellan died on April 27, hit by a poisoned arrow, on the small island of Mactan, across from the harbor of Cebu. His lieutenant, Sebastian de Elcano, navigated around the Cape of Good Hope and on September 6, 1522, returned with one of the five ships that Magellan had set out with from St. Lucar in 1519, along with eighteen men, including Pigafetta, to the same harbor, completing the first journey around the world in three years and fourteen days.
2 1565 is the date for what is now the Philippines.—C.
2 1565 is the date for what is now the Philippines.—C.
3 Villalobos gave this name to one of the Southern islands and Legaspi extended it to the entire archipelago.—C.
3 Villalobos named one of the Southern islands, and Legaspi applied that name to the whole archipelago.—C.
4 “According to recent authors they were also named after Villalobos in 1543.—Morga, p. 5.
4 “Recent authors say they were also named after Villalobos in 1543.—Morga, p. 5.
5 According to Morga (p. 140) there was neither king nor governor, but in each island and province were numerous persons of rank, whose dependants and subjects were divided into quarters (barrios) and families. These petty rulers had to render homage by means of tributes from the crops (buiz), also by socage or personal service: but their relations were exempted from such services as were rendered by the plebeians (timauas). The dignities of the chieftains were hereditary, their honors descended also to their wives. If a chief particularly distinguished himself, then the rest followed him; but the Government retained to themselves the administration of the Barangays through their own particular officials. Concerning the system of slavery under the native rule, Morga says (p. 41, abbreviated),—“The natives of these islands are divided into three classes—nobles, timauas or plebeians, and the slaves of the former. There are different sorts of slaves: some in complete slavery (Saguiguilires), who work in the house, as also their children. Others live with their families in their own houses and render service to their lords at sowing and harvest-time, also as boatmen, or in the construction of houses, etc. They must attend as often as they are required, and give their services without pay or recompense of any kind. They are called Namarnahayes; and their duties and obligations descend to their children and successors. Of these Saguiguilires and Namamahayes a few are full slaves, some half slaves, and others quarter slaves.
5 According to Morga (p. 140), there was no king or governor, but on each island and in every province, there were many people of high status, whose dependents and subjects were organized into quarters (barrios) and families. These minor rulers had to pay tribute from their crops (buiz) and provide personal service. However, their relatives were exempt from the services required of the commoners (timauas). The titles of the chiefs were hereditary, and their honors were also passed down to their wives. If a chief excelled, the others would follow him; but the government retained control over the administration of the Barangays through their own officials. Regarding the system of slavery under native rule, Morga states (p. 41, abbreviated), —“The natives of these islands are divided into three classes—nobles, timauas or commoners, and the slaves of the nobles. There are different types of slaves: some are in complete slavery (Saguiguilires), who work in the house along with their children. Others live with their families in their own homes and serve their masters during planting and harvest time, as well as boatmen or in construction. They are required to work whenever needed and provide their services without any payment or compensation. They are called Namarnahayes; and their responsibilities and obligations are passed down to their children and heirs. Among these Saguiguilires and Namamahayes, some are full slaves, some are half slaves, and others are quarter slaves.
When, for instance, the mother or father was free, the only son would be half free, half slave. Supposing there were several sons, the first one inherits the father’s position, the second that of the mother. When the number is unequal the last one is half free and half slave; and the descendants born of such half slayes and those who are free are quarter slaves. The half slaves, whether or narnamahayes, serve their lords equally every month in turns. Half and quarter slaves can, by reason of their being partially free, compel their lord to give them their freedom at a previously determined and unfluctuating price: but full slaves do not possess this right. A namamahaye is worth half as much as a saguiguilire. All slaves are natives.”
When, for example, one parent is free, the only son would be partially free and partially enslaved. If there are several sons, the first inherits the father's status, the second inherits the mother's. When the numbers are unequal, the youngest is partially free and partially enslaved; the descendants born of these half slaves and those who are free are considered quarter slaves. The half slaves, whether known as narnamahayes, take turns serving their masters equally each month. Half and quarter slaves can, because they are partially free, force their master to grant them freedom at a fixed and agreed-upon price, but full slaves don’t have this right. A namamahaye is valued at half the price of a saguiguilire. All slaves are locals.
Again, at p. 143, he writes:—“A slave who has children by her lord is thereby freed together with her children. The latter, however, are not considered well born, and cannot inherit property; nor do the rights of nobility, supposing in such a case the father to possess any, descend to them.”
Again, at p. 143, he writes:—“A slave who has children with her master is freed along with her children. However, those children are not seen as legitimate and cannot inherit property; nor do the rights of nobility, if the father has any, pass down to them.”
6 He made the Filipinos of his encomienda of Vigan his heirs, and has ever been held in grateful memory.—C.
6 He made the Filipinos in his area of Vigan his heirs, and he has always been remembered with gratitude.—C.
8 Chamisso (“Observations and Views,” p. 72), thanks to the translator of Zuñiga, knew that he was in duty bound to dwell at some length over this excellent history; though Zuñiga’s narrative is always, comparatively speaking, short and to the point. The judiciously abbreviated English translation, however, contains many miscomprehensions.
8 Chamisso (“Observations and Views,” p. 72), thanks to Zuñiga's translator, realized he had to elaborate on this remarkable story; although Zuñiga's account is generally brief and direct. However, the wisely shortened English translation includes many misunderstandings.
9 Principally by hiring the assassination of the gifted native leader, Silang.—C.
9 Mainly by hiring the assassination of the talented local leader, Silang.—C.
10 Danger to Europeans, “Massacre of all white people,” was a frequent Spanish allegation in political disturbances, but the only proof ever given (the 9th degree Masonic apron stupidly attributed to the Katipunan in 1896) was absurd and irrelevant.—C.
10 Danger to Europeans, “Massacre of all white people,” was a common Spanish accusation during political unrest, but the only evidence ever presented (the 9th degree Masonic apron foolishly linked to the Katipunan in 1896) was ridiculous and unrelated.—C.
11 Professor Jagor here follows the report sent out by the authorities. There seems better ground for believing the affair to have been merely a military mutiny over restricting rights which was made a pretext for getting rid of those whose liberal views were objectionable to the government.—C.
11 Professor Jagor follows the report issued by the authorities. It seems more plausible to think that the situation was just a military mutiny over limited rights, which served as an excuse to eliminate individuals with views that the government found undesirable.—C.
12 I take the liberty, here, of citing an instance of this. In 1861, when I found myself on the West Coast of Mexico, a dozen backwoods families determined upon settling in Sonora (forming an oasis in the desert); a plan which was frustrated by the invasion at that time of the European powers. Many native farmers awaited the arrival of these immigrants in order to settle under their protection. The value of land in consequence of the announcement of the project rose very considerably.
12 I want to share an example of this. In 1861, when I was on the West Coast of Mexico, about twelve rural families decided to settle in Sonora (creating an oasis in the desert); a plan that was disrupted by the invasion of European powers at that time. Many local farmers were waiting for these immigrants to arrive so they could settle under their protection. As a result of this project being announced, the value of land increased significantly.
State of the Philippines in 1810
By Tomas de Comyn
By Tomas de Comyn
Population.The enumeration of the natives for the assessment of tributes, in the manner ordained by the standing regulations of the Intendants of New Spain, is not observed in the Philippine Islands; nor indeed would this be an easy task. The wide extent of the twenty-seven provinces of which they are composed, scattered, as they are, through the great space comprehended between the southern part of Mindanao, and the almost desert islands known by the name of Batanes and Babuyanes, to the north of that of Luzon, presents almost insurmountable obstacles, and in some measure affords an excuse for the omission. Among these obstacles may be mentioned the necessity of waiting for the favorable monsoon to set in, in order to perform the several voyages from one island to the other; the encumbered state of the grounds in many parts, the irregular and scattered situations of the settlements and dwellings, the variety among the natives and their dialects, the imperfect knowledge hitherto obtained of the respective limits and extent of many districts, the general want of guides and auxiliaries, on whom reliance can be placed, and, above all, the extreme repugnance the natives evince to the payment of tributes, a circumstance which induces them to resort to all kinds of stratagems, in order to elude the vigilance of the collectors, and conceal their real numbers.
Population.The counting of the natives for tax assessment, as required by the established rules of the Intendants of New Spain, is not followed in the Philippine Islands; and truthfully, it wouldn’t be an easy task. The vast area of the twenty-seven provinces, which are spread out between the southern part of Mindanao and the nearly barren islands known as Batanes and Babuyanes to the north of Luzon, presents nearly impossible challenges, providing some justification for the failure to carry this out. Among these challenges are the need to wait for the favorable monsoon to begin making the various trips from one island to another; the difficult terrain in many areas, the scattered and irregular locations of the settlements and homes, the diversity among the natives and their languages, the incomplete understanding of the boundaries and sizes of many regions, the general lack of reliable guides and helpers, and most importantly, the strong resistance the natives show towards paying taxes, which leads them to use all sorts of tricks to evade the collectors' watch and hide their true numbers.
Estimates.The quinquennial census, as regularly enjoined, being thus found impracticable, no other means are left than to deduce from the annual lists, transmitted by the district magistrates to the superintendent’s office, and those formed by the parish curates, a prudent estimate of the total number of inhabitants subject to our laws and religion; yet these data, although the only ones, and also the most accurate it is possible to obtain, for this reason, inspire so little confidence, that it is necessary to use them with great caution. It is evident that all the district magistrates and curates do not possess the same degree of care and minuteness in a research so important, and the omission or connivance of their respective delegates, more or less general, renders it probable that the number of tributes, not included in the annual returns, is very considerable. If to this we add the leged exemptions from tribute, justly granted to various [358]individuals for a certain number of years, or during the performance of special service, we shall easily be convinced of the imperfection of results, derived from such insecure principles. * * * I have carefully formed my estimates corresponding to the year 1810, and by confronting them with such data as I possess relating to the population of 1791, I have deduced the consoling assurance that, under a parity of circumstances, the population of these Islands, far from having diminished, has, in the interval, greatly increased.
Estimates. The five-year census, as regularly required, has been found impractical, leaving us no choice but to estimate the total number of people under our laws and religion based on the annual lists sent by the district magistrates to the superintendent’s office and those created by the parish curates. However, these data, while the only and most accurate ones we can get, inspire very little confidence, so we must use them with caution. It's clear that not all district magistrates and curates have the same level of care and detail in such an important task, and the absence or negligence of their respective delegates probably means that the number of taxes not reported in the annual returns is quite significant. Additionally, if we consider the legal exemptions from taxes that were fairly granted to various [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]individuals for several years or during specific service, we can easily recognize the flaws in results based on such unreliable principles. * * * I have carefully prepared my estimates for the year 1810, and by comparing them with the data I have regarding the population of 1791, I have concluded reassuringly that, under similar circumstances, the population of these Islands has not only not decreased but has significantly increased in the meantime.
Ratio to tributes.From the collective returns recently made out by the district magistrates, it would appear that the total number of tributes amounts to 386,654, which multiplied by six and one-half produces the sum of 2,515,406, at which I estimate the total population, including old men, women and children. I ought here to observe, that I have chosen this medium of six and one-half between the five persons estimated in Spain and eight in the Indies, as constituting each family, or entire tribute; for although the prodigious fecundity of the women in the latter hemisphere, and the facility of maintaining their numerous offspring, both the effects of the benignity of the climate and their sober way of living, sufficiently warrant the conclusion, that a greater number of persons enter into the composition of each family, I have, in this case, been induced to pay deference to the observations of religious persons, intrusted with the care of souls, who have assured me that, whether it be owing to the great mortality prevailing among children, or the influence of other local causes, in many districts each family, or entire tribute, does not exceed four and one-half persons.
Ratio to mentions.Based on the recent reports from district magistrates, it seems that the total number of tributes is 386,654. When you multiply that by six and a half, it gives a total population estimate of 2,515,406, which includes elderly people, women, and children. I should note that I've chosen the average of six and a half between the five people estimated in Spain and eight in the Indies for each family or entire tribute. Even though the high birthrate among women in the latter region and their ability to support many children—thanks to the favorable climate and their simple lifestyle—suggest that families might be larger, I have decided to consider the views of religious individuals responsible for the welfare of souls. They have informed me that, due to high child mortality rates or other local factors, in many areas, each family or entire tribute consists of no more than four and a half people.
Foreigners and wild tribes.To the above amount it is necessary to add 7,000 Sangleys (Chinese), who have been enumerated and subjected to tribute, for, although in the returns preserved in the public offices, they are not rated at more than 4,700, there are ample reasons for concluding, that many who are wandering about, or hidden in the provinces, have eluded the general census. The European Spaniards, and Spanish creoles and mestizos, do not exceed 4,000 persons, of both sexes and all ages, and the distinct castes or modifications known in America under the name of mulattos, quadroons, etc., although found in the Philippine Islands, are generally confounded in the three classes of pure natives, Chinese mestizos, and Chinese. Besides the above distinctions, various infidel and independent nations or tribes exist, more or less savage and ferocious, who have their dwellings in the woods and glens, and are distinguished by the respective names of Aetas, Ingolots, Negrillos, Igorots, Tinguianes, etc., nor is there scarcely a province in Luzon, that does not give shelter to [359]some of those isolated tribes, who inhabit and possess many of the mountainous ranges, which ramificate and divide the wide and extended plains of that beautiful island.
Foreigners and indigenous tribes.In addition to the above number, we must include 7,000 Sangleys (Chinese) who have been counted and are required to pay tribute. Even though the records kept in public offices show their number as no more than 4,700, there are good reasons to believe that many who are wandering around or hidden in the provinces have gone uncounted in the general census. The European Spaniards, along with Spanish creoles and mestizos, total no more than 4,000 people, of all genders and ages. The various groups or categories known in America as mulattos, quadroons, etc., are also present in the Philippine Islands but are generally grouped into three categories: pure natives, Chinese mestizos, and Chinese. Besides these classifications, there are various independent tribes or nations, more or less savage and fierce, living in the forests and valleys, known by names such as Aetas, Ingolots, Negrillos, Igorots, Tinguianes, and others. Almost every province in Luzon is home to some of these isolated tribes, who inhabit and own many of the mountain ranges that split up the vast and beautiful plains of the island.
Origin of race.The original race by which the Philippines are peopled, is beyond doubt Malayan, and the same that is observed in Sumatra, Java, Borneo, and the other islands of this immense archipelago. The Philippine Islanders, very different from the Malabars, whose features possess great regularity, sweetness, and even beauty, only resemble the latter in color, although they excel them in stature, and the good proportion of their limbs. The local population of the capital, in consequence of its continual communication with the Chinese and other Asiatics, with the mariners of various nations, with the soldiery and Mexican convicts, who are generally mulattos, and in considerable numbers sent to the Islands yearly in the way of transportation, has become a mixture of all kinds of nations and features, or rather a degeneration from the primitive races.
Origins of race.The original race that populates the Philippines is undoubtedly Malayan, similar to those found in Sumatra, Java, Borneo, and the other islands of this vast archipelago. The Philippine Islanders are quite different from the Malabars, whose features have a high degree of regularity, sweetness, and even beauty; they only share a similar skin tone. However, they surpass them in height and the proportion of their bodies. The local population of the capital has become a blend of various nations and features due to its ongoing interaction with the Chinese and other Asians, sailors from different countries, and soldiers and Mexican convicts—many of whom are mulattos—sent to the Islands in substantial numbers each year. This has resulted in a mixed demographic that reflects a decline from the original races.
Manila’s population.Manila, the capital of the Philippine Islands, at present contains a population of from one hundred forty to one hundred fifty thousand inhabitants, of all classes; but it ought, however, to be understood, that in this computation are included the populous suburbs of Santa Cruz, San Fernando, Binondo, Tondo, Quiapo, San Sebastian, San Anton, and Sampaloc; for although each is considered as a distinct town, having a separate curate, and civil magistrate of its own, the subsequent union that has taken place rather makes them appear as a prolongation of the city, divided into so many wards and parishes, in the center of which their respective churches are built. Among the chief provincial towns, several are found to contain a population of from twenty to thirty thousand souls, and many not less than ten to twelve thousand. Finally, it is a generally received opinion that, besides the Moros and independent tribes, the total population of the Philippine Islands, subject to the authority of the king, is equal to three millions.
Population of Manila. Manila, the capital of the Philippines, currently has a population of around one hundred forty to one hundred fifty thousand people from all backgrounds. However, it’s important to note that this number includes the crowded neighborhoods of Santa Cruz, San Fernando, Binondo, Tondo, Quiapo, San Sebastian, San Anton, and Sampaloc. Although each of these areas is considered its own town, with separate religious and local government leaders, their close connection makes them seem like extensions of the city, divided into various wards and parishes where their churches are located. Among the major provincial towns, several have populations ranging from twenty to thirty thousand residents, and many have no less than ten to twelve thousand. Overall, it’s widely believed that, excluding the Moros and independent tribes, the total population of the Philippines, under the king’s authority, is around three million.
Cotton.Among the varied productions of the Philippines, for many reasons, none is so deserving of attention as cotton. Its whiteness and find staple give to it such a superiority over that of the rest of Asia, and possibly of the world, that the Chinese anxiously seek it, in order pereferably to employ it in their most perfect textures, and purchase it thirty per cent dearer than the best from British India. Notwithstanding this extraordinary allurement, the vicinity of a good market, and the positive certainty that, however great the exportation, the growth can never equal the consumption and immense [360]demand for this article, it has, nevertheless, hitherto been found impossible to extend and improve its cultivation, in such a way as to render it a staple commodity of the country. Owing to this lamentable neglect, is it, that the annual exportation does not exceed five thousand “arrobas” (125,000 lbs.) whereas the British import into China at the annual rate of 100,000 bales, or 1,200,000 “arrobas,” produced in their establishments at Bombay and Calcutta, and which, sold at the medium price of fifteen “taels,” for one hundred thirty pounds, yield the net amount of $4,800,000.
Cotton.Among the diverse products of the Philippines, none is more worthy of attention than cotton for several reasons. Its whiteness and fine quality give it an edge over other cottons in Asia and possibly around the world, leading the Chinese to eagerly seek it out for their finest textiles, paying thirty percent more than for the best cotton from British India. Despite this incredible demand, the closeness to a strong market, and the undeniable fact that no matter how much is exported, production can never meet the massive consumption and demand for this product, it has still been impossible to expand and improve its cultivation to establish it as a staple commodity in the country. Due to this unfortunate oversight, yearly exports do not exceed five thousand “arrobas” (125,000 lbs.), while British imports into China reach an annual total of 100,000 bales, or 1,200,000 “arrobas,” produced in their facilities in Bombay and Calcutta, which, sold at an average price of fifteen “taels” for one hundred thirty pounds, generate a net income of $4,800,000.
Its advantages.This want of attention to so important a branch of agriculture is the more to be regretted, as the Islands abound in situations peculiarly adapted for the cultivation of cotton, and the accidental failure of the crops in some provinces, might easily be made up by their success in others. The culture of this plant is besides extremely easy, as it requires no other labor than clearing the grounds from brush-wood, and lightly turning up the earth with a plough, before the seeds are scattered, which being done, the planter leaves the crop to its own chance, and in five months gathers abundant fruit, if, at the time the bud opens, it is not burnt by the north winds, or rotted with unseasonable showers.
Its benefits.This lack of attention to such an important area of agriculture is especially regrettable, as the Islands have many locations that are perfectly suited for growing cotton. If crops fail in some regions, the success in others can easily compensate for that loss. Growing this plant is also quite simple; it only requires clearing the land of brush and lightly tilling the soil with a plow before scattering the seeds. Once that's done, the planter can leave the crop to its own devices, and in five months, they can gather a plentiful harvest, as long as the buds aren't damaged by the north winds or ruined by unexpected heavy rain.
Restricted cultivation.The provinces of Ilocos and Batangas are the only ones in which the cultivation of cotton is pursued with any degree of zeal and care, and it greatly tends to enrich the inhabitants. This successful example has not, however, hitherto excited emulation in those of the other provinces; and thus the only production of the Philippine Islands, of which the excellence and superior demand in trade are as well known as its culture is easy, owing to strange fatality and causes which will be hereafter noticed, is left almost in a neglected state, or, at most, confined to the narrow limits of local consumption.
Limited farming.The provinces of Ilocos and Batangas are the only ones where cotton is grown with any real enthusiasm and care, significantly benefiting the local residents. However, this successful example has not inspired others in the different provinces to follow suit; as a result, the only product from the Philippine Islands that is well-known for its quality and demand in trade, and is easy to cultivate, remains largely neglected or, at best, limited to local use.
Indigo.Pangasinan, Pampanga, Bataan, La Laguna, Tayabas and Camarines produce indigo of various classes, and, although its preparation or the extraction of the dye, is in most of the above provinces still performed in an equally imperfect manner, several small improvements have recently been made, which have bettered the quality, more particularly in La Laguna, the only district in which attempts have been made to imitate the process used in Guatemala, as well with regard to the construction and number of vats necessary, as the precipitation of the coloring particles—detached from the plant by the agitation of the water. In the other places, the whole of the operations are performed in a single vat, and the indigo obtained is not unfrequently impregnated with lime and other extraneous substances.
Indigo color.Pangasinan, Pampanga, Bataan, La Laguna, Tayabas, and Camarines produce indigo in different varieties. While the method used for preparing or extracting the dye is still somewhat imperfect in most of these provinces, there have been a few recent improvements that have enhanced the quality, especially in La Laguna. This is the only area where efforts have been made to replicate the process used in Guatemala, both in terms of the construction and number of vats needed and the way the coloring particles are separated from the plant through water agitation. In other locations, all the processes are carried out in a single vat, leading to indigo that is often contaminated with lime and other unwanted substances.
[361]Increasing culture.Whatever may have been the causes of this evident backwardness, from the period of the establishment of the Philippine Company in these Islands, and in consequence of the exertions of some of the directors to promote the cultivation of indigo, at that time very little known, the natives have slowly, though gradually, been reconciled to it; and discovering it to be one of the most advantageous branches of industry, although accompanied with some labor and exposed to the influence of droughts and excessive heats, as well as to the risks attendant on the extraordinary anticipation of the rainy seasons, have of late years paid more attention to it. The quintal of indigo of the first class costs the planter from $35 to $40 at most; and in the market of Manila it has been sold from $60 to $130, according to the quality and the greater or lesser demand for the article at the season. As, however, everything in this colony moves within a small circle, it is not possible to obtain large quantities for exportation; not only because of the risk in advancing the Indian sums of money on account of his crop, but also owing to the annual surplus seldom exceeding from two to two thousand five hundred distributed in many hands, and collected by numerous agents, equally interested in making up their return-cargoes.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Growing culture.Whatever the reasons for this clear lack of progress, since the Philippine Company was established in these Islands, some of the directors have worked hard to promote the cultivation of indigo, which was not well-known at that time. The locals have gradually become more accepting of it and have realized it can be a profitable industry, even though it requires some labor and is vulnerable to droughts and extreme heat, as well as the unpredictability of the rainy season. In recent years, they’ve paid more attention to it. A quintal of first-class indigo costs the planter about $35 to $40, while in the Manila market, it can sell for between $60 and $130, depending on the quality and current demand. However, since everything in this colony operates on a small scale, it's difficult to gather large quantities for export. This is not only due to the risks involved in advancing funds to the local farmers based on their crops but also because the annual surplus rarely exceeds two to two thousand five hundred quintals, which are distributed among many cultivators and collected by numerous agents, all of whom are invested in making their return shipments.
Sugar.The cultivation of the sugar-cane is more or less extended to all the provinces of these Islands, owing to its consumption among the natives being both great and general; but those of La Pampanga and Pangasinan are more particularly devoted to it. These two provinces alone annually produce about 550,000 arrobas (13,750,000 lbs.) of which one-third is usually exported in Chinese and other foreign vessels. In extraordinary seasons, the amount exported greatly exceeds the quantity above stated, as, for example, happened in the monsoon of 1796, when the planters came down to the port of Manila, and by contract exported upwards of nine millions weight, of the first and second qualities. The price of this article has experienced many variations of late years; but the medium may be estimated at $6 for one hundred twenty-five pounds of the first quality, and $5 for the second.
Sugar.The growing of sugar cane is widespread across all the provinces of these Islands, mainly because the locals consume a lot of it. However, La Pampanga and Pangasinan are especially focused on it. These two provinces alone produce around 550,000 arrobas (13,750,000 lbs.) every year, with about one-third typically exported on Chinese and other foreign ships. During exceptional years, the amount exported can be much higher than this, as happened in the monsoon of 1796 when the planters went to the port of Manila and exported over nine million pounds of first and second quality sugar. The price of sugar has fluctuated quite a bit in recent years; a rough average is about $6 for 125 pounds of the first quality and $5 for the second.
Method of Manufacture.The superior quality of the sugar of the Philippines is acknowledged, when compared to that produced in the Island of Java, China, or Bengal; notwithstanding in the latter countries it may naturally be concluded that greater pains and care are bestowed on its manufacture. The pressure of the cane in the Philippine Islands is performed by means of two coarse stone cylinders, placed on the ground, and moved in opposite directions by the slow and [362]unequal pace of a “carabao,” a species of ox or buffalo, peculiar to this and other Asiatic countries. The juice is conveyed to an iron caldron, and in this the other operations of boiling, skimming and cleansing take place, till the crystallization or adhering of the sugar is completed. All these distinct parts of the process, in other colonies, are performed in four separate vessels, confided to different hands, and consequently experience a much greater degree of care and dexterity. After being properly clayed, the sugars acquire such a state of consistency that, when shipped in canvas bags, they become almost petrified in the course of the voyage, without moistening or purging, as I understand is the case with those of Bengal.
Manufacturing process.The high quality of sugar from the Philippines is recognized when compared to that produced in Java, China, or Bengal; even though it's fair to assume that those countries invest more effort and care into their manufacturing processes. In the Philippines, the sugarcane is pressed using two rough stone cylinders placed on the ground, which move in opposite directions thanks to the slow and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]uneven pace of a “carabao,” a type of ox or buffalo found in this and other Asian regions. The juice is then directed into an iron caldron, where boiling, skimming, and cleaning occur until the sugar crystallizes and adheres properly. In other colonies, each of these distinct steps is carried out in four separate vessels, managed by different individuals, resulting in a far greater level of care and skill. Once properly clayed, the sugars reach a consistency that allows them to almost petrify in canvas bags during transit, without absorbing moisture or impurities, unlike what I understand happens with sugar from Bengal.
Silk.Among the useful objects to which the Patriotic Society of Manila (Amigos del Pais) directed their attention, from the very moment of their formation, the planting of mulberry trees seems to have met with peculiar encouragement. The society rightly judged that the naturalization of so valuable a commodity as silk in these Islands would materially increase the resources of the colony, and there was reason to hope that, besides local consumption, the growth might in time be so much extended as to supply the wants of New Spain, which are not less than 80,000 lbs., amounting to from $350,000 to $400,000, conveyed there in the galleon annually sent to the port of Acapulco, by the Manila merchants, which article they are now compelled to contract for in China.
Silk.Among the useful initiatives that the Patriotic Society of Manila (Amigos del Pais) focused on from the moment it was established, the planting of mulberry trees received special encouragement. The society correctly recognized that cultivating such a valuable resource as silk in these Islands would significantly enhance the colony's wealth, and there was hope that, in addition to local demand, the production could eventually expand enough to meet the needs of New Spain, which require at least 80,000 lbs. This amounts to between $350,000 and $400,000, transported annually via galleon to the port of Acapulco by Manila merchants, who currently have to import it from China.
Mulberry trees.The Society gave the first impulse to this laudable project, and then the governor of the Islands, Don José Basco, anxious to realize it, with this view sent Colonel Charles Conely on a special commission to the province of Camarines. This zealous officer and district magistrate, in the years 1786–1788 caused 4,485,782 mulberry trees to be planted in the thirty districts under his jurisdiction; and incalculable are the happy results which would have attended a plan so extensive, and commenced with so much vigor, if it could have been continued with the same zeal by his successor, and not at once destroyed, through a mistaken notion of humanity, with which, soon after the departure of Governor Basco, they proceeded to exonerate the Filipinos from all agricultural labor that was not free and spontaneous, in conformity, as was then alleged, to the general spirit of our Indian legislation. As it was natural to expect, the total abandonment of this valuable branch followed a measure so fatal, and notwithstanding the efforts subsequently made by the Royal Company, in order to obtain its restoration, as well in Camarines [363]as the Province of Tondo, all their exertions were in vain, though it must be allowed that at the time several untoward circumstances contributed to thwart their anxious wishes. Notwithstanding this failure, the project, far from being deemed impracticable, would beyond all doubt succeed, and, under powerful patronage, completely answer the well-founded hopes of its original conceivers and promoters. The natives themselves would soon be convinced of the advantages to be derived from the possession of an article, in so many ways applicable to their own fine textures, and besides the variety of districts in the Islands, proved to be suitable to the cultivation of this interesting tree, it is a known fact that many of the old mulberry groves are still in existence.
Mulberry trees.The Society initiated this commendable project, and then the governor of the Islands, Don José Basco, eager to see it happen, sent Colonel Charles Conely on a special mission to the province of Camarines. This dedicated officer and district magistrate, between 1786 and 1788, arranged for the planting of 4,485,782 mulberry trees across the thirty districts he oversaw; the positive outcomes from such a large-scale effort, started with such enthusiasm, would have been immense, if only his successor had continued with the same commitment. Instead, soon after Governor Basco left, they mistakenly decided to release the Filipinos from all agricultural work that wasn’t free and voluntary, claiming it aligned with the general principles of our Indian legislation. As expected, this drastic move led to the total neglect of this valuable crop, and despite the Royal Company's later attempts to reinstate it in both Camarines [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]and the Province of Tondo, their efforts were futile, although it must be acknowledged that several unfortunate circumstances at the time hindered their hopeful intentions. Regardless of this setback, the project was by no means unfeasible; with strong support, it would undoubtedly fulfill the valid expectations of its original creators and supporters. The locals themselves would quickly recognize the benefits of having a resource that could be used in many ways for their beautiful textiles, and with the variety of regions in the Islands well-suited for cultivating this remarkable tree, it’s a known fact that many of the old mulberry orchards still exist.
Beeswax.The Bisayas, Cagayan, and many other provinces, produce wax in considerable abundance, which the Indians collect from the natural hives formed in the cavities of the trees, and it is also brought down by the infidel natives from the mountains to the neighboring towns. The quality certainly is not the best, and notwithstanding attempts have been made to cleanse it from the extraneous particles with which it is mixed, it always leaves a considerable sediment on the lower part of the cakes, and never acquires an entire whiteness. Its consumption is great, especially in the capital, and after supplying the wants of the country, an annual surplus of from six hundred to eight hundred quintals is appropriated for exportation.
Beeswax.The Bisayas, Cagayan, and many other provinces produce a lot of wax, which the locals collect from natural hives found in tree cavities. It's also brought down by the local tribes from the mountains to nearby towns. The quality isn't the best, and even though attempts have been made to clean it of impurities, it always leaves a noticeable sediment at the bottom of the cakes and never becomes completely white. Its demand is high, especially in the capital, and after meeting the country's needs, there’s an annual surplus of about six hundred to eight hundred quintals set aside for export.
Neglected market.This certainly might be converted into an article of extreme importance, especially for the kingdom of Peru, which in peaceable times receives its supplies from Spain, and even from the Island of Cuba; but for this purpose it would be necessary to adopt the plan recommended by the enlightened zeal of the Patriotic Society and previously encourage the establishment of artificial hives and the plantation of aromatic and flowering shrubs, which so easily attract and secure the permanency of the roving swarms, always ready to undertake fresh labors. This, as well as many other points, has hitherto been entirely overlooked.
Abandoned market. This could definitely be turned into something extremely important, especially for the kingdom of Peru, which in peaceful times gets its supplies from Spain and even from Cuba. To make this happen, it would be essential to follow the plan suggested by the dedicated members of the Patriotic Society and to promote the creation of artificial hives and the planting of aromatic and flowering shrubs, which easily attract and help keep the roaming swarms that are always ready to take on new tasks. This, along with many other aspects, has been completely ignored so far.
Black pepper.The production is cultivated in the Provinces of Tayabas, Batangas, and La Laguna, but in such small quantities, that, notwithstanding the powerful allurements of all kinds constantly held out by the Royal Company during the long period of twenty years, their agents have never been able to collect in more than about 64,000 lbs. annually. After every encouragement, the most that has been attained with the natives, is confined to their planting in some districts fifty to one hundred pepper-vines round their huts, [364]which they cultivate in the same way as they would plots of flowers, but without any other labor than supporting the plant with a proportioned stake, clearing the ground from weeds, and attending to daily irrigation.
Black pepper. The production is grown in the provinces of Tayabas, Batangas, and La Laguna, but in such small amounts that, despite the enticing offers constantly made by the Royal Company for over twenty years, their agents have never managed to collect more than about 64,000 lbs. annually. Despite all the encouragement, the best they’ve achieved with the locals is getting them to plant fifty to one hundred pepper vines around their huts in certain areas, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] which they tend to like they would with flower beds, but with minimal effort—just propping up the plants with stakes, weeding the area, and watering them daily.
A possibility.This article therefore scarcely deserves a place amongst the flourishing branches of agriculture, at least till it has been raised from its present depressed state, and the grounds laid out in regular and productive pepper-groves. Till this is done, to a corresponding extent, it must also be excluded from the number of productions furnished by these Islands to commerce and exportation; more particularly if we consider that, notwithstanding the great fragrance of the grain, as well as its general superiority over the rest of Asia, so great a difference exists in the actual price, that this can never be compensated by its greater request in the markets of Europe, and much less enable it to compete with that of the British and Dutch, till its abundance has considerably lowered its primitive value.
An option.This article hardly deserves a place among the thriving fields of agriculture, at least until it has been improved from its current low state, and the land has been organized into proper and productive pepper groves. Until that happens to a sufficient extent, it must also be excluded from the list of products these Islands provide for trade and export; especially considering that, despite the strong scent of the grain and its overall superiority over other regions in Asia, the price difference is so significant that it can never be offset by its higher demand in European markets, let alone allow it to compete with British and Dutch prices, until its supply has significantly reduced its original value.
Not popular.Finally, although an infinity of grounds are to be found adapted to the rapid propagation of pepper-vines, as may easily be inferred from the analogy and proximity of the Philippine Islands to the others of this same archipelago, so well known for their growth of spices, it must be confessed that it is a species of culture by no means popular among the Philippine natives, and it would be almost requiring too much from their inconstancy of character, to wish them to dedicate their lands and time to the raising of a production which, besides demanding considerable care, is greatly exposed to injury, and even liable to be destroyed by the severity of the storms, which frequently mark the seasons. With difficulty would they be induced to wait five years before they were able to gather the uncertain fruits of their labor and patience. If, therefore, it should ever be deemed a measure of policy to encourage the growth of black pepper, it will be necessary for the government to order the commons belonging to each town, and adapted to this species of plantation, to be appropriated to this use, by imposing on the inhabitants the obligation of taking care of them, and drawing from the respective coffers of each community the necessary funds for the payment of the laborers, and the other expenses of cultivation. If this cannot be done, it will be necessary to wait till the general condition of the country is improved, when through the spirit of emulation, and the enterprises of the planters being duly patronized and supported, present difficulties may be overcome, and the progressive results of future attempts will be then found to combine the interests of individuals with the general welfare of the colony.
Not trendy.Finally, even though there are countless suitable locations for the rapid growth of pepper vines, as can be easily understood from how the Philippine Islands relate to others in the same archipelago known for their spice production, it's important to admit that this form of agriculture isn't popular among the Filipino natives. It would be asking too much of their inconsistent nature to expect them to commit their land and time to cultivating a crop that not only requires a lot of care but is also at a high risk of damage, particularly from the severe storms that often occur during certain seasons. They would struggle to wait five years to see any uncertain results from their hard work and patience. Therefore, if it is ever deemed necessary to promote the growth of black pepper, the government will need to designate communal lands in each town suitable for this type of farming, mandating that locals tend to these lands while also using community funds to pay for labor and other cultivation costs. If this cannot be achieved, we will have to wait until the overall situation in the country improves, when a spirit of competition and support for planters may help overcome current challenges, leading to future efforts that align individual interests with the broader well-being of the colony.
[365]Coffee.So choice is the quality of the coffee produced in the Island of Luzon, especially in the districts of Indang and Silang, in the province of Cavite, that if it is not equal to that of Mocha, I at least consider it on parallel with the coffee of Bourbon; but, as the consumption and cultivation are extremely limited, it cannot with any propriety be yet numbered among the articles contributing to the export-trade.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Coffee. The quality of the coffee grown on the Island of Luzon, particularly in the areas of Indang and Silang in Cavite Province, is so exceptional that, while it may not quite match Mocha, I would say it is comparable to Bourbon coffee. However, due to its very limited cultivation and consumption, it isn’t really considered a part of the export trade yet.
Cocoa.Cocoa is something more attended to, in consequence of the use of chocolate being greatly extended among the natives of easy circumstances. That of the Island of Cebu, is esteemed superior to the cocoa of Guayaquil, and possibly it is not excelled by that of Soconusco. As, however, the quantity raised does not suffice for the local consumption, Guayaquil cocoa meets a ready sale, and is generally brought in return-cargo by the ships coming from Acapulco, and those belonging to the Philippine company dispatched from Callao, the shipping port of Lima.
Chocolate.Cocoa has received more attention lately because the use of chocolate has become more popular among the well-off locals. Cocoa from the Island of Cebu is considered better than that from Guayaquil and probably rivals that of Soconusco. However, since the amount produced isn’t enough for local needs, Guayaquil cocoa sells well and is usually brought back as cargo by ships coming from Acapulco and those belonging to the Philippine company dispatched from Callao, the shipping port of Lima.
The cultivation of these two articles in the Philippines is on the same footing as that of pepper, which, as above stated, is rather an object of luxury and recreation than one of speculation among the Filipinos. The observations and rules pointed out in the preceding article, are, in a general sense, applicable to both these branches of industry.
The cultivation of these two products in the Philippines is similar to that of pepper, which, as mentioned earlier, is more of a luxury and pastime than a source of speculation for Filipinos. The observations and guidelines outlined in the previous article generally apply to both areas of this industry.
Cinnamon.Cinnamon groves, or trees of wild cinnamon, are to be found in every province. In Mindanao, a Dutchman, some years ago, was employed by orders of the government, in examining the forests and making experiments, with a view to discover the same tree of this species that has given so much renown to Ceylon; but, whether it was owing to a failure in the discovery, or, when the plant was found, as at the time was said to be the case, the same results were not produced, from the want of skill in preparing, or stripping off the bark; certain it is, that the laudable attempt totally failed, or rather the only advantage gained, has been the extracting from the bark and more tender parts of the branches of the tree, an oil or essence of cinnamon, vigorous and aromatic in the extreme.
Cinnamon spice.Cinnamon groves, or wild cinnamon trees, can be found in every province. In Mindanao, a Dutchman was hired by the government several years ago to explore the forests and conduct experiments to find the tree of this species that has made Ceylon famous. However, whether it was due to failing to find the tree, or because when it was discovered it didn't produce the same results as before, possibly due to a lack of skill in preparing or stripping the bark, it's clear that the commendable effort completely failed. The only benefit that came from it was extracting a strong and highly aromatic oil or essence from the bark and softer parts of the tree's branches.
Experiment in Laguna.About the same time, a land-owner of the name Salgado, undertook to form an extensive plantation of the same species in the province of La Laguna, and succeeded in seeing upwards of a million cinnamon trees thrive and grow to a considerable size; but at last, he was reluctantly compelled to desist from his enterprise, by the same reasons which led to the failure of Mindanao.
Experiment in Laguna Beach.Around the same time, a landowner named Salgado set out to create a large plantation of the same species in the province of La Laguna and managed to nurture over a million cinnamon trees to a significant size. However, he eventually had to give up on his venture for the same reasons that caused the failure in Mindanao.
[366]Need of experienced cultivators.These facts are of sufficient authority for our placing the cinnamon tree among the indigenous productions of the Philippine Islands and considering their general excellence above those of the same nature in the rest of Asia, it may reasonably be concluded that, without the tree being identically the same, the cinnamon with which it is clothed will be found finer than that yielded by the native plant of the Island of Ceylon, and this circumstance, consequently, holds out a hope that, in the course of time, it may become an article of traffic, as estimable as it would be new. In order, however, that this flattering prospect may be realized, it will be requisite for the government to procure some families, or persons from the above island, acquainted with the process of stripping off the bark and preparing the cinnamon, by dexterously offering allurements, corresponding to the importance of the service, which, although in itself it may probably be an extremely simple operation, as long as it is unknown, will be an insuperable obstacle to the propagation of so important an agricultural pursuit.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Demand for skilled farmers.These facts provide enough evidence for us to classify the cinnamon tree as one of the native products of the Philippine Islands. Given its overall quality, which surpasses that of similar products found in the rest of Asia, it’s reasonable to conclude that, even if the tree isn’t exactly the same, the cinnamon it bears will likely be finer than that produced by the native plant of Ceylon. This suggests that, over time, it could become a valuable trade item, both esteemed and unique. However, for this promising opportunity to come to fruition, the government will need to bring in families or individuals from Ceylon who know how to strip the bark and prepare the cinnamon. It’s important to provide incentives that reflect the significance of this task, because while the process may seem straightforward, lacking the necessary expertise could severely hinder the development of such a crucial agricultural venture.
Nutmeg.Two species of nutmeg are known here, the one in shape resembling a pigeon’s egg, and the other of a perfectly spherical form; but both are wild and little aromatic, and consequently held in no great esteem.
Nutmeg spice. There are two types of nutmeg known here: one is shaped like a pigeon’s egg, and the other is perfectly round. However, both are wild and have little aroma, so they aren't considered very valuable.
Rice.Rice is the bread and principal aliment of these natives, for which reason, although its cultivation is among the most disagreeable departments of husbandry, they devote themselves to it with astonishing constancy and alacrity, so as to form a complete contrast with their characteristic indifference in most other respects. This must, however, be taken as a certain indication of the possibility of training them up to useful labor; whenever they can be led on in a proper manner.
Rice.Rice is the main food and a staple for these natives, which is why, even though growing it is one of the most unpleasant tasks in farming, they commit to it with impressive dedication and enthusiasm, creating a stark contrast with their usual indifference in many other areas. However, this should be seen as a clear sign that it's possible to teach them to engage in productive work, as long as they are guided in the right way.
High yield.The earth corresponds with surprising fertility to the labors of the Filipino, rewarding him, in the good seasons, with ninety, and even as high as one hundred per cent; a fact I have fully ascertained and of which I besides possess undoubted proofs, obtained from the parish-curates of La Pampanga. As, however, the provinces are frequently visited with dreadful hurricanes (called in the country, baguios), desolated by locusts, and exposed to the effects of the great irregularities of nature, which, in these climes, often acts in extreme, the crops of this grain are precarious, or at least, no reliance can be placed on a certain surplus allowing an annual exportation to China. On this account, rice cannot be placed in the list of those articles which give support to the external trade.
High return. The earth surprisingly rewards the hard work of the Filipino with great fertility, providing him with yields of ninety, and sometimes even one hundred percent during good seasons; this is a fact I've confirmed and have solid evidence for, obtained from the parish curates of La Pampanga. However, the provinces often face terrible hurricanes (called baguios in the country), are devastated by locusts, and are subjected to severe weather irregularities that can be extreme in these regions. As a result, the crops of this grain are uncertain, and it's difficult to count on a stable surplus for annual export to China. For this reason, rice can't be considered one of the products that support external trade.
[367]Dye and cabinet woods.The “sibucao,” or logwood, and ebony, in both which these islands abound, are the only woods in any tolerable request. The first is sold with advantage in Bengal, and the other meets a ready sale in the ports of China, in the absence of that brought from the Island of Bourbon, which is a quality infinitely superior. Both are however, articles of no great consumption, for, being bulky and possessing little intrinsic value, they will not bear the high charges of freight and other expenses, attendant on the navigation of the Asiatic seas, and can only suit the shipper, as cargo, who is anxious not to return to the above countries in ballast. Hence, as an object of export trade, these articles cannot be estimated at more than $30,000 per annum.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Wood dyes and cabinetry.The “sibucao,” or logwood, and ebony are the only woods that are somewhat in demand from these islands. Sibucao sells well in Bengal, while ebony has a steady market in the ports of China, especially since it’s hard to find the higher quality ebony from the Island of Bourbon. However, both types of wood aren't widely consumed because they're bulky and have little intrinsic value. They can't justify the high shipping costs and other expenses involved in navigating the Asian seas, making them suitable only for shippers who don’t want to return empty from those countries. Therefore, as an export trade item, these woods are valued at no more than $30,000 a year.
Timber.I deem it superfluous to dwell on a multitude of other good and even precious woods in timber, with which the Philippine Islands are gifted, because this is a subject already sufficiently well understood, and a complete collection of specimens, as well as some large blocks, were besides transmitted some years ago to the king’s dockyard. It may, however, be proper to remark, that the establishment near the capital for shipbuilding and masts, are much more expensive than is generally supposed, as well on account of the difficulties experienced in dragging the trees from the interior of the mountains to the water’s edge, as the want of regularity and foresight with which these operations have been usually conducted. Besides these reasons, as it is necessary that the other materials requisite for the construction and complete armament of vessels of a certain force, should come from Europe, it is neither easy, nor indeed, would it be economical, as was erroneously asserted, to carry into effect the government project of annually building, in the colony, a ship of the line and a frigate. It ought further to be observed, that no stock of timber, cut at a proper season and well cured, has been lain in, and although the wages of the native carpenters and caulkers are moderate, no comparison whatever can be made between the daily work they perform, and that which is done in the same space of time in our dock-yards of Spain.
Wood.I think it’s unnecessary to elaborate on the many valuable types of wood found in the Philippines because this topic is already well known. A complete collection of samples, as well as some large logs, were sent to the king’s dockyard a few years ago. However, it’s worth mentioning that the shipbuilding and mast production near the capital is much more costly than people realize. This is due to the challenges of transporting trees from the mountains to the water and the lack of consistency and planning in how this work is usually done. Additionally, since other materials needed to build and fully equip larger vessels must be imported from Europe, it’s not easy or economical, as was mistakenly claimed, to implement the government’s plan to annually build a ship of the line and a frigate in the colony. It should also be noted that there is no stock of timber that has been cut at the right time and properly dried, and while the wages for local carpenters and caulkers are reasonable, their productivity cannot be compared to what is achieved in our shipyards in Spain.
Ship building advantages.Notwithstanding, however, the impediments above stated, as it is undeniable that abundance of suitable timber is to be obtained, and as the conveyance of the remainder of the necessary naval stores to the Philippine Islands is shorter and more economical than to the coast of California, it possibly might answer, at least, many mariners are of this opinion, in case it is deemed expedient to continue building at San Blas the brigs and corvettes necessary [368]for the protection of the military posts and missions, situated along the above coasts, to order them preferably to be built in Cavite giving timely advice, and previously taking care to make the necessary arrangements.
Shipbuilding advantages.Despite the challenges mentioned earlier, it’s clear that there is a lot of suitable timber available, and shipping the rest of the needed naval supplies to the Philippine Islands is quicker and more cost-effective than sending them to California. Many sailors believe it could be beneficial, especially if it makes sense to continue building brigs and corvettes in San Blas for the protection of military posts and missions along those coasts. It would be better to have them built in Cavite, provided that timely notice is given and the necessary arrangements are made beforehand. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
Gold.Gold abounds in Luzon and in many of the other islands; but as the mountains which conceal it are in possession of the pagan tribes, the mines are not worked; indeed it may be said they are scarcely known. These mountaineers collect it in the brooks and streamlets, and in the form of dust, offer it to the Christians who inhabit the neighboring plains, in exchange for coarse goods and fire-arms; and it has sometimes happened that they have brought it down in grains of one and two ounces weight. The natives of the province of Camarines partly devote themselves to the working of the mines of Mambulao and Paracale, which have the reputation of being very rich; but, far from availing themselves in the smallest degree of the advantages of art, they content themselves with extracting the ore by means of an extremely imperfect fusion, which is done by placing the mineral in shells and then heating them on embers. A considerable waste consequently takes place, and although the metal obtained is good and high colored, it generally, passes into the hands of the district-magistrate, who collects it at a price infinitely lower than it is worth in trade. It is a generally received opinion that gold mines are equally to be met with in the Province of Caraga, situated on the coasts of the great Island of Mindanao, where, as well as in other points, this metal is met with equal to twenty-two karats. The quantity, however, hitherto brought down from the mountains by the pagan tribes, and that obtained by the tributary Filipinos, has not been an object of very great importance.
Gold. Gold is abundant in Luzon and many other islands; however, because the mountains that hide it are controlled by the pagan tribes, the mines are not worked; in fact, they are barely known. These mountain dwellers collect it from the streams and rivers, and in the form of dust, offer it to the Christians living in the nearby plains in exchange for basic goods and firearms. Sometimes, they have even brought it down in pieces weighing one or two ounces. The locals in the province of Camarines partly focus on mining in Mambulao and Paracale, known for being very rich; but instead of taking advantage of more efficient methods, they settle for extracting the ore using a very rudimentary process, placing the mineral in shells and heating them over embers. This results in a considerable loss of material, and while the gold produced is of good quality and vivid color, it usually goes to the district magistrate, who buys it at a price much lower than its market value. It's widely believed that gold mines can also be found in the Province of Caraga, located on the coasts of the great Island of Mindanao, where this metal can be found at a quality equivalent to twenty-two karats. However, the amount collected from the mountains by the pagan tribes, along with what is obtained by the tributary Filipinos, has not been particularly significant.
Copper.Well-founded reasons exist for presuming that, in the Province of Ilocos, mines of virgin copper exist, a singular production of nature, or at least, not very common, if the generality of combinations under which this metal presents itself in the rest of the globe, are duly considered. This is partly inferred from the circumstance of its having been noticed that the Igorots, who occasionally come down from the mountains to barter with the Christians, use certain coarse jars or vessels of copper, evidently made by themselves with the use of a hammer, without any art or regularity; and as the ignorance of these demi-savages is too great for them to possess the notions necessary for the separation of the component parts which enter into the combination of minerals, and much less for the construction [369]of furnaces suitable to the smelting and formation of the moulds, it is concluded they must have found some vein of copper entirely pure, which, without the necessity of any other preparation, they have been able to flatten with the hammer and rendered maleable, so as to convert it into the rough vessels above spoken of.
Copper. There are solid reasons to believe that there are untouched copper mines in the Province of Ilocos, a unique natural occurrence, or at least quite rare, when considering how this metal typically appears in other parts of the world. This assumption is partly based on the fact that the Igorots, who sometimes come down from the mountains to trade with the Christians, use certain rough copper jars or vessels that are clearly handmade by themselves using a hammer, lacking any skill or consistency. Since these semi-wild people are too uninformed to understand how to separate the various minerals or even build furnaces for smelting and shaping the metal, it’s reasonable to conclude that they must have discovered a completely pure vein of copper that they can simply hammer into shape without needing any further processing.
Cinnabar.The district-magistrate of Caraga, Don Augustin de Ioldi, received a special commission from the government to explore and obtain information respecting a mine of cinnabar, which was said to be situated under his jurisdiction; and I have been informed of another of the same species in the Island of Samar, the working of which has ceased for a considerable time, not because the prospect was unfavorable, but for the want of an intelligent person to superintend and carry on the operations. The utility of such a discovery is too obvious not to deserve, on the part of government, the most serious attention and every encouragement to render it available; and it is to be hoped that, as the first steps have already been taken in this important disclosure, the enterprise will not be abandoned, but, on the contrary, that exertions will be made to obtain aid and advice from the Miners’ College of Mexico, as the best means of removing doubt, and acting with judgment in the affair.
Cinnabar.The district magistrate of Caraga, Don Augustin de Ioldi, received a special commission from the government to explore and gather information about a cinnabar mine believed to be within his jurisdiction. I also learned about another similar mine on the Island of Samar, which has been inactive for quite some time, not because the prospects were bad, but due to the lack of a skilled person to oversee and manage the work. The potential benefits of such a discovery are too clear to ignore, and it definitely deserves serious attention and full support from the government to make it viable. It is hoped that since the initial steps have been taken in this significant finding, the project won't be abandoned. Instead, efforts should be made to seek help and guidance from the Miners' College of Mexico, as this would be the best way to eliminate uncertainty and proceed wisely with the project.
Iron.Iron in mineral form is to be found at various points on Luzon, and those engaged in working it, without the necessity of digging; collect the iron-bearing stones that constitute the upper stratum, these, when placed in fusion, generally yield about forty per cent clear metal. This is the case in the mountains of Angat, situated in the Province of Bulacan, and also in the vicinity of the Baliwag River. In Morong, however, belonging to the Province of La Laguna, where the cannon-ball factory is established, the ore yields under twenty-two per cent. Its quality is in general better than the Biscayan iron, according to formal experiments and a report, made in 1798 to Governor Don Rafael Maria de Aguilar, by two Biscayan master-smiths from the squadron of Admiral Alava. Witnesses to this test were the Count de Aviles and Don Felix de la Rosa, proprietors of the mines of Morong and Angat, and the factor of the Philippine Company, Don Juan Francisco Urroroz. Notwithstanding its advantages, this interesting branch of industry has not yet passed beyond the most rude principles and imperfect practice, owing to the want of correct information as to the best process, and scarcity of funds on the part of the proprietors to carry on their works. Without the aid of rolling or slitting mills, indeed unprovided with the most essential instruments, they have hitherto confined themselves [370]to converting their iron into plow shares, bolos, hoes, and such other agricultural implements; leaving the Chinese of Amoy in quiet possession of the advantages of being allowed to market annual supplies of all kinds of nails, the boilers used on the sugar plantations, pots and pans, as well as other articles in this line, which might easily be manufactured in the Islands.
Iron.Iron is found in mineral form at various locations on Luzon. Those working with it can collect the iron-bearing stones on the surface without needing to dig. When these stones are processed, they typically yield around forty percent pure metal. This is true in the mountains of Angat, located in the Province of Bulacan, and around the Baliwag River. However, in Morong, which is part of the Province of La Laguna, where the cannonball factory is located, the ore yields less than twenty-two percent. Generally, its quality is better than Biscayan iron, according to formal tests and a report made in 1798 to Governor Don Rafael Maria de Aguilar by two Biscayan master-smiths from Admiral Alava's squadron. The Count de Aviles and Don Felix de la Rosa, who own the mines in Morong and Angat, and the factor of the Philippine Company, Don Juan Francisco Urroroz, were witnesses to this test. Despite its advantages, this fascinating industry has not advanced beyond very basic methods and practices, due to a lack of accurate information on the best processes and the owners' limited funds to develop their operations. Without rolling or slitting mills and lacking essential tools, they have mainly focused on producing plowshares, bolos, hoes, and other agricultural tools; leaving the Chinese from Amoy to benefit from selling all kinds of nails, boilers for sugar plantations, pots, pans, and other related items that could easily be manufactured locally.
Sulphur.In the Island of Leyte, abundance of sulphur is met with, and from thence the gunpowder works of Manila are supplied at very reasonable prices. Jaspers, cornelians and agates, are also found in profusion in many of these provinces; everything, indeed, promises varied mineral wealth worthy of exciting the curiosity and useful researches of mineralogists, who, unfortunately, have not hitherto extended their labors to these remote parts of the globe.
Sulfur. In the Island of Leyte, there is a lot of sulphur available, which supplies the gunpowder factories in Manila at very affordable prices. Jaspers, cornelians, and agates can also be found in abundance in many of these provinces; everything really suggests an interesting variety of mineral wealth that would capture the curiosity and encourage useful studies of mineralogists, who, unfortunately, have not yet taken their efforts to these distant regions of the world.
Pearls.Pearl fisheries are, from time to time, undertaken off the coast of the Island of Mindanao, and also near smaller islands not far from Cebu, but with little success and less constancy, not because there is a scarcity of fine pearls of a bright color and considerable size, but on account of the divers’ want of skill and their just dread of the sharks, which, in great numbers infest these seas. Amber is frequently gathered in considerable lumps in the vicinity of Samar and the other Visayan Islands as well as mother-of-pearl, tortoise-shell, and red and black coral, of the latter kind of which, I have seen shafts as thick as my finger and six or eight feet long.
Pearls.Pearl fishing occasionally happens off the coast of Mindanao and near smaller islands close to Cebu, but it often lacks success and consistency. It's not because there’s a shortage of beautiful, sizable pearls, but due to the divers’ lack of skill and their genuine fear of the many sharks that inhabit these waters. Amber is often collected in large chunks around Samar and the other Visayan Islands, along with mother-of-pearl, tortoise-shell, and red and black coral. I've seen pieces of the latter that are as thick as my finger and six to eight feet long.
Estates.The proprietors of estates in the Philippines are of four classes. The most considerable is that of the religious orders, Augustinians and Dominicans, who cultivate their respective lands on joint account, or let them out at a moderate ground-rent, which the planters pay in kind; but far from living in opulence, and accumulating the immense revenues some of the religious communities enjoy in America, they stand in need of all they earn and possess for their maintenance, and in order to be enabled to discharge the various duties and obligations annexed to the missions with which they are entrusted.
Properties. The owners of estates in the Philippines are divided into four groups. The largest group is made up of religious orders, like the Augustinians and Dominicans, who either farm their land together or lease it out for a reasonable rent that the farmers pay with crops. However, unlike some religious communities in America that live in luxury with their enormous incomes, these groups rely on everything they earn to cover their living costs and fulfill the many responsibilities tied to the missions they oversee.
Spanish planters.The second class comprehends the Spanish proprietors, whose number possibly does not exceed a dozen of persons, and even they labor under such disadvantages, and have to contend with so many obstacles, under the existing order of things, that, compelled to divide their lands into rice plantations, in consequence of this being the species of culture to which the natives are most inclined, and to devote a considerable portion of them to the grazing of horned [371]cattle, no one of them is in a situation to give to agriculture the variety and extent desired, or to attain any progress in a pursuit which in other colonies rapidly leads to riches.
Spanish growers.The second group includes the Spanish owners, whose numbers probably don’t exceed a dozen people. Even they face so many challenges and obstacles under the current circumstances that they are forced to divide their land into rice farms because that’s what the locals prefer, and to use a significant part for raising cattle. None of them can give agriculture the diversity and scale needed or make any progress in an endeavor that leads to wealth in other colonies.
Filipino farmers.The third consists of the principal mestizos and natives, and is in fact that which constitutes the real body of farming proprietors. In the fourth and last may be included all the other natives, who generally possess a small strip of land situated round their dwellings, or at the extremities of the various towns and settlements formed by the conquerors; besides what they may have obtained from their ancestors in the way of legal inheritance, which rights have been confirmed to them by the present sovereign of the colony.
Filipino farmers.The third group consists of the main mestizos and locals, which really makes up the core of farming landowners. The fourth and final group includes all the other locals, who usually own a small piece of land around their homes or at the edges of the different towns and settlements established by the conquerors. They also have any land they may have inherited legally from their ancestors, a right that has been acknowledged by the current ruler of the colony.
Aids to agriculture.It will beyond doubt, in some measure dissipate the distrust by which the Filipino is actuated, when the new and paternal exertions of the superior government, to ameliorate his present situation, are fully known, and when that valuable portion of our distant population is assured that their rights will henceforth be respected, and those exactions and compulsory levies which formerly so much disheartened them, are totally abolished. On the other hand, a new stimulus will be given by the living example and fresh impulse communicated to the provinces by other families emigrating and settling there, nurtured in the spirit and principles of those reforms in the ideas and maxims of government by which the present era is distinguished. A practical participation in these advantages will, most assuredly, awaken a spirit of enterprise and emulation that may be extremely beneficial to agriculture, and as the wants of the natives increase in proportion as they are enabled to know and compare the comforts arising out of the presence and extension of conveniences and luxuries in their own towns, they will naturally be led to possess and adopt them.
Agricultural aids. It will undoubtedly help reduce the distrust felt by many Filipinos once they fully understand the new, supportive efforts of the government to improve their situations. When this valuable part of our distant population realizes that their rights will now be respected and that the burdensome taxes and forced levies that once discouraged them are completely eliminated, it will make a difference. Additionally, a new motivation will arise from the examples set by families who move and settle in the provinces, instilled with the spirit and principles of the reforms that define this era. Actively engaging in these benefits will surely spark a spirit of enterprise and competition that can greatly enhance agriculture. As the needs of the locals grow with their awareness of the comforts brought by the availability of conveniences and luxuries in their towns, they will naturally seek to obtain and adopt them.
Plans for progress.So salutary a change, however, can only be the work of time, and as long as the government confines itself to a system merely protecting, the effects must consequently be slow. As it is therefore necessary to put in action more powerful springs than the ordinary ones, it will be found expedient partly to relax from some of those general principles which apply to societies, differently constituted, or rather formed of other perfectly distinct elements. As relating to the subject under discussion, I fortunately discover two means, pointed out in the laws themselves, essentially just, and at the same time capable of producing in this populous colony, more than in any other, the desired results. The legislator, founding himself on the common obligation of the subject to contribute something in return [372]for the protection he receives, and to co-operate in the increase of the power and opulence of the State, proscribes idleness as a crime, and points out labor as a duty; and although the regulations touching the natives breathe the spirit of humanity, and exhibit the wisdom with which they were originally formed, they nevertheless concur and are directed to this primary object. In them the distribution of vacant lands, as well as of the natives at fair daily wages to clear them, is universally allowed, and these it seems to me, are the means from an equitable and intelligent application of which the most beneficial consequences may be expected.
Plans for advancement. Such a positive change can only happen over time, and as long as the government limits itself to a system that just offers protection, the results will inevitably be slow. Therefore, it’s necessary to activate stronger forces than the usual ones, and it will be beneficial to relax some of the general principles that apply to societies with completely different structures or made up of distinct elements. Regarding the topic at hand, I have identified two methods in the laws themselves that are fundamentally fair and can produce the desired outcomes in this densely populated colony more effectively than elsewhere. The legislator, recognizing the common obligation of citizens to give something back for the protection they receive and to help increase the strength and wealth of the State, defines idleness as a crime and identifies labor as a duty. Although the regulations concerning the natives promote a spirit of humanity and demonstrate the wisdom with which they were initially created, they still aim at this primary goal. The distribution of unoccupied land, as well as the hiring of natives at fair daily wages to clear it, is universally permitted, and I believe that these are the means through which a fair and thoughtful application can lead to the most beneficial outcomes.
Confiscating unused lands.The first cannot be attended with any great difficulty, because all the provinces abound in waste and vacant lands, and scarcely is there a district in which some are not to be found of private property completely uncultivated and neglected, and consequently susceptible, as above stated, of being legally transferred, for this reason alone, to the possession of an active owner. Let their nature however, be what it may, in their adjudication, it is of the greatest importance to proceed with uniformity, by consecrating, in a most irrevocable manner, the solemnity of all similar grants. Public interest and reason, in the Philippine Islands, require that in all such cases deference only should be paid to demands justly interposed, and formally established within a due and fixed period; but after full and public notice has been given by the respective judicial authorities, of the titles about to be granted, the counter claims the natives may seek to put in after the lapse of the period prefixed, should be peremptorily disregarded. Although at first sight this appears a direct infringement on the imprescriptible rights of property, it must be considered that in some cases individual interests ought to be sacrificed to the general good, and that the balance used, when treating of the affairs of State, is never of that rigid kind as if applied to those of minor consideration. The fact is, that by this means many would be induced to form estates, who have hitherto been withheld by the dread of involving themselves, and spending their money in law suits; at the same time the natives, gradually accustoming themselves to this new order of things, would lay aside that disposition to strife and contention, which forms so peculiar a trait in their character, and that antipathy and odium would also disappear with which they have usually viewed the agricultural undertakings of Spaniards.
Seizing unused land.The first is not very difficult to address because all the provinces have plenty of waste and vacant land. It’s rare to find a district without some privately owned land that is completely uncultivated and neglected. As mentioned earlier, this makes it legally possible to transfer such land to an active owner. Regardless of their nature, it’s crucial to handle their adjudication with consistency, by formally establishing all similar grants in a strong and irreversible way. Public interest and common sense in the Philippine Islands demand that we only consider legitimate claims that are properly submitted within a set timeframe. After proper public notice has been given by the relevant judicial authorities about the titles to be granted, any counterclaims that the natives try to make after the deadline should be completely ignored. Although this might initially seem like a violation of inviolable property rights, it’s important to understand that in some situations, individual interests may need to be sacrificed for the common good, and the balance we use in state affairs isn't as rigid as when dealing with less significant matters. The truth is, this approach could encourage many people to establish estates who have been hesitant due to the fear of getting involved in legal disputes and spending their money on lawsuits. At the same time, the natives, as they gradually adapt to this new order, would likely move away from their tendency toward conflict and rivalry, which is so characteristic of their nature, and the resentment towards Spanish agricultural efforts would also fade.
Compulsory labor.Proceeding to the consideration of the second means of accelerating the improvement of agriculture, viz., the distribution of the [373]natives, it will suffice to say that it would be equally easy to show that it is absolutely necessary rigorously to carry into effect, in the Philippine Islands, whatever the laws on this subject prescribed, otherwise we must give up all those substantial hopes entertained of the felicity of the colony. We are no longer in a situation to be restricted to the removal of ordinary obstacles, and the season is gone by in which, as heretofore, it entered into our policy to employ no other than indirect stimulants—in order to incline the Filipino to labor. It is evident that admonitions and offers of reward no longer suffice; nor indeed have the advantageous terms proposed to them by some planters, with a view to withdraw the lower orders of the natives, such as the timauas and caglianes plebeians, from the idle indifference in which they are sunk, been of any avail. Their wants and wishes being easily supplied, the whole of their happiness seems to depend on quiet and repose, and their highest enjoyment on the pleasure of sleep. Energy, however, and a certain degree of severity must be employed, if permanent resources are to be called forth, and if the progressive settlement of European families and the formation of estates proportioned to the fertility of the soil and capabilities of the country are to enter into the views of government. In vain would grants and transfers of vacant and useless lands be made to new and enterprising proprietors, unless at the same time they can be provided with laborers, and experience every other possible facility, in order to clear, enclose, and cultivate them. Hence follows the indispensable necessity of appealing to the system of distributions, as above pointed out; for what class of laborers can be obtained in a country where the whites are so few, unless it be the natives? Should they object to personal service, should they refuse to labor for an equitable and daily allowance, by which means they would also cease to be burdens to the State and to society, are they not to be compelled to contribute by this means to the prosperity of which they are members; in a word, to the public good, and thus make some provision for old age? If the soldier, conveyed away from his native land, submits to dangers, and is unceasingly exposed to death in defence of the State, why should not the Filipino moderately use his strength and activity in tilling the fields which are to sustain him and enrich the commonwealth?
Mandatory labor.Moving on to the second method for boosting agricultural improvement, namely the distribution of the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]natives, it’s clear that it’s absolutely essential to strictly enforce the laws regarding this matter in the Philippine Islands. Otherwise, we risk losing all the significant hopes we have for the colony’s well-being. We can’t just focus on removing ordinary obstacles anymore, and the time has passed when our approach was to rely solely on indirect incentives to encourage Filipinos to work. It’s obvious that reminders and promises of rewards are no longer effective; even the attractive offers made by some planters to entice the lower classes of natives, like the timauas and caglianes, out of their idle apathy, have not worked. Since their basic needs are easily met, their happiness seems to depend on tranquility and rest, with their greatest pleasure coming from sleep. However, if we want to create lasting resources, we need to apply some energy and a certain level of strictness, particularly if we want European families to settle and develop estates that match the fertility of the land and the country’s capabilities. It would be pointless to give away or transfer vacant and useless lands to new and ambitious owners if they can’t simultaneously be provided with workers and have all possible support to clear, enclose, and cultivate those lands. This highlights the crucial need to implement the distribution system mentioned earlier; after all, what other source of labor could we rely on in a country with so few whites except for the natives? If they refuse to do personal service or object to working for a fair daily wage—which would also relieve them from being burdens on the State and society—shouldn’t they be encouraged to contribute to the prosperity they’re a part of; in other words, to the common good, and thus make some arrangements for their old age? If a soldier, taken from his homeland, faces dangers and is constantly risked in defending the State, why shouldn’t the Filipino reasonably use his strength and energy to farm the land that will provide for him and enhance the community?
The undeveloped Philippines.Besides, things in the Philippine Islands wear a very different aspect to what they do on the American continent, where, as authorized by the said laws, a certain number of natives may be impressed for a season, and sent off inland to a considerable distance from their [374]dwellings, either for the purpose of agriculture, or working the mines, provided only they are taken care of during their journeys, maintained, and the price of their daily labor, as fixed by the civil authorities, regularly paid to them. The immense valleys and mountains susceptible of cultivation, especially in the Island of Luzon, being once settled, and the facilities of obtaining hands increased, such legal acts of compulsion, far from being any longer necessary, will have introduced a spirit of industry that will render the labors of the field supportable and even desirable; and in this occupation all the tributary natives of the surrounding settlements can be alternately employed, by the day or week, and thus do their work almost at the door of their own huts, and as it were in sight of their wives and children.
The developing Philippines.Besides, things in the Philippine Islands look very different from what they do on the American continent, where, according to the mentioned laws, a certain number of locals can be temporarily recruited and sent a good distance inland from their [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]homes, either for farming or mining, as long as they are cared for during their travels, supported, and the daily wage, as set by the civil authorities, is paid to them on time. Once the vast, arable valleys and mountains, especially in Luzon, are settled and there are more workers available, such legal requirements for recruitment will no longer be necessary, as a spirit of industry will have developed that makes farming not only bearable but desirable; and in this work, all the nearby native communities can be hired alternately, by the day or week, allowing them to do their jobs close to their own homes, almost in sight of their wives and children.
No legal obstacle to forced labor.If, after what has been above stated, the apparent opposition obstacle to which at first sight strikes the eye, in Law 40, Title 12, Book 6, speaking on this subject, and expressly referring to the Philippine Islands, should be alleged, no more will be necessary than to study its genuine sense, or read it with attention, in order to be convinced of its perfect concordance with the essential parts of the other laws of the Indies, already quoted in explanation and support of the system of distributing the laborers. The above-mentioned law does indeed contain a strict recommendation to employ the Chinese and Japanese, not domiciliated, in preference to the natives, in the establishments for cutting timber and other royal works, and further enjoins that use is only to be made in emergencies, and when the preservation of the state should require it. It has, however, happened that, since the remote period at which the above was promulgated, not only all contracts and commerce have ceased, but also every communication with Japan has been interrupted, and for a number of years not a single individual of that ferocious race has existed in the Philippine Islands. With regard to the Chinese, who are supposed to be numerous in the capital, of late years they have diminished so much, that according to a census made by orders of the government in the year 1807, no more than four thousand seven hundred are found on the registers; and, if in consequence of their secreting themselves, or withdrawing into the interior, a third more might be added to the above amount, their total numbers would still remain very inconsiderable, and infinitely inferior to what is required, not only for the tillage of the estates, but even for the royal works.
There are no legal obstacles to forced labor.If, after what has been stated above, the obvious legal obstacle mentioned in Law 40, Title 12, Book 6, regarding this subject—specifically about the Philippine Islands—needs to be discussed, it's enough to examine its true meaning or read it carefully to see that it aligns perfectly with the key aspects of other laws of the Indies that have already been cited to explain and support the labor distribution system. This law indeed strongly suggests that non-resident Chinese and Japanese should be preferred over the natives for jobs like timber cutting and other royal projects, and it emphasizes that this preference should only be applied in emergencies or when necessary for the state's preservation. However, since the distant time when this was enacted, not only have all contracts and trade stopped, but communication with Japan has also been cut off, and for many years, there hasn't been a single person from that fierce race in the Philippine Islands. As for the Chinese, who are thought to be numerous in the capital, their numbers have significantly decreased in recent years, so much so that according to a government census conducted in 1807, only four thousand seven hundred are recorded; even if we account for those hiding or moving inland, adding a third more, their total would still be very small and vastly inadequate for the farming of estates or even for royal projects.
Substitute laborers wanting.As, therefore, the Japanese have totally disappeared, and the number of Chinese is evidently inadequate to the wants of agriculture, it almost necessarily follows that the practice of distributing [375]the Filipino laborers, as allowed by the aforesaid laws of the Indies, under all circumstances, is the only alternate left. Even if, against the adoption of this measure, it should be attempted to urge the ambiguous sense of the concluding part of the second clause, it would be easy to comprehend its true intent and meaning, by referring to Law 1, Title 13, Book 5, which says:
Temporary workers needed. Since the Japanese have completely vanished and the number of Chinese workers is clearly not enough for agricultural needs, it almost certainly follows that distributing [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] the Filipino laborers, as permitted by the previous laws of the Indies, is the only option left. Even if there are attempts to argue against this measure by referencing the unclear wording of the last part of the second clause, it would be easy to understand its true purpose and meaning by looking at Law 1, Title 13, Book 5, which states:
After so pointed an explanation, and a manifestation so clear of the spirit of our legislation in this respect, all further comments would be useless, and no doubt whatever can be any longer entertained of the expediency, and even of the justice of putting the plan of well-regulated distributions in practice, as a powerful means to promote the agriculture, and secure to Spain the possession of these valuable dominions of the Indian Seas. ....
After such a clear explanation and such a distinct demonstration of the intent behind our laws on this matter, any further comments would be pointless. There should be no doubt left about the practicality, and even the fairness, of implementing a well-structured distribution plan as a strong way to boost agriculture and ensure that Spain retains control over these valuable territories in the Indian Seas.
Manufactures..... It would be impossible to gainsay Don Juan Francisco Urroz, of the Philippine Company, in his detailed and accurate report to the managing committee in 1802, when he observes:
Manufacturers..... It would be impossible to dispute Don Juan Francisco Urroz, of the Philippine Company, in his thorough and precise report to the managing committee in 1802, when he notes:
Native cloth weaving.With equal truth am I enabled to add, that the natural abilities of these natives in the manufacture of all kinds of cloths, fine as well as coarse, are really admirable. They succeed in reducing the harsh filaments of the palm-tree, known by the name of abaca, to such a degree of fineness, that they afterwards convert them into textures equal to the best muslins of Bengal. The beauty and evenness of their embroideries and open work excite surprise; in short, the [376]damask table-cloths, ornamental weaving, textures of cotton and palm-fibres, intermixed with silk, and manufactured in the above-mentioned provinces, clearly prove how much the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands, in natural abilities and dexterity, resemble the other people of the Asiatic regions. It must nevertheless be allowed, that a want is noticed of that finish and polish which the perfection of art gives to each commodity; but this circumstance ought not to appear strange, if we consider that, entirely devoid of all methodical instruction, and ignorant also of the importance of the subdivision of labor, which contributes so greatly to simplify, shorten, and improve the respective excellence of all kinds of works, the same natives gin and clean the cotton, and then spin and weave it, without any other instruments than their hands and feet, aided only by the course and unsightly looms they themselves construct in a corner of their huts, with scarcely anything else than a few canes and sticks.
Traditional fabric weaving. I can honestly say that the natural skills of these locals in making all kinds of fabrics, both fine and coarse, are truly impressive. They manage to refine the tough fibers of the palm tree, known as abaca, to such an extent that they can create textiles that rival the best muslins from Bengal. The beauty and uniformity of their embroidery and openwork are surprising; in short, the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]damask tablecloths, decorative weaving, and fabrics made from cotton and palm fibers, mixed with silk and produced in the aforementioned provinces, clearly show that the people of the Philippine Islands possess natural talent and skill comparable to other Asian cultures. However, it must be acknowledged that there is a lack of the finish and polish that comes with perfected artistry; but this shouldn’t be surprising when we consider that, completely lacking systematic training and unaware of the benefits of division of labor, which greatly simplifies and enhances the quality of all types of work, these locals gin and clean the cotton, and then spin and weave it, using nothing but their hands and feet, with only the basic and often crude looms they build in the corners of their huts, using little more than a few canes and sticks.
Aptitude for, but no development of, manufacturing.From the preceding observations it may easily be deduced that, although the natives succeed in preparing, with admirable dexterity, the productions of their soil, and therewith satisfy the greatest part of their domestic wants, facts which certainly manifest their talents and aptitude to be employed in works of more taste and delicacy, manufacturing industry is nevertheless far from being generalized, nor can it be said to be placed with any degree of solidity on its true and proper basis. Hence arise those great supplies of goods annually imported into the country, for the purpose of making up the deficiencies of the local manufactures.
Ability in manufacturing, but no improvement.From the earlier points, it's clear that while locals are great at producing goods from their land to meet most of their needs, which shows they have the skills and potential for more refined and intricate work, manufacturing isn't widespread. It's also not established on a solid foundation. This leads to large quantities of goods being imported every year to fill the gaps left by local manufacturing.
Improved methods and machinery needed.The regular distribution or classification of the assemblage of operations which follow each other in graduation, from the rough preparation of the first materials, till the same have arrived at their perfect state of manufacture, instead of being practiced, is entirely unknown. The want of good machinery to free the cotton from the multitude of seeds with which it is encumbered, so as to perform the operation with ease and quickness, is the first and greatest obstacle that occurs; and its tediousness to the natives is so repugnant, that many sell their crops to others, without separating the seeds, or decline growing the article altogether, not to be plagued with the trouble of cleaning it. As the want of method is also equal to the superabundance or waste of time employed, the expenses of the goods manufactured increased in the same proportion, under such evident and great disadvantages; for which reason, far from being able to compete with those brought from China and British India, they only acquire estimation in the interior, when wanted to supply the place of the latter, or in cases of accidental scarcity.
Better methods and equipment needed. The regular organization or classification of the series of operations that progress from the rough preparation of the initial materials to their final manufactured state is not practiced at all. The lack of proper machinery to easily and quickly separate the cotton from the numerous seeds mixed in is the biggest obstacle. This process is so tedious for the locals that many either sell their crops without removing the seeds or refuse to grow it entirely to avoid the hassle of cleaning it. Since the lack of method leads to a significant waste of time, the costs of the manufactured goods increase accordingly, creating clear disadvantages. Because of this, instead of competing with products from China and British India, they are only valued locally when there’s a need to replace those imports or during times of unexpected shortages.
[377]Scanty exports.In a word, the only manufactured articles annually exported from the Philippine Islands are eight to twelve thousand pieces exports of light sail cloth, two hundred thousand pounds of abaca cordage assorted, and six hundred carabao hides and deer skins, which can scarcely be considered in a tanned state/ for, although the Royal Company, from the time of their establishment, long continued to export considerable quantities of dimities, calicos, stripes, checks, and coverlids, as well as other cotton and silk goods, it was more with a view to stimulate the districts of Ilocos to continue in the habit of manufacturing, and thus introduce among the inhabitants of that province a taste for industry, than the expectation of gain by the sale of this kind of merchandise either in Spain or any of the sections of America. At length, wearied with the losses experienced by carrying on this species of mercantile operations, without answering the principal object in view, they resolved, for the time being, to suspend ventures attended with such discouraging circumstances.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Limited exports.In short, the only manufactured goods exported from the Philippine Islands each year are around eight to twelve thousand pieces of light sailcloth, two hundred thousand pounds of assorted abaca cordage, and six hundred carabao hides and deer skins, which are hardly in a tanned condition. Although the Royal Company, since its establishment, exported significant amounts of dimities, calicos, stripes, checks, and coverlets, along with other cotton and silk products, it was mainly to encourage the Ilocos districts to keep manufacturing and to instill a work ethic among the people of that province, rather than to expect profit from selling these goods in Spain or any part of America. Eventually, tired of the losses incurred from these types of business activities, which did not meet the main objective, they decided to pause such ventures for the time being due to the discouraging circumstances.
Need of encouragement.Notwithstanding so many impediments, it would not, however, be prudent in the government entirely to abandon the enterprise, and lose sight of the advantages the country offers, or indeed, to neglect turning the habitual facilities of the natives to some account. Far from there existing any positive grounds for despairing of the progress of manufacturing industry, it may justly be presumed that, whenever the sovereign, by adopting a different line of policy, shall allow the unlimited and indistinct settlement of all kinds of foreign colonists, and grant them the same facilities and protection enjoyed by national ones, they will be induced to flock to the Philippine Islands in considerable numbers, lured by the hope of accumulating fortunes in a country that presents a thousand attractions of every kind. Many, no doubt, will preferably devote themselves to commerce, others to agricultural undertakings and also to the pursuits of mining, but necessarily some will turn their attention and employ their funds in the formation of extensive manufactures, aided by intelligent instructors and suitable machinery. The newly-introduced information and arts being thus diffused, it is natural to expect they will be progressively adopted by a people already possessing a taste and genius for this species of labor, by which means manufacturing industry will soon be raised from the state of neglect and unprofitableness in which it is now left.
Need encouragement.Despite the many obstacles, it wouldn’t be wise for the government to completely abandon the project and ignore the benefits the country offers, or to overlook the opportunity to utilize the usual resources of the locals. There are no solid reasons to feel hopeless about the growth of the manufacturing industry. It's reasonable to believe that if the government adopts a different policy, allowing unlimited and diverse settlement by foreign colonists and granting them the same support and protections as local residents, many will be drawn to the Philippine Islands in large numbers, motivated by the potential to make fortunes in a land that offers countless attractions. Some will likely focus on commerce, others on agricultural enterprises and mining, but inevitably, some will invest their efforts and resources into establishing large-scale manufacturing, supported by knowledgeable instructors and suitable equipment. As this new information and skills spread, it’s natural to expect that a population already inclined toward such work will gradually adopt them, allowing the manufacturing industry to rise quickly from its current state of neglect and unprofitability.
Internal commerce handicapped.The circulation of the country productions and effects of all kinds among the inhabitants of the provinces, which, properly speaking, constitutes their internal commerce, is tolerably active [378]and considerable. Owing to the great facilities of conveyance afforded by the number of rivers and lakes, on the margins of which the Filipinos are fond of fixing their dwellings, this commerce might be infinitely greater, if it was not obstructed by the monopoly of the magistrates in their respective districts and the unjust prerogative, exercised by the city, of imposing rates and arbitrary prices on the very persons who come to bring the supplies. Nevertheless, as the iniquituous operations of the district magistrates, however, active they may be, besides being restricted by their financial ability, regularly consist of arrangements to buy up only the chief articles, and those which promise most advantage, with least trouble; as that restless inquietude which impels man on, under the hope of bettering his condition, acts even amidst rigor of oppression, a certain degree of stimulus and scope is still left in favor of internal trade.
Internal commerce restricted.The circulation of the country's products and various goods among the local residents, which actually makes up their internal commerce, is fairly active [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]and significant. Thanks to the numerous rivers and lakes, which the Filipinos like to settle near, this commerce could be much greater if it weren't hindered by the magistrates' monopolies in their areas and the city's unfair practice of setting rates and arbitrary prices on those who come to deliver supplies. Still, the unfair actions of the district magistrates, no matter how active they might be, are limited by their financial capacity and typically involve attempts to buy up only the main products that offer the most profit with the least effort. However, the relentless drive for improvement that motivates people continues even in the face of oppression, so there is still some incentive and opportunity for internal trade.
Inter-island traffic.Hence it follows, that there is scarcely an island or province, that does not carry on some traffic or other, by keeping up relations with its neighbors, which sometimes extend as far as the capital; where, in proportion as the produce and raw materials find a ready market, returns suitable and adequate to the consumption of each place, respectively, are obtained. If, however, it would be difficult to form an idea, even in the way of approximation, of the exchanges which take place between the various provinces, a task that would render it necessary to enumerate them, one by one, it is equally so to make an estimate of the total amount of this class of operation carried on in Manila, their common center. Situated in the bottom of an immense bay, bathed by a large river, and the country round divided by an infinite number of streams and lakes descending from the provinces by which the capital is surrounded, the produce and effects are daily brought in and go out of suburbs so extended in a diversity of small vessels and canoes, without its being possible to obtain any exact account of the multiplicity of transactions carried on at one and the same time, in a city built on so large a scale.
Island traffic. So, it’s clear that nearly every island or province is involved in some trading activity by maintaining connections with its neighbors, which sometimes reach all the way to the capital. As the local produce and raw materials find a ready market, they receive returns that align with what each location consumes. However, even trying to get a rough idea of the exchanges happening between the different provinces would require listing them one by one, and estimating the total volume of these activities in Manila, their main hub, is just as challenging. Located at the end of a vast bay and fed by a large river, with the surrounding area crisscrossed by countless streams and lakes from the provinces, the products are continuously brought in and sent out from extensive suburbs using a variety of small boats and canoes. It’s nearly impossible to get an accurate account of the many transactions happening simultaneously in such a large city.
Local markets.Besides the traffic founded on ordinary consumption, the necessity of obtaining assortments of home-manufactured as well as imported goods, in order to supply the markets, known by the name of tianguis, and which are held weekly in almost every town, there is another species of speculation, peculiar to the rich natives and Sangley mestizos, an industrious race, and also possessed of the largest portion of the specie. This consists in the anticipated purchase of the crops of indigo, sugar, rice, etc., with a view to [379]fix their own prices on the produce thus contracted for, when resold to the second hand. A propensity to barter and traffic, in all kinds of ways, is indeed universal among the natives, and as the principal springs which urge on internal circulation are already in motion, nothing more is wanting than at once to destroy the obstacles previously pointed out, and encourage the extension of luxury and comforts, in order that, by the number of the people’s wants being increased, as well as the means of supplying them, the force and velocity of action may in the same proportion be augmented.
Local markets. Besides the usual buying and selling, there’s a need for both locally made and imported goods to stock the markets, called tianguis, which take place weekly in almost every town. There’s another form of speculation, typical of wealthy locals and industrious mestizos, who also hold most of the cash. This involves buying crops of indigo, sugar, rice, and more in advance, allowing them to set their own prices when selling to the next buyer. A tendency to trade and barter in various ways is common among the locals, and since the main drivers of internal commerce are already at work, all that’s needed is to remove the barriers previously mentioned and promote the growth of luxury and comfort. This way, as people’s needs and the means to meet them increase, the overall activity and momentum will also rise.
External commerce.Under “External Commerce” generally are comprised the relations the Philippine Islands keep up with other nations, with the Spanish possessions in America, and with the mother country; or, in other words, the sum total of their imports and exports.
Online shopping. "External Commerce" refers to the relationships the Philippine Islands maintain with other countries, with Spanish territories in America, and with Spain itself; in other words, it encompasses the total of their imports and exports.
Outside deterrents.Many are the causes which, within the last ten or twelve years, have influenced the mercantile relations of these Islands, and prevented their organization on permanent and known principles. The chief one, no doubt, has been the frequent and unforeseen changes, from peace to war, which have marked that unhappy period, and as under similar circumstances merchants, more than any other class of persons, are in the habit of acting on extremes, there have been occasions in which, misled by the exaggerated idea of the galleon of Acapulco, and anxious to avail themselves of the first prices, generally also the highest, foreign speculators have inundated Manila with goods, by a competition from all quarters; and others, owing to the channels being obstructed, when this market has experienced an absolute scarcity of commodities, as well as of funds necessary to continue the usual and almost only branch of commerce left. The frequent failure of the sugar and indigo crops, has also in many instances restrained the North Americans and other neutrals from coming to these Islands with cargoes, and induced them to prefer Java, where they are at all times sure of finding returns. Besides the influence of these extraordinary causes on the uncertainty and irregularity of external commerce, no small share must also be attributed to the strangeness of the peculiar constitution of the country, or the principles on which its trade is established.
External deterrents. Over the past ten to twelve years, many factors have affected the trading relationships of these Islands and have prevented their organization on solid and well-known principles. The main one, without a doubt, has been the frequent and unexpected shifts from peace to war that have characterized this unfortunate period. Merchants, more than any other group, tend to act on extremes in such circumstances. There have been times when, misled by an inflated idea of the galleon trade from Acapulco and eager to take advantage of the first prices, which are usually the highest, foreign speculators have flooded Manila with goods, competing from all directions. Conversely, there have also been moments when, due to obstructed supply routes, this market has faced a complete shortage of goods and the funds necessary to maintain the only significant branch of commerce that remained. The regular failures of sugar and indigo crops have further discouraged North Americans and other neutral parties from bringing cargo to these Islands, leading them to prefer Java, where they can consistently find returns. In addition to these extraordinary influences on the unpredictability and inconsistency of external trade, a significant portion of the uncertainty can also be attributed to the unique structure of the country and the principles that govern its trade.
Domestic discouragements.Scarcely will it be believed, in the greater part of civilized Europe, that a Spanish colony exists between Asia and America, whose merchants are forbidden to avail themselves of their advantageous situation, and that, as a special favor only are they allowed to send their effects to Mexico, once a year, but under the following restrictions. It is a necessary condition, that every shipper shall [380]be a member of the Board of Trade (Consulado), and therein entitled to a vote, which supposes a residence of some years in the country, besides the possession of property of his own to the amount of $8,000. He is compelled to join with the other members, in order to be enabled to ship his goods in bales of a determined form and dimensions, in one single vessel, arranged, fitted out, and commanded by officers of the royal navy, under the character of a war ship. He has also to contribute his proportion of $20,000, which, in the shape of a present, are given to the commander, at the end of every round voyage. He cannot in any way interfere in the choice or qualities of the vessel, notwithstanding his property is to be risked in her; and what completes the extravagance of the system, is, that before anything is done he must pay down twenty-five or forty per cent for freight, according to circumstances, which money is distributed among certain canons of the church, aldermen, subalterns of the army, and widows of Spaniards, to whom a given number of tickets or certified permits to ship are granted, either as a compensation for the smallness of their pay, or in the way of a privilege; but on express conditions that, although they themselves are not members of the Board of Trade, they shall not be allowed to negotiate and transfer them to persons not having that quality. In the custom house nothing being admitted unless the number of bales shipped are accompanied by corresponding permits, and as it besides frequently happens that there is a degree of competition between the parties seeking to try their fortune in this way, the original holders of the permits very often hang back, in such a manner that I have seen $500 offered for the transfer of a right to ship three bales, which scarcely contained goods to the amount of $1,000. Such, nevertheless, is the truth, and such the exact description of the famous Acapulco ship, which has excited so much jealousy among the merchants of Seville and Cadiz, and given rise to such an infinite number of disputes and lawsuits.
Home challenges. It's hard to believe, in much of civilized Europe, that a Spanish colony exists between Asia and America, where merchants are not allowed to take advantage of their prime location. They can only send their goods to Mexico once a year, but only under specific conditions. One key requirement is that every shipper must [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] be a member of the Board of Trade (Consulado) and have voting rights, which means they need to have lived in the country for several years and own property worth at least $8,000. They must work with other members to ship their goods in bales of specific sizes and shapes, on a single vessel that is arranged, outfitted, and commanded by officers of the royal navy as a warship. They also have to contribute their share of $20,000, which is given as a gift to the commander at the end of each round trip. They have no say in choosing the ship or its quality, even though their property is at risk. To make matters worse, before anything can get started, they have to pay 25 to 40 percent of the freight upfront, depending on the situation. That money is distributed among certain church officials, local politicians, military subordinates, and widows of Spaniards, who receive a limited number of tickets or approved permits to ship, either as compensation for low pay or as a privilege. However, these individuals, even if they are not members of the Board of Trade, cannot sell or transfer their permits to others who are not members. At the customs house, no shipments are allowed unless the number of bales is accompanied by the necessary permits. Since there’s often competition among those trying to capitalize on this opportunity, original permit holders frequently hesitate, sometimes leading to offers as high as $500 to transfer the right to ship three bales, which might only contain goods worth about $1,000. Such is the reality and the exact nature of the famous Acapulco ship, which has sparked so much envy among merchants in Seville and Cadiz, leading to countless disputes and lawsuits.
Business irregularities.So complete a deviation from the rules and maxims usually received in trade, could not fail to produce in the Philippine Islands, as in fact it has, effects equally extraordinary with regard to those who follow this pursuit. The merchant of Manila is, in fact, entirely different from the one in Cadiz or Amsterdam. Without any correspondents in the manufacturing countries and consequently possessed of no suitable advices of the favorable variations in the respective markets, without brokers and even without regular books he seems to carry on his profession on no one fixed principle, and to [381]have acquired his routine of business from mere habit and vague custom. His contracts are made out on stamped paper, and his bills or promissory notes no other than long and diffuse writings or bonds, of which the dates and amounts are kept more in the shape of bundles than by any due entry on his books; and what at once gives the most clear idea of this irregularity is the singular fact that, for the space of twenty-five and possibly fifty years, only one bankrupt has presented the state of his affairs to the Board of Trade, in conformity to the regulations prescribed by the general Statutes of Bankruptcy, whereas, numbers of cases have occurred in which these merchants have wasted or secreted the property of others with impunity. Hence have arisen those irregularities, subterfuges and disputes, in a word, the absence of all mercantile business carried on in a scrupulously punctual and correct manner. Hence, also, have followed that distrust and embarrassment with which commercial operations are attended, as well as the difficulty of calculating their fluctuations. On the other hand, as in order to send off an expedition by the annual ship to Acapulco, the previous consent of the majority of the incorporated merchants is necessary, before this point is decided, months are passed in intrigues and disputes, the peremptory period arrives, and if the articles wanted are in the market, they are purchased up with precipitation and paid for with the monies the shippers have been able to obtain at an interest from the administrators of pious and charitable funds. In this manner, compelled to act almost always without plan or concert, yet accustomed to gain in the market of Acapulco, notwithstanding so many impediments and the exorbitant premiums paid for the money lent, these merchants follow the strange maxim of risking little or no property of their own; and unaware, or rather, disregarding the importance of economy in the expenses and regularity of their general method of living, it is not possible they can ever accumulate large fortunes, or form solid and well-accredited houses.
Business discrepancies. The complete departure from the norms and principles typically followed in trade has undeniably led to extraordinary consequences in the Philippine Islands, as it indeed has. The merchant in Manila is fundamentally different from those in Cadiz or Amsterdam. Lacking connections in manufacturing countries and therefore without access to reliable information about favorable market changes, operating without brokers and even normal accounting books, he seems to conduct his business on no fixed principles, having formed his routine purely from habit and unclear customs. His contracts are written on stamped paper, and his bills or promissory notes consist of lengthy and complicated documents, where the dates and amounts are organized more like bundles than actual entries in his books. The most telling indication of this irregularity is that for the past twenty-five to possibly fifty years, only one bankrupt has submitted their financial situation to the Board of Trade in line with the laws set out by the general Statutes of Bankruptcy; meanwhile, many cases have arisen where these merchants have mismanaged or hidden others’ property without consequence. This has led to irregularities, loopholes, and disputes—essentially, the absence of any meticulously organized commercial business. Consequently, there is a sense of distrust and confusion surrounding commercial transactions, along with challenges in calculating market fluctuations. Furthermore, to send out an expedition on the annual ship to Acapulco, the majority of incorporated merchants must agree, which means that before a decision is reached, months are spent on negotiations and disputes. When the deadline approaches, if the desired items are available, they are hastily purchased and financed with the money that shippers can gather with high interest from the administrators of charitable funds. Thus, forced to act mostly without a plan or coordination, yet still used to making profits in the Acapulco market—even with all these challenges and the enormous premiums paid for borrowed money—these merchants adhere to the peculiar principle of risking little to no of their own assets; and by neglecting, or rather, ignoring the importance of managing their expenses and maintaining consistency in their overall way of living, they can never manage to build substantial wealth or establish reputable and stable businesses.
Merchants discouraged.Thus oppressed by a system, as unjust as it is absurd, and conducting their affairs in the way above described, it is not strange that these gentlemen, at the same time yielding to the indolence consequent on the climate, should neglect or behold with indifference all the other secondary resources which the supplying the wants of the country and the extensive scope and variety of its produce offer to the man of active mind. Hence it follows, as already observed, that the whole of the interior trade is at present absorbed by the principal natives, the Sangley mestizos of both sexes, and a few Chinese peddlers.
Merchants disheartened.So, weighed down by a system that's as unfair as it is ridiculous, and running their businesses in the way described above, it's not surprising that these individuals, while also giving in to the laziness caused by the climate, tend to ignore or view indifferently all the other minor opportunities that meeting the country's needs and the vast range and diversity of its products provide for driven individuals. As a result, as already mentioned, most of the interior trade is currently dominated by local natives, the Sangley mestizos of both genders, and a few Chinese peddlers.
[382]The outlook brightening.Notwithstanding, however, the defective manner in which the generality of the merchants act, some already are beginning to distinguish themselves by the prudence of their conduct, by forwarding, in time, their orders to the manufacturers of India and China, and, in other respects guiding themselves by the principles which characterize the intelligent merchant. Finally, it is to be presumed that, as soon as the government shall have thrown down this singular and preposterous system that has been the cause of so many disorders, and proclaimed the unlimited freedom of Philippine commerce, the greater part of these people will rise up from the state of inaction in which they now live, and the relations of the colony will then assume the course and extent corresponding to its advantages of position. At least, if our national merchants should not act up to the impulse given to all kinds of mercantile enterprises by the beneficial hand of the sovereign, foreigners will not be wanting, who, relying on due toleration, will be induced to convey their fortunes and families to the Philippine Islands, and, vigorously encouraging the exportation of their valuable productions, amply secure the fruits of their laudable activity and well-combined speculations.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The future looks promising.Despite the flawed way most merchants operate, a few are starting to stand out by being smart about their actions. They are sending their orders to manufacturers in India and China on time and are following the principles that define a savvy merchant. Finally, we can assume that once the government dismantles this strange and ridiculous system that has caused so many problems and announces the complete freedom of trade in the Philippines, most of these people will break free from their current inertia, and the colony's trade will then grow in line with its strategic advantages. At the very least, if our local merchants don’t take advantage of the opportunities spurred by the government’s support for all kinds of business ventures, there will be plenty of foreigners willing to bring their wealth and families to the Philippines. They will actively promote the export of their valuable products and make sure to reap the benefits of their well-planned efforts and investments.
Capital employed in commerce.Were a person, judging from the numbers constituting the body of registered merchants, and supposing all of them to possess the essential requisites prescribed by our commercial regulations, to form a prudent estimate of the amount of capital employed by them, his calculations would turn out extremely erroneous, for besides the case with which regulations of this kind are eluded, many are merely nominal traders, and there are others whose mercantile existence is purely artificial for they are sustained in a temporary manner, by means of a forced species of circulation peculiar to this country. This consists in obtaining the acquiescence of the administrators of pious and charitable funds, let out at interest, to renew the bonds they hold during other successive risks, waiting, as it were, till some fatal tempest has swallowed up the vessel in which these merchants suppose their property to be embarked, and at once cancel all their obligations. On the other hand, neither excessive expenses nor the shipment of large quantities of goods to Acapulco can in any way be taken as a just criterion whereby to judge of the fortunes of individuals; because, in the first, there is great uniformity, every one, more or less, enjoying, exteriorly, the same easy circumstances, notwithstanding the disparity of real property; and in the second, considerable fiction prevails, many persons shipping under the same mark, and even when the shipper stands alone, he might have been provided with the necessary funds from the pious and charitable [383]establishments, possibly without risking a dollar of his own in the whole operation. Under circumstances so dubious, far from presuming to give a decided opinion on the subject, I am compelled to judge from mere conjectures, and guided only by the knowledge and experience I have been able to acquire during my long residence there. In conformity thereto, I am inclined to believe, that the total amount of capital belonging to and employed in the trade of the Philippine Islands, does not at present exceed two and a half million dollars, with evident signs of rapid decline, if the merchants do not in time abandon the ruinous systems of chiefly carrying on their speculations with money obtained at interest.
Capital used in business.If someone were to estimate the capital used by registered merchants, assuming they all meet the necessary requirements set by our commercial regulations, their calculations would likely be very wrong. This is because, in addition to the ease with which these regulations can be bypassed, many are just nominal traders, while others exist solely thanks to artificial means—they are kept afloat temporarily by a unique kind of forced circulation in this country. This involves gaining the approval of those managing charitable funds lent out at interest to renew their bonds amid risks, waiting for a disaster to wipe out the vessel in which they think their assets are invested, after which they would delete all their debts. Moreover, excessive spending or sending large amounts of goods to Acapulco can't fairly be used to assess individuals' fortunes. In the first case, there's a lot of uniformity; everyone outwardly seems to enjoy similar easy circumstances, even though their actual wealth varies. In the second case, there's considerable deception, as many people ship under the same label, and even if an individual shipper stands alone, they may have received funds from charitable and religious organizations without putting up any of their own money. Given such uncertain circumstances, instead of offering a definitive opinion, I'm forced to rely on guesswork, guided only by my knowledge and experience from my long time spent there. Based on this, I believe that the total capital involved in trade within the Philippine Islands currently does not exceed two and a half million dollars and shows clear signs of rapid decline unless merchants switch away from the damaging practices of primarily financing their ventures with borrowed money.
Large sums hoarded.The two and a half million dollars thus attributed to the merchants, form, however, the smaller part of the funds distributed among the other classes, and the total amount of the circulating medium of the colony might be considered an object sufficiently worthy of being ascertained, owing to the great light it would throw on the present state of the inhabitants; but it is in vain to attempt any calculation of the kind, at least without the aid of data possessing a certain degree of accuracy. The only thing that can be affirmed is, that during the period of more than two hundred and fifty years which have elapsed since the conquest, the ingress of specie into the Philippine Islands has been constant. Their annual ships have seldom come from New Spain without bringing considerable sums in return, and if some of them have been lost, many others, without being confined to the one million of dollars constituting the ordinary amount of the permit, have not unfrequently come back with triple that sum; for which reason there are ample grounds of judging the estimates correct, which fix the total importation of dollars, during the whole of that long period of years, to be equal to four hundred millions. It may further be observed that, as in the Sangley mestizos economy and avarice compete with intelligence and activity in accumulating wealth and as they are scattered, among the principal islands, and in possession of the best lands and the most lucrative business of the interior, there are ample motives for presuming that these industrious and sagacious people have gradually, although incessantly, amassed immense sums in specie; but it would be impossible to point out their amount, distribution, or the secret places in which they are hoarded.
Large amounts saved.The two and a half million dollars attributed to the merchants, however, represent only a small part of the funds shared among other groups. The total amount of money circulating in the colony would be quite revealing, shedding light on the current condition of the residents. However, it's pointless to attempt any calculations without reliable data. What can be stated is that over the two hundred and fifty years since the conquest, the influx of money into the Philippine Islands has been steady. Their annual ships rarely return from New Spain without carrying significant amounts of money, and while some ships have been lost, many others have returned with sums far exceeding the usual one million dollars of the permit; sometimes they brought back three times that amount. Thus, it is reasonable to assume that the total importation of dollars over these many years is about four hundred million. Additionally, it can be noted that in the economy of the Sangley mestizos, greed competes with intelligence and industriousness in wealth accumulation. Since they are spread across the main islands and hold the best lands and the most profitable businesses, there are strong reasons to believe that these hardworking and clever individuals have steadily accumulated large sums of money. However, it would be impossible to determine the exact amount, how it is distributed, or where it is secretly stored.
Pious and charitable funds’ capital.The assemblage of pious legacies, temporalities, and other funds and property placed under the care of several administrative committees, for purposes as well religious as charitable, constitute the [384]chief capital employed in external trade; and notwithstanding the failures, which from time to time occur, the subsequent accumulation of the enormous premiums obtained for funds laid out in maritime speculations, both in time of peace and war, not only suffices to make up all losses of the above kind, but also to secure the punctual payment of such charitable pensions and other charges as are to be deducted from the respective profits of this species of stock, its total amount, according to an official report made by order of the head committee of the sinking fund, including temporalities, and Queen Maria of Austria’s endowment for the College of Las Marianas, together with other funds of the same kind, not comprehended in the decree of abolition, at the commencement of the year 1809, amounted to $2,470,390, and as the sea-risks of that and the following year were successful, and the outstanding amounts punctually recovered, the aggregate sum, arising out of the above description of property, may now be estimated at more than three millions. Of these funds three distributions are generally made, viz., one part is appropriated to the China risks, at from twelve to eighteen per cent. premium, according to circumstances, and also those to Madras, Calcutta and Batavia, at from sixteen to twenty-two per cent. The second, which generally is in the largest proportion, is employed in risks to Acapulco, at various premiums, from 27 to 45 per cent.; and the third is left in hand, as a kind of guarantee of the stability of the original endowments.
Religious and charitable funds' capital.The collection of religious legacies, properties, and other funds managed by various committees for both religious and charitable purposes makes up the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]main capital used in outside trade. Despite occasional failures, the significant profits gained from investments in maritime ventures—both during peace and war—not only cover these losses but also ensure timely payment of charitable pensions and other expenses that need to be deducted from the profits of this type of investment. According to an official report issued by the head committee of the sinking fund, the total amount at the beginning of 1809, which includes temporalities and Queen Maria of Austria’s endowment for the College of Las Marianas along with other similar funds not included in the abolition decree, was $2,470,390. Since the maritime risks of that year and the following one were successful and the outstanding amounts were recovered on time, the total value of this type of property is now estimated to be over three million. These funds are generally divided into three distributions: viz., a portion is allocated to the risks associated with China, earning premiums of twelve to eighteen percent depending on the situation, as well as those related to Madras, Calcutta, and Batavia, which yield sixteen to twenty-two percent. The second, usually the largest share, is invested in risks to Acapulco at varying premiums, ranging from 27 to 45 percent. The third portion is retained as a guarantee for the stability of the original endowments.
Coveted by Spanish treasury.In the great exigencies of the Royal Treasury, experienced during the last years of the administration of Sr. Soler, the royal decree of Consolidación was extended to the Philippine Islands, under the pretext of guarding the funds belonging to public charities and religious endowments ... sea-risks, the income of which, when secured on good mortgages, does not generally exceed five per cent, many in Spain not yielding above four; but the remarkable difference between this plan and the one above described, together with various and other weighty reasons alleged by the administrators, caused the dreaded effect of this new regulation to be suspended, and whilst the head committee of Manila were consulting their doubts and requesting fresh instructions from the court at home, orders came out not to make any alteration in measures relating to this description of property.
Sought after by the Spanish treasury. In the major financial struggles of the Royal Treasury, experienced during the final years of Sr. Soler's administration, the royal decree of Consolidación was applied to the Philippine Islands, under the guise of protecting funds meant for public charities and religious endowments ... sea-risks, whose income, when backed by solid mortgages, usually doesn’t go beyond five percent, with many in Spain yielding no more than four; however, the significant differences between this plan and the previously mentioned one, along with various other strong reasons given by the administrators, led to the feared impact of this new regulation being put on hold. While the main committee in Manila was deliberating their uncertainties and seeking new instructions from the home court, orders were issued not to make any changes regarding measures related to this type of property.
Easy capital but lessened profits.Accustomed, in their limited calculations, to identify the resources, offered by the funds belonging to this class of establishments, with the very existence of the colony, the needy merchants [385]easily confound their personal with the general interest; and few stop to consider that the identical means of carrying on trade, without any capital of their own, although they have accidentally enriched a small number of persons, eventually have absorbed the principal profits, and possibly been the chief cause of the unflourishing state of the colony at large. Without fearing the charge of rashness, it may, in fact, be asserted, that if these charities and pious endowments had never existed, public prosperity in the Philippine Islands would, as in other parts, have been the immediate effect of the united efforts of the individual members of the community and of the experience acquired in the constant prosecution of the same object. As, however, a progress of this kind, although certain, must necessarily have been at first extremely slow, and as, on the other hand, the preference given to mercantile operations undertaken with the funds belonging to public charities, has its origin in the assemblage of vices so remarkable in the very organization of the body of Philippine merchants, any new measure on this subject might be deemed inconsistent, that at once deprived them of the use of resources on which they had been accustomed to rely, without removing those other defects which excuse, if not encourage, the continuation of the present system. Without, therefore, appealing to violent remedies, it is to be hoped that, in order to render plans of reform effectual, it will be sufficient, under more propitious circumstances, to see property brought from other countries to these Islands, as well as persons coming to settle in them, capable of managing it with that intelligence and economy required by trade. The competition of those who speculate at random would then cease, or what is the same, as money obtained at a premium could not then be laid out with the same advantages by the merchants as if it was their own, it will be necessary to renounce the fallacious profits held out by the public charities, till at least they are placed on a level with existing circumstances, and brought in to be of real service to the honorable planter and laborious merchant, in their accidental exigencies, ceasing to be, as hitherto, the indirect cause of idleness, dissipation, and the ruin of an infinite number of families.
Easy money but lower profits.Used to thinking of the resources provided by these kinds of funds as essential for the colony's survival, the struggling merchants [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]often mix up their personal interests with the general good; few stop to consider that the same means of doing business, without any of their own money, while they may have accidentally enriched a select few, ultimately have drained the main profits and likely contributed to the overall poor condition of the colony. Without being overly bold, it can actually be said that if these charitable donations and religious endowments had never existed, public prosperity in the Philippine Islands would have resulted, as it did in other areas, from the combined efforts of individual community members and the knowledge gained from consistently pursuing the same goal. However, since such progress, although certain, would have initially been very slow, and given the preference shown for business ventures funded by public charities arises from the notable flaws in how Philippine merchants are organized, any new action in this area might seem contradictory, as it would remove their access to resources they have come to rely on, without addressing those other issues that justify, if not promote, the continuation of the current system. Therefore, instead of resorting to drastic measures, it is hoped that to make reform plans effective, it will be enough, under more favorable conditions, to see resources brought from other countries to these Islands, as well as people coming to settle here who can manage them with the intelligence and efficiency needed for business. Once the random speculators are no longer in the picture, or in other words, since money gained at a premium could no longer be used by merchants with the same benefits as if it were their own, they will have to give up the misleading profits offered by public charities, at least until they are aligned with the current situation and genuinely serve the hardworking planter and merchant in their unexpected needs, rather than being, as they have been, a hidden cause of laziness, excess, and the downfall of countless families.
Mercantile shipping.The vessels which the district magistrates of the provinces employ in carrying on their trade with the capital and those belonging to some of the richer merchants, together with such as are owned by the natives and mestizos, on an approximate calculation, amount to twelve thousand tons, including ships, brigs, schooners, galleys, barges, etc. For the want of better data, this estimate is founded only on reasonable conjecture, aided by the advice of experienced [386]persons, for although the greatest part of these vessels are built by the natives in the neighborhood of their own towns, no register is kept of their number and dimensions, nor do they carry with them the usual certificates. Those belonging to the merchants, that is, ships and brigs of a certain size, have already begun to frequent the ports of China, Java, the coast of Coromandel, Bengal, and the Isle of France, availing themselves of the lucrative freights which formerly enriched and encouraged foreign shipping. The other class of vessels, although perfectly adequate to the coasting trade, cannot in general be applied to larger enterprises, on account of their not being sufficiently strong and capacious. The seamen are not apprenticed, or as it is usually called, matriculated, but their frequent crossing from island to island, their familiarity with regional tempests, voyages to various parts of America, and the occupation of fishing followed by the inhabitants of the coast, serve to train up a large body of dexterous and able mariners who at all times can be had, without any compulsion, to complete the crews.
Commercial shipping. The ships that the district magistrates of the provinces use for trading with the capital, along with those owned by wealthier merchants and some native and mestizo owners, roughly add up to twelve thousand tons. This includes a mix of ships, brigs, schooners, galleys, barges, and more. Due to a lack of better information, this estimate is based mainly on educated guesses, supported by insights from experienced [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] individuals. Most of these vessels are constructed by locals in their own towns, yet there is no official record of their numbers or sizes, nor do they carry standard certificates. The vessels owned by merchants, particularly ships and brigs of a certain size, have started to visit the ports of China, Java, the Coromandel coast, Bengal, and the Isle of France, taking advantage of the profitable freight opportunities that used to benefit foreign shipping. The other type of vessels, while perfectly suitable for coastal trade, generally cannot handle larger ventures because they aren't strong or spacious enough. The sailors are not formally trained or registered but gain experience from regularly traveling between islands, dealing with local storms, making voyages to various parts of America, and engaging in fishing, which collectively trains a considerable number of skilled and capable mariners who are always available to fill out crews without any need for compulsion.
Need of nautical school.The want of a public school for the teaching of navigation, is, however, sensibly felt, as well as great inconvenience from the scarcity of persons capable of being trusted with the command of vessels, and the ignorance that prevails of the waters of this dangerous Archipelago. Repeated royal orders have been sent over for the board of trade to proceed to the institution of so useful an establishment, and in the meantime, a medium has been resorted to in order to supply the deficiency, by allowing the free admission of foreign mates, provided they exhibit proofs of their acquaintance with navigation, and profess the Catholic worship. Shipowners nevertheless experience great difficulties, particularly at times when the Acapulco ship is fitting out, for although she is considered as a vessel of war, and commanded by officers of the royal navy, the plan of her equipment is so singular, that in addition, she requires the extra aid of one chief mate, and three under ones.
Need for a sailing school.The need for a public school to teach navigation is clearly felt, along with the significant issues caused by the lack of qualified people who can be trusted to command ships, and the general ignorance about the waters of this dangerous archipelago. There have been repeated royal orders urging the board of trade to establish such a beneficial institution. In the meantime, a temporary solution has been implemented to address the shortage by allowing foreign mates to enter freely, as long as they provide evidence of their navigation skills and practice the Catholic faith. Shipowners still face major challenges, especially when the Acapulco ship is being prepared, because even though it is considered a war vessel and is commanded by officers from the royal navy, its equipment plan is so unique that it also needs one chief mate and three assistants.
Royal Phillipine company.The various modifications this corporate body has successively experienced, have, in great measure, changed the essence of its original constitution, and the remonstrances of its directors, founded on the experience of a long series of years, at length induced the government at home to sanction alterations dictated by existing circumstances. The project of raising these Islands from the neglected state in which they were, and in some measure to place them in contact with the mother country, accompanied by a wish to give a new and great impulse to the various branches of industry which constitute the importance of a colony, could not have been more [387]laudable; but, as was afterwards seen, the instrument employed was not adequate to the object in view. At the same time that the company were charged to promote, and, by means of their funds, to vivify the agriculture and industry of these provinces, the necessary powers and facilities to enable them to reap the fruits of their sacrifices were withheld. The protection granted to this establishment, did not go beyond a general recommendation in favor of its enterprises, and, in short, far from enjoying the exclusive preponderance obtained at their commencement by all the other Asiatic companies, that of the Philippine Islands labored under particular disadvantages.
Philippine Royal Company.The various changes this company has gone through have greatly altered the essence of its original structure. The complaints of its directors, based on years of experience, finally persuaded the home government to approve changes needed for current situations. The plan to uplift these Islands from their neglected condition and connect them more with the mother country, along with a desire to boost the different industries that are vital to a colony, was commendable; however, as later demonstrated, the means used were not suitable for achieving the goals. While the company was tasked with promoting and using its resources to energize agriculture and industry in these provinces, the essential powers and support they needed to benefit from their investments were denied. The protection offered to this establishment amounted to just a general endorsement of its ventures, and ultimately, instead of enjoying the exclusive advantages that other Asian companies had at their start, the Philippine Islands faced specific challenges.
Local progress under adverse conditions.Notwithstanding an organization so imperfect, scarcely had the agents of the new Company arrived at Manila, when they distributed through the country their numerous dependents, commissioned to encourage the natives by advances of money. They established subaltern factories in the Provinces of Ilocos, Bataan, Cavite, and Camarines; purchased lands; delivered out agricultural implements; founded manufacturies of cotton cloths; contracted for the crops of produce at very high prices; offered rewards and, in short, they put in motion every partial resources they were able to avail themselves of and their limited means allowed. It would be extremely easy for me, in this place, to enter a particular enumeration of the important services of this kind rendered by the company, and to exhibit, in the most evident point of view, the advantages thence derived to these Islands, if, besides being slightly touched upon in the preceding articles, this task had not been already ably performed by the Factor Don Juan Francisco Urroz, in his accurate report on this subject, addressed to the governing committee of the company, in 1803. In justice I will nevertheless observe, that this establishment, anxiously resolved to attain the end proposed, in spite of so many obstacles, constantly followed up its expensive system without being disheartened; nor did the contrarieties with which the Royal Audiencia, or High Court of Justice, frequently paralyzed its plans, the indifference of the governors, or the general opposition and jealousy of the other classes, in any way tend to relax its efforts, till at length, convinced of the impossibility of successfully contending, alone and without any other arms than its own reduced capital; and, on the other hand, well aware that a political body of this kind in vain seeks to unite within itself the triple and opposite characters of agriculturalist, manufacturer, and merchant, a determination was taken to alter the plan, and withdraw the factories established in the provinces, and by adopting a rigid economy and confining the operations in future to the purchase of such produce and manufactured articles [388]as suited their trade, and were voluntarily brought by the natives to their stores, the expenses of the Company were curtailed, and a plan of reform introduced into all their speculations. By this means also they always secured an advantageous vent for the productions of the country, after having been the chief spring by which agriculture was promoted and encouraged in a direct manner.
Local progress in tough conditions.Despite the many flaws of the organization, as soon as the agents of the new Company arrived in Manila, they spread throughout the country with their numerous dependents, tasked with encouraging the locals by offering loans. They set up local factories in the provinces of Ilocos, Bataan, Cavite, and Camarines, bought land, supplied farming tools, established cotton cloth manufacturing, made contracts for crops at very high prices, offered rewards, and in short, they utilized every resource available to them within their limited means. It would be easy for me to detail the significant contributions made by the company and highlight the benefits these brought to the Islands. However, since this has been briefly touched upon in previous articles and has already been competently addressed by Factor Don Juan Francisco Urroz in his detailed report to the company's governing committee in 1803, I will refrain from that. I will mention, though, that this establishment remained committed to achieving its goal despite many challenges. It persistently pursued its costly system without losing motivation, even when faced with obstacles from the Royal Audiencia, or High Court of Justice, which often disrupted its plans, the indifference of governors, and the general opposition and jealousy from other groups. Eventually, recognizing that it was impossible to compete successfully on its own with only its limited capital, and understanding that a political body like this cannot effectively combine the roles of farmer, manufacturer, and merchant, a decision was made to revise the strategy. They withdrew the factories set up in the provinces and decided to adopt strict budget measures, limiting future operations to the purchase of products and manufactured goods that suited their trade and were voluntarily brought to their stores by the locals. This cut the Company’s expenses and introduced a reform plan across their activities. Through this approach, they also ensured a favorable market for the country’s products, having previously been a key factor in promoting and encouraging agriculture directly.
Handicapped in outside tradeThe most beneficial reform, however, introduced by this establishment into its system, has, in reality, been derived from the variation or rather correction of its plans and enterprises, purely maritime. The government being desirous to increase the relations of this colony by every possible means, and to convert it into a common center of all the operations of the new company, at first required of the agents that the purchases and collection of goods from the coast of Coromandel, Bengal, and China, destined for Spain, should take place at Manila, either by purchasing the articles in that market, or through the medium of previous contracts to deliver them there. From this it is easy to infer, that the company was infallibly exposed to the harsh terms the respective contractors sought to impose upon them, as well with regard to prices as qualities, unless, in many cases, they preferred being left without the necessary assortments. Hence may it, without the smallest exaggeration, be affirmed, that, summing up all the surcharges under which the shipments left the port of Manila, and comparing them with those which might have been sent direct from the above-mentioned points, and without so extraordinary a détour as the one prescribed by law, the difference that followed in the prime cost of the cargos was not less than 80 per cent. The urgent manner, however, in which the directors of the company did not cease to deplore and complain of so evident a hardship, at length had the desired effect, and after existing ten or twelve years, so preposterous a system was successfully overthrown, and permission obtained from the king for the establishment of Spanish factories in the neighborhood of the China and India manufactures, as well as the power of addressing shipments direct to those foreign dominions. The enlightened policy of their respective governments did not allow them to hesitate in giving a favorable reception to our factors and vessels, and the purchases and shipments of Asiatic goods being thus realized without the old obstructions, the Company was reasonably led to hope being able soon to increase its operations, and progressively present more satisfactory results to the shareholders, when those political convulsions succeeding soon after, which have unhinged or destroyed all the ordinary relations of trade, compelled them to abandon their hopes, till the wished-for calm should be again restored.
Disabled in outside tradeThe most beneficial reform introduced by this organization into its system has actually come from the changes or corrections made to its purely maritime plans and operations. The government, wanting to strengthen the connections of this colony by every means possible and make it a central hub for all the activities of the new company, initially required the agents to purchase and collect goods from the coasts of Coromandel, Bengal, and China, meant for Spain, at Manila. They could either buy the goods in that market or arrange for them to be delivered there through prior contracts. From this, it's clear that the company faced harsh conditions imposed by the respective contractors regarding prices and quality, unless, in many instances, they chose to go without the necessary assortments. Therefore, it can be said without any exaggeration that when summing up all the extra charges on shipments leaving Manila and comparing them with what would have come directly from the previously mentioned locations—without the significant detour mandated by law—the difference in the base cost of the cargos was no less than 80 percent. However, the persistent complaints and lamentations from the company directors about such an obvious injustice eventually had the desired effect. After ten or twelve years, this unreasonable system was successfully dismantled, and permission was granted by the king to establish Spanish trading posts near Chinese and Indian manufacturing centers, along with the ability to send shipments directly to those foreign territories. The progressive policies of their respective governments welcomed our merchants and ships, allowing the purchasing and shipping of Asian goods to occur without the previous barriers, which reasonably led the Company to hope it could soon expand its operations and provide more satisfactory results to shareholders. However, the political turmoil that followed soon after disrupted or destroyed all normal trading relations, forcing them to abandon their hopes until stability could be restored.
[389]Temporary expedient of 1803.In consequence of the new character and route given to the commercial enterprises of the Company, as authorized by a royal decree of July 12, 1803, the functions of the Manila factors were reduced to the annual shipment of a cargo of Asiatic goods to Peru, valued at $500,000, but only as long as the war lasted, and till the expiration of the extraordinary permits granted through the goodness of the king, and also to the transmitting to China and Bengal of the specie brought from America, and the collecting of certain quantities of indigo, sugar, or other produce of the Islands, with a view to gain by reselling it in the same market. Consequently, the moment things return to their pacific and ordinary course, will be the period when the necessity of the future existence of this establishment will cease, or at least, when the propriety will be evident of its reform or assimilation to the other commission houses, carrying on trade in Vera Cruz, Mexico, etc., which, not being hired establishments, do not create expenses when they cease to transact business.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Temporary solution of 1803.Due to the new direction and pathways for the Company’s commercial activities, as approved by a royal decree on July 12, 1803, the roles of the Manila agents were limited to the annual shipment of a cargo of Asian goods to Peru, valued at $500,000, but only as long as the war continued and until the extra permits granted by the king expired. They were also responsible for sending the money brought from America to China and Bengal, and for collecting certain amounts of indigo, sugar, or other products from the Islands, aiming to profit from reselling them in the same market. Therefore, as soon as things return to a peaceful and normal state, the need for this establishment will end, or at the very least, it will be clear that it needs to be reformed or integrated with other commission houses operating in Vera Cruz, Mexico, etc., which, not being hired setups, don’t incur costs when they stop doing business.
Competition of foreign merchants.Against a measure of this kind it would be useless to allege, that, “by the exclusive privilege to introduce spirits and European effects into the colony, the Company has contracted the obligation of always keeping it properly supplied; that their very institution had for the basis the general improvement of the Islands, and in order duly to comply with these duties, it becomes indispensably necessary to keep up the present expensive establishment;” for, in the first place, in order, to render it incumbent on the company to introduce an indefinite quantity of European articles, it previously would be necessary to provide a vent for them, and this can never be the case, unless the exclusion of all competitors in the market is rigorously carried into effect. As things now are, the North Americans, English, French, and every other nation that wishes, openly usurped this privilege, by constantly inundating the Islands with spirits and all kinds of effects, and it is very evident that this same abuse which authorizes the infraction of the above privilege, if in that light it could in any way be considered, totally exonerates the company from all obligations by them contracted under a different understanding. Besides, the circumstances which have taken place since the publication of the royal decree, creating the above establishment into a corporate body, in the year 1785, have entirely changed the order established in this respect. In the first place, the port of Manila has been opened to foreign nations, in consequence of the disinterested representations of the company itself, and for the direct advantage of general trade; nor was it necessary [390]to prevent our new guests from abusing the facilities thus granted to them, and much less to confine them to the mere introduction of Asiatic goods, the original plea made use of. In the second, as soon as the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands became familiar with the more useful and elegant objects of convenience and luxury, which they were enabled to purchase from foreigners, at reasonable prices, it was natural for them to pay little regard to the superfluous aid of the company, more particularly when the latter were no longer able to sustain the competition, either in the sale or supply of a multitude of articles, which, thanks to our own national simplicity, are scarcely known in Spain, whence their outward-bound cargoes are divided. Hence it follows that, far from the importation and supplies of the company being missed, it may with great reason be presumed, that this formal renunciation of this ideal privilege of theirs, must rather have contributed to secure, in a permanent manner, adequate supplies for all the wants and whims of the inhabitants of the colony; and that the publicity of such a determination would act as a fresh allurement successively to bring to the port of Manila a host of foreign speculators, anxious to avail themselves of a fresh opening for commercial pursuits.
Competition among foreign merchants.It's pointless to argue that “because the Company has the exclusive right to import spirits and European goods into the colony, they are obligated to keep it sufficiently stocked; that their foundation was based on the overall improvement of the Islands, and to fulfill these responsibilities, it’s essential to maintain the current expensive operation.” First, for the company to be obliged to introduce unlimited European items, there would need to be a market for them, which can only happen if all competitors are completely excluded. As it stands, North Americans, English, French, and any other nations have openly taken this privilege, constantly flooding the Islands with spirits and various goods. It's clear that this abuse, which undermines the above privilege, completely frees the company from any obligations made under a different understanding. Furthermore, the events that have unfolded since the royal decree established the above as a corporate body in 1785 have completely changed the previous order. First, the port of Manila has been opened to foreign nations thanks to the selfless initiatives of the company itself for the benefit of general trade; there was no need to prevent our new guests from misusing the benefits granted to them or to limit them to just introducing Asian goods, which was the original argument. Second, once the people of the Philippine Islands became accustomed to more useful and stylish conveniences and luxuries, which they could buy from foreigners at reasonable prices, it was only natural for them to pay little attention to the unnecessary assistance of the company, especially when the company could no longer compete in selling or supplying many items that, due to our own national simplicity, are hardly known in Spain, where their outgoing cargoes are divided. Therefore, instead of missing the imports and supplies of the company, it can be reasonably assumed that this formal rejection of their supposed privilege must have rather contributed to permanently securing adequate supplies for all the needs and desires of the inhabitants of the colony; and that the openness of such a decision would serve as a new attraction to bring numerous foreign speculators to the port of Manila, eager to take advantage of new opportunities for trade.
Company not a philanthropy.The other objection, founded on the mistaken notion of its being inherent in, and belonging to, the very essence of the company, to promote the general improvement of the Philippine Islands, if well considered, will appear equally unjust. It is, in fact, a ridiculous, although too generally received, a prejudice to suppose, that the founders of this establishment proposed to themselves the plan of sinking the money of the shareholders in clearing the lands, and perfecting the rude manufactures of these distant Islands. To imagine this to have been one of the principal objects of the institution, or to suppose that, on this hard condition, their various privileges and exemptions were granted to them, is so far from the reality of the fact, that it would only be necessary to read with attention the 26th article of the quoted royal decree of creation, in order more correctly to comprehend the origin and constitutive system of this political body.
Business, not a charity. The other concern, based on the mistaken belief that promoting the overall improvement of the Philippine Islands is essential to the company’s very nature, will, upon closer inspection, seem equally unfounded. It is truly absurd, though widely accepted, to think that the founders of this establishment intended to invest the shareholders' money in clearing land and developing the basic industries of these distant islands. To believe that this was one of the main goals of the institution, or to think that their various privileges and exemptions were granted under such challenging conditions, is so far from the truth that it would only take a careful reading of the 26th article of the cited royal decree of creation to better understand the origin and foundational structure of this political entity.
“The latter,” says the Duke de Almodovar, “is reduced to two principal points: the first of which is the carrying of the trade of Asia with that of America and Europe; and the second, the encouragement and improvement of the productions and manufacturing industry of the Islands. The one is the essential attribute of the company, constituting its real character of a mercantile society; and, in the other respect, it becomes an auxiliary of the government, [391]to whom the duties alluded to more immediately belong.” If to the above we add the preamble of the 43rd article of the new decree of 1803, the recommendation, made to the company, to contribute to the prosperity of the agriculture and manufacturing industry of the Islands, will appear as a limited and secondary consideration; for even if the question were carried to extremes, it could never extend to any more than the application of four per cent of the annual profits of the company indistinctly to both branches. If, however, any doubts still remained, the explanation or solution recently given to this question would certainly remove them; because, by the simple fact of its being expressed in the latter part of the aforesaid 43rd article, Profit percent to go to Spain.“That the above-mentioned four per cent was to be laid out, with the king’s approbation, in behalf of the agriculture and manufacturing industry of Spain and the Philippine Islands,” it is clear that the king reserves and appropriates to himself the investment of the amount to be deducted from the general dividends, in order to apply it where and how may be deemed most advisable. Consequently, far from considering the company in that respect under an obligation to contribute to the improvement of the Philippines exclusively, the only thing that can be required of them, when their charter is withdrawn, is, the repayment to the royal treasury of the four per cent on their profits, for a purpose so vaguely defined. In following up this same train of argument, it would seem that, in order to render the amount to be deducted from the eventual profits of the company, in the course of time, a productive capital in the hands of the sovereign, the funds of the society not only ought not to be diverted to the continuation of projects which consume them, but, on the contrary, it is necessary to place at their disposal the direct means by which these funds can be increased, in order to make up to the company in some measure the enormous losses experienced of late years, and at once free their commerce from the shackles with which it has hitherto been obstructed.
“The latter,” says the Duke de Almodovar, “comes down to two main points: the first is connecting the trade of Asia with that of America and Europe; and the second is promoting and enhancing the agriculture and manufacturing sectors of the Islands. The first is the key characteristic of the company, defining its true nature as a mercantile society; and in the other regard, it serves as an aid to the government, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]to whom these responsibilities more directly belong.” If we add the preamble of the 43rd article of the new decree of 1803, the recommendation for the company to support the growth of agriculture and manufacturing in the Islands seems like a limited and secondary matter; because even if taken to extremes, it could only result in allocating four percent of the company’s annual profits equally to both areas. However, if there are still lingering doubts, the clarification recently provided on this issue would likely address them; because, simply by being mentioned in the latter part of the aforementioned 43rd article, Percentage of profits to be sent to Spain.“That the mentioned four percent was to be spent, with the king's approval, to support agriculture and manufacturing in Spain and the Philippine Islands,” it’s clear that the king retains and assigns the investment of the amount deducted from the general dividends, deciding where and how it should be used as he sees fit. Therefore, far from obligating the company to contribute exclusively to the improvement of the Philippines, the only requirement upon withdrawal of their charter is for them to repay the royal treasury four percent of their profits, for such vaguely defined purposes. Continuing with this line of reasoning, it seems that, to turn the amount to be deducted from the company’s future profits into productive capital for the sovereign, the society's funds should not be redirected to ongoing projects that deplete them; rather, it’s necessary to provide the means to increase these funds, to somewhat compensate the company for the significant losses incurred in recent years, and to free their trade from the constraints that have hindered it until now.
Need of special privilegesFinally, after twenty-four years of impotent and gratuitous efforts in the Philippines, and of the most obstinate opposition on the part of their rivals, it is now time for the company, by giving up the ungrateful struggle, to reform in every respect their expensive establishment in Manila, and to direct their principal endeavors to carry into effect the project so imperfectly traced out in the new decree of 1803. The opinion of the most vehement enemies of the privileged bodies tacitly approves this exception in their favor. Adam Smith, avowedly hostile to all monopolies, feels himself compelled [392]to confess that, “without the incentives which exclusive companies offer to the individuals of a nation carrying on little trade, possibly their confined capitals would cease to be destined to the remote and uncertain enterprises which constitute a commerce with the East Indies.”
Need for special privilegesFinally, after twenty-four years of ineffective and unnecessary efforts in the Philippines, along with strong opposition from their competitors, it's time for the company to abandon this ungrateful struggle, reform their costly operations in Manila, and focus their main efforts on implementing the plan that was only vaguely outlined in the new decree of 1803. Even the fiercest critics of the privileged organizations implicitly agree with this exception in their favor. Adam Smith, who is openly against all monopolies, feels he must [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]acknowledge that, “without the incentives that exclusive companies provide to individuals in a nation engaged in limited trade, their limited resources might not be allocated to the distant and unpredictable ventures that make up trade with the East Indies.”
Spanish commerce in its infancy.Our commerce, compared with that of other nations, notwithstanding what may be said on this subject, is most assuredly yet in a state of infancy. That with Asia, more especially, with the exception of the Royal Company, is almost unknown to all other classes. If it is, therefore, wished to exclude our many rivals from so lucrative a branch of trade as that which constitutes supplies for the consumption of the Peninsula and its dependencies, the means are obvious. The most material fact is in fact already done. The navigation to the various ports of Asia is familiar to the company’s navy; their factors and clerks have acquired a practical knowledge of that species of trade, essential to the undertaking, as well as such information as was at first unknown; but, after the great misfortune this body has experienced, it will be indispensably necessary to aid and invigorate them with large supplies of money, following the example of other governments in similar cases; in order that the successful issue of their future operations may compensate their past losses, and worthily correspond with the magnitude of the object.
Spanish commerce in its early days. Our commerce, when compared to that of other nations, is definitely still in its early stages, despite what others might say. Trade with Asia, especially, is almost completely unfamiliar to most people, except for the Royal Company. If we want to keep our many competitors away from such a profitable area of trade that supplies the Peninsula and its territories, the steps are clear. The most important groundwork has already been laid. The company's navy is well-acquainted with navigation to various ports in Asia; their agents and clerks have gained practical knowledge crucial to this trade and have acquired information that was initially unknown. However, after the significant setback this organization has faced, it will be essential to support and revitalize them with substantial financial resources, following the lead of other governments in comparable situations. This way, the success of their future efforts can make up for their past losses and align with the importance of the goal.
Philippines a burden to Spain.This Asiatic colony, although considered as conferring great lustre on the crown and name of our monarch, by exhibiting the vast extent of the limits of his dominions, has in reality been, during a long series of years, a true burden to the government, or at least, a possession whose chief advantages have redounded in favor of other powers, rivals of our maritime importance. Notwithstanding all that has been said on the score of real utility, certain it is, that the Philippine establishment has cost the treasury large sums of money; although, within the last twenty-five or thirty years, it must be confessed that the public revenues has experienced a considerable increase, and, of itself, has become an object of some consequence to the state.
Philippines burdens Spain.This Asian colony, though seen as adding great prestige to our monarch's crown and name by showcasing the vast reach of his territories, has actually been a real burden to the government for many years. It's primarily benefited rival powers competing with us in maritime importance. Despite all claims of its real usefulness, it's clear that the Philippine establishment has drained significant funds from the treasury; however, over the past twenty-five to thirty years, it's true that public revenues have seen a notable increase and have become somewhat important to the state on their own.
Profit from tobacco monopoly and foreign trade.Among the various causes which have contributed to produce so favorable an alteration, the chief one have been the establishment of the tobacco monopoly, on behalf of the crown, and the opening of the port of Manila to the flag of other nations, at peace with Spain. The first has considerably increased the entries into the public treasury, and the second has tended to multiply the general mass of mercantile operations, independent of the other beneficial [393]effects this last measure must have produced in a country, whose resources, trade and consumption had, from the time of the conquest, experienced the fatal shackles imposed by jealousy and ignorance.
Gain from the tobacco monopoly and international trade.Among the various reasons that have led to such a positive change, the main ones have been the establishment of the tobacco monopoly for the crown and the opening of the port of Manila to ships from other nations at peace with Spain. The first has significantly boosted the income to the public treasury, while the second has increased overall trade activities, apart from the other positive effects this last measure must have had in a country whose resources, trade, and consumption had been limited by jealousy and ignorance since the time of the conquest. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
Improvement in public finances.The improved aspect the colony soon assumed, by the introduction of this new system, as was natural, awakened the attention of ministers, and induced them more easily to consent to the measures subsequently proposed to them, principally intended to place those distant dominions on a footing of permanent security, so as to enable them to repel any fresh attempts on the part of an enemy. As, however, the productions of the country increased, the public expenses also became greater, although always in a much smaller proportion, with the exception of the interval between the years 1797 and 1802, when the government, fearful of a second invasion, was compelled, at its own expense, to provide against the danger with which these Islands were then threatened. If, therefore, as appears from the official reports of the treasurer-general, Larzabal, in my possession, the receipts at the treasury, in 1780, amounted only to $700,000 including the situado, or annual allowance for the expenses of government sent from New Spain, and after the ordinary charges of administration had been paid, a surplus of $170,000 remained in the hands of the treasurer; at present we have the satisfaction to find that the revenue is equal to $2,625,176.50 and the expenses do not exceed $2,179,731.87 by which means an annual surplus of $445,444.62 is left, applicable to the payment of the debt contracted during the extraordinary period above mentioned, now reduced to about $900,000 and afterwards transferable to the general funds belonging to the crown.
Better public finances.The improved situation in the colony, due to the introduction of this new system, naturally caught the attention of ministers, making them more willing to agree to the proposals that followed, aimed mainly at ensuring the long-term security of these distant territories so they could defend against any new threats from enemies. However, as the country's production increased, public expenses also rose, though still at a much lower rate, except for the period between 1797 and 1802, when the government, worried about a potential second invasion, had to spend its own funds to guard against the threats facing these Islands. According to the official reports from the treasurer-general, Larzabal, which I have, the treasury receipts in 1780 were only $700,000, including the situado, or annual allowance for government expenses sent from New Spain. After covering the normal administrative costs, a surplus of $170,000 was left with the treasurer. Currently, we are pleased to note that the revenue is $2,625,176.50, while expenses do not exceed $2,179,731.87, resulting in an annual surplus of $445,444.62. This surplus can be used to pay off the debt incurred during the extraordinary period mentioned earlier, which has now been reduced to about $900,000 and will later be transferable to the general funds belonging to the crown.
Economy over Spanish-American colonial administration.With regard to the administrative system, it is in every respect similar to the one observed in our governments of America, with this difference only, that, in the Philippine Islands, greater economy prevails in salaries, as well as in the number of persons employed. In former times, the establishment of intendencies, or boards of administration, was deemed expedient in Manila, Ilocos, Camarines, Iloilo, and Cebu; but they were soon afterwards reformed, or rather laid aside, on account of their being deemed superfluous. I would venture to state the grounds on which this opinion was then formed; but, as the sphere in which the king’s revenue acts in these Islands increases and extends, which naturally will be the case if the plans and improvements dictated by the present favorable circumstances are carried into effect, I do not hesitate to say that it will be necessary again to appeal to the establishment of a greater number of boards for the management and collection of the various branches [394]of the revenue, whether they are called intendencies, or by any other name; as it will be extremely difficult for the administration to do its duty, on the confined and inadequate plan under which it is at present organized.
Economy over Spanish-American colonial rule. In terms of the administrative system, it’s quite similar to what we see in American governments, with only one key difference: in the Philippine Islands, there’s a greater focus on cost-efficiency in salaries and the number of employees. In the past, the creation of boards of administration, or intendencies, was considered necessary in Manila, Ilocos, Camarines, Iloilo, and Cebu; however, these were soon reformed or set aside because they were seen as unnecessary. I would like to discuss the reasons behind this view, but as the scope of the king’s revenue in these Islands grows and expands—which is bound to happen if the plans and improvements suggested by the current favorable conditions are implemented—I believe it will be essential to establish more boards to manage and collect various revenue branches, whether they are called intendencies or something else. It will be extremely challenging for the administration to effectively carry out its responsibilities under the current limited and insufficient structure. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
Fiscal system.Under its existing form, it is constituted in the following manner: The governor of the Islands, in his quality of superintendent or administrator general, and as uniting in himself the powers of intendent of the army, presides at the board of administration of the king’s revenue, which is placed in the immediate charge of a treasurer and two clerks. The principal branches have their respective general directors, on whom the provincial administrators depend, and the civil magistrates, in the quality of sub-delegates, collect within their respective districts, the tributes paid by the natives in money and produce, and manage everything else relating to the king’s revenue. In ordinary cases, the general laws of the Indies govern, and especially are the ordinances or regulations of the Intendents of New Spain (Mexico) ordered to be observed in the Philippines. It ought further to be observed, that, in these Islands, the same as in all the vice-royalties and governments of America, there is a distinct body of royal decrees in force, which, in themselves, constitute a code of considerable size.
Financial system. In its current form, it is structured as follows: The governor of the Islands, acting as the chief administrator, and holding the powers of the army superintendent, leads the board that manages the king’s revenue, which is directly overseen by a treasurer and two clerks. Each major branch has its own general directors, who the provincial administrators report to, while civil magistrates, as sub-delegates, collect the taxes from the locals in cash and goods within their districts and handle all other matters related to the king’s revenue. Generally, the laws of the Indies apply, particularly the regulations set by the Intendents of New Spain (Mexico), which are mandated to be followed in the Philippines. It should also be noted that, in these Islands, similar to all the vice-royalties and governments in America, there is a specific set of royal decrees in effect, which together form a significant code.
Opposition to tobacco monopoly.The process of converting the consumption of tobacco into a monopoly met with a most obstinate resistance on the part of the inhabitants, and the greatest circumspection and constancy were necessary for the governor, Don José Basco, to carry this arduous enterprise into effect. Accustomed to the cultivation of this plant without any restriction whatever, and habituated to its use from their infancy, it appeared to the people the extreme of rashness to seek simultaneously to extirpate it from the face of the greatest part of the Island of Luzon, in order to confine its culture within the narrow limits of a particular district. They were equally revolted at the idea of giving to a common article a high and arbitrary value, when, besides, it had become one of the first necessity. Every circumstance, however, being dispassionately considered, and the principle once admitted that it was expedient for the colony to maintain itself by means the least burdensome to the inhabitants, it certainly must be acknowledged that, although odious on account of its novelty and defective in the mode of its execution, a resource more productive and at the same time less injurious, could not have been devised. Hence was it that the partisans of the opposite system were strangely misled, by founding their calculation on false [395]data, when they alleged that a substitute, equivalent to the increased revenue supposed to arise out of the monopoly of tobacco, might have been resorted to by ordering a proportionate rise in the branch of tributes. In fact, no one who had the least experience in matters of this kind, can be ignorant of the open repugnance the natives have always evinced to the payment of the ordinary head-tax (cedula), and the broils to which its collection has given rise. Besides, if well examined, no theory is more defective and more oppressive on account of the disparity with which it operates, than this same wrongly-boasted impost; for, however desirous it may be to simplify the method of collecting the general revenue of a state, if the best plan is to be adopted, that is, if public burdens are to be rendered the least obnoxious, it is necessary preferably to embrace the system of indirect contribution, in which class, to a certain degree, the monopoly of all those articles may be considered as included which are not rigorously of the first necessity, and only compel the individual to contribute when his own will induce him to become a consumer.
Opposing tobacco monopoly.The attempt to turn tobacco consumption into a monopoly faced strong resistance from the local population. The governor, Don José Basco, needed considerable caution and determination to make this challenging initiative work. The locals were used to growing this plant freely and had grown up using it; so, they thought it was extremely reckless to try to eliminate it from most of Luzon and restrict its cultivation to a small area. They were also deeply opposed to giving a common item a high, arbitrary price, especially since it had become essential for their daily lives. However, when all factors were calmly considered, and once it was accepted that the colony needed to support itself in the least burdensome way for the inhabitants, it must be acknowledged that, despite being unpopular due to its novelty and flawed implementation, no more productive and less harmful resource could have been devised. Thus, supporters of the opposing view were mistakenly misled, basing their arguments on incorrect [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]data, claiming that a substitute equivalent to the expected increased revenue from the tobacco monopoly could be found by raising other taxes proportionately. In reality, anyone with even a little experience in these matters knows the deep resistance the locals have always shown to paying the regular head tax (cedula), and the conflicts that arise during its collection. Moreover, upon closer examination, no theory is more flawed and more burdensome because of its unfair application than this supposed tax; although there’s a desire to simplify how general revenue is collected, the best approach is to adopt an indirect tax system. In this category, the monopoly on all items that aren’t strictly necessities can be viewed as a part, since it only requires individuals to contribute when they choose to consume those items.
Doubling of insular revenue thru tobacco.Let this be as it may, certain it is, that to Governor Basco we are indebted for having doubled the annual amount of the revenue of these Islands, by merely rendering the consumption of tobacco subservient to the wants of the crown. It was he who placed these Islands in the comfortable situation of being able to subsist without being dependent on external supplies of money to meet the exigencies of government. It ought, however, to be remarked that, although they have been in the habit of receiving the annual allowance of $250,000 for which a standing credit was opened by the government at home on the general treasury of New Spain, considerable sums have, nevertheless, on various occasions, been remitted from the Philippines to Spain, through the channel of the Captain-General. * * * If these remittances have been suspended for some years past, it has evidently been owing to the imperious necessity of applying the ordinary proceeds of the revenue, as well as other extraordinary means, to unforeseen contingencies arising out of peculiar circumstances.
Doubling the revenue from tobacco on the islands.That being said, it’s clear that we owe Governor Basco for doubling the annual revenue of these Islands just by making tobacco consumption work for the crown's needs. He put these Islands in a good position to survive without relying on external money to fund government expenses. However, it's worth noting that while they typically received an annual allowance of $250,000, thanks to a standing credit opened by the government back home on New Spain's general treasury, significant amounts have still been sent from the Philippines to Spain on various occasions through the Captain-General. * * * If these remittances have been on hold for the last few years, it’s clearly because of the pressing need to use regular revenue and other extraordinary resources to handle unexpected issues stemming from unique situations.
Tobacco belt.The planting and cultivation of tobacco are now confined to the district of Gapan, in Pampanga Province, to that of Cagayan, and to the small Island of Marinduque. The amount of the crops raised in the above three points and sold to the king, may, on an average, be estimated at fifty thousand bales, grown in the following proportion: Gapan, forty-seven thousand bales; Cagayan, two thousand, and Marinduque, one thousand. This stock, resold at [396]the monopoly prices, yields a sum equal to about one million of dollars, and deducting therefrom the prime cost and all other expenses, legally chargeable on this branch, the net proceeds in favor of the revenue amount to $550,000 or upwards of one hundred twenty-two per cent. This profit is so much more secure, as it rests on the positive fact that, however great the quantity of the article sold furtively and by evading the vigilance of the guards, as the demand and consumption are excessive and always exceed the stock on hand, a ready sale cannot fail to be had for all the stock placed in the hands of the agents of the monopoly. From this it may also be inferred how much the net proceeds of this branch would be increased, if without venturing too far in extending the plantations and consequent purchases, care was taken to render the supplies more proportionate to the consumption; for, by a clear profit of one hundred twenty-two per cent, falling on a larger capital, it follows that a corresponding result would be obtained. In a word, the sales, far from declining or being in any way deemed precarious, are susceptible of a great increase, consequently this branch of revenue merits the serious attention of government beyond all others.
Tobacco region.The planting and cultivation of tobacco are now limited to the Gapan district in Pampanga Province, the area of Cagayan, and the small Island of Marinduque. The total crop produced in these three areas and sold to the king is estimated to average around fifty thousand bales, distributed as follows: Gapan with forty-seven thousand bales, Cagayan with two thousand, and Marinduque with one thousand. This stock, resold at [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]monopoly prices, generates about one million dollars. After subtracting the initial costs and all other legally allowed expenses associated with this sector, the net revenue amounts to $550,000, which is over one hundred twenty-two percent. This profit is particularly secure because, regardless of how much tobacco is sold illegally and despite the guards' efforts, the demand and consumption are so high that they always exceed the available stock. This ensures a quick sale for all the stock managed by the monopoly's agents. It can also be inferred that the net proceeds could increase significantly if, without overly expanding the plantations and purchases, efforts were made to align supplies more closely with consumption. With a clear profit of one hundred twenty-two percent on a larger capital, a corresponding result would follow. In summary, rather than declining or being seen as risky, sales have great potential for increase, making this revenue source deserving of serious government attention above all others.
Defective sales system.It is, however, to be lamented that, instead of every facility being given to the sale of tobacco and the consumption thus encouraged, the public meet with great difficulties and experience such frequent obstacles and deficiencies in the supplies, that with truth it may also be said, the sales are affected in spite of the administrators themselves. In the capital alone it is a generally received opinion that a third part more would there be consumed, if, instead of compelling the purchaser to receive the tobacco already manufactured or folded, he was allowed to take it from the stores in its primitive state; and if the minor establishments in the provinces were constantly supplied with good qualities, an infinitely larger quantity might be sold, and by this means a great deal of smuggling also prevented. Such, however, is the neglect and irregularity in this department, that it frequently happens in towns somewhat distant from Manila, no other tobacco is to be met with than what the smugglers sell, and if, perchance, any is to be found in the monopoly stores, it is usually of the worst quality that can be imagined.
Faulty sales system.It is, however, unfortunate that instead of making it easier for people to buy tobacco and encouraging its use, the public faces significant challenges and regularly encounters obstacles and shortages in the supply. It's fair to say that sales are hindered, even by those in charge. In the capital alone, many believe that a third more tobacco would be consumed if buyers were allowed to take it straight from the warehouses in its raw form rather than being forced to buy it already processed. If smaller shops in the provinces were consistently stocked with quality products, a much larger quantity could be sold, which would also help reduce smuggling. Unfortunately, the neglect and inconsistencies in this area mean that in towns farther away from Manila, the only tobacco available often comes from smugglers, and if there happens to be any in the government stores, it's usually the lowest quality imaginable.
Loss from preventable causes.I pass over, in silence, the other defects gradually introduced, as evils, in a greater or lesser degree, inseparable from this part of public administration in every country in which it has been deemed necessary to establish monopolies; but I cannot refrain from again insisting on the urgency with which those in power ought to devote themselves, firmly and diligently, to the destruction of abuses which [397]have hitherto paralyzed the progress of the branch in question, because I am well persuaded, that, whenever corresponding means are adopted, it will be possible in a short time to double the proceeds. What these means are, it is not easy, nor indeed essential, to particularize in a rapid sketch, like this, of the leading features and present state of the Philippine Islands. I shall, therefore, merely remark, that it will be in vain to wish the persons engaged in the management of this department to exert their real zeal and sincerely co-operate in the views of government, as long as they are not placed beyond the necessity of following other pursuits and gaining a livelihood in another way; in a word, unless they have a salary assigned them, corresponding to the confidence and value of the important object entrusted to their charge, no plan of reform can be rendered efficient.
Loss from avoidable causes.I will not go into the other issues that have gradually emerged as problems, which are somewhat unavoidable in public administration in any country where monopolies are seen as necessary. However, I must emphasize again how urgent it is for those in power to commit themselves to eliminating the abuses that [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] have so far hindered progress in this area. I firmly believe that if appropriate measures are put in place, it will be possible to significantly increase revenue in a short amount of time. While it's not easy, nor really necessary, to detail what these measures are in a brief overview of the main aspects and current situation of the Philippine Islands, I will point out that it is pointless to expect those involved in managing this department to show genuine dedication and work cooperatively with government goals if they are forced to seek other jobs to make a living. In short, unless they receive a salary that reflects the trust and importance of the role they are assigned, no reform plan can be truly effective.
Abuses by revenue officers.At the same time steps are taken to augment the revenue arising out of tobacco, it would be desirable, as much as possible, to improve the methods used with regard to those who gather in the crops, by endeavoring to relieve them from the heavy conditions imposed upon them; conditions which, besides exposing them to the odious effects of revenue-laws, by their very nature bring upon them many unpleasant consequences, and often total ruin. In order that a correct opinion may be formed of these defects, it will suffice to observe that, under pretext of preventing smuggling, the guards and their agents watch, visit, and, if I may use the expression, live among the plantations from the moment the tobacco-seedlings appear above ground, till the crops are gathered in. After compelling the Filipino planter to cut off the head of the stem, in order that the plant may not become too luxurious, the surveyors then proceed to set down, not only the number of plants cultivated on each estate, but even the very leaves of each, distinguishing their six qualities, in order to call the farmers to account, respectively, when they make a defective delivery into the general stores. In the latter case, they are compelled to prove the death of the plants and even to account for the leaves missing when counted over again, under the penalty of being exposed to the rigor of the revenue laws.
Abuses by tax officers.At the same time that efforts are being made to increase the revenue from tobacco, it’s important to also improve the methods used for those who harvest the crops, working to ease the heavy burdens placed on them. These burdens not only expose them to the unpleasant effects of revenue laws but also lead to many negative consequences, often resulting in complete ruin. To understand these issues better, it’s enough to note that, under the guise of preventing smuggling, the guards and their agents monitor, visit, and essentially live among the plantations from the moment the tobacco seedlings break ground until the crops are harvested. After forcing the Filipino planter to trim the top of the stem so the plant doesn't grow too lush, the inspectors then record not just the number of plants grown on each estate but even the specific leaves from each plant, categorizing them into six qualities. This allows them to hold the farmers accountable when they make a subpar delivery to the general stores. In such cases, farmers must prove the plants' deaths and account for any missing leaves when recounted, or they risk facing strict penalties under revenue laws.
Burdensome and unprofitable inspection.It cannot indeed be denied that by this means two important objects are attained, at one and the same time; the one, the gradual improvement of the tobacco, and the other, the greater difficulty of secreting the article; but, on the other hand, how great are the inconveniences incurred? Independent of the singularity and consequent oppression of a regulation of this kind, as well as its too great minuteness and complication, it is attended with very considerable [398]expenses, and renders it necessary to keep on foot a whole army of guards and clerks, who tyrannize over and harass the people without any real motive for such great scrupulosity and profusion. I make this observation because I cannot help thinking that the same results might nearly be obtained, by adopting a more simple and better regulated system. I am not exactly aware of the one followed in the Island of Cuba, but as far as I understand the matter, it is simply reduced to this: the growers there merely present their bales to the inspectors, and if pronounced to be sound and good, the stipulated amount is paid over to them; but if the quality is bad, the whole is invariably burnt. Thus all sales detrimental to the public revenue are prevented, and I do not see why the same steps could not be taken in the Philippine Islands. It must not, however, be understood, that I presume to speak in a decisive tone on a subject so extremely delicate, and that requires great practical information, which, I readily acknowledge, I do not possess. I merely wish by means of these slight hints, to contribute to the commencement of a reform in abuses, and to promote the adoption of a plan that may have for basis the relief of the growers, and at the same time advance the prosperity of this part of the royal revenue.
Inefficient and unprofitable inspection. It’s undeniable that this approach achieves two significant goals at once: the gradual improvement of tobacco and making it harder to hide the product. However, the inconveniences it brings are considerable. Aside from the oddity and oppression of such a regulation, along with its unnecessary detail and complexity, it incurs substantial [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] expenses and requires a large number of guards and clerks, who end up harassing people without any good reason for such excessive scrutiny and expense. I mention this because I believe we could achieve similar results with a simpler and more efficient system. I’m not entirely sure about the method used in Cuba, but as far as I understand, it works like this: the growers present their bales to inspectors, and if they’re deemed acceptable, they receive payment; if the quality is poor, the bales are destroyed. This prevents any sales that could harm public revenue, and I see no reason why we couldn’t implement similar measures in the Philippine Islands. I don’t mean to speak conclusively on such a sensitive topic that requires extensive practical knowledge, which I admit I lack. I only wish to offer these small suggestions to help start a reform in these abuses and advocate for a plan that supports the growers while also benefiting this part of the royal revenue.
Coco and nipa wine monopoly.The monopoly of coco and nipa, or palm-wine, is a branch of public revenue of sufficient magnitude to merit the second place among the resources rendered available to the expenditure of these Islands, converted into a monopoly some years ago. In like manner as the consumption of tobacco, it has experienced several changes in its plan of administration, this being at one time carried on, for account of the king, at others, by the privilege being let out at auction; till at length the Board of Control, convinced of the great profit gained by the contractors, resolved at once to take the direction of this departure under their own charge, and make arrangement for its better administration. Having with this view established general deposits and licensed houses for the sale of native wine, with proper superintending clerks they soon began to reap the fruits of so judicious a determination. In 1780, the privilege of selling the coco and nipa wine was farmed out, to the highest bidder, for no more than $45,200 and subsequently the increase has been so great, owing to the improvements adopted, that at present net proceeds equal to $200,000 on an average may be relied upon. In proof of this, the proceeds of this branch, in the year 1809, may be quoted, when the total balances received at the Treasury, after all expenses had been paid, amounted to $221,426, in the following manner:
Coco and nipa wine control.The monopoly of coco and nipa, or palm wine, is a significant source of public revenue that ranks second among the resources available for the spending in these Islands, which became a monopoly a few years ago. Similar to tobacco consumption, it has undergone various changes in its management, sometimes being run on behalf of the king and at other times auctioned off as a privilege; eventually, the Board of Control, realizing the substantial profits made by the contractors, decided to take over the management themselves and arrange for better administration. To this end, they established general deposits and licensed shops for the sale of native wine, employing proper supervising clerks who soon started to see the benefits of this wise decision. In 1780, the privilege to sell the coco and nipa wine was leased to the highest bidder for just $45,200, and due to the improvements made since then, the net proceeds now average around $200,000. For example, in the year 1809, the total amount received at the Treasury, after covering all expenses, was $221,426, detailed as follows:
Administration of Manila and district | $201,250 |
Administration of La Pampanga and district | 12,294 |
Administration of Pangasinan and district | 7,882 |
—— | |
$221,426 |
[399]The prime cost and other expenses that year amounted to no more than $168,557 by which means, on the whole operation, a net profit of thirteen and one-half per cent. resulted in favor of the treasury.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The total costs and other expenses that year came to $168,557, resulting in a net profit of 13.5% for the treasury from the overall operation.
Wine monopoly district.The monopoly of native wine comprehends the whole of the Island of Luzon, excepting the Provinces of Cagayan, Zambales, Nueva Ecija, Camarines and Albay, and is under the direction of three administrators, who act independently of each other in their respective districts, and have at their disposal a competent number of guards. These administrators receive in the licensed establishments the coco and nipa wines, at prices stipulated by the growers. That of the coco is paid for at the rate of two dollars per jar, containing twenty gantas, equal to twelve arrobas, seven azumbres and half a cuartillo, Castilian measure, and at fourteen reals in the places nearest the depots. The nipa wine is laid at six and one-half reals the jar, indistinctly; prices which, although extremely low, are still considered advantageous by the Filipinos themselves, more particularly when it is besides understood, that, from the circumstance of their being growers of this article, they are exempted from military service, as well as several other taxes and public charges.
Wine control district.The monopoly of local wine covers the entire Island of Luzon, except for the Provinces of Cagayan, Zambales, Nueva Ecija, Camarines, and Albay. It is managed by three administrators, who each operate independently in their own districts and have a sufficient number of guards at their disposal. These administrators receive the coco and nipa wines at licensed establishments, paying prices set by the growers. The price for coco wine is two dollars per jar, which contains twenty gantas, equal to twelve arrobas, seven azumbres, and half a cuartillo in Castilian measure, and fourteen reals in the locations closest to the depots. The price for nipa wine is set at six and a half reals per jar, without distinction. These prices, while very low, are still viewed as beneficial by Filipinos, especially considering that, as growers of this product, they are exempt from military service, as well as several other taxes and public charges.
Coco-wine.The coco-wine is a weak spirit, obtained in the following manner: The tree that produces this fruit is crowned by an assemblage of large flowers or corollas, from the center or calix of which issues a fleshy stem, filled with juice. The Indian cuts the extremity of this stem, and inclining the remainder in a lateral manner, introduces it into a large hollow tube which remains suspended, and is found full of sweet and sticky liquor, which the tree in this manner yields twice in every twenty-four hours. “Tuba”.This liquid, called tuba, in the language of the country, is allowed to ferment for eight days in a large vessel, and afterwards distilled by the Indians in their uncouth stills, which are no other than large boilers, with a head made of lead or tin, rendered tight by means of clay, and with a pipe frequently made out of a simple cane, which conveys the spirit to the receiving vessels, without passing, like the serpentine tube used in ordinary stills, through the cooling vats, which so greatly tends to correct the vices of a too quick evaporation. The tuba, obtained in level and hot situations, is much more spirituous than that produced in cold and shady places. In the first, six jars of juice are sufficient to yield one of spirit, and in the latter, as many as eight are requisite; a much greater number, however, would be wanted to rectify this spirit so as to render it equal to what is usually known by Hollands proof. I am not positively certain what degree of strength the coco-brandy, [400]or as it is usually called coco-wine, possesses, but it is evidently inferior to the weakest made in Spain from the juice of the grape. The only circumstance required for it to be approved of, and received into the monopoly-stores, is its being easily ignited by the application of a lighted candle.
Coconut wine. The coco-wine is a light spirit made in the following way: The tree that produces this fruit is topped with a cluster of large flowers or corollas, from which a fleshy stem filled with juice comes out from the center or calix. The Indian cuts off the end of this stem and tilts the remaining part to the side, inserting it into a large hollow tube that hangs down and fills with sweet, sticky liquid that the tree produces twice every twenty-four hours. “Tuba.” This liquid, called tuba in the local language, is left to ferment for eight days in a large container, then the Indians distill it using their crude stills, which are basically large boilers with a lead or tin head sealed with clay and a pipe often made from a simple cane that directs the spirit into receiving vessels, without passing through cooling tanks like the coiled tubes used in regular stills, which help correct the issues from rapid evaporation. The tuba produced in flat, warm areas is much stronger than that from cold, shady spots. In warmer areas, six jars of juice are enough to produce one jar of spirit, while in cooler areas, it takes about eight; however, even more would be needed to purify this spirit to match what is typically known as Hollands proof. I am not entirely sure about the exact strength of the coco-brandy, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] or as it’s commonly called coco-wine, but it is clearly weaker than the lightest spirits made in Spain from grape juice. The only requirement for it to be accepted and sold in the monopoly-stores is that it can easily catch fire when a candle is applied.
Nipa brandy.The nipa is a small tree of the class of palms, which grows in a very bushy form, and multiplies and prospers greatly on the margins of rivers and watery tracts of land. The tuba, or juice, is extracted from the tree whilst in its flowering state, in the same way as that of the coco, and afterwards distilled by a similar process; but it is more spirituous, from six to six and a half jars being sufficient to yield one of wine. The great difference remarked in the prices of these two species of liquor, arises out of the great number of uses to which the fruit of the cocal or coco tree is applicable, and the increase of expense and labor requisite to obtain the juice, owing to the great height of the plant, and the frequent dangers to which the caritones, or gatherers, are exposed in passing from one tree to another, which they do by sliding along a simple cane (bamboo).
Nipa rum.The nipa is a small palm tree that grows in a very bushy way and thrives along the edges of rivers and wet areas. The tuba, or juice, is taken from the tree while it's blooming, just like the juice from the coco, and then it's distilled using a similar method; however, it has a higher alcohol content, with six to six and a half jars being enough to produce one jar of wine. The big difference in prices between these two types of liquor comes from the many uses of the fruit from the cocal or coco tree, as well as the extra costs and effort needed to gather the juice due to the tree's height and the risks the caritones, or gatherers, face when moving from one tree to another by sliding down a simple cane (bamboo).
Little drunkenness.The impost on, or rather monopoly of, native wine, is in itself little burdensome to the community, as it only falls on the lower and most dissipated orders in society, and for this reason it is not susceptible of the same increase as that of tobacco, of which the use is more general, and now become an object of the first necessity. The native of the Philippine Islands is, by nature, so sober, that the spectacle of a drunken man is seldom noticed in the streets; in the capital, where the most corrupt classes of them reside, it is admirable to see the general abstinence from a vice that degrades the human species. The consumption of the coco and nipa wine is, nevertheless, considerable, for it is used in all their festivities, cock-fights, games, marriages, etc. Accordingly if it is desired to augment the annual sale of these liquors, no way could be more efficient than to increase the number of their festive meetings, and seek pretexts to encourage public diversions, so long as these do not go contrary to the well-regulated order of society, and conflict with the duties of those who are intrusted with its superintendence.
A little tipsy.The tax on, or really the monopoly of, local wine isn't much of a burden on the community since it mainly affects the lower and more reckless classes in society. For this reason, it can't be increased as much as tobacco taxes, which are more widely applied and have become a basic necessity. People from the Philippine Islands are naturally so sober that seeing a drunk person is rare in the streets; in the capital, where the most corrupt groups live, it's impressive to witness the general avoidance of a vice that degrades humanity. However, the consumption of coco and nipa wine is still significant, as it's used in all their celebrations, cock-fighting events, games, weddings, etc. Therefore, if there's a desire to boost the annual sales of these beverages, the best way to do so would be to increase the number of their celebrations and find reasons to promote public entertainment, as long as these do not disrupt the orderly conduct of society or interfere with the responsibilities of those in charge of its oversight.
Extension of monopoly urged.I am still of opinion, however, that, without resting the prosperity of this branch of the public revenue on principles possessed of so immoral a tendency, it might be rendered more productive to the treasury, if the monopoly could be introduced into the other districts adapted to its establishment. By this I mean to say that, as hitherto the monopoly has been partial, and enforced more in the way of a trial than in a general and permanent manner, much [401]remains to be done, and consequently great scope is left for improvement in this department of the public revenue. This most assuredly may be attained, if all the local circumstances and impediments, more or less superable, which the matter itself presents, are only taken into due account, and proper exertions made to study and discover the various indirect means of increasing the total mass of contributions, by applying a system more productive and analogous to the nature of the Philippine Islands. With regard to the revenue of the two particular articles above treated on, I merely wish to make it understood that, far from introducing by means of the monopoly, a new vice into the provinces in which I recommend its establishment, it would rather act, in a certain degree at least, as a corrective to pre-existing evils, and the government would derive advantages from an article of luxury, by subjecting its consumption to the same shackles under which it stands in the northern provinces, where its administration is established and carried on for account of the royal treasury.
Monopoly extension encouraged. I still believe, however, that instead of relying the success of this section of public revenue on principles that have such an immoral tendency, it could be made more beneficial to the treasury if the monopoly were expanded into other regions suited for its implementation. What I mean is that since the monopoly has been limited and applied more as a trial than in a widespread and permanent way, much [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] is still to be done, leaving a significant opportunity for improvement in this area of public revenue. This can certainly be achieved if all the local situations and challenges, which are more or less manageable, are properly considered, and efforts are made to explore and identify various indirect methods of increasing the overall contributions by implementing a system that is more productive and aligned with the nature of the Philippine Islands. Regarding the revenue from the two specific items discussed earlier, I just want to clarify that rather than introducing a new issue into the provinces where I suggest establishing the monopoly, it would actually serve, at least to some extent, as a remedy for existing problems. The government would benefit from a luxury item by regulating its consumption in the same way it is done in the northern provinces, where its management is organized and conducted for the royal treasury's account.
Former customs usage.In former times, when only vessels belonging to the Asiatic nations visited the port of Manila, with effects from the coast of Coromandel, or the China junks, and now and then a Spanish vessel coming from or going to the Island of Java, with spices for account of Philippine merchants, the receipt of duties was left in charge of a single royal officer, and the valuations of merchandise made by him, in concert with two merchants named by the government; but with the knowledge and assistance of the king’s attorney-general. The modifications and changes which have subsequently taken place in this department have, however, been frequent, as is evidently shown by the historical extract from the proceedings instituted before the Council of the Indies, by the merchants of Seville and Cadiz, in opposition to those of the Philippine Islands, printed in Madrid, 1736, in folio, by order of the said council; but as it does not enter into my views to speak of times so remote, I shall confine my remarks to this branch considered under its present form.
Previous customs practices.In the past, when only ships from Asian countries came to the port of Manila, carrying goods from the Coromandel coast or Chinese junks, and occasionally a Spanish vessel traveling to or from Java with spices for Philippine merchants, the collection of duties was managed by a single royal officer. He, along with two merchants appointed by the government and with the involvement of the king’s attorney-general, determined the value of the merchandise. There have been many changes in this area since then, as clearly illustrated by the historical record from the proceedings initiated before the Council of the Indies by merchants from Seville and Cadiz, opposing those from the Philippine Islands, published in Madrid in 1736 by order of the council. However, I plan to focus my comments on this area as it exists today, rather than discussing such distant times.
Custom house.In conformity to royal orders of March 15 and May 5, 1786, the Royal Custom House of Manila was definitively organized on its new plan; and from 1788, was placed under the immediate charge of an administrator-general, a controller, a treasurer, aided by a competent number of guards, inspectors, etc., and in every respect regulated on the plan established in the other custom houses. The freedom of the port being granted to foreign nations, a privilege before enjoyed only by those purely Asiatic, and a new line of [402]trade commenced by the company, the competition in merchandise soon began to increase, as well as the revenue arising therefrom, in such manner that, although the exportation of goods was limited to the cargo of the Acapulco ship, of which the duties are not payable till her arrival there; notwithstanding also the property imported by the company from China and India, and destined for their own shipments, was exempt from duties, and above all, the continual interruptions experienced by the maritime commerce of the Islands within the last fifteen or twenty years, the net proceeds of the custom house, from the period above mentioned of its establishment, till the close of 1809, have not been less than from $138,000 to $140,000, on an average, independent of the amount of the king’s fifth on the gold of the country, which is collected by the same administrator, in consequence of its being trivial; as well as the two per cent. belonging to the Board of Trade, and by them collected under that title, and afterwards separately applied to the average-fund and which usually may be estimated from $20,000 to $25,000.
Customs house. Following royal orders from March 15 and May 5, 1786, the Royal Custom House of Manila was officially set up according to a new plan; and starting in 1788, it was managed by an administrator-general, a controller, and a treasurer, supported by a qualified team of guards, inspectors, and others, all regulated like the other custom houses. With the port opening up to foreign nations—a privilege that had previously been exclusive to purely Asian countries—and a new trading route established by the company, competition in goods began to grow, as did the revenue from it. Consequently, even though the export of goods was limited to what could be carried by the Acapulco ship, whose duties aren't due until its arrival there, and despite the fact that the company’s cargo imported from China and India for their own shipments was duty-free, and especially considering the ongoing disruptions in maritime commerce in the Islands over the past fifteen to twenty years, the net revenue from the custom house, from its establishment until the end of 1809, averaged between $138,000 and $140,000, excluding the king's fifth on the country's gold, which the same administrator collects since it is minimal; along with the two percent that goes to the Board of Trade, which they collect for that purpose and is later separately allocated to the average fund, usually estimated to be between $20,000 and $25,000.
The general duties now levied in the custom house, are the following:
The general duties now imposed at the customs house are as follows:
Port charges and duties.Six per cent. almojarisfago is on all kinds of merchandise imported in foreign bottoms, under a valuation made by the surveyors, in conformity to the respective prices of the market at the time on importation; it usually is regulated by an increase of 50% on the prime cost of India goods, and of 33⅓% on those from China. This duty may be considered as, in fact, equal to nine per cent on the former, and eight on the latter.
Port fees and taxes. Six percent almojarisfago applies to all types of merchandise brought in on foreign ships, based on a valuation done by inspectors, according to the current market prices at the time of import. It is typically calculated with a 50% markup on the original cost of goods from India and a 33⅓% markup on those from China. This duty can essentially be viewed as equivalent to nine percent for the former and eight percent for the latter.
Six per cent, or the same duty, on all foreign goods, although imported in national bottoms.
Six percent, or the same tax, on all foreign goods, even if brought in by national ships.
Three per cent on Spanish goods, imported under the national flag, equal, according to the above estimate to 4 and 4½%.
Three percent on Spanish goods, imported under the national flag, is equal, based on the estimate above, to 4 to 4.5%.
Two per cent Board of Trade duty, indistinctly on all foreign property, equivalent to 2½ or 3%.
Two percent Board of Trade duty, vaguely on all foreign property, equivalent to 2.5% or 3%.
Twenty-five per cent anchorage dues, levied on the total amount of the almojarisfago duty.
Twenty-five percent anchorage fees, charged on the total amount of the almojarisfago duty.
An additional of two and one-half per cent, a new and temporary duty, called subvencion, appropiated to the payment of the loan made to the king by the Cadiz Board of Trade, and leviable on all kinds of imported goods, and, of course, equal, according to the usual mode of valuation, to about three per cent.
An extra two and a half percent, a new temporary duty called subvencion, allocated for repaying the loan the Cadiz Board of Trade gave to the king, is applicable to all types of imported goods and is roughly equal to about three percent based on the usual valuation method.
Three per cent on the exportation of coined silver and gold of the country, in dust and, ingots.
Three percent on the export of the country's minted silver and gold, in dust and ingots.
[403]An additional or duty of subvencion, or temporary duty on the above, equal to one-half per cent.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]An additional duty of subvencion, or temporary duty on the above, equal to 0.5 percent.
One and a half per cent under the same rate, on all kinds of goods, and equal to two or two and one half per cent.
One and a half percent at the same rate, on all types of goods, and equivalent to two or two and a half percent.
One and one-half per cent on the amount of the cargo of the Acapulco ship, on leaving the port of Manila, equal to ¾% on the real prime cost.
One and a half percent on the value of the Acapulco ship's cargo when leaving the port of Manila, which is equal to ¾% of the actual prime cost.
Slight concession to the Company.The company are considered in the same light as the rest of the merchants, in the graduation and payment of duties, on such goods as they sell out of their own stores for local consumption, to the Company, with the exemption only of the Board of Trade rate of 2% and 3%, on the exportation of silver, according to a special privilege, and in conformity to the 61st Article of the new royal decree of 1803.
Small concession to the Company.The company is viewed the same way as other merchants regarding the grading and payment of duties on the goods they sell from their own stores for local use to the Company, with the only exception being the Board of Trade rates of 2% and 3% on silver exports, as per a specific privilege, and in accordance with the 61st Article of the new royal decree of 1803.
Besides the duties above enumerated, there is another trifling one established for local purposes of peso merchante, being a rate for the use of the king’s scales, levied according to an extremely equitable tariff, on certain articles only of solid weight, such as iron, copper, etc. The raw materials as well as all kinds of manufactured articles, belonging to the Islands, are exempt from duties on their entry in the port and river of Manila; but some of the first are subject to the most unjust of all exactions, that is, to an arbitrary tax and to the obligation of being retailed out on board the vessels in which they have been brought down, and deliverable only to persons bearing a written order, signed by the sitting members of the municipal corporation. Among this class of articles may be mentioned the coco of Cebu and the wax and oil of the Bisayas, which are rated as objects of the first necessity.
In addition to the duties mentioned above, there's another minor one established for local purposes called peso merchante, which is a fee for using the king’s scales. This fee is charged based on a very fair tariff and applies only to specific solid-weight items like iron and copper. Raw materials and all types of manufactured goods from the Islands are exempt from duties when they arrive at the port and river of Manila; however, some of the former are subject to the most unfair of all charges—an arbitrary tax and the requirement to be sold only on the ships they were brought in, and only to people who have a written order signed by current members of the municipal corporation. Examples of these items include the coco from Cebu and the wax and oil from the Bisayas, which are considered essential goods.
Undervaluation of galleon goods.With regard to the respective duties on the cargo annually dispatched by the merchants of Manila to New Spain, the practice of galleon is tolerably well regulated. An extreme latitude is given to the moderate rates at which it is ordered to value the goods contained in the manifest, by which means these are frequently put down at only one-half of their original prime cost; the commission to frame the scale of valuations which is to be in force for five years, after which time it is renewed, being left to three merchants, and made subject to the revision of the king’s attorney-general (fiscal) and the approbation of the governor; consequently, such being the nature of the tariff on which these operations are founded, the 33⅓% to which the royal duties amount on the $500,000 stipulated in the permit, does not, in fact, affect the shipper beyond the rate of 15 per cent, in consequence of the great difference between the prime cost and [404]valuation of the articles corresponding to the permit; or, what is the same thing, between the $500,000 nominal value, and $1,100,000 or $1,200,000, the real amount of the cargo in question. The most remarkable circumstance, however, is, that the officers of the revenue in Acapulco collect the above-mentioned 33⅓% in absolute conformity to the Manila valuation, and not according to the value of the goods in America, and without any other formality than a comparison of the cargo with the ship’s papers. In honor of truth, it ought to be further observed that, although the Manila merchant by this means seeks to exempt himself from the part of the enormous duties with which it has been attempted to paralyze the only commercial intercourse he carries on with New Spain, in every other respect connected with this operation, he acts in a sufficiently legal manner, and if at their return those vessels have been in the habit of bringing back near a million of dollars in a smuggled way, it must be acknowledged that it is the harshness of the law which compels the merchant to become a smuggler; for according to the strange regulation by which he is thwarted in the returns representing the proceeds of his outward operation, he must either bring the money to the Philippine Islands without having it declared on the ship’s papers, or be obliged to leave the greatest part of it in the hands of others, subject to such contingencies as happen in trade. As long, therefore, as the present limitations subsist, which only authorize returns equal to double the value of the outward-bound cargo, this species of contraband will inevitably continue. The governors also, actuated by the principles of reason and natural justice, will, as they have hitherto done, wink at the infraction of the fiscal laws; a forbearance, in fact, indirectly beneficial to them, inasmuch as it eventually contributes to the general improvement of the colony. Indeed, without this species of judicious condescension, trade would soon stand still for the want of the necessary funds to carry it on.
Undervaluation of galleon items. In terms of the duties on the cargo sent every year by the merchants of Manila to New Spain, the galleon process is reasonably well regulated. There is considerable freedom allowed in the low rates used to value the goods listed in the manifest, often resulting in these items being valued at only half of their actual cost; the responsibility for setting the valuation scale, which lasts for five years before being renewed, is given to three merchants and is subject to review by the king’s attorney-general (fiscal) and approval by the governor. Thus, due to the nature of the tariff these operations are based on, the 33⅓% which the royal duties amount to on the $500,000 specified in the permit doesn’t actually impact the shipper beyond a rate of 15 percent, owing to the significant difference between the actual cost and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] the valuation of the items associated with the permit; in other words, between the nominal $500,000 value and the real cargo value of $1,100,000 or $1,200,000. The most notable point is that the revenue officers in Acapulco collect the aforementioned 33⅓% strictly based on the Manila valuation, rather than the value of the goods in America, and without any other formality than comparing the cargo to the ship’s papers. To be fair, it should also be noted that while the Manila merchant attempts to lessen the burden of the heavy duties designed to restrict the only commercial trade he has with New Spain, he conducts his operations legally. Although these vessels often return with nearly a million dollars in smuggled goods, it must be acknowledged that the harshness of the law drives the merchant into smuggling; according to the bizarre regulation that hinders him in returning the proceeds from his outward trade, he must either bring cash to the Philippine Islands without it being declared in the ship’s papers or leave most of it with others, exposed to various trade risks. Therefore, as long as the current restrictions remain, which only allow returns equal to double the value of the outward cargo, this form of contraband will persist. The governors, also guided by principles of fairness and natural justice, will continue to overlook violations of the fiscal laws, a tolerance that indirectly benefits them as it ultimately aids in the colony's overall improvement. Indeed, without this kind of sensible leniency, trade would quickly decline due to a lack of necessary funds.
Unbusinesslike custom ways..... It will readily be acknowledged that, in like manner as the good organization of custom houses is favorable to the progress of general commerce, so nothing is more injurious to its growth and the enterprise of merchants, than any uncertainty or arbitrary conduct in the levying of duties to be paid by them. This arises out of the circumstance of every merchant, entering on a new speculation, being anxious to have, as the principal ground work of his combinations, a perfect knowledge of the exact amount of his disbursements, in order to be enabled to calculate the final result with some degree of certainty. Considered in this point of view, the system adopted in the Islands is certainly deplorable, since it must be acknowledged [405]that the principles and common rules of all other commercial countries, are there unknown. For example; this year a cargo arrives from China or Bengal, and the captain turns in his manifest. The custom-house surveyors then commence the valuation of the goods of which his cargo is composed: I say they commence, because it is a common thing for them not to have finished the estimate of the scale and amount of corresponding duties, till the expiration of two, four, and not unfrequently six months. The rule they affect to follow, in this valuation, is that of the prices current in the market, and in order to ascertain what these are, they are seen going round inquiring in the shops of the Sangleys (Chinese), till at length, finding it useless to go in search of correct and concurrent data, in a place where there are neither brokers nor public auctions, they are forced to determine in an arbitrary manner, and as the adage goes, always take good care to see their employers on the right side of the hedge. The grand work being ended, with all this form and prolixity, the sentence of the surveyors is irrevocable. The bondsman of the captain, who, in the meanwhile, has usually sold his cargo and departed with a fresh one for another destination, pays in the amount of the duties, thus regulated by law.
Unprofessional custom methods..... It's widely recognized that just like well-organized customs houses support the growth of overall commerce, nothing is more damaging to its development and the efforts of merchants than uncertainty or arbitrary decisions regarding the duties they must pay. This stems from the fact that any merchant starting a new venture is eager to have, as the foundation of their plans, a clear understanding of the exact amount of their expenses so they can calculate the final outcome with some level of confidence. Viewed from this perspective, the system in the Islands is certainly dismal, as it must be acknowledged [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] that the principles and common practices of other commercial countries are absent there. For instance, this year a shipment arrives from China or Bengal, and the captain submits his manifest. The customs surveyors then begin to assess the value of the goods in his cargo: I say they begin, because it's common for them not to complete their estimate of the scale and amount of corresponding duties until two, four, and often even six months have passed. The guideline they claim to follow for this valuation is the current market prices, and to determine what those are, they’re seen going around asking in the shops of the Sangleys (Chinese). Eventually, realizing it’s pointless to search for accurate and consistent data in a place without brokers or public auctions, they are compelled to make arbitrary decisions, and as the saying goes, they always make sure to have their employers on the right side of the equation. Once this lengthy and formal process is over, the surveyors' decision is final. The bondsman of the captain, who, in the meantime, has typically sold his cargo and left for another destination with a new shipment, pays the duties as determined by law.
Variations in valuations.The practical defects and injurious consequences of such a system as this, it would be unnecessary to particularize. It would, however, be less intolerable, if, once put in force, it could serve the merchant as a guide in the valuations of his property for a determined number of successive years. What, however, renders this assessment more prejudicial, is its instability and uncertainty, and the repetition of the same operation I have just described every year, and with every cargo that arrives; but under distinct valuations, according to the reports or humor of the day. Besides these great defects and irregularity, the Philippine custom house observes the singular practice of not allowing the temporary landing of goods entered in transitu and for re-exportation, as is done on the bonding system in all countries where exertions are made by those in authority for the extension and improvement of commerce in every possible way. Of course, much less will they consent to the drawback or return of any part of the duties on goods entered outwards, even though they are still on board the very vessels in which they originally came shipped. Beyond all doubt, the wrongly understood severity of such a system, has, and will, continue to prevent many vessels from frequenting the port of Manila, and trying the market, unable to rely on the same liberal treatment they can meet with in other places.
Valuation differences.The practical flaws and harmful effects of this kind of system are unnecessary to detail. However, it would be less unbearable if, once implemented, it could help merchants value their property consistently over a set number of years. What makes this system even more harmful is its instability and unpredictability, requiring the same assessment process I just described every year and with every shipment that arrives, but with different valuations based on the reports or mood of the day. In addition to these significant flaws and irregularities, the Philippine customs office has the unusual practice of not allowing temporary importation of goods entered in transitu meant for re-export, unlike the bonding systems in countries that strive to promote and enhance commerce in every possible way. Naturally, they are even less willing to allow refunds or returns of any part of the duties on goods being exported, even if they’re still on the same ships they were originally loaded on. Undoubtedly, the misunderstood harshness of such a system has, and will continue to, discourage many vessels from visiting the port of Manila and exploring the market, as they cannot expect the same favorable treatment they can find elsewhere.
[406]The areca-nut.The bonga, or areca-nut, is the fruit of a very high palm-tree, not unlike the one that bears the date, and the nuts, similar to the latter, hang in great clusters from below the protuberance of the leaves or branches. Its figure and size resemble a common nut, but solid, like the nutmeg. Divided into small pieces, it is placed in the center of a small ball made of the tender leaves of the buyo or betel pepper, lightly covered with slacked lime, and this composition constitutes the celebrated betel of Asia, or, as it is here called, the buyo, the latter differing from that used in India, inasmuch only as it contains cardamomom.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The betel nut.The bonga, or areca-nut, is the fruit of a tall palm tree, similar to the one that produces dates, and the nuts, like dates, grow in large clusters hanging beneath the leaves or branches. Its shape and size are similar to a common nut, but it's solid, like nutmeg. Cut into small pieces, it's placed in the center of a small ball made of the tender leaves of the buyo or betel pepper, lightly coated with slaked lime, and this mixture makes up the famous betel of Asia, or as it's referred to here, the buyo, which differs from the version used in India only by the addition of cardamom.
Buyo monopoly unsatisfactory.The government, anxious to derive advantage in aid and support of the colony, from the great use the inhabitants make of the buyo, many years ago determined to establish the sale of the bonga, its principal ingredient, into a monopoly, either by hiring the privilege out, or placing it under a plan of administration, in the form in which it now stands. Both schemes have been tried, but neither way has this branch been made to yield more than $30,000; indeed the annual proceeds usually have not exceeded $25,000. In 1809, the total amount of sales was $48,610, and deducting from this sum the prime cost and expenses of administration, the net profit in favor of the treasury was equal to no more than $27,078 or upwards of 125½%. In 1780, the privilege of selling the bonga was let out at public auction for the sum of $15,765 and this, compared with the present proceeds, clearly shows that, although the increase has not advanced equally with the other branches of the revenue, it is far from having declined. It must nevertheless be confessed, that on the present footing on which it stands, the smallness of the proceeds is not worth the trouble required in the collection, and even if the amount were still greater, it could never serve as an excuse for the oppression and violence to which this monopoly frequently gives rise.
Buyo monopoly is unsatisfactory.The government, eager to benefit the colony by taking advantage of the significant use the residents make of the buyo, decided many years ago to create a monopoly on the sale of bonga, its main ingredient. They considered either leasing the rights or managing it under a specific plan, which is how it currently operates. Both approaches have been attempted, but neither has produced more than $30,000; in fact, the yearly revenue usually hasn't surpassed $25,000. In 1809, total sales reached $48,610, and after deducting the costs and administrative expenses, the net profit for the treasury was only $27,078, which is over 125½%. In 1780, the selling rights for bonga were auctioned off for $15,765, and when compared to today's revenue, it clearly shows that while the increase hasn't matched the growth of other revenue sources, it has not declined. However, it must be admitted that the low revenue at present does not justify the effort needed for collection, and even if earnings were higher, they would never excuse the oppression and violence that often accompany this monopoly.
Hardships on areca-nut planters.As the trees producing the bonga are not confined to any particular grounds, and indiscriminately grow in all, the plan has been adopted of compelling the Filipinos to gather and bring in the fruit, raised on their lands, to the depot nearest the district in which they reside. There they are paid from two, two and one-half, three and three and one-half reals per thousand, according to the distance from which they come: and, in order to prevent frauds, the surveyors belonging to the revenue go out, at certain times of the year, to examine the bonga plantations, and the trees being counted, they estimate the fruit, that is, oblige the proprietor to undertake to deliver in two hundred nuts for each bearing tree, whether or not, [407]hurricanes deteriorate or destroy the produce, or thieves plunder the plantations, as very frequently happens. In case deficiencies are proved against him, he is compelled to pay for them in money, at the rate of twenty-five reals per thousand, the price at which the king sells them in the monopoly-stores. Besides, the precise condition of delivering in two hundred bonga nuts, according to the stipulations imposed upon him, presupposes the previous exclusion of all the injured or green ones; and although the ordinary trees usually yield as many as three hundred nuts each, great numbers are nevertheless spoiled. If, to the adverse accidents arising out of the storms and robberies, we add the effects of the whims or ill-humor of the receivers, it is not easy to imagine to what a length the injuries extend which befall the man who has the folly or misfortune to become a planter of this article.
Challenges faced by areca nut farmers.Since the trees that produce bonga aren't restricted to specific areas, and grow indiscriminately everywhere, a system has been implemented to require Filipinos to gather and bring the nuts harvested from their lands to the closest depot in their district. They receive payment ranging from two to three and a half reals per thousand, depending on the distance they travel. To prevent fraud, government surveyors check the bonga plantations at certain times of the year. They count the trees and estimate the expected yield, mandating the owner to deliver two hundred nuts per bearing tree, regardless of whether hurricanes damage the harvest or thieves raid the farms, which happens quite often. If shortfalls are found, the owner must pay for them at twenty-five reals per thousand, the same price set by the king's monopoly stores. Additionally, the requirement to deliver two hundred bonga nuts means that all the damaged or unripe ones must have been excluded beforehand; while typical trees can produce up to three hundred nuts each, many still end up spoiled. Considering the impact of storms and theft, alongside the unpredictability of the buyers, it’s hard to fathom the extent of the challenges that a person faces when they decide to become an areca nut farmer.
Folly of monopoly plan.On the other hand, as in the conveyances from the minor to the larger depots, frauds are frequently committed, and the heaping together of many millions of nuts inevitably produces the fermentation and rapid putrefaction of a great number of them, it consequently follows that the waste must be immense; or if it is determined to sell all the stock laid in, without any distinction in quality and price, the public must be very badly served and displeased, as in fact too often happens. Since, therefore, the habit of using the buyo is still more prevailing than that of tobacco, when suitable supplies cannot be had in the monopoly stores, the consumer naturally resorts to the contraband channels, although he encounters some risk, and expends more money. It is also very natural that the desire of gain should thus lead on and daily expose a number of needy persons, anxious by this means to support and relieve the wants of their families. Returning, however, to what more immediately concerns the grower, I do not know that the oppressive genius of fiscal laws has, in any country of the globe, invented one more refinedly tyrannic, than to condemn a man, to a certain degree at least, as has hitherto been the case, to the punishment of Tantalus; for the law forbids the Filipino to touch the fruit of the tree planted with his own hands, and which hangs in tempting and luxuriant abundance round his humble dwelling.
Folly of the monopoly plan. On the other hand, just like in the transfers from smaller to larger depots, frauds often occur, and when you pile up millions of nuts, it inevitably leads to fermentation and quick decay of many of them. As a result, the waste must be huge; or if it’s decided to sell all the stock without considering quality or price, the public ends up getting poorly served and dissatisfied, which happens far too often. Since the habit of using the buyo is more widespread than that of tobacco, when the monopoly stores can’t provide enough supplies, consumers naturally turn to black market options, even though it involves some risks and costs them more money. It's also quite understandable that the desire to make money drives many desperate people, eager to support their families. However, returning to what directly affects the grower, I don’t think any country in the world has come up with a more subtly tyrannical system than the one that condemns a man, at least to some extent, to the punishment of Tantalus; the law prevents Filipinos from touching the fruit of the tree they planted with their own hands, which hangs in tempting and abundant display around their modest homes.
Its modification desirable.It would be easy for me to enumerate many other inconveniences attending this branch of public revenue, on the footing on which it now stands, if what has already been said did not suffice to point out the necessity of changing the system, as those in authority are anxious that the treasury should gain more, and the king’s subjects suffer less. The strong prejudice entertained against this source [408]of revenue, the inconsiderable sum it produces, and the complicated form of its organization, have in reality been sufficient motives to induce many to become strenous advocates for the total abolition of the monopoly. I do not, however, on this account see any reasons for altogether depriving the government of a productive resource, as this might soon be rendered, if it was placed under regulations less odious and more simple in themselves. I nevertheless agree, that the perfect monopoly of the areca fruit, or bonga, is impracticable, till the trees, indiscriminately planted, are cut down, and, in the same way as the tobacco plantations, fresh and definite grounds are laid out for its cultivation, on account of the revenue. I am further aware that this measure is less practicable than the first; for, independent of all the other obstacles, it would be necessary to wait till the new plantation yielded fruit, and also that the public should consent to refrain from masticating buyo in the meanwhile, a pretension as mad as it would be to require that the eating of salt should be dispensed with for a given number of years. But what difficulty would there be, for example, in the proprietors paying so much a year for each bonga tree to the district magistrate, the governor of the nearest town, or the cabeza de Barangay, or chiefs of the clans into which the natives are divided, in the same manner as the Filipino pays his tribute? Tree-tax preferable.The only one I anticipate is that of fixing the amount in such way that, at the same time this resource is made to produce an increased income of some moment, it may act as a moderate tax on an indefinite property, the amount of which, augmented in the same price, may be reimbursed to the proprietor by the great body of consumers. It is not in fact easy to foresee or estimate, by any means of approximation, the alteration in the current price of the bonga, that would result from the indefinite freedom of its cultivation and sale, especially during the first years. Although, for this reason, it would be impossible to ascertain what proportion the impost on the tree would then bear with regard to the value of the fruit, the error that might accrue would be of little moment, as long as precautions were taken to adopt a very low rate of comparison, and a proportionably equitable one as the basis of taxation. Supposing then that the price of the bonga should decline from twenty-five reals, at which it is now sold in the monopoly stores, to fifteen reals per thousand, in the general market, and a tax of one-fourth real should be laid on each tree valued at two hundred bonga nuts, it is clear that this would be equal to no more than 8½%; or, what is the same, the tax would be in the proportion one to twelve with the proceeds of each tree, and the more the [409]value of the fruit was raised, the more would the rate of contribution diminish. It ought at the same time to be observed that, under the above estimate, that is, supposing the price of the article to remain at fifteen reals, the 8½% at which rate the tax is regulated, would not perhaps exceed five or six per cent on a more minute calculation; in the first place, because at the time of making out the returns of the trees, Exception of immature and aged trees.those only ought to be set down which are in their full vigor, excluding such as through the want or excess of age only yield a small proportion of fruit; and in the second, because in the numbers registered, the trees would only be rated at two hundred although it is well known they usually yield three hundred, in order by this means the better to avoid all motives of complaint. In this point of view, and by adopting similar rules of probability, it seems to me that the government would not risk much by an attempt to change the present system into a tax levied on the tree itself, on a plane similar to the one above proposed; more particularly by doing it in a temporary manner, and rendering it completely subservient to the corrections subsequent experience might suggest in this particular.
Its modification is desirable. It would be easy for me to list many other drawbacks of this public revenue system as it currently stands, but what I've already said should be enough to highlight the need for change. Authorities are eager for the treasury to earn more while the king’s subjects suffer less. The strong bias against this source of revenue, the small amount it generates, and its complicated structure have convinced many to advocate for the complete abolishment of the monopoly. However, I don’t think that means the government should lose a productive resource entirely, as it could be valuable if it were regulated in a simpler and less burdensome way. I agree, however, that a perfect monopoly on the areca fruit, or bonga, isn’t feasible until the trees, which are arbitrarily planted, are removed. Similar to tobacco farms, new and specific areas should be set out for its cultivation to boost revenue. I also recognize that this step is more challenging than the first; aside from the obstacles, we would need to wait for the new plantation to bear fruit, and expect the public to refrain from chewing buyo in the meantime, which is as unreasonable as asking people to stop eating salt for several years. But why couldn't the owners pay an annual fee for each bonga tree to the local magistrate, the governor of the nearest town, or the cabeza de Barangay, or chiefs of the clans among the locals, just as Filipinos pay their tribute? Tree tax preferred. The only challenge I foresee is determining a fair amount that would generate a meaningful income while also acting as a modest tax on an indefinite property, with the costs eventually passed on to the large number of consumers. It’s not easy to predict or gauge how the current price of bonga would change with unlimited freedom of cultivation and sale, especially in the early years. While it might be impossible to determine what the tax on the tree would compare to in relation to the fruit's value, any inaccuracies would be minor as long as we set a very low baseline rate and a proportionally fair basis for the tax. Let’s say the price of bonga drops from twenty-five reals, the rate in the monopoly shops, to fifteen reals per thousand in the general market. If a tax of one-fourth real is imposed on each tree valued at two hundred bonga nuts, that would amount to just 8½%. In other words, the tax would be one-twelfth of the proceeds from each tree, and as the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]fruit's value increases, the tax rate would decrease. It's also worth noting that, based on this estimate, assuming the article remains at fifteen reals, that 8½% tax could actually be closer to five or six percent upon closer examination. This is partly because, when recording the trees, only those in their prime should be counted, excluding those that yield a small amount of fruit due to age. Additionally, although trees typically produce around three hundred nuts, they would only be counted as two hundred to minimize complaints. Given this perspective and by applying similar probability rules, it seems the government wouldn't be taking much of a risk in changing the current system to a tax on the trees themselves, similar to what I proposed, especially if implemented temporarily and flexible enough to adapt as experience suggests.
Difficulty of estimating probable revenue.The difficulty being, in this manner, overcome, with regard to the prudent determination of the rate at which the proprietor of the bonga plantations ought to contribute, let us now proceed to estimate, by approximation, the annual sum that would thus be obtained. As, however, this operation is unfortunately complicated, and in great measure depends on the previous knowledge of the total number of trees liable to the tax proposed, details with which we are at not present prepared, it is impossible to come at any very accurate results. All that can be done is to endeavor to demonstrate, in general terms, the great increase the revenue would experience by the adoption of the new plan, and the real advantage resulting from it to the contributors themselves, all which may be easily deduced from the following calculation.
Difficulty estimating potential revenue.Now that we’ve addressed the challenges of figuring out how much the owner of the bonga plantations should contribute, let’s move on to estimating, roughly, the annual amount that could be generated. However, this process is unfortunately complicated and largely relies on knowing the total number of trees subject to the proposed tax, information we currently don’t have. Thus, it’s impossible to achieve very precise results. What we can do is try to show, in general terms, how much the revenue would increase by implementing the new plan and the actual benefits it would provide to the contributors, all of which can be easily inferred from the following calculations.
Let us, in the first instance, suppose that the consumers of buyo, in the whole of the Islands, do not exceed one million of persons, and that each one makes use of three bongas per day, this consumption, at the end of the year, would then amount to 1,095,000,000 nuts. We will next divide this sum by two hundred, at which the product of each tree, one with another, is rated, and the result will be 5,475,000 trees. Greater, however, than at present.This number being taxed at the rate of one-fourth real, would leave the sum of $171,093.75 and deducting therefrom the $25,000 yielded by this branch under its present establishment, together with $5,132 equal to three per cent paid [410]to the district magistrates for the charges of collection, we should still have an annual increase in favor of the, treasury equal to $140,961.75.
Let’s first assume that the consumers of buyo across the Islands don’t exceed one million people, and that each person uses three bongas a day. By the end of the year, this consumption would total 1,095,000,000 nuts. Next, we’ll divide this amount by two hundred, which is the average yield of each tree, resulting in 5,475,000 trees. However, this is greater than what it is now. If we tax this number at one-fourth real, it would generate $171,093.75. After deducting the $25,000 currently collected from this sector, along with $5,132 for the three percent fee paid[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]to the district magistrates for collection costs, we would still have an annual increase for the treasury of $140,961.75.
It might perhaps be objected that, in this case, the proprietor, instead of receiving, as before two and one-half reals for every thousand bongas, would have to disburse one and one-fourth reals in the mere act of paying one-fourth real for each tree; a circumstance which, at first sight, seems to produce a difference not of one and one-fourth, but of three and one-fourth reals per thousand against him; though in reality far from this being the case, if we take into consideration the deficiencies the sworn receiver usually lays to his charge, the fruit he rejects, owing to its being green or rotten, and the many and expensive grievances he is exposed to in his capacity of grower; it will be seen that his disbursements under these heads frequently exceed the amount he in fact has to receive. Tax only a surcharge ultimately paid by consumer.If, in addition to this, we bear in mind that, on condition of seeing himself free from guards and a variety of insupportable restrictions, constituting the very essence of a monopoly, he would in all probability gladly pay much more than the tax in question, all the doubts arising on this point will entirely disappear. Finally, considered in its true light, we shall not find in the measure above described anything more than a very trifling discount required of the proprietor from the price at which he sells his bonga, and which, as already noticed, ultimately falls on the consumer alone.
It might be argued that, in this case, the owner, instead of receiving, as before, two and a half reals for every thousand bongas, would have to pay one and a quarter reals just to cover the cost of one quarter real for each tree; a situation that, at first glance, seems to create a difference of not one and a quarter, but three and a quarter reals per thousand against him. However, this is far from the truth. If we consider the shortcomings the sworn receiver usually complains about, the fruit he rejects for being green or rotten, and the many costly issues he faces as a grower, it becomes clear that his expenses in these areas often exceed the amount he actually receives. Tax is just an additional cost that is ultimately paid by the consumer.If we also keep in mind that, in exchange for being free from guards and various intolerable restrictions that make up the essence of a monopoly, he would likely be willing to pay much more than the tax in question, any doubts about this will completely vanish. Finally, when viewed in its true context, we will find that the measure described above is just a very small discount required from the owner based on the price at which he sells his bonga, and which, as noted earlier, ultimately falls on the consumer alone.
Estimate conservative.The moderate estimate I have just formed ought to inspire the more confidence from its being well known that the use of the buyo is general among the inhabitants of these Islands. The calculation, as it now stands, rests only on one million consumers, for each of whom I have only put down three bongas per day, whereas it is customary to use much more; nor have I taken into account the infinite number of nuts wasted after being converted into the buyo, a fact equally well known. Indeed, as the object proposed was no other than to prove the main part of my assertions, and I trust this is satisfactorily done, I have not deemed it necessary to include in the above calculation a greater number of minute circumstances, nor attempt to deduce more favorable results, which, with the scope before me, I was most assuredly warranted in doing.
Conservative estimate.The moderate estimate I've just created should inspire more confidence since it's widely known that using buyo is common among the people of these Islands. The calculation, as it stands now, is based on just one million consumers, each using only three bongas a day, even though it's typical to use much more. I also haven't factored in the countless nuts that are wasted after being turned into buyo, which is also a well-known fact. In fact, since my main goal was simply to support my key assertions, and I believe I've done that satisfactorily, I didn’t think it was necessary to include a larger number of detailed circumstances or try to derive more optimistic results, which, given my focus, I certainly could have done.
Advantages.In a word, from the concurrence of the facts and reasons above adduced, the following propositions may, without any difficulty, be laid down. First, that the increase of revenue produced by the reform in question, would in all probability exceed $150,000 per annum; secondly, that the Filipinos would soon comprehend, and gladly consent to a change of this kind in the mode of contributing of which the advantages would be apparent; thirdly, that the persons employed in the old establishment, might, with greater public [411]utility, be applied to other purposes; and lastly, that the civil magistrates would not be harassed with so many strifes and lawsuits, and so many melancholy victims of the monopoly, and its officers would cease to drag a wretched existence in the prisons and places of hard labor in these Islands.
Benefits.In short, based on the facts and reasons presented above, we can easily establish the following points. First, the revenue gained from the proposed reform would likely exceed $150,000 annually; second, the Filipinos would quickly understand and willingly agree to this type of change in their contributions, as the benefits would be clear; third, the people working in the old system could, with greater public [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]benefit, be reassigned to other roles; and finally, the civil authorities would be relieved from excessive conflicts and lawsuits, and many unfortunate victims of the monopoly would no longer be trapped in miserable conditions in the prisons and labor camps in these Islands.
Cockpit licenses.The cock-pit branch of the revenue is hired out by the government, and the license is separately set up at auction for the respective provinces. Its nature and regulations are so well known that they do not require a particular description, the general obligations of the contractors being the same as those in New Spain. Perhaps the only difference observed in this public exhibition in the Philippine Islands consists in its greater simplicity, owing to its being frequented only by the natives, the whites who are present at this kind of diversion being very few, or indeed none.
Pilot licenses.The cockpit branch of the revenue is leased by the government, and the license is auctioned off for each province. Its nature and regulations are so well known that they don’t need much explanation, with the general obligations of the contractors being the same as those in New Spain. Perhaps the only difference seen in this public event in the Philippines is its greater simplicity, since it's mostly attended by locals, with very few, if any, white people present at this kind of entertainment.
Inconsiderable income.The cock-pits are open two days in the week, and the lessees of them receive half a real from every person who enters, besides the extra price they charge those who occupy the best seats, the owners of the fighting cocks, for the spurs, stalls for the sale of buyo, refreshments, etc. Notwithstanding all this, and although cock-fighting is so general and favorite an amusement among these people (the rooster may justly be considered as the distinctive emblem of the Filipino) the annual proceeds of this branch are inconsiderable; although it must be acknowledged that it has greatly increased since the year 1780, when it appears the license was let at auction for only about $14,000 owing, no doubt, to the exclusive privilege of the contractors not having been extended to the provinces, as was afterwards gradually done.
Minimal income.The cockpits are open two days a week, and the lessees take half a real from every person who enters, plus the extra fee they charge those who want the best seats, along with the fees from the owners of the fighting cocks, for the spurs, stalls for selling buyo, refreshments, and so on. Despite all this, and although cockfighting is a popular and beloved pastime for these people (the rooster can be rightly seen as a symbol of the Filipino), the annual earnings from this activity are insignificant; although it's worth noting that it has significantly increased since 1780, when it seems the license was auctioned for only about $14,000, likely because the exclusive privilege of the contractors hadn’t been extended to the provinces, as it was later on.
Provincial cockpit revenue.The total sum paid to the government by the renters of this branch, according to the auction returns in 1810, amounted to $40,141 in the following order for the provinces:
Provincial cockpit earnings.The total amount paid to the government by the renters of this branch, based on the auction results in 1810, was $40,141, distributed among the provinces as follows:
Tondo | $18,501 |
Cavite | 2,225 |
La Laguna | 2,005 |
Pampanga | 3,000 |
Bulacan | 6,900 |
Batangas | 2,000 |
Pangasinan | 1,200 |
Bataan | 1,050 |
Iloilo | 1,600 |
Ilocos | 600 |
Tayabas | 400 |
Cebu | 360 |
Albay | 300 |
Total | $40,141 |
[412]Possibilities of increase.The causes, to which the increase that has taken place within the last twenty-five or thirty years is chiefly to be attributed, have already been pointed out, and for this reason it would appear that, by adopting the same plan with regard to the fourteen remaining provinces, of which this captaincy-general is composed, hitherto free from the imposition of this tax, an augmentation might be expected, proportionate to the population, their circumstances, and the greater or lesser taste for cock-fights prevailing among their respective inhabitants. At the commencement, no doubt, the rentals would be low, and, of course, the prices at which the licenses were let out, would be equally so; but the experience and profits derivable from this kind of enterprises would not fail soon to excite the competition of contractors, and in this way add to the revenue of the government. This is so obvious that I cannot help suspecting attempts have, at some period or other, been made to introduce the establishment of this privilege, in some of the provinces alluded to; at the same time I am persuaded that, owing to the affair not having been viewed in its proper light, seeking on the contrary to obtain an immediate and disproportionate result, the authorities have been too soon disheartened and given up the project without a fair trial. All towns and districts murmur, and, at first object, to taxes, however light they may be; but, at length, if they be not excessive, the people become reconciled to them. The one here proposed is neither of this character, nor can it be deemed odious on account of its novelty. The natives are well aware that their brethren in the other provinces are subject to it, and that in this nothing more is done than rendering the system uniform. I, therefore, see no reason why the establishment of this branch of revenue should not be extended to all the points of the Islands. At the commencement, let it produce what it may, since constancy and time will bring things to the same general level.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Potential for growth.The reasons for the increase we've seen over the last twenty-five or thirty years have already been identified. Therefore, it seems that by applying the same approach to the fourteen remaining provinces that make up this captaincy-general, which have not yet been subjected to this tax, we could expect an increase in revenue proportional to the population, their circumstances, and the varying interest in cock-fights among the local residents. Initially, the rental incomes would likely be low, and naturally, the prices for the licenses would be similarly modest. However, the experience and profits from these activities would quickly spark competition among contractors, which would, in turn, boost government revenue. This is so clear that I can't help but suspect that attempts have been made at some point to implement this privilege in some of the mentioned provinces. At the same time, I believe that because the matter wasn't approached properly and there was a rush for immediate results, the authorities were too quick to lose hope and abandoned the project without giving it a fair chance. All towns and regions complain and initially resist taxes, no matter how light they may be; however, over time, as long as they are not excessive, people come to accept them. The tax proposed here is neither excessive nor can it be considered unreasonable due to its novelty. The locals know that their counterparts in other provinces are paying this tax, and that this move is simply making the system consistent. Therefore, I see no reason why this revenue stream shouldn't be implemented throughout all areas of the Islands. At first, whatever results it brings in are acceptable, since consistency and time will bring everything to a balanced level.
Indian tributes.The too great condescension and mistaken humanity of the government on the one hand, and the fraud and selfishness of the provincial sub-delegates or collectors, on the other, have concurred to change a contribution, the most simple, into one of the most complicated branches of public administration. The first cause has been owing to a too general acquiescence to receive the amount of tributes in the produce peculiar to each province, instead of money; and the second, because as the above officers are the persons intrusted with the collection, whenever the sale has held out to them any advantage, they have been in the habit of appropriating the several [413]articles to themselves, without allowing any benefit to the treasury. If the prospective sales of the produce appear unfavorable, it is then forwarded on to the king’s store in Manila, surcharged with freights, exposed to many risks, and the value greatly diminished by waste and many other causes. No order or regularity being thus observed in this respect, and the sale of the produce transmitted to the king’s stores being regulated by the greater or lesser abundance in the general market, and a considerable stock besides left remaining, from one year to another, and eventually spoiled, it is impossible to form any exact estimate of this branch. If to these complicated matters we add the radical vices arising out of the infidelity of the heads of clans (cabezas de barangay), the difficulty of ascertaining the defects of the returns made out by them, the variations annually occurring in the number of those exempted either through age or other legal motives, and above all, the frequently inevitable tardiness with which the district magistrates send in their respective accounts, it will be readily acknowledged, that no department requires more zeal in its administration, and no one is more susceptible of all kinds of frauds, or attended with more difficulties.
Indian tributes.The excessive condescension and misguided compassion of the government on one side, and the dishonesty and greed of local sub-delegates or collectors on the other, have combined to turn what should be a simple contribution into one of the most complex aspects of public administration. The first issue stems from a widespread acceptance of receiving tribute payments in goods specific to each province instead of cash; the second issue arises because these officials, tasked with collection, often take advantage of opportunities to sell these goods for their own benefit, pocketing the proceeds instead of passing them on to the treasury. If the predicted sales of the goods seem poor, they are then sent to the king’s store in Manila, marked up with shipping costs, exposed to various risks, and their value significantly decreased due to spoilage and other factors. With no order or consistency in this process, and sales of produce sent to the king’s stores dictated by market abundance, along with a considerable amount left unsold year after year that ultimately goes to waste, it’s impossible to make accurate estimates in this area. Adding to these complicated issues are the fundamental problems arising from the dishonesty of local leaders (cabezas de barangay), the difficulty in verifying the accuracy of their reports, the yearly changes in the number of exemptions due to age or other legal reasons, and, most importantly, the often unavoidable delays with which district magistrates submit their accounts. It’s clear that no department needs more dedication in its management and none are more vulnerable to various types of fraud, or face more challenges.
A conservative estimate.In this state of uncertainty, with regard to this particular branch, I have guided myself by the last general return of tributes, made out in the accountant-general’s office, on the best and most recent data, and calculating indistinctly the whole value in money, I have deemed it proper afterwards to make a moderate deduction, on account of the differences above stated, and arising out of the collection of the tributes in kind, the expenses of conveyance, shipwrecks, averages, and other causes already enumerated.
A rough estimate.In this state of uncertainty regarding this specific area, I have relied on the latest overall report of taxes prepared in the accountant-general’s office using the best and most current data. After calculating the total value in money, I thought it wise to make a reasonable deduction due to the differences mentioned earlier, which stem from collecting taxes in kind, transportation costs, shipwrecks, averages, and other reasons already listed.
Fixed charges.In conformity to this calculation, the total proceeds of this branch of revenue amount to $505,215 from which sum are deducted, in the primitive stages of the accounts, the amount of ecclesiastical stipends, the pay of the troops under the immediate orders of the chief district magistrates in their quality of war-captains, together with all other extraordinary expenses incurred in the provinces by orders of the government, the remainder being afterwards forwarded to the king’s treasury. It ought, however, to be observed, that the above aggregated sum is more or less liable to deficiencies, according to the greater or lesser degree of punctuality on the part of the sub-collectors in making up accounts, and the solidity of their respective sureties; the failure of this kind experienced by the revenue being so frequent, that, according to the returns of the accountant-general, those which occurred between the years 1762 and 1809, were no less than $215,765 notwithstanding the great precautions at all times [414]taken to prevent such considerable injuries, by every means compatible with the precarious tenure of property possessed by both principals and sureties in this country. All the above circumstances being therefore taken into due consideration, and the ordinary and extraordinary discounts made from the total amount of tributes, the real sum remaining, or the net annual proceeds of the above branch, have usually not been rated at more than $190,000 and $200,000; a sum respectively extremely small, and which possibly might be doubled, without the necessity of recurring to any other measure than a standing order for the collecting of the tributes in money, as by this means the variety of expenses and complications above enumerated, would be avoided, and the king’s revenue no longer exposed to any other deficiencies than those arising out of the insolvency of the sub-collectors and their sureties, or casual risks, and the trifling charges paid for the conveyance of the money. If in opposition to this it should be alleged that it would be advisable to except some of the provinces from this general rule, owing to the advantages the government might derive from certain tributes being paid in kind, I do not hesitate to answer that I see no reason whatever why this should be done, because, if, for example, any quality of rigging or sail cloth is annually required, it would be easy to obtain it either by early contracts, or by laying in the articles at the current market price. Indeed, all supplies which do not rest on this footing, would be to defraud the natives of the fruits of his industry, and in the final result this would be the same as requiring of him double or triple tribute, contrary to the spirit of the law, which unfortunately is too frequently the case under the existing system.
Fixed fees. According to this calculation, the total earnings from this source of revenue are $505,215. From this amount, we deduct the ecclesiastical salaries, the pay for troops under the direct orders of the chief district magistrates acting as military leaders, and all other extraordinary expenses ordered by the government in the provinces. The remaining amount is then sent to the king’s treasury. However, it’s important to note that this total is often subject to shortfalls, depending on how promptly the sub-collectors submit their accounts and the reliability of their sureties. There have been frequent failures in revenue collection, and according to the accountant-general's reports, the total shortfall between the years 1762 and 1809 reached $215,765, despite numerous measures being taken to prevent such significant losses, considering the unstable nature of property ownership for both principals and sureties in this region. Taking all these factors into account, along with the regular and exceptional discounts applied to the total tribute amounts, the actual net annual earnings from this revenue source have typically been estimated at no more than $190,000 to $200,000. This amount is quite small and could potentially be doubled simply by instituting a standing order to collect the tributes in cash, which would eliminate many of the expenses and complications mentioned above, leaving the king’s revenue vulnerable only to insolvency from sub-collectors and their sureties or occasional risks, along with minimal fees for transferring the money. If it is argued that certain provinces should be exempt from this general rule because of the benefits the government might gain from some tributes being paid in goods, I firmly believe there is no justification for this. For instance, if specific types of rigging or sail cloth are needed annually, it would be easy to secure them either through early contracts or by purchasing them at market prices. In fact, any supplies that do not align with this would effectively rob the locals of the fruits of their labor, ultimately resulting in what amounts to demands for double or triple tributes, which contradicts the spirit of the law and unfortunately happens all too often under the current system.
Preferability of tribute in money.Considering this affair in another point of view, it would be easy for me to demonstrate, if it were necessary, the mistaken idea that the native is benefited by receiving in kind the amount of the tribute he has to pay, at the low prices marked in the tariff used as a standard, by showing the extortions and brokerage, if I may so term it, to which the practice gives rise on the part of the district collectors. It will, however, suffice to call the attention of my readers to the smallness of the sum constituting the ordinary tribute, when reduced to money, in order for them to be convinced that it would be superfluous, as well as hazardous, to attempt to point out how this branch might be rendered more productive to the state and at the same time less burdensome to the contributors, more particularly when the rate assessed does not exceed ten reals per year, a sum so small, that generally speaking, no family can be found unable to hoard it up, if they have any inclination so to do. [415]The prevailing error, however, in this respect, I am confident arises out of a principle very different from the one to which it is usually attributed. The tributary native is, in fact, disposed to pay the quota assigned to him into the hands of the chief of his clan, in money, in preference to kind; because, independent of the small value at which the articles in kind are rated in the tariff, he is then exposed to no expenses, as he now is for the conveyance of his produce and effects; nor is he liable to so many accidents. But as the chief of each clan has to deliver in his forty or fifty tributes to the head magistrate, who is answerable for those of the whole province, it is natural for him to endeavor to make his corresponding payments in some equivalent affording him a profit; at the same time the provincial magistrate, speculating on a larger scale, on the produce arising out of his jurisdiction, seeks to obtain from the government a profitable commutation in kind for that which the original contributor would have preferred paying in money. In order the better to attain his purpose, he asserts, as a pretext, the impossibility of collecting in the tribute under another form, alleging, moreover, the relief the native derives from this mode, whereas, if only duly examined, such a pretence is founded on the avarice, rather than the humanity of the magistrate.
Preferable to give tribute in cash.Looking at this issue from a different angle, I could easily show, if needed, that the belief that locals benefit from paying their tribute in goods at the low prices set by the tariff is misguided. This practice leads to exploitation and middlemen profits by district collectors. However, it’s enough to point out how minimal the usual tribute is when converted to cash for readers to see that it would be unnecessary and risky to suggest how this system could be made more profitable for the state while also being less burdensome for contributors, especially since the assessed rate is under ten reals a year, a sum so low that generally, no family would struggle to save it if they wanted to. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The main misunderstanding here, I believe, arises from a principle quite different from what people usually think. In reality, the local person prefers to pay their share in cash to the clan chief instead of in goods; this is because, aside from the low value of the goods in the tariff, it saves them from transport costs and risks. But since the chief must deliver forty or fifty tributes to the head magistrate, who manages all the tributes in the province, it makes sense for them to try to make payments in some form that provides a profit. Meanwhile, the provincial magistrate, with a broader view of the profits from their jurisdiction, looks to secure a favorable exchange in goods for what the original contributor would rather pay in cash. To better achieve this, he uses the argument that collecting the tribute in another form is impossible, while also claiming the locals benefit from this method, though upon closer inspection, this pretext stems more from the magistrate’s greed than any compassion.
Leaving to one side the defects attributable to the present mode of collection, and considering the tribute as it is in itself, the attentive observer must confess, that in no part of our Indies is this more moderate; and, indeed, it is evident that the laws generally relating to the natives of these Islands seem to distinguish them with a decided predilection above those of the various sections of America.
Leaving aside the shortcomings of the current collection method, and looking at the tribute as it stands on its own, anyone paying attention must admit that it is nowhere near as moderate in our Indies; in fact, it's clear that the laws generally concerning the natives of these Islands seem to give them a distinct preference over those from different parts of America.
Items in tribute.The tribute in its origin was only eight reals per family; but the necessity of providing for the increased expenses of the government gave rise to this rate being afterwards raised to ten. The Sangley mestizos pay double tribute, and the Sangleys contribute at the rate of $6 per head. Besides this, all pay a yearly sum, applicable to the funds belonging to the community, and the above two casts pay three reals more, as a church rate, and under the name of the Sanctuary, the whole being in the following form:
Tribute items.The tribute originally was just eight reals per family, but the need to cover the rising costs of the government led to an increase to ten. The Sangley mestizos pay double the tribute, and the Sangleys contribute at a rate of $6 per person. In addition to this, everyone pays an annual amount that goes towards community funds, and the two groups mentioned pay three reals more as a church fee, operating under the name of the Sanctuary, which all amounts to the following:
Entire Native Tribute | Tribute of Mestizos | Sangleys |
8 Reals, original tribute | 16 Reals. | $6 each. |
1½ Reals for expenses of troops | 3 | |
½ Reals to tithes | 1 | |
10 Reals, amount of tribute | 20 Reals. | $6.75 |
1 Real, community funds | 1 | |
3 Reals, sanctuary rate | 3 | |
14 Reals, total annual disbursement. | 24 Reals. | $6.75 |
[416]The males commence paying tribute at twenty years of age and the females at twenty-five, if before they have not entered the matrimonial state, and in both the obligation ceases at the age of sixty. The chiefs of clans, or cabezas de barangay and their eldest sons, or in default of children, the person adopted in their stead, that is, an entire tribute and a half, are exempt from this tax, as a remuneration for the trouble and responsibility they may have in collecting in the forty or fifty tributes, of which their respective clans are composed. Besides these there are various other classes of exempted persons, such as the soldiers who have served a certain number of years, those who have distinguished themselves in any particular manner in the improvement of industry or agriculture, and others who have received special certificates, on just and equitable grounds. In summing up the total number of exempted persons, on an average in the whole of the provinces, they will be found in the proportion of fifty to every thousand entire tributes.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The men start paying taxes at twenty years old and the women at twenty-five, unless they get married before that. Both obligations stop at sixty. Clan leaders, or cabezas de barangay, and their eldest sons, or someone adopted in their place if they have no children, are exempt from this tax, since they deal with the responsibilities of collecting the forty or fifty tributes from their clans. Additionally, there are other exempt classes, like soldiers who have served a certain number of years, individuals who have made notable contributions to industry or agriculture, and others with special certificates based on fair grounds. Overall, in all provinces, the average number of exempt individuals is about fifty for every thousand total tributes.
Chinese tax.The head-tax of the Sangleys has usually been attended with so many difficulties in its collection, owing to the facilities with which they absent or secrete themselves, and the many stratagems this cunning and artful race employ to elude the vigilance of the commissioners, that the government has at length found itself compelled to let out this branch, as was done in 1809, when it was disposed of in the name of one of them for the moderate sum of $30,000; notwithstanding it is a generally received opinion, that the number of this description of Chinese, constantly residing in the Islands, is above 7,000, which, at the rate of $6 per head, would raise this proportion of the tax as high as $42,000.
China's tax.The head tax on the Sangleys has often faced numerous challenges in its collection due to the ease with which they can go into hiding or avoid detection, as well as the many tricks this clever and crafty group uses to escape the watchfulness of the officials. As a result, the government has ultimately been forced to outsource this task, as was done in 1809, when it was assigned to one individual for the reasonable amount of $30,000. This is despite the widely held belief that the number of these Chinese individuals living permanently in the Islands exceeds 7,000, which, at a rate of $6 per person, would raise this segment of the tax to as much as $42,000.
Community funds.The Community funds belonging to each town, have, in conformity to the regulations under which they are administered, a special, or I might say, local application; but collected together into one stock, as is now the case, and directly administered by the government, they produce a more general utility. The head town of the province A, for example, requires to rebuild the public prison or town-hall, and its own private funds are not sufficient to defray the expenses of the work in question. In this case, therefore, the government gives orders for the other dependent towns to make up the deficiency by taking their proportions from their respective coffers, as all have an equal interest in the proposed object being carried into effect. The king’s officers, in consequence thereof, draw the corresponding sums from these funds, the whole of which is under their immediate superintendence. And in order that the surplus of this stock may not stand still, but obtain every possible [417]increase in a country where the premium for money is excessive, when let out at a maritime risk, it is ordered that some part shall be appropriated in this way, and on the same terms as those observed by the administrators of the charity funds belonging to the Misericordia (Charity) establishment, and the third order of St. Francis, which is another of the great advantages of assembling this class of property.
Community funding.The community funds for each town have, according to the regulations governing them, a specific, or I might say, local purpose; but when pooled together into a single fund, as is currently happening, and managed directly by the government, they serve a broader utility. For example, the main town of province A needs to rebuild its public prison or town hall, and its own funds aren’t enough to cover the costs. In this case, the government instructs the other towns to contribute their share from their respective funds, as all have a vested interest in the project being completed. Consequently, the king’s officials withdraw the necessary amounts from these funds, which they oversee directly. To ensure that the surplus of this fund does not remain idle but rather earns every possible [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]increase in a country with high demand for money when invested with some risk, it is mandated that a portion be allocated in this manner, following the same terms as those applied by the administrators of the charity funds from the Misericordia (Charity) establishment and the third order of St. Francis, which is another significant benefit of consolidating this type of property.
In consequence of this judicious regulation, and the success with which this measure has hitherto been attended, the Community fund has gone on increasing in such a way that, notwithstanding the sums drawn from it for the purpose of constructing causeways, bridges, and other municipal objects, at the commencement of 1810, the stock in hand amounted to no less than $200,000; and it is natural to suppose when the outstanding premiums due shall have been paid in, a considerable augmentation will take place. This branch, although not exactly comprehended in those which constitute the revenue of the government, has so obvious an analogy with that of tributes, that I have not deemed it any essential deviation from the order and method I have hitherto observed in this work, to introduce it in this place, as in itself it did not deserve to be classed under a distinct head.
As a result of this smart regulation and the success this measure has had so far, the Community fund has continued to grow to the point that, despite the money taken from it to build causeways, bridges, and other municipal projects, at the start of 1810, the remaining balance was still $200,000. It’s reasonable to expect that once the outstanding premiums are paid, there will be a significant increase. This area, while not exactly part of the government revenue, shares such a clear similarity with taxes that I didn't think it was necessary to deviate from the order and method I have followed in this work by including it here, as it doesn’t really warrant a separate category.
Tribute burdensome.Notwithstanding the truth of what has been said with regard to the moderate rate of the tribute imposed on the native of the Philippine Islands, it would be extremely desirable if he could be altogether exonerated from a charge which he bears with great repugnance, by some other substitute being adopted, indirectly producing an equivalent compensation. In the first place, because the just motives of complaint would cease, caused not only by the tribute, but also the manner of its collection; and an end would then be put to those intrigues and extortions the district magistrates commit, under the title of zealous collectors of the king’s revenue, and the power of a multitude of subaltern tyrants, comprehended under the denomination of chiefs of native clans (cabezas de barangay) would then also fall to the ground; a power which, if now employed for the purpose of oppressing and trampling on the liberties of inferiors, might some day or other be converted into an instrument dangerous and subversive of our preponderance in the country. In the second place, if, among all the civilized nations a head-tax (poll-tax) is in itself odious, it must incontestably be much more so among those whose unlettered state, far from allowing them to know that the social order requires a certain class of sacrifices for its better preservation, makes them attribute exactions of this kind to an abuse of [418]superiority. Hence are they led to consider these restraints as the symbols of their own slavery and degradation, as in fact the natives in these Islands have ample reasons for doing, when the legal exemption of the whites is considered, without any other apparent reason than the difference in color. Independent of this, the substitute above alluded to would be extremely expedient, inasmuch as it would greatly simplify the plan of administration, the accountant’s department would be freed from the most painful part of its labors, and the district magistrates and sub-collectors would not so frequently be entangled in their accounts, and exposed to expensive and interminable lawsuits, as now so often happens.
Tribute is a hassle.Despite what has been said about the reasonable rate of the tribute imposed on the people of the Philippine Islands, it would be highly beneficial if they could be completely relieved from this charge, which they resent deeply, by adopting some other substitute that indirectly provides equivalent compensation. First, the valid reasons for complaint would disappear, caused not just by the tribute itself, but also by the way it’s collected; this would put an end to the schemes and extortions committed by local magistrates, who act under the guise of being diligent collectors of the king’s revenue, and the power of many minor tyrants, referred to as chiefs of native clans (cabezas de barangay), would also diminish. This power, now used to oppress and undermine the rights of those below them, could someday become a threat to our dominance in the country. Second, among all civilized nations, a head-tax (poll-tax) is inherently disliked, and it must be even more so among those who, lacking education, cannot understand that the social order requires certain sacrifices for its preservation. Instead, they see these demands as an abuse of [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]superiority. Thus, they view these taxes as symbols of their own slavery and humiliation, which is justified given the legal exemption of whites based solely on the difference in skin color. Additionally, the alternative mentioned would be highly effective, as it would greatly simplify the administration, relieve the accounting department of its most burdensome tasks, and reduce how often district magistrates and sub-collectors get tangled up in their accounts, exposing them to costly and endless lawsuits, which happens far too often now.
Possible Revenue substitutes.The difficulty, however, of finding out this compensation or substitute is a matter of some consideration. On the one hand, if it was attempted to distribute the proceeds arising out of the tributes on other branches, such as tobacco, native wine, bonga, and custom house, it would, at first sight, appear possible, through the medium of an almost invisible augmentation in the respective sale prices and in the king’s duties, that this important object might easily be attained; but, on the other, it might be apprehended that the additional value put on the articles above-mentioned, would produce in their consumption a diminution equal to the difference in prices, in which cases no advantage would be gained. The practicability of the operation, in my opinion, depends on the proportion in which the means of obtaining the articles in question respectively stand with the probability of their being consumed. I will explain myself. If, for example, the annual stock of tobacco laid in should be insufficient to meet the wants of the consumers, as constantly occurs, it is clear that this article, when monopolized, will bear a small augmentation of price, not only without any inconvenience or risk, but with the moral certainty of obtaining a positive increase of revenue, the necessary effect of the total consumption of the tobacco laid in and sold. But as this does not happen with the branch of native wines, of which the stock usually exceeds the demand, and as the bonga also is not susceptible of this improvement, owing to the small place it occupies among the other resources of the revenue, no other means are left than to add to the duties of export on silver, and of import on foreign merchandise, a percentage equivalent to the deficiency not laid on tobacco, unless it should be deemed more advisable to levy a sumptuary contribution on coaches, horses and servants, and especially on all kinds of edifices and houses built of stone and mortar, situated both within and without the capital.
Alternative Revenue options.The difficulty of figuring out this compensation or substitute requires some thought. On one hand, if we tried to spread the income from the tributes across other categories like tobacco, local wine, bonga, and customs, it might seem at first that we could achieve this important goal by slightly increasing the sale prices and the king’s duties. However, on the other hand, it’s possible that raising the prices of these items would reduce their consumption by an amount equal to the price increase, which would ultimately provide no benefit. In my view, the feasibility of this approach depends on the balance between how available these items are and the likelihood of them being consumed. Let me clarify. If, for example, the yearly supply of tobacco is inadequate to meet consumer demand, as often happens, it's clear that if we monopolize this item, we can raise prices a bit without any issues or risks, and with a strong chance of seeing an actual increase in revenue, due to the total consumption of the tobacco sold. But this isn’t the case with local wines, where the supply typically exceeds demand, and bonga also doesn’t lend itself to this kind of improvement because of its minor role in the overall revenue. Therefore, the only alternative left is to increase export duties on silver and import duties on foreign goods by a rate that matches the shortfall not covered by tobacco—unless it’s considered better to impose a luxury tax on coaches, horses, and servants, especially on any buildings made of stone and mortar, whether they're in or out of the capital.
[419]Objection to tribute-paying.However this may be, whatever the king loses in revenue by the abolition of the native tributes, no doubt, could be made up by an appeal to other ways and means. It is well-known that many of the Indian tribes refuse to become subjects of the crown and object to enter into general society on account of the odious idea they have formed of paying tribute; or, as they understand it, the obligation of giving something for nothing, notwithstanding those who voluntarily submit themselves to our laws, are exempt from tribute, and this charge falls only on their descendants. But of this they must either be ignorant, or they regret depriving their posterity of that independence in which they themselves have been brought up, and thus transmit to them slavery as an inheritance. As soon, therefore, as a general exemption of this kind, without distinction of casts, should be made public, the natives would quit their fastnesses and secluded places, and satisfied with the security offered to them, would be seen coming down to the plains in search of conveniences of civilized life, and all gradually would be reduced to Christianity. Hence the increase of productions and their consumption, as well as the extension of agriculture, industry and internal commerce. The diminution of smuggling tobacco would soon follow, progress would be made in the knowledge of the mines and natural riches of the country, and financially, greater facilities would present themselves in gradually carrying into effect its entire conquest and civilization.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Objection to paying tribute.Regardless of the situation, any loss in revenue the king faces from ending native tributes could definitely be compensated through other methods. It's well-known that many Indian tribes refuse to become subjects of the crown and resist joining society because of their negative views about paying tribute; they see it as the obligation to give something for nothing. However, those who voluntarily follow our laws do not have to pay tribute, and this burden only falls on their descendants. They must either be unaware of this or regret taking away their children's independence, thereby passing down what feels like slavery. Therefore, once a general exemption of this sort, without distinctions between castes, is announced, the natives would leave their remote areas and, reassured by the security we offer, would come down to the plains searching for the conveniences of civilized life, and gradually many would convert to Christianity. This would lead to increased production and consumption, as well as the growth of agriculture, industry, and domestic trade. Smuggling of tobacco would decrease, there would be advancements in understanding the mines and natural resources of the country, and economically, opportunities would arise to effectively carry out the complete conquest and civilization of the area.
Advantages of such great and extraordinary importance deserve to be seriously weighed, and to this valuable department of public administration the early attention of those in authority ought to be called. Let due inquiries be made, and soon shall we discover the substantial benefits which would be derived to the treasury from the adoption of this measure, as popular as it is just, and also conformable to the liberal spirit of the times. In support of the preceding arguments, it ought further to be observed, that when all the branches constituting the king’s revenue are well organized, brought to their most productive state, and the public debt contracted under unforeseen exigencies paid off, as long as present circumstances do not vary, an annual surplus of revenue, equal to more than $500,000, will be left; and as the proceeds of the particular branch of tributes do not amount to this sum, it is evident their abolition may take place, not only without any derangement or onerous consequences to the administration, but even without any deficiency being experienced, or any necessity to recur to the treasury of New Spain for extraordinary aid. These reasons acquire still [420]greater force when it is remembered that, as things now are, all the branches of public revenue are in a progressively improving condition, and as the whole are still susceptible of a much more productive organization, the annual surplus of receipts will rapidly become greater, and consequently also the necessity will diminish of continuing to burden this portion of His Majesty’s dominions with contributions in order to meet the expenses of their defence and preservation.
Advantages of such great and extraordinary importance deserve serious consideration, and those in authority should pay early attention to this valuable area of public administration. Let appropriate inquiries be made, and we will soon discover the substantial benefits that the treasury would gain from adopting this measure, which is as popular as it is fair, and also in line with the progressive spirit of the times. In support of these arguments, it should also be noted that when all the components of the king’s revenue are well organized, operating at their most productive levels, and the public debt incurred during unforeseen situations is paid off, as long as current conditions remain stable, an annual revenue surplus of more than $500,000 will remain. Since the proceeds from this specific source of taxes do not reach this amount, it is clear that their elimination can occur without causing any disruption or negative consequences for the administration, and without any shortage being felt or the need to turn to the treasury of New Spain for extraordinary assistance. These reasons carry even greater weight when we remember that all branches of public revenue are currently improving and are still capable of being organized for even more productivity, leading to a rapidly increasing annual surplus of revenue, and thereby reducing the need to continue taxing this part of His Majesty’s territories to cover the costs of their defense and preservation.
Finally, well convinced of the advantageous results which, in every sense, would emanate from the revision and reforms proposed, I abstain from offering, in support of my arguments, a variety of other reflections which occur to me, not to be too diffuse on this subject; trusting that the hints I have already thrown out will be more than sufficient to excite an interest and promote a thorough and impartial investigation of concerns, highly important to the future welfare and security of this colony.
Finally, fully convinced of the beneficial outcomes that would arise from the proposed revisions and reforms, I hold back from sharing various other thoughts that come to mind, so as not to be overly wordy on this topic; I trust that the points I’ve already made will be more than enough to spark interest and encourage a thorough and unbiased examination of matters that are crucial to the future well-being and safety of this colony.
Subaltern branches.Besides the six preceding branches which constitute the chief mass of the public revenue in these islands, there are several smaller ones of less consideration and amount; some having a direct application to the general expenses of the local government, and the others, intended as remittances to Spain; a distinction of little import and scarcely deserving of notice, since the object of the present sketch is to convey information on a large scale respecting the King’s revenue in these Islands. As some of them, however, yield proceeds more regular than the others, I have classed together the receipts of the Pope’s Bulls, or “Bulas de Cruzada,” playing-cards, tithes, stamps and gunpowder, under the head of Subaltern Branches, with regard to the rest, to the general statement already quoted.
Subordinate branches.In addition to the six main sources that make up the bulk of the public revenue in these islands, there are several smaller sources that are less significant in amount. Some of these directly contribute to the local government's expenses, while others are meant as remittances to Spain; this distinction is of little importance and hardly worth noting, as the goal of this overview is to provide information on a broader scale regarding the King’s revenue in these Islands. However, since some of these smaller sources generate more reliable income than others, I have grouped the receipts from the Pope’s Bulls, or “Bulas de Cruzada,” playing cards, tithes, stamps, and gunpowder under the category of Subaltern Branches, in relation to the general statement already mentioned.
In conformity to the returns with which I have been favored from the public offices, these five branches produced, in the year 1809, $45,090.75 in the following proportions:
In line with the reports I've received from the public offices, these five branches generated $45,090.75 in the year 1809, distributed in the following proportions:
Sales. | Expenses. | Net Proceeds. | |
Pope’s bulls | $15,360.75 | $4,422.25 | $10,938.50 |
Playing cards | 11,539.125 | 932.625 | 10,606.50 |
Tithes | 12,493.00 | —— | 12,493.00 |
Stamps | 4,467.50 | 321.50 | 4,146.00 |
Gunpowder | 7,307.625 | 401.125 | 6,905.375 |
—— | —— | —— | |
$51,168.125 | $6,077.75 | $45,090.375 |
[421]Tithes.The scanty proceeds of the tithes will naturally appear remarkable; but it ought to be remembered that, besides the ordinary tribute, the natives pay half a real under this denomination, without any distinction of person, or any reference whatever to their respective means, the total amount of which is already added to the tributes, and for this reason not repeated in this place. In addition also no tithes are levied, except on lands belonging to Spaniards, churches, regular clergy, ecclesiastical corporations, etc., and even then the articles of rice, wheat, pulse indigo and sugar, are alone liable. The above branches are all in charge of administrators, and from this plan it certainly would be advisable to separate the tithes and farm them out at public auction, as was proposed by the king’s officers of the treasury, in their report on this, as well as other points, concerning the revenue, and dated October 24, 1792. From the net proceeds of the gunpowder the expenses of its manufacture, confided to the commandant of artillery, ought seemingly to be deducted; but, as they cannot be ascertained with any degree of certainty, and as besides they are comprehended in the general expenses of that department, a separate deduction may be dispensed with.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Donations.The small returns from the tithes might seem surprising; however, it should be understood that, in addition to the usual tribute, the locals pay half a real under this category, without any distinction between individuals or consideration of their financial situations. The total of this is already included in the tributes and therefore not repeated here. Additionally, no tithes are collected except on lands owned by Spaniards, churches, regular clergy, ecclesiastical corporations, etc., and even then, only the produce of rice, wheat, pulse, indigo, and sugar are subject to it. These items are all managed by administrators, and it would certainly be wise to separate the tithes and auction them off publicly, as was suggested by the royal treasury officers in their report on this and other revenue-related issues, dated October 24, 1792. The expenses for producing gunpowder, which are overseen by the artillery commander, should ideally be subtracted from the net proceeds; however, since these costs cannot be accurately determined and are included in the overall expenses of that department, a separate deduction may not be necessary.
Disbursements and general expenses.In order to form a correct idea of the annual amount of the expenditure incurred by the administration and defence of the Philippine Islands, it is not necessary in this place to distinguish each item, separately; or to enumerate them with their respective sums or particular denominations. Some general observations on this subject ought, nevertheless, to be made, with a view to point out the reforms of which this important department of the public revenue is susceptible.
Payments and general expenses.To get an accurate understanding of the total annual spending on the administration and defense of the Philippine Islands, we don't need to break down each item individually or list their specific amounts or categories. However, it's important to share some general thoughts on this topic to highlight the reforms that could improve this crucial area of public revenue.
In the part relating to the interior administration or government, ample room is certainly left for that kind of economy arising out of the adoption of a general system, little complicated; but it is besides indispensably necessary that, at the same time the work is simplifed and useless hands dismissed, the salaries of those who remain should be proportionally increased, in order to stimulate them in the due performance of their duties. It might also be found advisable to create a small number of officers of a superior order, who would be enabled to co-operate in the collection of the king’s revenue, and the encouragement of agriculture, commerce and navigation, in their respective departments. The additional charges in this respect cannot be of any great consequence; although, in reality, [422]by the receipts increasing through the impulse of an administrative order more perfect, and the expenses being always the same, the main object, so anxiously sought for in another way, would be thus attained.
In the section about managing the interior or government, there’s definitely room for saving costs by adopting a straightforward general system. However, it's also essential that as we simplify the work and let go of unnecessary staff, the salaries of those who stay should be increased accordingly to motivate them to perform their duties effectively. It may also be wise to establish a few higher-level officers who can help with collecting the king’s revenue and promoting agriculture, trade, and navigation in their areas. The additional costs for this shouldn’t be significant; in fact, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]with revenue increasing due to an improved administrative system and consistent expenses, the primary goal, which has been sought after in other ways, would be achieved.
Defence expenses.The reverse, however, happens with regard to the expenses of defence, as I have called them, the better to distinguish them from those purely relating to the interior police or administration. Every sacrifice, most assuredly, ought to appear small, when the object is to preserve a country from falling into the hands of an enemy, and it ought not to excite surprise, if, during the course of the last fifteen years, several millions of dollars have been expended in the Philippines, in order to shield them from so dreadful a misfortune. But the late memorable revolution in the Peninsula has given rise to so great a change in our political relations, and it is extremely improbable that these Islands will be again exposed to the same danger and alarm, that the government may now, without any apparent risk, dispense with a considerable part of the preparations of defence, at one time deemed indispensably necessary. A colony that has no other strong place to garrison than its capital, and on the loyalty of whose inhabitants there are sufficient motives to rely, ought, in my opinion, to be considered as adequately provided against all ordinary occurrences in time of peace, with the 4,000 regulars, more or less, of all arms, the usual military establishment. In case any suspicions should arise of an early rupture with the only power whose forces can inspire the governors of these Islands with any kind of apprehensions, means will not be wanting to an active and provident minister, of giving proper advice, so as to allow sufficient time for the assembling of the battalions of provincial militia and all the other necessary preparations of defence, before the enemy is in an attitude to effect an invasion of a country so far distant from his own possessions on the coasts of Malabar and Coromandel. Consequently, by disbanding the corps of provincial infantry, cavalry and artillery, which continue uselessly to be kept on foot, an annual saving of from $220,000 to $250,000 would take place, an amount too great to be expended unless imperiously called for by the evident dread of a premeditated attack from an hostile quarter.
Defense costs. However, when it comes to defense expenses, as I refer to them to distinguish them from those related solely to internal policing or administration, the opposite is true. Any sacrifice made should seem minimal when the goal is to protect a country from falling into enemy hands. It's not surprising that over the last fifteen years, several million dollars have been spent in the Philippines to prevent such a disastrous fate. However, the recent significant revolution in the Peninsula has caused a major shift in our political relations, making it very unlikely that these Islands will face the same dangers and fears again. The government can now safely reduce many of the defense preparations that were once considered absolutely necessary. A colony that has no stronghold other than its capital and whose residents can be reliably counted on should be seen as sufficiently prepared for ordinary situations in peacetime with the regular military presence of about 4,000 troops across various branches. If any concerns arise about a potential conflict with the only power capable of alarming the governors of these Islands, a proactive and resourceful minister can provide the necessary advice in time to mobilize the provincial militia battalions and make other essential defense preparations before an enemy could launch an attack from such distant territories on the coasts of Malabar and Coromandel. Therefore, by disbanding the provincial infantry, cavalry, and artillery units that are no longer needed, an annual savings of $220,000 to $250,000 could be achieved—an amount too significant to spend unless there is a clear and present danger of a planned attack from hostile forces.
Shipping reform.The navy is another of the departments in which reforms may be introduced, of no small moment to the treasury. Of course by the government merely dispensing with the policy of keeping in readiness two large ships to convey to Acapulco the cargos, for which the Manila merchants enjoy an annual licence, and leaving to the latter the full liberty of following up their speculations on their own [423]account and risk, in vessels of their own, individually or with joint stock, a saving would result in favor of the crown equal to $140,000 to $150,000 per annum, and without preventing the receipt in Acapulco of the customary duties of $160,000 or $166,000 corresponding to the said licenses. This will evidently be the case, because as long as the large disposal of funds of the charitable institutions are employed in maritime risks, and the private property of others is besides added to them, the amount of the operations undertaken by the merchants of the Philippines to New Spain, when divested of all restraint, will always exceed $500,000 per annum. Nor is there now any further occasion for the government to continue granting this species of gratuitous tutelage to a body of men possessed of ample means to manage their own affairs, and who demand the same degree of freedom, and only seek a protection similar to that enjoyed by their fellow-countrymen in other parts of the king’s dominions.
Shipping overhaul.The navy is another area where reforms could bring significant benefits to the treasury. By simply eliminating the practice of keeping two large ships ready to transport goods to Acapulco for Manila merchants who hold an annual license, and allowing these merchants to pursue their trade independently—either on their own ships or through joint ventures—there could be an annual savings of around $140,000 to $150,000 for the crown. This change would not interfere with the collection of the usual duties, which amount to $160,000 or $166,000 related to those licenses. Clearly, as long as the large funds from charitable institutions are used for maritime ventures, along with the private investments of others, the total trade done by merchants from the Philippines to New Spain, when unrestricted, will always exceed $500,000 annually. There’s no longer any reason for the government to continue providing this kind of unnecessary oversight to a group of individuals who have sufficient resources to manage their own businesses and who seek the same level of freedom as their compatriots in other parts of the king’s territories.
Galleon graft.In case the above reform should be adopted, it might be deemed requisite for the government to undertake the payment of some of the charges under the existing order of things, defrayed out of the freights to which the merchandise shipped in the Acapulco traders is liable; because, calculating the freight at the usual rate of $200 for each three bales, or the amount of one ticket, out of the one thousand constituting the entire cargo, and of which one-half, or $100,000 more or less, is appropriated to the ecclesiastical chapter, municipality, officers of the regular army (excluding captains and the other higher ranks) and the widows of Spaniards, who in this case would be losers, independent of the remaining $100,000 or 500 tickets distributed among the 200 persons having a right to ship to Acapulco, it would, at first sight, appear reasonable for the treasury to indemnify the above description of persons by a compensation equivalent to the privation they experience through the new arrangement of the government. But as the practice of abuses constitutes no law, and what is given through favor is different to that which is required by justice, there are no reasons whatever why the treasury should be bound to support the widows of private persons, from the mere circumstance of their deceased husbands having been Spaniards; more particularly if it is considered that, far from having acquired any special merit during their lifetime, most of them voluntarily left their native country for the purpose of increasing their fortunes, and others were banished from it, owing to their bad conduct. Neither can it be said that the municipality have a legal right, in the case before stated, to receive any equivalent for the value of their respective annual tickets, which, when disposed of, usually amount [424]to about $20,000 in the first place, because it is well-known that the eleven aldermen’s seats, of which that body is composed, seats which can either be sold or resigned, originally did not cost as much as $50,000 and clearly the principal invested is out of all kind of proportion with the enormous premium or income claimed. In the second place, although the above municipal situations were originally purchased with a view to obtain some advantages, these formerly were very different to what they are at present, when the great increase of shippers to Acapulco, or in more plain terms, of purchase of tickets competing to obtain them, has given to these permits a value more than triple to that they possessed thirty years ago.
Galleon scam. If the above reform is adopted, the government might need to cover some of the expenses under the current system, funded by the freight charges on merchandise shipped on the Acapulco traders. The freight is usually calculated at $200 for every three bales, or one ticket, out of the one thousand that make up the total cargo. Half of that, about $100,000, goes to the ecclesiastical chapter, the municipality, regular army officers (excluding captains and higher ranks), and the widows of Spaniards, who would be adversely affected in this situation, aside from the remaining $100,000 or 500 tickets allocated among the 200 people entitled to ship to Acapulco. At first glance, it might seem fair for the treasury to compensate these individuals for the losses they face due to the new government arrangements. However, since the existence of abuses does not constitute a law, and what is granted as a favor is not the same as what justice demands, there’s no reason for the treasury to support the widows of private individuals simply because their deceased husbands were Spaniards. This is especially true considering that most of these men did not earn any special merit during their lives; many left their homeland willingly to seek wealth, while others were exiled due to poor behavior. Furthermore, it can’t be said that the municipality has a legal claim to receive any compensation for the value of their annual tickets, which usually total about $20,000 when sold, since it is well-known that the eleven alderman seats, which can either be sold or relinquished, did not originally cost more than $50,000, and the principal invested is grossly disproportionate to the substantial premium or income claimed. Additionally, while these municipal positions were initially purchased to gain certain benefits, those benefits were very different in the past compared to what they are now, as the significant increase in shippers to Acapulco, or in simpler terms, ticket purchases competing for availability, has tripled the value of these permits compared to thirty years ago.
Indemnifying the aldermen.In order, therefore, to do away with all motives of doubt and dispute, as well as for many other reasons of public utility, the best plan, in my opinion, would be, to return to each alderman his money, and the present municipal constitution being dissolved, the number of members might be reduced to four, with their corresponding registrar, and like the two ordinary “alcaldes,” elected every year without any other reward than the honor of presiding over and representing their fellow-citizens. Under this supposition, the only classes entitled to compensation, strictly speaking, would be the ecclesiastical chapter and the subaltern officers, whose respective pay and appointment are not in fact sufficient for the decency and expenses of their rank in society. Of course it would then be necessary to grant them more adequate allowances, but, according to reasonable calculations, the sum total annually required would not exceed $30,000; consequently, the reform projected with regard to the Acapulco ships would still eventually produce to the treasury a saving of from $60,000 to $70,000 in the first year of its adoption, and of $110,000 to $120,000 in every succeeding one.
Indemnifying the council members.To eliminate all reasons for doubt and conflict, as well as for various other public benefits, I believe the best approach would be to refund each alderman their money. With the current municipal structure dissolved, we could reduce the number of members to four, along with their assigned registrar, similar to the two regular “alcaldes,” who would be elected annually and receive no other compensation than the honor of leading and representing their fellow citizens. Under this scenario, the only groups deserving of compensation would be the ecclesiastical chapter and the subordinate officers, as their current salaries and roles do not realistically cover the respectability and costs associated with their positions in society. Of course, it would then be essential to provide them with more appropriate salaries, but based on reasonable estimates, the total annual requirement would not exceed $30,000. Therefore, the proposed reform concerning the Acapulco ships would still ultimately save the treasury between $60,000 and $70,000 in the first year of implementation, and between $110,000 and $120,000 in each subsequent year.
The navy.It is, on the other hand, undeniable that, if the royal navy and cruising vessels, or those belonging to the Islands and under the immediate orders of the captain-general, were united into one department, and placed under one head, considerable economy would ensue, and all motives of discord and emulation be moreover removed. Such would be the case if the change was attended with no other circumstances than the consequent diminution of commanders, subaltern officers, and clerks; but it would be also proper to unite the arsenals, and adopt a more general uniformity in the operations and dependences of this part of the public services. It is equally certain that, during peaceful times, the two schooners and sixty gunboats, constituting the number of the above-mentioned cruising [425]vessels, would be in great measure useless; whilst in case of a rupture, they are not sufficient to protect the trade of these Islands from the attacks of an enemy, notwithstanding they now cost the government considerable sums in repairs, etc., in order to keep them fit for service. The government ought therefore to guard against this waste of public money, without, however, neglecting the defence of the Islands, objects which, in my opinion, might easily be reconciled. Intelligent persons have judged that by reducing the naval forces to two frigates, two schooners, and about a dozen gunboats, the essential wants of the colony would be duly answered, in ordinary times; and some of the vessels might then be destined to pursue hydrographical labors in the Archipelago, which, unfortunately, are in a most backward state, whilst others could be sent on their periodical cruises against the Moros. By this means, at least, the navy department would be greatly simplified, and cease to be eternally burdensome to the government. With regard to the superfluous gunboats, it would be expedient to distribute them gratuitously among the marine provinces and Bisayan Islands, on the only condition of their being always kept fit for service; as, in one sense, the great expenses of maintaining them would be thus saved by the treasury, and, another, the inhabitants of those portions of the coast would be in possession of means sufficiently powerful to repel the aggressions of the Moros, who commit great ravages on their settlements. Finally, if besides the reforms of which the army and navy are susceptible, it is considered that the public works, such as prisons, schools, bridges, and causeways, so expensive in other countries, in the Philippines are constructed by the natives on the most reasonable terms, out of the community funds; that there is no necessity to build fortifications, and maintain numerous garrisons; that the clergy, to whose zeal and powerful influence the preservation of these Islands is chiefly due, do not cost the treasury annually above $200,000 and that the geographical situation of the colony in great measure shields it from the attacks of external enemies, it will readily be confessed, that a wise and firm government might undertake, without the dread of having to encounter any great obstacles, an administrative system, in a general point of view, infinitely more economical than the one hitherto followed; might be able to extirpate numerous abuses, and by calling forth the resources of the country gradually raise it to a flourishing condition, and cause it hereafter to contribute largely to the other wants of the crown. Hence was it that the distinguished voyager, La Pérouse (Chap. 15), contemplating these Islands with a political eye, did not hesitate to affirm [426]“that a powerful nation, possessed of no other colonies than the Philippines, that should succeed in establishing there a form of government best adapted to their advantageous circumstances, would justly disregard all the other European establishments in Africa and America.”
The Navy. However, it's clear that if the royal navy and the cruising vessels, or those from the Islands directly under the captain-general's orders, were merged into one department with a single leader, it would lead to significant cost savings and eliminate reasons for conflict and rivalry. This would be true even if the only change was the reduction of commanders, subordinate officers, and clerks; but it would also be appropriate to combine the arsenals and create more consistency in the operations and dependencies of this sector of public services. It's also certain that during peacetime, the two schooners and sixty gunboats that make up the aforementioned cruising [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] vessels are largely unnecessary. In the event of conflict, they are not enough to protect the trade of these Islands from enemy attacks, even though they currently cost the government a lot in repairs and maintenance to keep them operational. Therefore, the government should avoid wasting public funds while still ensuring the Islands' defense, which I believe could be easily balanced. Thoughtful individuals have suggested reducing the naval forces to two frigates, two schooners, and about a dozen gunboats, which would adequately meet the colony's needs during ordinary times; some of these vessels could then be used for hydrographical work in the Archipelago, which, unfortunately, is quite behind, while others could be deployed on their regular patrols against the Moros. This way, the navy department would be significantly streamlined and would no longer be a constant burden on the government. Regarding the extra gunboats, it would be wise to distribute them for free among the marine provinces and Bisayan Islands, with the condition that they are always kept ready for action; in one way, this would save the treasury considerable maintenance costs, and on the other, the coastal residents would gain the means to fend off Moro attacks, which can inflict serious damage on their communities. Lastly, aside from the possible reforms for the army and navy, it's worth noting that public works, such as prisons, schools, bridges, and roads, which are quite costly in other countries, are built in the Philippines by locals at reasonable prices using community funds; that there's no need to construct fortifications and maintain a large number of garrisons; that the clergy, whose dedication and strong influence are key to the Islands' preservation, don't cost the treasury more than $200,000 a year; and that the colony's geographic position largely protects it from external threats. It’s easy to agree that a wise and strong government could implement a far more economical administrative system than what has been followed until now, could eliminate many abuses, and by tapping into the country’s resources, gradually elevate it to a thriving state, allowing it to contribute significantly to the crown's other needs. This is why the famous explorer, La Pérouse (Chap. 15), when viewing these Islands with a political perspective, confidently stated [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] “that a powerful nation, with no other colonies than the Philippines, that manages to establish a government best suited to their favorable conditions, would justly overlook all the other European colonies in Africa and America.”
Objectionable office-holders.In our colonies, appointments and command far from being sought as a means to obtain a good reputation, or as affording opportunities of contributing to public prosperity, are, it is too well known, only solicited with a view to amass wealth, and then retire for the purpose of enjoying it. Commercial pursuits being besides attended with so many advantages that those only decline following them who are divested of money and friends; whilst the situation in the revenue are so few in number, compared with the many candidates who solicit them, that they are consequently well appointed, it follows that the excess left without occupation, besides being considerable, is generally composed of needy persons, and not the most suitable to exercise the delicate functions of collectors and magistrates in the provinces. From this class nevertheless the host of officers are usually taken who, under the name of collectors, surveyors and assessors of tributes, intervene in, or influence the public administration. Owing to the variety and great number of persons emigrating to America, ample field, no doubt, is there left for selection, by which means the viceroys may frequently meet with persons suitable and adequate to the above trusts, if prudent steps are only taken; but in this respect the case is very different in the Philippines, where chance alone occasionally brings over a European Spaniard, unemployed or friendless. In these remote Islands, also, more than in any other quarter, people seek to live in idleness, and, as much as possible, without working, or much trouble. As long as hopes are entertained of doing something in the Acapulco speculations, every other pursuit is viewed with indifference, and the office of district or provincial magistrate is only solicited when all other resources have failed, or as a remedy against want. As the applicants for these situations are therefore not among the most select classes, it very frequently happens that they fall into extremely improper and unworthy hands.
Unacceptable office-holders. In our colonies, appointments and positions are not pursued as a means to build a good reputation or contribute to public welfare; rather, it is well known that they are often sought to accumulate wealth, only to retire and enjoy it. Commercial pursuits come with so many advantages that only those without money and connections would avoid them. Meanwhile, the number of available revenue positions is quite limited compared to the numerous candidates seeking them, which results in strong candidates being appointed. Consequently, those left without jobs are generally in great need and are not the best fit for the sensitive roles of collectors and magistrates in the provinces. Yet, this group often becomes the pool from which officers are selected, known as collectors, surveyors, and assessors of taxes, who then engage in or influence public administration. Due to the large variety and number of people emigrating to America, there’s a good chance that viceroys could find suitable candidates for these roles if they take careful steps; however, the situation is quite different in the Philippines, where only chance occasionally brings a European Spaniard who is unemployed or lacks connections. In these remote islands, more than in any other place, people tend to seek a life of idleness and avoid work and effort as much as possible. As long as there is hope for profit in the Acapulco trade, other pursuits are viewed with indifference, and the role of district or provincial magistrate is only sought after all other options have failed, or as a last resort against poverty. Therefore, since applicants for these positions are often not from the more desirable classes, it frequently results in them ending up in extremely inappropriate and unworthy hands.
It is in fact common enough to see a hairdresser or a lackey converted into a governor; a sailor or a deserter transformed into a district magistrate, collector, or military commander of a populous province, without any other counsellor than his own crude understanding, or any other guide than his passion. Such a metamorphosis would excite laughter in a comedy or farce; but, realized [427]in the theatre of human life, it must give rise to sensations of a very different nature. Who is there that does not feel horror-struck, and tremble for the innocent, when he sees a being of this kind transferred from the yard-arm to the seat of justice, deciding, in the first instance, on the honor, lives, and property of a hundred thousand persons, and haughtily exacting the homage and incense of the spiritual ministers of the towns under his jurisdiction, as well as of the parish curates, respectable for their acquirements and benevolence, and who, in their own native places, would possibly have rejected as a servant the very man whom in the Philippines they are compelled to court and obey as a sovereign.
It's actually pretty common to see a hairdresser or a servant become a governor; a sailor or a deserter turned into a district magistrate, collector, or military leader of a large province, with no other advisor than their own basic understanding and no other guide than their emotions. Such a transformation would be funny in a comedy or farce; but in the real world, it brings up very different feelings. Who doesn’t feel horrified and worried for the innocent when they see someone like this moving from the ship's crew to a position of power, deciding, right off the bat, on the honor, lives, and property of a hundred thousand people, while arrogantly demanding respect and flattery from the local spiritual leaders and knowledgeable parish priests, who, in their own communities, would probably have refused to hire the very person they now have to treat like a ruler in the Philippines?
In vain do the laws ordain that such offices shall not be given away to attendants on governors and members of the high court of justice, for under pretext of the scarcity of Europeans experienced in the colony, means are found to elude the statute, by converting this plea into an exception in favor of this description of persons. By such important offices being filled in this manner, it is easy to conceive the various hardships to which many of the provinces and districts are exposed; nor can any amelioration be expected as long as this plan is persisted in and the excesses of the parties go without punishment.
Despite the laws stating that such positions shouldn't be handed out to aides of governors and high court members, they still find ways to get around the rules by claiming there's a lack of experienced Europeans in the colony. This excuse becomes a loophole favoring those individuals. With important roles being filled this way, it's easy to see the numerous challenges faced by many provinces and districts. No improvements can be anticipated as long as this approach continues and the wrongdoings of those involved go unpunished.
Evils from officials in trade.Independent, however, of the serious injuries and great errors persons of the class above described cannot fail to commit in the exercise of their functions, purely judicial, the consequences of their inordinate avarice are still more lamentable, and the tacit permission to satisfy it, granted to them by the government under the specious title of a licence to trade. Hence may it be affirmed, that the first of the evils, and the one the native immediately feels, is occasioned by the very person the law has destined for his relief and protection. In a word, he experiences injuries from the civil magistrates presiding over the provinces, who, at the same time, are the natural enemies of the inhabitants, and the real oppressors of their industry.
Corruption from officials in trade. However, aside from the serious harm and major mistakes that people in the described position are likely to cause while performing their judicial duties, the outcomes of their excessive greed are even worse. The government’s quiet approval of this greed, disguised as a license to trade, allows them to indulge in it. Therefore, it can be said that the primary issue, and the one that the local people feel most immediately, is created by the very individuals the law is supposed to protect and support them. In short, they suffer harm from the civil officials managing the provinces, who are, at the same time, the natural adversaries of the locals and the true oppressors of their work and efforts.
It is a known and melancholy fact that, far from promoting the felicity of the provinces intrusted to their care, the magistrates attend to nothing else but their own fortunes and personal interests; nor do they hesitate as to the means by which their object is to be attained. Scarcely are they seated in the place of authority, when they become the chief consumers, purchasers, and exporters of every thing produced and manufactured within the districts under their command, thus converting their licence to trade into a positive monopoly. In all lucrative speculations the magistrate seeks to have the largest share; in all his enterprises he calls in the forced [428]aid of his subjects, and if he deigns to remunerate their labor, at most it is only on the same terms as if they had been working on account of the king. These unhappy people bring in their produce and crude manufactures to the very person who, directly or indirectly, is to fix upon them an arbitrary value. To offer such and such a price for the articles is the same as to say, another bidding shall not be made. To insinuate is to command—the native is not allowed to hesitate, he must either please the magistrate, or submit to his persecutions. Being besides free from all competition in the prosecution of his traffic, since he is frequently the only Spaniard resident in the province, the magistrate therein acts with unbounded sway, without dread, and almost without risk of his tyranny ever being denounced to the superior tribunals.
It’s a sad reality that, instead of improving the well-being of the regions they are responsible for, the magistrates focus solely on their own wealth and interests; they have no qualms about the methods they use to achieve their goals. As soon as they assume power, they quickly become the primary buyers, sellers, and exporters of everything produced and made within their jurisdictions, effectively turning their trading licenses into a full-blown monopoly. The magistrate aims to gain the biggest slice of any profitable venture; he pulls in the forced [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] labor of the people, and if he decides to pay them at all, it’s usually no better than what they would earn working for the king. These unfortunate individuals bring their goods and raw products to the very person who will decide their worth, often arbitrarily. To present a price for these items is essentially to say that no other offers will be considered. To suggest is to give an order—the local people aren’t allowed to hesitate; they must either satisfy the magistrate or face his harassment. Additionally, since he usually is the only Spaniard in the province, he operates without any competition in his business dealings, wielding his power with complete authority and little fear of his tyranny being reported to higher courts.
Speculating in tributes.In order, however, that a more correct idea may be formed of the iniquitous conduct of many of these public functionaries, it is necessary to lay open some part of their irregular dealings in the collection of the Indian tributes. It is well known that the government, anxious to conciliate the interests of the tributary classes with those of the revenue, frequently commutes the pecuniary capitation tax into an obligation to pay the amount in produce or manufactures. A season comes when, owing to the failure of the crops, the productions have risen to an excessive price, and consequently infinitely above the ordinary rates affixed by law, which are generally the lowest, and the natives, unable to keep their bargains without considerable injury or endangering the subsistence of their numerous families, implore the favor of the magistrate, petitioning him to lay their calamitous situation before the superior government, in order to have the payment of their tribute in kind remitted, and offering to pay it in money. This is the precise moment when, as his own profits depend on the misery of the province under his command, he endeavors to misuse the accidental power with which he is invested. Hence it happens that, instead of acting as a beneficent mediator, and supporting the just solicitations of the natives, he at first disregards their petition, and then all at once transforming himself into a zealous collector, issues his notifications, sends his satellites into the very fields to seize on the produce, and in a most inexorable manner insists on collecting till necessity compels him to suspend the measure. The principal object being attained, that is, having now become master of the gleanings and scanty crops of his bereft subjects, on a sudden his disposition changes, he is moved to pity, and in the most pathetic language describes to the government the ravages done to the plantations by the hurricanes, and the [429]utter impossibility of collecting in the tributes that year in kind. On such a remonstrance he easily obtains permission to change the standing order, and proceeding on to collect in some of the remaining tributes in money, merely to save appearance, with perfect impunity he puts the finishing stroke to the wicked act he had commenced, by applying to himself all the produce his collectors had gathered in, and places to the credit of the treasury the total amount of the tributes, corresponding to his jurisdiction, in money.
Betting on tributes.To better understand the dishonest actions of many of these public officials, it's important to expose some of their irregular practices in collecting Indian tributes. It’s well known that the government, looking to balance the interests of the tributary classes with revenue needs, often allows the cash tax to be paid in goods or produce instead. There comes a time when, due to poor crops, the prices for these products soar, far exceeding the usual rates set by law, which are typically the lowest. The locals, unable to fulfill their agreements without severe hardship and putting their large families at risk, plead with the magistrate, asking him to present their dire situation to the higher government to be excused from paying their tribute in kind, while offering to settle in cash instead. This is exactly when, with his profits tied to the suffering of the region he oversees, he seeks to misuse the temporary power he holds. As a result, instead of being a helpful mediator and supporting the rightful requests of the locals, he initially ignores their plea, then suddenly transforms into an eager collector, issuing notifications, sending his enforcers into the fields to confiscate the produce, and relentlessly pursues collections until circumstances force him to halt. Once he achieves his main goal—seizing the meager harvests of his beleaguered subjects—his attitude shifts; he suddenly feels compassion and portrays to the government the devastation caused to the plantations by hurricanes, emphasizing the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]absolute impossibility of collecting the tributes that year in kind. Based on such a plea, he easily gains permission to alter the standing order and, proceeding to collect some of the remaining tributes in cash—just for appearances—he completes the wicked act he had started by keeping all the goods his collectors had gathered and credits the treasury with the total amount of the tributes in cash corresponding to his jurisdiction.
Supposing, for example, that this has happened in the province of Antique, where the payment of the capitation-tax generally takes place in the unhusked rice, rated at two reals per cavan, and, through the effects of a bad season, this article should rise as high as ten or twelve reals. It is clear that the magistrate, by accounting for the tributes with the revenue office in money, and collecting them in kind at the rate fixed by law, would by the sales gain a profit of 400 or 500 per cent; at the same time the native, by the mere circumstance of then paying in kind, would have paid the tribute corresponding to five or six years in a single one, without, on that account, having freed himself from the same charge in the following seasons.
Suppose, for example, that this has happened in the province of Antique, where the capitation tax is typically paid in unhusked rice, valued at two reals per cavan, and due to a bad season, the price of this rice increases to ten or twelve reals. It's clear that the magistrate, by reporting the taxes to the revenue office in cash and collecting them in kind at the legally set rate, would make a profit of 400 or 500 percent from the sales. Meanwhile, the native, simply by paying in kind, would have effectively paid the tribute equivalent to five or six years in just one payment, without actually being exempt from the same tax in the following years.
No check on extortion.When the extortionate acts as these are practised, to what lengths may it not be expected the other excesses and abuses of authority are carried? To the above it ought moreover to be added, that the provincial magistrates have no lieutenants, and are unprovided with any other auxiliaries in the administration of justice, except an accompanying witness and a native director; that the scrutinies of their accounts, to which they formerly were subject, are now abolished, and, in short, that they have no check upon them, or indeed any other persons to bear testimony to their irregularities, except the friendless and miserable victims of their despotism and avarice.
No check on scams.When these extortionate acts are carried out, how far can we expect other abuses of power to go? Additionally, it should be noted that the local magistrates have no assistants and lack any other support in administering justice, except for a witness and a local director. The audits of their accounts, which they used to undergo, have now been eliminated, and ultimately, they have no oversight, nor anyone else to report their wrongdoings, except the helpless and unfortunate victims of their tyranny and greed.
Notwithstanding, however, what is above stated, it sometimes happens that a magistrate is to be met with, distinguished from the rest by his prudence and good conduct; but this is a miracle, for by the very circumstance of his being allowed to trade, he is placed in a situation to abuse the wide powers confided to him, and preferably to attend to his personal interests; in fact, if the principle is in itself defective, it must naturally be expected the consequences will be equally baneful. The lamentable abuses here noticed are but too true, as well as many others passed over in silence; and the worst of all is, that there is no hope of remedying them thoroughly, unless the present system of interior administration is altogether changed. In vain would it be to allege the possibility of removing the evil [430]by the timely and energetic interposition of the protector of the natives; for although this office is in itself highly respectable, it cannot in any way reach the multitude of excesses committed, and much less prevent them; not only because the minister who exercises it resides in the city, where complaints are seldom brought in, unless they come through the channel of the parish curates; but also on account of the difficulty of fully establishing the charges against the magistrates, in the way the natives are at present depressed by fear and threats, as well as restrained by the sub-governors and other inferior officers of justice, who, being dependent upon, and holding their situations from the magistrates, are interested in their monopolies and extortionate acts being kept from public view.
However, despite what has been stated above, it sometimes happens that a magistrate stands out from the rest because of his prudence and good behavior; but this is rare, as the fact that he is allowed to engage in trade puts him in a position to misuse the broad powers given to him, and prioritize his own interests. In reality, if the principle itself is flawed, it’s only natural to expect equally harmful consequences. The unfortunate abuses mentioned here are all too real, as are many others that go unmentioned; and the worst part is that there is no hope of truly fixing these issues unless the current system of internal administration is completely reformed. It would be useless to suggest that the problem could be solved by the timely and effective intervention of the protector of the natives; for while this office is indeed highly respected, it cannot effectively address the multitude of excesses committed, let alone prevent them. This is not only because the minister in this role lives in the city, where complaints are rarely filed unless they come through parish curates, but also due to the difficulty of substantiating the accusations against the magistrates, given how the natives are currently oppressed by fear and threats, as well as held back by the sub-governors and other lower-ranking officers of justice, who, reliant on the magistrates and receiving their positions from them, have a vested interest in keeping their monopolies and exploitative actions hidden from public scrutiny.
Less complaisant laws needed.If, therefore, it is not possible entirely to eradicate the vices under which the interior administration of these Islands labors, owing to the difficulty of finding persons possessed of the necessary virtues and talents to govern, in an upright and judicious manner, let us at least prevent the evils out of the too great condescension of our own laws. In the infancy of colonies, it has been the maxim of all governments to encourage the emigration and settlement of inhabitants from the mother-country, without paying much attention to the means by which this was to be done. It was not to be wondered at that, for reasons of state, defects were overlooked,—at such periods were even deemed necessary. Hence the relaxation in the laws in favor of those who, quitting their native land, carried over with them to strange countries their property and acquirements. Hence, no doubt, also are derived the full powers granted to those who took in charge the subjection and administration of the new provinces, in order that they might govern, and at the same time carry on their traffic with the natives, notwithstanding the manifest incompatibility of the two occupations; or rather, the certainty that ought to have been foreseen that public duties would generally be postponed, when placed in competition with private interests and the anxious desire of acquiring wealth.
Stricter laws are needed.If we can't completely eliminate the issues plaguing the internal management of these Islands, mainly due to the challenge of finding people with the right virtues and skills to govern fairly and wisely, then let's at least address the problems created by the excessive leniency of our own laws. In the early days of colonies, all governments followed the principle of promoting the immigration and settlement of people from the mother country, often without considering the methods to achieve this. It was understandable that, for political reasons, flaws were ignored—such moments were even seen as necessary. This led to relaxing the laws for those who, leaving their homeland, brought their property and skills to foreign lands. This also explains the broad powers granted to those tasked with conquering and governing the new territories, allowing them to rule while also engaging in trade with the locals, despite the clear conflict between those two roles; or rather, the obvious fact that public responsibilities would usually take a backseat to personal interests and the strong desire for wealth.
Subsequently that happened which was, in fact, to be dreaded, viz., what at first was tolerated as a necessary evil, sanctioned by the lapse of time has at length become a legitimate right, or rather a compensation for the supposed trouble attached to the fulfillment of the duties of civil magistrates; whilst they, as already observed, think of nothing but themselves, and undergo no other trouble or inconvenience than usually fall on the lot of any other private merchant. In the Philippines, at least, many years having elapsed since the natives peaceably submitted to the dominion of the king, every [431]motive has ceased that could formerly, and in a certain degree, justify the indulgence so much abused, at the same time that no plausible pretext whatever exists for its further continuation.
Later, what we all dreaded happened: what was initially accepted as a necessary evil, endorsed over time, has eventually turned into a legitimate right, or more accurately, a compensation for the supposed hassle of fulfilling civil duties. Meanwhile, those in power, as mentioned earlier, think only of themselves and face no more trouble or inconvenience than any other regular merchant. In the Philippines, especially after many years have passed since the natives peacefully submitted to the king's rule, every reason that once somewhat justified this abuse has disappeared, and there’s no reasonable excuse left for it to continue.
Although hitherto the number of whites, compared to that of the people of color, has not been great, as the whole of the provincial magistracies, collectorships, and subaltern governments, do not exceed twenty-seven, the scarcity of Spaniards ought not to be alleged as a sufficient reason; nor can it be doubted these situations might at any time be properly filled, if the person on whom the choice should fall were only certain of living with decency and in a suitable manner, without being carried away with the flattering hopes of withdrawing from office, with ten, twenty, and even as high as fifty thousand dollars of property, as has heretofore been the case, but satisfied with a due and equivalent salary they might receive as a reward for the public services they perform.
Although until now the number of white people, compared to people of color, hasn’t been significant, since all the provincial positions, such as magistracies, collector roles, and lower government offices, don’t exceed twenty-seven, the lack of Spaniards shouldn’t be used as an excuse. It’s undeniable that these roles could be filled appropriately at any time, provided that the chosen person is assured of living decently and properly, without being tempted by the flattering hopes of leaving the office with ten, twenty, or even as much as fifty thousand dollars in assets, as has happened in the past. Instead, they should be content with a fair and appropriate salary as a reward for the public services they provide.
I do not therefore see why the government should hesitate in resolving to put a stop to evils which the people of the Philippines have not ceased to deplore from the time of the conquest, by proscribing, under the most severe penalties, the power of trading, as now exercised by the provincial magistrates. The time is come when this struggle between duty and sordid interest ought to end, and reason, as well as enlightened policy, demand that in this respect our legislation should be reformed, in order that the mace of justice, instead of being prostituted in search of lucre, may henceforwards be wholly employed in the support of equity and the protection of society.
I don’t see why the government should hesitate to stop the problems that the people of the Philippines have been complaining about since the conquest. They should ban the trading power that provincial magistrates currently have, with serious penalties. The time has come for this conflict between duty and selfish interest to end. Both reason and smart policy call for changes in our laws so that the power of justice can be used entirely for fairness and the protection of society, rather than being misused for profit.
Urgence of reform.The only objection which, at first sight, might be started against the suggestions here thrown out is the increased expense which would fall on the treasury, owing to the necessity of appropriating competent salaries for the interior magistrates under the new order of things. Independent, however, of the fact that the rapid improvements the provinces must assume, in every point of view, would superabundantly make up this trifling difference; yet supposing the sacrifice were gratuitous, and even of some moment, it ought not, on that account, to be omitted, since there is no public object more important to the sovereign himself, than to make the necessary provision for the decorum of the magistracy, the due administration of justice, and the maintenance of good order among his subjects.
Need for reform.The only objection that might come to mind regarding the suggestions presented here is the increased costs that would fall on the treasury, due to the need to provide adequate salaries for the local magistrates under the new system. However, aside from the fact that the rapid improvements the provinces must undergo, in every aspect, would more than compensate for this minor difference, even if the expense was significant, it shouldn't be overlooked. There is no public interest more crucial to the sovereign himself than ensuring proper funding for the dignity of the magistracy, the fair administration of justice, and the maintenance of order among his subjects.
The position being established, that a number of whites more than sufficient might be obtained, eligible and fit to perform the duties of civil magistrates, which they would be induced to undertake, [432]if adequate terms were only proposed, it would seem that no ill consequences might be expected from at once assimilating the regulations of these provincial judicatures to those of the corregimientos, or mayoralties of towns in Spain, or in making out an express statute, on a triple scale, for three classes of magistrates, granting to them emoluments equivalent to the greater or lesser extent of the respective jurisdictions. As far as regards the pay, it ought to be so arranged as to act as a sufficient stimulus to induce European colonists to embrace this career, in a fixed and permanent way, which hitherto they have only resorted to as a five years’ speculation. Conformably to this suggestion, and owing to the lesser value attached to money in India, compared with Europe, on account of the greater abundance of the necessaries of life, I am of opinion that it would be expedient to affix an annual allowance of $2,000 to each of the appointments of the six principal and most populous provinces, $1,500 for the next in importance, and for the twelve or thirteen remaining, at the rate of $1,000 each; leaving to the candidates the option of rising according to their length of services and good conduct, from the lowest to the highest, as is the case in Spain.
The argument being made is that a sufficient number of qualified white individuals could be found to take on the responsibilities of civil magistrates, which they would be willing to do if appropriate incentives were offered. Therefore, it seems that no negative consequences would arise from immediately aligning the regulations of these provincial courts with those of the corregimientos or mayoralties in Spain, or from creating a specific law with three tiers for three classes of magistrates, providing them with compensation that corresponds to the size of their respective jurisdictions. In terms of pay, it should be structured to effectively encourage European colonists to pursue this career in a lasting way, rather than as a temporary five-year venture. In line with this idea, and considering that money holds less value in India than in Europe due to the greater availability of essential goods, I believe it would be wise to set an annual salary of $2,000 for each of the six largest and most populated provinces, $1,500 for the next tier, and $1,000 each for the remaining twelve or thirteen, allowing candidates to advance based on their length of service and good performance, similar to the system in Spain.
Objects to be gained.The first part of the plan above pointed out embraces two objects. The one is to prevent the provincial magistrates from carrying on traffic, thus depriving them of every pretext to defraud the natives of what is their own; and the other, to form, in the course of a few years a class of men hitherto unknown in the Philippine Islands, who, taught by practice, may be enabled to govern the provinces in a more correct and regular manner, and acquire more extended knowledge, especially in the judicial proceedings of the first instance, which, owing to this defect, frequently compel the litigants to incur useless expenses, and greatly embarrass the ordinary course of justice. Although the second part at first seems to involve an increased expense of $36,000 or $37,000 annually, when well considered, this sum will be found not to exceed $20,000, because it will be necessary to deduct from the above estimate the amount of three per cent. under the existing regulations allowed to the magistrates for the collection of the native tributes, in their character of subdelegates, generally amounting to $16,000 or $17,000; besides only taking into account such real and effective disbursements or extraordinary expenses as in fact they may legally have incurred in the performance of their duties.
Items to be obtained.The first part of the plan mentioned above includes two main goals. One is to stop the provincial magistrates from engaging in trade, which removes their justification for cheating the locals out of their property; the other is to develop, over the next few years, a group of individuals who are currently unknown in the Philippine Islands. These individuals, learning through experience, will be better equipped to manage the provinces more effectively and gain a deeper understanding, particularly in the initial judicial processes. This improvement, which currently has shortcomings, often forces litigants to spend unnecessary money and severely disrupts the normal course of justice. While the second part may initially appear to require an additional expense of $36,000 or $37,000 each year, upon closer inspection, this amount will actually be around $20,000. This is because we must subtract the three percent allowed to the magistrates under current regulations for collecting local tributes, in their role as subdelegates, typically totaling around $16,000 or $17,000. Furthermore, we should only consider the actual and necessary expenditures or extraordinary costs they may have legally incurred while performing their duties.
Should it, however, be deemed expedient, from causes just in their nature, hereafter to exonerate the natives from the obligations of paying tributes, by which means the amount deducted for the three [433]per cent. commission could not then be brought into account, let me be allowed to ask what enlightened government would hesitate submitting to an additional expense of so trifling an import, in exchange for beholding more than two millions of men forever freed from the extortionate acts of their old magistrates; and, through the effects of the new regulations, the latter converted into real fathers of the people over whom they are placed? How different would then be the aspect these fine provinces would present to the eyes of the philosophical observer who would, in that case, be able to calculate to what an extent the progress of agriculture and industry in these islands might be carried.
If, however, it’s deemed necessary for valid reasons to free the natives from the obligation of paying tributes, which means the amount deducted for the three [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] percent commission couldn’t be accounted for, I’d like to ask what forward-thinking government would hesitate to incur such a minimal additional expense in exchange for seeing more than two million people permanently freed from the exploitative practices of their old authorities; and, with the new regulations in place, those authorities turned into genuine caretakers of the people they oversee? How different would these beautiful provinces look to a thoughtful observer who could then see just how much further agriculture and industry could progress in these islands?
Demoralization of over-seas service.Nevertheless, I do not wish to insinuate that by the better organization of the provincial governments, the present irregularities and abuses of authority would entirely cease; because I am aware, more especially in the Indies, that the persons who hold public situations usually have too exaggerated ideas of their own personal importance, and easily mistake the gratification of their own whims for firmness of character, in the necessity of causing themselves to be respected. Still it is an incontestable fact that, by removing the chief temptation, and rescinding altogether the license to trade, the just complaints preferred by the native against the Spaniard would cease; the motives of those continual disputes which arise between the magistrates and the ministers of the gospel exercising their functions in the same provinces, and the zealous defenders of the rights of their parishioners, would be removed, and the inhabitants of Manila, extending their mercantile operations to the interior, without the dread of seeing them obstructed through the powerful competition of the magistrates in authority there, would be induced to settle in or connect themselves with the provinces, and thus diffuse their knowledge, activity and money among the inhabitants, the true means of encouraging the whole.
Demoralization of international service. Nevertheless, I don't want to suggest that better organization of the provincial governments would completely eliminate the current irregularities and abuses of power; because I'm aware, especially in the Indies, that those who hold public positions often have an inflated sense of their own importance and easily confuse indulging their own desires with being strong in character in order to gain respect. Still, it is a clear fact that by removing the main temptation and completely revoking the license to trade, the legitimate complaints made by the natives against the Spaniards would stop; the reasons for the ongoing disputes between the magistrates and the ministers of the gospel working in the same provinces, along with the passionate defenders of their parishioners' rights, would disappear. The residents of Manila, expanding their business operations into the interior without the fear of competition from the magistrates in power there, would be encouraged to settle or connect with the provinces, thus spreading their knowledge, energy, and wealth among the locals, which would truly help to encourage everyone.
What has already been said will suffice to convince the lover of truth and the friend of general prosperity, how urgent it is to introduce as early as possible, the reform proposed into the interior administration of this important, although neglected colony; and it is to be hoped that the government, guided by these same sentiments, will not be led away by those narrow-minded people, who predict danger from every thing that is new; but, after due and mature deliberation, resolve to adopt a measure dictated by reason, and at the same time conformable to the best interests of the state.
What has already been said is enough to convince anyone who values truth and cares about the common good of how important it is to introduce the proposed reform into the internal administration of this significant, though overlooked, colony as soon as possible. It’s hoped that the government, inspired by these same values, won’t be swayed by those narrow-minded individuals who see danger in everything new. Instead, after thoughtful consideration, they will decide to implement a measure based on reason that also aligns with the best interests of the state.
[434]Of little avail would have been the valor and constancy with which Legaspi and his worthy companions overcame the natives of these islands, if the apostolic zeal of the missionaries had not seconded their exertions, and aided to consolidate the enterprise. The latter were the real conquerors; they who, without any other arms than their virtues, won over the good will of the islanders, caused the Spanish name to be beloved, and gave to the king, as it were by a miracle, two millions more of submissive and Christian subjects. These were the legislators of the barbarous hordes who inhabited the islands of this immense Archipelago, realizing, by their mild persuasion, the allegorical prodigies of Amphion and Orpheus.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The bravery and determination that Legaspi and his dedicated companions showed in defeating the natives of these islands would have meant little if it weren’t for the passionate efforts of the missionaries, who supported their work and helped solidify the mission. The missionaries were the true conquerors; with nothing but their good character, they won the goodwill of the islanders, made the Spanish name respected, and, almost like a miracle, presented the king with two million more loyal and Christian subjects. They were the creators of order among the rough tribes that lived in this vast archipelago, achieving, through their gentle persuasion, the legendary feats of Amphion and Orpheus.
Pioneer Philippine government a theocracy.As the means the missionaries called in to their aid, in order to reduce and civilize the Indians, were preaching and other spiritual labors, and, although scattered about and acting separately, they were still subject to the authority of their prelates, who, like so many chiefs, directed the grand work of conversion, the government primitively established in these colonies must necessarily have partaken greatly of the theocratical order, and beyond doubt it continued to be so, till, by the lapse of time, the number of colonists increased, as well as the effective strength of the royal authority, so as to render the governing system uniform with that established in the other ultramarine dominions of Spain.
Pioneer Philippine government as a theocracy. The missionaries relied on preaching and other spiritual efforts to help reduce and civilize the Indigenous people. Even though they were spread out and acted independently, they were still under the authority of their leaders, who, like many chiefs, directed the major work of conversion. The government that was originally set up in these colonies was heavily influenced by the theocratic order, and it undoubtedly remained that way until, over time, the number of settlers grew and the power of the royal authority became strong enough to align the governing system with that established in Spain's other overseas territories.
This is also deduced from the fragments still remaining of the first constitution, or mode of government introduced in the Batanes Islands and missions of Cagayan, administered by the Dominican friars in a spiritual and temporal manner; as well as from what may frequently be observed in the other provinces, by any one who bestows the smallest attention. Although the civil magistracies have since been regulated, and their respective attributes determined with due precision, it has not hitherto been possible, notwithstanding the pains taken to make the contrary appear, to do without the personal authority and influence the parish curates possess over their flocks. The government has, in fact, constantly been obliged to avail themselves of this aid, as the most powerful instrument to insure respect and a due subordination, in such manner that, although the parish curates are not at present equally authorized to interfere in the civil administration, in point of fact, they are themselves the real administrators.
This can also be inferred from the remaining fragments of the original constitution, or system of government, introduced in the Batanes Islands and Cagayan missions, managed by the Dominican friars both spiritually and temporally; as well as from what can often be observed in other provinces by anyone who pays even the slightest attention. Although the civil offices have since been structured, and their specific roles clearly defined, it has still not been possible, despite efforts to suggest otherwise, to do without the personal authority and influence that parish priests hold over their congregations. In fact, the government has continuously relied on this support as a powerful tool to ensure respect and proper hierarchy, so that, even though parish priests are not currently equally empowered to intervene in civil administration, they effectively act as the true administrators.
Standing of parish priests.It happens that, as the parish curate is the consoler of the afflicted, the peacemaker of families, the promoter of useful ideas, the preacher and example of every thing good; as in him liberality is seen to shine, and the Indians behold him alone in the midst of [435]them, without relatives, without traffic, and always busied in their care and improvement, they become accustomed to live satisfied and contented under his paternal direction, and deliver up to him the whole of their confidence. In this way rendered the master of their wishes, nothing is done without the advice, or rather consent, of the curate. The subaltern governor, on receiving an order from the superior magistrate, before he takes any step, goes to the minister to obtain his sanction, and it is he in fact who tacitly gives the mandate for execution, or prevents its being carried into effect. As the father of his flock, he arranges, or directs, the lawsuits of his parishioners; it is he who draws out their writings; goes to the capital to plead for the Indians; opposes his prayers, and sometimes his threats, to the violent acts of the provincial magistrates, and arranges every thing in the most fit and quiet manner. In a word, it is not possible for any human institution to be more simple, and at the same time more firmly established, or from which so many advantages might be derived in favor of the state, as the one so justly admired in the spiritual ministry of these islands. It may therefore be considered a strange fatality, when the secret and true art of governing a colony, so different from any other as is that of the Philippines, consists in the wise use of so powerful an instrument as the one just described, that the superior government, within the last few years, should have been so much deluded as to seek the destruction of a work which, on the contrary, it is, above all others, advisable to sustain.
Role of church pastors. The parish curate serves as a comfort to the suffering, a peacemaker among families, a promoter of helpful ideas, a preacher, and an embodiment of all that's good. His generosity shines through, and the locals see him standing alone among them, without family ties, without commercial interests, and constantly focused on their well-being and development. They become accustomed to living happily and peacefully under his caring guidance, placing their full trust in him. This makes him the master of their desires; nothing happens without the curate's advice or, more precisely, his approval. When a subordinate governor gets an order from a higher authority, he first consults the minister for approval before taking any action. It's actually the curate who silently gives the go-ahead for execution or stops it from happening. As the father figure of his community, he manages the legal disputes of his parishioners, drafting their documents, traveling to the capital to advocate for the locals, standing up to the harsh actions of provincial authorities with his prayers, and sometimes his threats, and handling everything in the most appropriate and peaceful way. In short, no human institution can be simpler and more solidly established, or provide as many benefits to the state, as the one rightly revered in the spiritual leadership of these islands. It seems quite strange, then, that the superior government, especially in recent years, could have been so mistaken as to attempt to undermine a system that, in fact, should be strongly supported, as it represents the true art of governing a colony as unique as the Philippines.
In this, as well as many other cases, we see how difficult, or rather how absurd it is, to expect to organize a system of government, indistinctly adapted to the genius and disposition of all nations, however great the discordance prevailing in their physical and moral constitutions. Hence it follows that, by wishing to assimilate the administrative plan of these provinces to the one adopted in the sections of America, inconveniences are unceasingly met with, evidently arising out of this erroneous principle. Whatever may be asserted to the contrary, there is no medium. It is necessary to insure obedience either through dread and force, or respect must be excited by means of love and confidence. In order to be convinced that the first is not practicable, it will only be necessary to weigh well the following circumstances and reflections.
In this, as well as many other situations, we see how hard, or rather how ridiculous it is, to expect a government system to be created that fits all nations, no matter how much difference there is in their physical and moral make-up. As a result, trying to adapt the administrative system of these provinces to the one used in parts of America constantly leads to issues that clearly come from this mistaken idea. No matter what anyone may argue otherwise, there is no middle ground. We must ensure obedience either through fear and force, or we must inspire respect through love and trust. To understand that the first option isn’t feasible, it’s only necessary to carefully consider the following circumstances and thoughts.
The number of the whites compared to that of the natives is so small, that it can scarcely be estimated in the proportion of 15 to 25,000. These provinces, infinitely more populous than those of America, are entirely delivered up to the charge of provincial [436]Friars only check on officials.magistrates, who carry with them to the seats of their respective governments, no other troops than the title of military commandants, and their royal commission on parchment. Besides the friars, it sometimes happens that no other white person is to be found in an entire province, but the presiding magistrate. It is the duty of the latter to collect in the king’s revenue; to pursue robbers; appease tumults; raise men for the regiments in garrison at Manila and Cavite; regulate and head his people in case of an external invasion, and, in short, it is he who is to do everything in the character of magistrate and in the name of the king. Considering, therefore, the effective power required for the due performance of so great a variety of duties, and the want of that species of support experienced by him who is charged with them, can it be denied that it would be risking the security of these dominions too much, to attempt forcibly to control them with means so insufficient? If the inhabitants become tumultuous and rise up, on whom will the magistrate call for aid to repress and punish them? In such a predicament, is any other alternative left him than to fly or die in the struggle? If among civilized nations, it is deemed indispensable that authority should always appear accompanied with force, how can it be expected, among Indians, that the laws will otherwise be respected, when left naked and unsupported?
The number of white people compared to natives is so small that it can hardly be estimated at 15 to 25,000. These provinces, far more populated than those in America, are completely under the management of provincial magistrates, who bring with them to their respective governments no troops other than their titles as military commandants and their royal commission on parchment. Besides the friars, it often happens that the only white person in an entire province is the presiding magistrate. It is the duty of the magistrate to collect the king’s revenue, pursue robbers, calm disturbances, recruit men for the regiments stationed in Manila and Cavite, organize and lead his people in case of external invasion, and, in short, he is responsible for everything in the role of magistrate and in the name of the king. Given the significant power required for the proper execution of such a wide range of duties, along with the lack of support he experiences, can it be denied that attempting to control these territories forcibly with such inadequate means poses too great a risk to their security? If the inhabitants become unruly and rebel, whom will the magistrate call for help to suppress and punish them? In such a situation, does he have any other option but to flee or fight to the death? If among civilized nations it's considered essential for authority to always have the backing of force, how can it be expected that the laws will be respected among Indians when they are left unprotected and unsupported?
Missionaries’ achievements.Evidently, it is necessary to appeal to aid of another kind, and to employ means, which, although indirect ones, are, beyond all dispute, the best adapted to the peculiar circumstances of the country,—means which, by influencing the mind, excite veneration, subdue the rude understanding of the inhabitants, and incline them to bear our dominion without repugnance. It is well understood what these means are, how much they are at hand, and how greatly also they have always been envied by other European nations, who have sought to extend and consolidate their conquests in both the Indies. Let us listen to La Pérouse, if we wish to know and admire the army with which our missionaries subdued the natives of both Californias; let us read, dispassionately, the wonderful deeds of the Jesuits in other parts of America, and, above all, let us visit the Philippine Islands and, with astonishment, shall we there behold extended ranges, studded with temples and spacious convents; the Divine worship celebrated with pomp and splendor; regularity in the streets, and even luxury in the houses and dress; schools of the first rudiments in all the towns, and the inhabitants well versed in the art of writing. We shall there see causeways raised, bridges of a good architecture built, and, in short, all the measure of good [437]government and police, in the greatest part of the country, carried into effect, yet the whole is due to the exertions, apostolic labors and pure patriotism of the ministers of religion. Let us travel over the provinces, and we shall there see towns of 5000, 10,000, and 20,000 Indians, peacefully governed by one weak old man, who, with his doors open at all hours, sleeps quiet and secure in his dwelling, without any other magic, or any other guards, than the love and respect with which he has known to inspire his flock. And, when this is contemplated, can it be deemed possible, through foolish jealousy and vain wish for those persons only pointed out by the general laws in ordinary cases, to intervene in the government of the natives, that the fruit of so much time constancy are not to be lost, but also by hereafter disregarding and rejecting a co-operation, as efficient as it is economical, that attempts should purposely be made to destroy the mainspring of the whole of this political machine?
Missionaries' accomplishments. Clearly, we need to seek support of a different sort and use methods that, while indirect, are undeniably the most suitable for the unique circumstances of the country—methods that, by influencing people's thoughts, inspire respect, soften the harsh understanding of the locals, and encourage them to accept our control without resistance. It’s well known what these methods are, how readily available they are, and how much other European nations have envied them in their efforts to expand and strengthen their hold in both Indies. Let’s pay attention to La Pérouse if we want to learn about and admire the forces with which our missionaries won over the natives of both Californias; let’s read, without bias, about the remarkable actions of the Jesuits elsewhere in America, and above all, let’s visit the Philippine Islands where we will be astonished to see long stretches filled with temples and spacious convents; divine worship carried out with grandeur and magnificence; orderliness in the streets and even luxury in homes and attire; schools teaching basic education in all the towns, and locals well-versed in writing. There, we will see raised causeways, well-built bridges, and, in short, a significant level of effective governance and law enforcement throughout most of the country, all thanks to the dedicated efforts, apostolic work, and genuine patriotism of the religious ministers. If we explore the provinces, we will find towns with populations of 5,000, 10,000, and 20,000 Indians, peacefully led by one frail old man, who, with his doors open at all times, sleeps soundly and securely in his home, relying solely on the love and respect he has inspired in his community. And when we consider this, can it really be thought wise, because of foolish jealousy and a futile desire for only those specifically designated by general laws in typical cases, to interfere in the governance of the natives, risking the loss of so much hard-earned stability, and dismissing a collaboration that is as effective as it is economical, just to intentionally undermine the driving force behind this entire political system?
Curtailing priestly authority.Such, nevertheless, are the mistaken ideas which, within the last few years, have unhappily led to the adoption of measures, diametrically opposed to the public interest, under the pretext of curtailing the excessive authority of the parish-curates. The superior government, not satisfied with having deprived the ministers of the faculty of personally prescribing certain correctional punishments, which although of little moment, when applied with discretion, greatly contributed to fortify their ascendency, and consequently, that of the sovereign; but, in order to exclude and divest them of all intervention in the civil administration, a direct attempt has also been made to lower the esteem in which they are held, by awakening the distrust of the Indian, and, as much as possible, removing him to a greater distance from them. In proof of this, and in order that what has been said may not be deemed an exaggeration, it will suffice to quote the substance of two regulations, remarkable for their obvious tendency to weaken the influence and credit of the spiritual administrators.
Reducing clergy power.However, these are the misguided ideas that, in recent years, have unfortunately led to the implementation of measures that are completely against the public interest, all under the guise of reducing the excessive authority of the parish curates. The higher authorities, not content with having taken away the ministers' ability to personally impose certain minor correctional punishments—which, when applied wisely, greatly helped to strengthen their influence and, in turn, that of the sovereign—have also made a direct effort to eliminate their involvement in civil administration. This has included attempts to diminish the respect in which they are held by fostering distrust among the Indian community and, as much as possible, distancing them from the clergy. To support this claim and to ensure that it is not seen as an exaggeration, it’s enough to refer to the essence of two regulations that clearly aim to undermine the influence and reputation of the spiritual leaders.
By one of these, it is enacted that in order to prevent the abuses and notorious malversation of the funds of the sanctuary, specially applicable to the expenses of the festivities and worship of each parish, and arising out of the real and half for this purpose contributed by each tributary person, and collected and privately administered by the curate, the same shall hereafter be kept in a chest with three keys, and lodged in the head-town of each province. The keys are to be left, one in possession of the chief magistrate, another in the hands of the governor of the respective town, and the remaining one with the parish-curate. By the other measure [438]it is declared, as a standing rule, that no Indian, who may lately have been employed in the domestic service of the curate, shall in his own town be considered eligible to any office belonging to the judicial department.
By one of these, it's stated that to prevent the misuse and blatant mishandling of the sanctuary's funds, which are primarily for the expenses of celebrations and worship for each parish, and which come from the contributions made by each taxpayer that are collected and privately managed by the curate, these funds will now be kept in a chest with three keys, stored in the main town of each province. The keys will be distributed as follows: one will be held by the chief magistrate, another by the governor of the respective town, and the last one by the parish curate. By the other measure [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__], it is established as a standing rule that no Indian who has recently served in the domestic role of the curate shall be eligible for any judicial office in his own town.
On measures of this kind, comments are unnecessary; their meaning and effect cannot be mistaken. I shall, therefore, merely observe, that no untimely means could have been devised more injurious to the state, to the propagation of religion, and even to the natives themselves. It is, in fact, a most strange affair, that such endeavors should have been made to impeach the purity, by at the same time degrading the respectable character of the parish-curates, more particularly at a period when, owing to partality and the scarcity of religious men, it would have seemed more natural to uphold, and by new inducements encourage the zeal and authority of the remaining few. This step appears the more singular, I repeat, at a moment when, neither by suspending the sending out of missionaries to China, and the almost entire abandonment of the spiritual conquest of the Igorots and other infidel tribes, inhabiting the interior of these islands, have the above Spanish laborers been able to carry on the ordinary administration, nor prevent entire provinces from being transferred, as is now the case, into the hands of Indians and mestizo clergymen of the Sangley race, who, through their great ignorance, corrupt morals, and total want of decorum, universally incur the contempt of the flocks committed to their care, and, in consequence of their tyrannical conduct, cause the people to sigh for the mild yoke of their ancient pastors.
On measures like these, there’s no need for comments; their meaning and impact are obvious. So, I’ll just point out that no poorly timed actions could be more harmful to the state, to the spread of religion, and even to the natives themselves. It’s really odd that efforts were made to undermine the integrity while also diminishing the respectable standing of the parish priests, especially at a time when, due to bias and the shortage of religious figures, it would have made more sense to support and encourage the remaining few with new incentives. This action seems even more bizarre, I must emphasize, at a time when, by halting the sending of missionaries to China and almost completely abandoning the spiritual mission to the Igorots and other non-Christian tribes living in the interior of these islands, the Spanish laborers have failed to manage the usual administration or stop entire provinces from being handed over, as is happening now, to Indian and mestizo priests of the Sangley race. These priests, due to their significant ignorance, corrupt morals, and complete lack of decorum, earn the contempt of the communities they are supposed to shepherd, and as a result of their oppressive behavior, the people long for the gentle guidance of their former pastors.
Friars bulwark of Spanish rule.If, therefore, it is the wish of the government to retain the subjection of this colony, and raise it to the high degree of prosperity of which it is susceptible, the first thing, in my opinion, that ought to be attended to is the good organization of its spiritual administration. On this subject we must not deceive ourselves. I again repeat, that as long as the local government, in consequence of the want of military forces, and owing to the scarcity of Europeans, does not in itself possess the means of insuring obedience, no other alternative remains. It is necessary to call in to its aid the powerful influence of religion, and to obtain from the Peninsula fresh supplies of missionaries. As in their nature the latter are essentially different from the other public functionaries, it is well known they neither seek nor aspire to any remuneration for their labors, their only hope being to obtain, in the opinion of the community at large, that degree of respect to which they justly consider themselves entitled. Let, therefore, their pre-eminences be retained to them: [439]let them be treated with decorum; the care and direction of the Indians confided to their charge, and they always be found united in support of justice and the legitimate authority.
Friars were the backbone of Spanish rule.If it is the government’s desire to maintain control over this colony and elevate it to its full potential for prosperity, the first priority, in my view, should be the proper organization of its spiritual administration. We must not kid ourselves about this. I emphasize again that as long as the local government lacks military forces and struggles with a shortage of Europeans, it will have no way to ensure obedience. Therefore, it is essential to call upon the strong influence of religion and to request additional missionaries from the Peninsula. Since these missionaries are fundamentally different from other public officials, it is well known that they do not seek or expect any compensation for their work; their only hope is to gain the respect they rightfully believe they deserve from the community. Thus, let their status be preserved: [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]let them be treated with dignity; the care and guidance of the Indigenous people entrusted to them, and may they always stand united in support of justice and legitimate authority.
Unwise to discredit priests.Nothing is more unjust, and of nothing have the spiritual directors of the provinces so much reason to complain, than the little discernment with which they have sometimes been judged and condemned, by causing the misconduct of some of their individual members to affect the whole body. Hence is it that no one can read without shame and indignation, the insidious suggestions and allusions, derogatory to their character, contained in the Regulations of Government framed at Manila in the year 1758, and which although modified by orders of the king, are at the present moment still in force, owing to the want of others, and found in a printed form in the hands of every one. Granting that in some particular instances, real causes of complaint might have existed, yet in the end, what does it matter if here and there a religious character has abused the confidence reposed in him, as long as the spirit by which the generality of them are actuated, corresponds to the sanctity of their state, and is besides conformable to the views of government? Why should we be eternally running after an ideal of perfection which can never be met with? Nor, indeed, is this necessary in the present construction of society.
Don't discredit priests.Nothing is more unfair, and nothing have the spiritual leaders of the provinces had more reason to complain about, than the lack of discernment with which they have sometimes been judged and condemned, allowing the misconduct of a few individuals to tarnish the whole group. This is why no one can read without shame and anger the insidious suggestions and negative remarks about their character found in the Government Regulations created in Manila in 1758, which, although modified by royal orders, are still in effect today due to the absence of new regulations and are accessible in print to everyone. While there may have been valid complaints in some specific cases, in the end, what does it matter if a few religious figures have misused the trust placed in them, as long as the majority embody the sanctity of their role and align with the government's objectives? Why should we constantly chase after an ideal of perfection that can never be achieved? In fact, this pursuit isn't even necessary in today's society.
Testimony in their behalfIf, however, any weight is to be attached to imposture with which, from personal motives, attempts have been made to obscure the truth, and prejudice the public mind against the regular clergy; or, if the just defense on which I have entered, should be attributed to partiality or visionary impressions, let the Archives of the Colonial Department be opened, and we shall there find the report drawn up by order of the king on November 26, 1804, by the governor of the Philippine Islands, Don Rafael Maria de Aguilar, with a view to convey information regarding the enquiries at that time instituted respecting the reduction of the inhabitants of the Island of Mindoro; a report extremely honorable to the regular clergy, and dictated by the experience that general had acquired during a period of more than twelve years he had governed. Therein also will be seen the answer to the consultation addressed to his successor in the command, Don Mariano Fernandez de Folgueras, under date of April 25, 1809, in which he most earnestly beseeches the king to endeavor, by every possible means, to send out religious missionaries; deploring the decline and want of order he had observed with his own eyes in the towns administered by native clergymen, and pointing out the urgent necessity of intrusting the spiritual [440]government of these provinces to the dexterous management of the former. Testimonies of such weight are more than sufficient at once to refute the calumnies and contrary opinions put forth on this subject, and at the same time serve as irrefragable proofs of the scrupulous impartiality with which I have endeavored to discuss so delicate a matter.
Testimony on their behalfIf, however, any significance is given to the deception that has been used, stemming from personal motives, to obscure the truth and turn public opinion against the regular clergy; or if the valid defense I've presented is seen as biased or based on fanciful ideas, let’s open the Archives of the Colonial Department. There, we will find the report prepared by order of the king on November 26, 1804, by the governor of the Philippine Islands, Don Rafael Maria de Aguilar, to provide information regarding the inquiries at that time about the reduction of the inhabitants of Mindoro Island; a report that is very favorable to the regular clergy and reflects the experience that the governor gained during the over twelve years he was in charge. Also included is the response to the consultation sent to his successor, Don Mariano Fernandez de Folgueras, dated April 25, 1809, in which he urgently requests the king to make every effort to send religious missionaries; lamenting the decline and disorder he personally witnessed in the towns run by local clergymen, and emphasizing the urgent need to trust the spiritual [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]governance of these regions to the capable management of the former. Such strong testimonies are more than enough to refute the slanders and opposing views expressed on this topic, while also serving as undeniable proof of the careful impartiality with which I have tried to address this sensitive issue.
In a general point of view, I have alluded to the erroneous system, which during the last few years has been pursued by the government with regard to the parish-curates employed in the interior, and also sufficiently pointed out the advantages reasonably to be expected if the government, acting on a different policy, or rather guided by other motives of state, instead of following the literal text of our Indian legislation, should come to the firm determination of indirectly divesting themselves of a small portion of their authority in favor of the religious laborers who are acting on the spot. Having said thus much, I shall proceed to such further details as are more immediately connected with the present chapter.
From a general perspective, I have pointed out the flawed system that the government has been following in recent years regarding the parish curates working in the interior. I have also highlighted the benefits that could reasonably be expected if the government, adopting a different approach—better guided by other state motives—instead of strictly adhering to the literal text of our Indian legislation, decided to firmly relieve themselves of a small part of their authority in favor of the local religious workers. With that said, I will move on to further details that are more closely related to the current chapter.
Ecclesiastical Organization.The ecclesiastical jurisdiction is exercised by the metropolitan archbishop of Manila, aided by the three suffragans of Nueva Segovia, Nueva Caceres and Cebu.
Church Organization.The church's authority is held by the metropolitan archbishop of Manila, supported by the three suffragan bishops of Nueva Segovia, Nueva Caceres, and Cebu.
The archbishopric of Manila comprehends the provinces of Tondo, Bulacan, Pampanga, Bataan, Cavite, Laguna de Bay, Zambales, Batangas, and the Island of Mindoro.
The archbishopric of Manila includes the provinces of Tondo, Bulacan, Pampanga, Bataan, Cavite, Laguna de Bay, Zambales, Batangas, and the Island of Mindoro.
The bishopric of Nueva Segovia comprehends the province of Pangasinan, the missions of Ituy and Paniqui, the provinces of Ilocos, Cagayan, and the missions of the Batanes Islands.
The bishopric of Nueva Segovia includes the province of Pangasinan, the missions of Ituy and Paniqui, the provinces of Ilocos, Cagayan, and the missions of the Batanes Islands.
That of Nueva Caceres comprehends the provinces of Tayabas, Nueva Ecija, Camarines and Albay.
That of Nueva Caceres includes the provinces of Tayabas, Nueva Ecija, Camarines, and Albay.
That of Cebu comprehends the Islands of Cebu and Bohol, Iloilo, Capiz and Antique, in the Island of Panay, the Islands of La Paragua, Negros and Samar, Misamis, Caraga and Zamboanga in that of Mindanao, and the Mariana Islands.
That of Cebu includes the Islands of Cebu and Bohol, Iloilo, Capiz, and Antique in the Island of Panay, the Islands of La Paragua, Negros, Samar, Misamis, Caraga, and Zamboanga in Mindanao, and the Mariana Islands.
The archbishop has a salary of $5,000 and the bishops $4,000 each. The curacies exceed 500, and although all of them originally were in charge of persons belonging to the religious orders, owing to the expulsion of the Jesuits and the excessive scarcity of regular clergy, so many native priests have gradually been introduced among them, that, at present, nearly half the towns are under their direction. The rest are administered by the religious orders of St. Augustine, St. Dominic and St. Francis, in the following manner:
The archbishop earns $5,000, while each bishop makes $4,000. There are over 500 curacies, and although they were all initially managed by members of religious orders, due to the expulsion of the Jesuits and a significant shortage of regular clergy, many native priests have gradually been appointed to these positions. Currently, nearly half the towns are under their leadership. The remainder is overseen by the religious orders of St. Augustine, St. Dominic, and St. Francis, as follows:
Towns. | |
The Augustinians | 88 |
The barefooted Augustinians (Recoletos) | 52 |
The Dominicans | 57 |
The Franciscans | 96 |
Total | 293 |
[441]It ought, however, to be observed, that since the detailed statement was made out, from which the above extract has been taken, so many members of the religious orders have died, that it has been necessary to replace them in many towns with native clergymen, as a temporary expedient, and till new missionaries shall arrive from Spain.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]However, it's important to note that since the detailed report was created, from which the above excerpt was taken, so many members of the religious orders have passed away that it's been necessary to temporarily replace them in many towns with local clergy until new missionaries arrive from Spain.
Dual supervision over friars.The monastic curates are immediately subject to their provincial superior, in the character of friars but depend on the diocesan bishop in their quality of parish priests; and in like manner obey their own provincial vicars, as well as those of the bishop. They are alternately eligible to the dignities of their own order, and generally promoted, or relieved from their ministry, at the discretion of the provincial chapter, or according to the final determination of the vice-patron or bishop, affixed to the triple list presented to him. Besides the ordinary obligations attached to the care of souls, they are enjoined to assist at the elections of governors and other officers of justice, in their respective towns, in order to inform the chief magistrate respecting the aptitude of the persons proposed for election on the triple lists, and to point out the legal defects attributable to any of them. On this account, they are not, however, allowed to interfere in the smallest degree with any of these proceedings, and much less make a formal proposal, as most assuredly would be advisable if permitted so to do, in favor of any particular person or persons in their opinion fit for the discharge of the above mentioned duties. It is their obligation to ascertain the correctness of the tribute lists presented to them for their examination and signature by the chief of the clans, by carefully comparing them with the registers kept in their own department; and also to certify the general returns, without which requisite the statements transmitted by the chief magistrates to the accountant-general’s office are not admitted. Above all they are bound to affix their signatures to the effective payments made by the magistrate to their parishioners on account of daily labor, and to certify similarly the value of materials employed in public works. Besides the above, they are continually called upon to draw up circumstantial reports, or declarations, required by the superior tribunals; they receive frequent injunctions to co-operate in the increase of the king’s revenue and the encouragement of agriculture and industry; in a word, there is scarcely a thing to which their attention is not called, and to which it is not expected they should contribute by their influence, directly or indirectly.
Joint oversight of friars. The monastic curates report directly to their provincial superior as friars but are accountable to the diocesan bishop as parish priests. They also follow the directives of their own provincial vicars and the bishop's vicars. They can be elected to leadership positions within their order and can be promoted or relieved from their roles at the discretion of the provincial chapter or based on the final decision of the vice-patron or bishop, which is indicated on the triple list they submit. In addition to their regular duties caring for souls, they are required to attend elections for governors and other justice officials in their towns to inform the chief magistrate about the suitability of candidates on the triple lists and to identify any legal issues they may have. However, they are explicitly prohibited from interfering in these proceedings or formally proposing any candidates, even if they believe someone would be a good fit for the roles mentioned. They must verify the accuracy of tax lists presented for their review and signature by the clan leaders by comparing them to the records in their own office. They also need to certify the overall returns, as these are essential for the statements sent by the chief magistrates to the accountant-general’s office to be accepted. Most importantly, they are required to sign off on payments made by the magistrate to their parishioners for daily labor and to certify the value of materials used in public works. Additionally, they are frequently tasked with writing detailed reports or declarations as requested by higher courts; they are often asked to help boost the king's revenue and promote agriculture and industry. In summary, there is hardly anything that does not demand their attention, and they are expected to contribute through their influence, whether directly or indirectly.
Allowances from treasury.The royal treasury pays them an annual allowance equal to $180, in kind and money, for each five hundred tributes under their [442]care, and this, added to the emoluments of the church, renders the total proceeds of a curacy generally equivalent to about from six to eight reals for each entire tribute; but from this allowance are to be deducted the expenses of coadjutors, subsistence, servants, horses, and all the other charges arising out of the administration of such wearisome duties; nor are the parishioners under any other obligation than to provide the churches with assistants, or sacristans and singers, and the curates with provisions at tariff prices.
Treasury allowances.The royal treasury gives them an annual allowance of $180, in both goods and cash, for every five hundred tributes under their [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] care. When you add this to the income from the church, the total earnings from a curacy usually come to about six to eight reals for each full tribute. However, from this allowance, you need to subtract expenses for assistants, living costs, servants, horses, and all other costs associated with handling such exhausting duties. The parishioners are only required to supply the churches with helpers, like sacristans and singers, and to provide the curates with food at set prices.
Need of more European clergy.Finally, as from what has been above stated it would appear, that as many as five hundred religious persons are necessary for the spiritual administration of the interior towns and districts, besides the number requisite to do the duty and fill the dignities of the respective orders and convents in the capital, independent of which there ought to be a proportionate surplus, applicable to the progressive reduction of the infidel tribes inhabiting the uplands, as well as the preaching of the Gospel in China and Cochinchina, most assuredly, it would be expedient to assemble and keep together a body of no less than seven hundred persons, if it is the wish of the government, on a tolerable scale, to provide for the wants of these remote missions. At the present moment the number does not exceed three hundred, including superannuated, exempt from service, and lay-brothers, whilst the native clergymen in effective possession of curacies, and including substitutes, coadjutors and weekly preachers, exceed one thousand. And as the latter, in general unworthy of the priesthood, are rather injurious than really serviceable to the state, it should not be deemed unjust if they were altogether deprived of the dignity of parish curates, and only allowed to exercise their functions in necessary cases, or by attaching them to the curacies in the quality of coadjutors. By this plan, at the same time that the towns would be provided with suitable and adequate ministers, the native clergymen would be distributed in a proper manner and placed near the religious persons charged to officiate, would acquire the necessary knowledge and decorum, and in the course of time might obtain character and respect among their countrymen.
Need more European clergy. Finally, based on what has been stated above, it seems that as many as five hundred religious individuals are needed for the spiritual administration of the interior towns and districts. This number is in addition to those required to fulfill the duties and hold positions in the various orders and convents in the capital. Furthermore, there should be a reasonable surplus available for the gradual reduction of the non-believer tribes in the highlands, as well as for preaching the Gospel in China and Cochinchina. Therefore, it would be wise to gather and maintain a group of at least seven hundred people if the government intends to adequately support these remote missions. Currently, the number does not exceed three hundred, including retired individuals, those exempt from service, and lay brothers, while the local clergy actively holding curacies, including substitutes, coadjutors, and weekly preachers, total over one thousand. Since the latter are generally unfit for the priesthood and are often more harmful than helpful to the state, it would not be unfair to remove their status as parish curates and limit their functions to necessary cases or have them serve as coadjutors attached to the curacies. This approach would ensure that the towns have suitable and qualified ministers, while properly distributing the native clergy near the ordained individuals, allowing them to gain the necessary knowledge and respect over time among their fellow countrymen.
To many, a measure of this kind may, in some respects, appear harsh and arbitrary; but persons, practically acquainted with the subject and country, will deem it indispensable, and the only means that can be resorted to, in order to stop the rapid decline remarkable in this interesting department of public administration. Fortunately, no grounded objections can be alleged against it; nor is there any danger of serious consequences resulting from the plan being [443]carried into effect. In vain would it be to argue that, if the reform is to take place, a large number of priests would be reduced to beggary, owing to the want of occupation; because, as things now stand, many of the religious curates employ three or four coadjutors, and, no doubt, they would then gladly undertake to make provision for the remainder of those who may be thrown out of employment. On the other hand, with equal truth it may be observed that the inhabitants of the interior, far from regretting, or taking part on behalf of the native clergy, would celebrate, as a day of gladness and rejoicing, the removal of the latter, in return for their beloved Castilian Fathers.
To many, this kind of measure may seem harsh and arbitrary, but people who are familiar with the subject and the country will find it essential and the only way to stop the rapid decline seen in this important area of public administration. Fortunately, there are no valid objections against it, and there’s no risk of serious consequences if the plan is [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] put into action. It would be pointless to argue that, if the reform happens, a large number of priests would be left destitute due to lack of work; because, as things stand now, many of the religious curates employ three or four assistants, and they would likely be willing to provide for the others who may lose their jobs. On the other hand, it's equally true that the people in the interior, far from regretting or supporting the local clergy, would celebrate the removal of the latter in favor of their cherished Castilian Fathers.
Restriction of native ordinations recommended.In case the ideas above suggested should be adopted in all their parts, it may be proper to add that an injunction ought to be laid on the reverend bishops in future to confer holy orders with more scrupulosity and economy, than, unfortunately, heretofore has been the case; by representing to them that, if, at certain periods the Popes have been influenced by powerful reasons not to insist on ordinations taking place in Europe, as was formerly the case, very weighty motives now equally urge the government to decline, in the Philippine Islands, paying so much to religious vocation, and to relax in the policy of raising the natives to the dignity of the priesthood.
Limiting native ordinations recommended. If the ideas mentioned above are fully adopted, it would be appropriate to instruct the reverend bishops in the future to grant holy orders with more care and restraint than has unfortunately been the practice in the past. They should be reminded that, while there were compelling reasons for the Popes not to prioritize ordinations in Europe at certain times, there are now equally significant reasons for the government to limit the funding for religious vocations in the Philippine Islands and to ease up on the policy of elevating natives to the priesthood.
Moro depredations.Long have the inhabitants of the Philippines deplored, and in vain remonstrated, against the ravages committed on their coasts and settlements by the barbarous natives of the Islands of Mindanao, Basilan and Jolo, as well as by the Malanos, Ilanos and Tirone Moros and others; and there is nothing that so much deserves the attention, and interests the honor of the Captain-General commanding in this quarter, as an early and efficient attempt to check and punish these cruel enemies. It is indeed true that, in the years 1636 and 1638, General Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, undertook in person and happily carried into effect the reduction of the Sultan of Mindanao and the conquest of the Island of Jolo, placing in the latter a governor and establishing three military posts there; under the protection of the garrisons of which, Christianity was considerably extended. It is equally true, that on the subsequent abandonment of this important acquisition, owing to the government being compelled to attend to other urgent matters, the enemy acquired a greater degree of audacity, and the captain-general in command afterwards sent armaments to check his inroads. On one of these occasions, our troops obliged an army of more than 5,000 Moros, who had closely beset the fortress of Zamboanga, to raise [444]the siege; and also in the years 1731 and 1734, fresh detachments of our men were landed on the Islands of Jolo, Capul and Basilan, and their success was followed by the destruction and ruin of the fortified posts, vessels, and settlements of those perfidious Mahometans. It is not, however, less certain that at the periods above mentioned, the war was carried on rather from motives of punishment and revenge, and suggested by a sudden and passing zeal, than in conformity to any progressive and well-combined system. Since then these laudable military enterprises have been entirely neglected, as well on account of the indolence of some of the governors, as the too great confidence placed in the protestations of friendship and treaties of peace with which, from time to time, the Sultans of Jolo and Mindanao have sought to lull them to sleep. Their want of sincerity is proved by the circumstance of the piracies of their respective subjects not ceasing, the chiefs sometimes feigning they were carried on without their license or knowledge; and, at others, excusing themselves on the plea of their inability to restrain the insolence of the Tirones and other independent tribes. Nevertheless, it is notorious that the above-mentioned sultans indirectly encouraged the practice of privateering, by affording every aid in their power to those who fitted out vessels, and purchasing from the pirates all the Christians they captured and brought to them.
Moro raids. The people of the Philippines have long lamented and protested in vain against the destruction caused by the savage natives from the Islands of Mindanao, Basilan, and Jolo, as well as by the Malanos, Ilanos, and Tirone Moros, among others. There is nothing that deserves the attention and interests the honor of the Captain-General in this region more than an early and effective effort to stop and punish these cruel enemies. Indeed, in 1636 and 1638, General Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera personally led a successful campaign to bring the Sultan of Mindanao under control and conquer the Island of Jolo, appointing a governor there and establishing three military posts. Thanks to the protection of these garrisons, Christianity was able to spread significantly. However, after this important acquisition was abandoned due to the government needing to focus on other urgent issues, the enemy grew more brazen, prompting the captain-general to send forces to stop their incursions. On one of these occasions, our troops forced an army of over 5,000 Moros, who had surrounded the fortress of Zamboanga, to lift the siege. Additionally, in 1731 and 1734, reinforcements were sent to the Islands of Jolo, Capul, and Basilan, leading to the destruction of the fortified posts, ships, and settlements of these treacherous Muslims. It is equally true that the wars waged during these times were more motivated by punishment and revenge, driven by sudden zeal, rather than following a strategic and systematic approach. Since then, these commendable military efforts have been entirely neglected, due in part to the laziness of some governors and the misplaced trust in the false assurances of friendship and peace treaties offered intermittently by the Sultans of Jolo and Mindanao to put them at ease. Their lack of sincerity is evident since piracy by their subjects did not cease, with the leaders sometimes claiming they had no knowledge of it or the power to control the arrogance of the Tirones and other independent groups. Still, it is well-known that the aforementioned sultans indirectly supported privateering by providing assistance to those who outfitted ships and purchasing all the Christians captured and brought to them by the pirates.
A missionary’s appeal.Father Juan Angeles, superior of the mission established in Jolo, at the request of Sultan Alimudin himself (or Ferdinand I as he was afterwards unworthily called on being made a Christian with no other view than the better to gain the confidence of the Spaniards) in a report he sent to the government from the above Island, under date of September 24, 1748, describing the Sultan’s singular artifices to amuse him and frustrate the object of his mission, fully confirms all that has just been said, and, on closing his report, makes use of the following remarkable words:
A missionary's request. Father Juan Angeles, the head of the mission in Jolo, at the request of Sultan Alimudin himself (who was later ungraciously dubbed Ferdinand I after converting to Christianity mainly to gain the trust of the Spaniards), sent a report to the government from that island on September 24, 1748. In this report, he detailed the Sultan’s clever tricks to entertain him and thwart the purpose of his mission. At the end of his report, he made the following notable statement:
Governmental lenience.It is an undeniable fact that the government, lulled and deceived by the frequent embassies and submissive and crouching letters which those fawning sultans have been in the habit of transmitting to them, instead of adopting the energetic measures urged by the above-mentioned missionary, have constantly endeavored to renew and secure the friendship of those chiefs, by means of treaties and commercial relations; granting, with this view, ample licenses to every one who ventured to ship merchandise to Jolo, and winking at the traffic carried on by the governors of the fortress of Zamboanga with the people of Mindanao; whilst the latter, on their part, sporting with our foolish credulity, have never ceased waging a most destructive war against us, by attacking our towns situated on the coast, not even excepting those of the Island of Luzon. They have sometimes carried their audacity so far as to show themselves in the neighborhood of the capital itself, and at others taken up their temporary residence in the district of Mindoro and in places of the jurisdictions of Samar and Leyte; and in short, even dared to form an establishment or general deposit for their plunder in the Island of Buras, where they quietly remained during the years 1797, 1798 and 1799 to the great injury of our commerce and settlements.
Government leniency. It's a clear fact that the government, lulled and misled by the frequent embassies and sycophantic letters from those flattering sultans, has instead of taking the strong actions suggested by the aforementioned missionary, consistently tried to renew and secure the friendship of those leaders through treaties and trade relations. To this end, they have granted generous licenses to anyone willing to ship goods to Jolo and ignored the trade occurring between the governors of the Zamboanga fortress and the people of Mindanao. Meanwhile, the latter have taken advantage of our misplaced trust, continuing to wage a destructive war against us by attacking our coastal towns, including those on the Island of Luzon. They have sometimes gone so far as to appear near the capital itself and, at other times, made temporary camps in Mindoro and areas under the jurisdictions of Samar and Leyte; they even dared to set up a base or general stash for their loot on the Island of Buras, where they remained undisturbed during the years 1797, 1798, and 1799 to the great detriment of our trade and settlements.
Authority for war not lacking.This want of exertion to remedy evils of so grievous a nature is the more to be deplored as the Philippine governors have at all times been fully authorized to carry on war, and promote the destruction of the Moros, under every sacrifice, and especially by the royal orders and decrees of October 26, and November 1, 1758, and July 31, 1766, in all of which his majesty recommends, in the most earnest manner, “the importance of punishing the audacity of the barbarous infidels, his majesty being desirous that, in order to maintain his subjects of the Philippines free from the piracies and captivity they so frequently experience, no expenses or pains should be spared; it being further declared, that as this is an object deeply affecting the conscience of his majesty, he especially enjoins the aforesaid government to observe his order; and finally, with a view to provide for the exigencies arising out of similar enterprises, the viceroy of New Spain is instructed to attend to the punctual remittance, not only of the usual “situado,” or annual allowance, but also of the additional sum of $70,000 in the first and succeeding years, etc.” In a word, our monarchs, Ferdinand VI and Carlos III, omitted [446]nothing that could in any way promote so important an object; whether it is that the governors have disregarded such repeated orders from the sovereigns, or mistaken the means by which they were to be carried into effect, certain it is that the unhappy inhabitants of the Philippines have continued to be witnesses, and at the same time the victims of the culpable apathy of those who have successively held the command of these Islands within the last fifty or sixty years.
Authority for war is present.This lack of effort to address such serious issues is even more regrettable since the governors of the Philippines have always had full authorization to wage war and promote the defeat of the Moros, regardless of the cost, especially based on the royal orders and decrees from October 26 and November 1, 1758, and July 31, 1766. In all these documents, the king emphasizes, with the utmost sincerity, “the importance of punishing the boldness of the barbarous infidels, as he desires that, to keep his subjects in the Philippines safe from the frequent piracy and captivity they suffer, no expense or effort should be spared; it is also declared that, since this is a matter deeply concerning his majesty's conscience, he specifically instructs the governors to comply with his order; and finally, to address the needs arising from these kinds of efforts, the viceroy of New Spain is instructed to ensure the timely transfer of not just the regular “situado,” or annual support, but also an additional amount of $70,000 in the first year and the following years, etc.” In short, our monarchs, Ferdinand VI and Carlos III, did not neglect anything that could help achieve this important goal; whether the governors ignored these repeated orders from the kings or misunderstood how to carry them out, it remains clear that the unfortunate people of the Philippines have continued to witness, and at the same time suffer from, the blameworthy indifference of those who have held power over these Islands in the past fifty or sixty years.
Native efforts for self-defence.Abandoned therefore to their own resources, and from time to time relieved by the presence of a few gunboats which, after scouring the coasts, have never been able to come up with the light and fast sailing vessels of the enemy, the inhabitants of our towns and settlements have been under the necessity of intrenching and fortifying themselves in the best way they were able, by opening ditches and planting a breastwork of stakes and palisades, crowned with watch towers, or a wooden or stone castle; precautions which sometimes are not sufficient against the nocturnal irruptions and robberies of the Moros, more especially when they come with any strength and fire-arms, in general scarce among the natives.
Indigenous self-defense efforts. Left to rely on their own resources, occasionally supported by a few gunboats that have scoured the coast but never managed to catch the enemy's quick and nimble ships, the people in our towns and settlements have had to dig trenches and fortify themselves as best as they could, by creating ditches and building a barrier of stakes and palisades topped with watchtowers or a wooden or stone fortress. These precautions are sometimes not enough to defend against the nighttime raids and thefts by the Moros, especially when they come with significant force and firearms, which are generally rare among the locals.
Moro piratical craft.The pancos, or prows, used by the Moros, are light and simple vessels, built with numerous thin planks and ribs, with a small draft of water; and being manned by dexterous rowers, they appear and disappear from the horizon with equal celerity, flying or attacking, whenever they can do it with evident advantage. Some of those vessels are large, and fitted out with fifty, a hundred, and sometimes two hundred men. The shots of their scanty and defective artillery are very uncertain, because they generally carry their guns suspended in slings; but they are to be dreaded, and are extremely dexterous in the management of the campilan, or sword, of which they wear the blades long and well tempered. When they have any attack of importance in view, they generally assemble to the number of two hundred galleys, or more, and even in their ordinary cruises, a considerable number navigate together. As dread and the scarcity of inhabitants in the Bisayan Islands cause great ranges of the coast to be left unsettled, it is very easy for the Moros to find numerous lurking-places and strongholds whenever they are pressed, and their constant practice, in these cases, is to enter the rivers, ground their vessels, and hide them among the mangroves and thick foliage, and fly with their arms to the mountains, thus almost always laughing at the efforts of their opponents, who seldom venture to follow them into the thickets and morasses, where the musket is of no use and a single step cannot be taken with any security.
Moro pirate ship.The pancos, or prows, used by the Moros, are lightweight and straightforward boats, made with many thin planks and ribs, with a shallow draft; manned by skilled rowers, they can quickly appear and disappear on the horizon, attacking or fleeing whenever they see an advantage. Some of these boats are large and equipped with fifty, a hundred, or even two hundred men. Their limited and poor-quality artillery is quite unpredictable since they usually carry their guns in slings; however, they are feared and very skilled with the campilan, or sword, which they wear with long, well-tempered blades. When planning a significant attack, they usually gather around two hundred galleys or more, and even during regular patrols, a considerable number move together. Fear and the sparse population in the Bisayan Islands leave many coastal areas unsettled, making it easy for the Moros to find various hiding spots and strongholds when pressured. Their typical practice in such situations is to enter the rivers, ground their vessels, hide them among the mangroves and dense foliage, and retreat with their weapons to the mountains, often outsmarting their adversaries, who rarely dare to follow them into the underbrush and marshes, where firearms are useless and one false step can be dangerous.
[447]Outrages suffered.The fatal consequences and ravages of this system of cruising and warfare round the Islands are incalculable. Besides plundering and burning the towns and settlements, these bloody pirates put the old and helpless to the sword, destroy the cattle and plantations, and annually carry off to their own homes as many as a thousand captives of both sexes, who, if they are poor and without hopes of being redeemed, are destined to drag out a miserable existence amidst the most fatiguing and painful labor, sometimes accompanied with torments. Such is the dread and apprehension of these seas that only those navigate and carry on trade in them who are able to arm and man their vessels in a way corresponding to the great risks they have to run, or others whom want compels to disregard the imminent dangers which await them. Among the latter class, the Bisayans, or “painted (tattooed) natives,” are distinguished, an extremely warlike people of whom great use might be made. Reared from their infancy amidst danger and battle, and greatly resembling the Moros in their features and darkness of skin, they are equally alike in the agility with which they manage the long sword and lance, and such is the courage and implacable odium with which they treat their enemies that, if not taken by surprise, they sell their lives very dear, sacrificing themselves in a most heroic manner, rather than to be led away as captives.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Outrages experienced.The deadly consequences and destruction caused by this system of raiding and warfare around the Islands are unimaginable. In addition to looting and burning towns and settlements, these ruthless pirates slaughter the elderly and vulnerable, devastate livestock and farms, and each year abduct as many as a thousand captives, both men and women, who, if they are poor and have no hope of being rescued, are forced to suffer a miserable life filled with exhausting and painful labor, often accompanied by torment. The fear and anxiety in these waters are so intense that only those who can equip and crew their ships to match the significant risks they face dare navigate and trade here. Others, driven by necessity, ignore the looming dangers. Among the latter are the Bisayans, or "painted (tattooed) natives," a very warlike group that could be incredibly useful. Raised from childhood in danger and conflict, they closely resemble the Moros in their features and darker skin tone, and they are equally skilled in wielding swords and lances. Their courage and fierce hatred for their enemies mean that if they are not caught off guard, they fight fiercely, taking great risks to avoid being captured.
In order, however, that a more correct idea may be formed of the wicked policy and atrocious disposition of these Moros, and with a view to do away with the misconceptions of those who are of opinion that incentives to trade, and other slow and indirect means ought to be employed for the purpose of overcoming them, it will suffice to quote the following examples among a number of others, even more recent ones, which might equally be brought forward.
In order to get a clearer understanding of the evil policies and brutal nature of these Moros, and to clear up the misunderstandings of those who think that trade incentives and other slow, indirect methods should be used to deal with them, it’s enough to mention the following examples among many others, even more recent ones, that could also be presented.
Instances of treachery.In 1796, the governor of Zamboanga dispatched, with regular passports and under a safe conduct obtained from the Sultan of Mindanao, Lieutenant Don Pantaleon Arcillas, with a sergeant, eight men, and a guide, in order to bring into the fortress the cattle belonging to the king’s farm, which had strayed away and got up in the lands of the above-mentioned Mahometan prince. Five days after their departure, whilst the lieutenant was taking his meals at the house of a “Datu,” or chief, named Oroncaya, he was suddenly surrounded by seventy Moros, who, seizing upon him, bound him to a tree and then flayed him alive, from the forehead to the ankle. In this miserable and defenceless situation, the barbarous [448]“Datu” wreaked his vengeance on his body by piercing it all over with his “kris,” or dagger, and then ordered his skin to be hung up on the pole of one of his ferocious banners.
Betrayal instances.In 1796, the governor of Zamboanga sent Lieutenant Don Pantaleon Arcillas, along with a sergeant, eight men, and a guide, to retrieve the cattle from the king's farm that had wandered into the territory of the mentioned Muslim prince. They had regular passports and safe conduct from the Sultan of Mindanao. Five days after they left, while the lieutenant was having a meal at the home of a local chief named Oroncaya, he was suddenly surrounded by seventy Moros. They captured him, tied him to a tree, and then flayed him alive from his forehead to his ankle. In this helpless condition, the cruel [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]“Datu” took his revenge by stabbing his body all over with his “kris,” or dagger, and then ordered his skin to be hung on the pole of one of his fierce banners.
In the year 1798, whilst the schooner San José lay at anchor at Tabitabi, near Jolo, the sons-in-law and nephews of the sultan went out to meet her in two large prows, exhibiting at the same time every demonstration of peace, and, sending forward a small vessel with refreshments, they invited the captain to come on board of them. The latter, deceived by the apparent frankness and high rank of the Moros, with the greatest good faith accepted the invitation, and proceeded on board, accompanied by two sailors, with a view to make arrangements for barter. Scarcely had they got on board of the large prow, when they were surrounded and seized, and the captain, who was a Spaniard, compelled to sign an order to his mate to deliver up the schooner, which he reluctantly did, under the hope of saving his own and his companions’ lives. The Moros proceeded on board the Spanish vessel, and, in the meantime, the two sailors were taken back to the boat, and there killed with daggers in the presence of all. The schooner’s sails were next hoisted, and she was brought into Jolo, where the cargo and crew were sold in sight of, and with the knowledge and consent of the sultan; an atrocity for which he has always refused to give any satisfaction to a nation, thus openly and barbarously outraged by his own relatives, and in defiance of the existing treaties of peace. Such is the cruel character, and such the execrable policy of the Moros generally inhabiting the Islands situated in the Philippine seas.
In 1798, while the schooner San José was anchored at Tabitabi, near Jolo, the sultan's sons-in-law and nephews came out to meet her in two large boats, showing all signs of peace. They sent a small vessel with refreshments and invited the captain to come aboard. The captain, misled by the apparent friendliness and high status of the Moros, genuinely accepted the invitation and went on board with two sailors to discuss trade. As soon as they boarded the large boat, they were surrounded and captured. The captain, a Spaniard, was forced to sign an order for his mate to hand over the schooner, which he did reluctantly in hopes of saving his life and those of his crew. The Moros went aboard the Spanish vessel while the two sailors were taken back to the small boat and killed with daggers right in front of everyone. The schooner’s sails were then raised, and she was brought to Jolo, where the cargo and crew were sold openly, with the sultan's knowledge and approval. This was a cruel act for which the sultan has never offered any remedy, despite his own relatives committing this atrocity and violating existing peace treaties. This illustrates the brutal nature and the reprehensible policy of the Moros living in the islands of the Philippine seas.
Growth of Moro power.The most lamentable circumstance is, that these infidel races, at all times to be dreaded, owing to their numbers and savage ferocity, after the lapse of a century of almost uninterrupted prosperity, and encouraged also by our inattention, have at length gradually attained so formidable a degree of power, that their reduction now must be considered an extremely arduous and expensive enterprise, although an object urgently requisite, and worthy of the greatness of a nation like ours. In order, however, that the difficulties of so important an undertaking may be justly appreciated, it may be proper to observe that the Island of Mindanao alone, at the present moment, contains a population equal, if not larger, than that of Luzon, and the margins of the immense lake, situated in its center, are covered with well-built towns, filled with conveniences, the fruits of their annual privateering, and of the traffic they carry on with the inhabitants of the Island of Jolo. True it is, and it may be said, equally fortunate, that they are greatly divided into [449]parties, subject to a variety of “datus,” or independent chiefs, in name only inferior to the one who styles himself the sultan of the whole Island. As, however, the fortresses and districts of Caraga, Misamis, and Zamboanga occupy nearly three parts of the circumference of the Island, these Moros freely possess no more than the southern part, commencing at about twenty-five leagues from Cape San Augustin, and ending in the vicinity of Zamboanga; so that the largest number of their naval armaments are fitted out and issued to sea, either by the great river of Mindanao, or from some of the many bays and inlets situated on the above extent of coast.
Rise of Moro power.The most unfortunate situation is that these non-Muslim groups, always to be feared because of their numbers and brutal aggression, after a century of nearly uninterrupted success, and also encouraged by our negligence, have finally built up such a powerful position that bringing them under control is now an extremely challenging and costly task, even though it is urgently needed and deserves the attention of a nation as great as ours. To properly understand the challenges of this important task, it's worth noting that the Island of Mindanao currently has a population that is equal to, if not larger than, that of Luzon, and the shores of the vast lake in its center are lined with well-constructed towns that thrive on the profits from their annual piracy and trade with the inhabitants of Jolo Island. It is true, and one might even say fortunate, that they are very fragmented into [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]groups, each led by various “datus,” or independent chiefs, who are only nominally below the one who calls himself the sultan of the entire Island. However, since the fortresses and regions of Caraga, Misamis, and Zamboanga occupy nearly three-quarters of the Island’s coastline, these Moros actually only control the southern part, starting about twenty-five leagues from Cape San Augustin and extending near Zamboanga; hence, the majority of their naval forces are launched either from the great river of Mindanao or from some of the many bays and inlets along that stretch of coast.
Jolo.The Island of Jolo, although small compared with that of Mindanao, is, nevertheless, in itself the most important, as well as the real hotbed of all the piracies committed. Its inhabitants, according to the unanimous reports of captives and various merchants, in skill and valor greatly exceed the other Mahometans who infest these seas. The sultan is absolute, and his subjects carry on trade with Borneo, Celebes, and the other Malayan tribes scattered about this great Archipelago. In the port of Jolo, as already noticed, sales are made of Christians captured by the other Moros. The Chinese of Amoy, as well as the Dutch and British, carry them manufactured goods, opium and arms, receiving, in return, black pepper, bees’ wax, balato, edible nests, tortoise-shell, mother-of-pearl, gold dust, pearls, etc., and from Manila also a vessel usually goes once a year with goods; but all act with the greatest precaution in this dangerous traffic, guarding, as much as possible, against the insidious acts of that perfidious government. The great number of renegades, of all casts, who have successively naturalized themselves there; the abundance of arms, and the prevailing opulence, have, in every respect, contributed to render this Island a formidable and powerful state. The capital is surrounded with forts and thick walls, and the famous heights, standing near it, in case of emergency, afford a secure asylum where the women can take refuge and the treasures of the sultan and public be deposited, whilst in the plains below the contest may be maintained by more than 50,000 combatants, already very dexterous in the use of the musket and of a bold and courageous character. The navy of these Islanders is also very respectable, for, besides a great number of smaller prows and war-boats, they have some of a large size, capable of carrying heavy artillery on their decks, mounted on corresponding carriages, and not suspended in slings as is the custom of the people of Mindanao. In a word, Jolo is an Island governed by a system of administration extremely vigorous and decisive; dread and superstition sustain [450]the throne of the tyrant, and the fame of his greatness frequently brings to his feet the ulemas, or missionaries of the Koran, even as far as from the furthest margin of the Red Sea. The prince and people, unanimous in the implacable odium with which they view all Christians, cannot be divided or kept on terms of peace; and if it is really wished to free these seas from the evils and great dangers with which they are at all times threatened, it is necessary at once to strike at the root, by landing and attacking the Jolonese in their strongholds, and break the charm by which they are held together.
Jolo.The Island of Jolo, while smaller than Mindanao, is nonetheless the most significant and the main center of piracy in the region. Its residents, as reported by captives and various merchants, are more skilled and brave than other Muslim groups operating in these waters. The sultan wields absolute power, and his people trade with Borneo, Celebes, and the other Malayan tribes spread across this vast Archipelago. At the port of Jolo, as previously mentioned, Christians captured by other Moros are sold. The Chinese from Amoy, along with the Dutch and British, trade manufactured goods, opium, and weapons in exchange for black pepper, beeswax, balato, edible bird's nests, tortoise shell, mother-of-pearl, gold dust, pearls, and other items. A ship typically leaves Manila once a year loaded with goods, but everyone involved in this risky trade acts with extreme caution to guard against the deceitful tactics of that treacherous government. The large number of renegades from various backgrounds who have settled here, the plentiful supply of weapons, and the overall wealth have all made this Island a powerful and formidable state. The capital is fortified with strongholds and thick walls, and the notable heights nearby provide a secure refuge for women and the sultan's treasures in case of an emergency, while more than 50,000 skilled fighters, well-trained in using muskets and known for their boldness, can defend the plains below. The navy of these Islanders is also quite impressive, as they have not only many smaller boats but also some large ships that can carry heavy artillery mounted on proper carriages, rather than suspended as in Mindanao. In summary, Jolo is governed by a highly effective and decisive administration; fear and superstition support the tyrant’s rule, and the reputation of his power often attracts Koranic scholars and missionaries even from the far edges of the Red Sea. The prince and his people share a deep-seated animosity toward all Christians, making unity impossible, and if there is a genuine desire to rid these waters of the persistent threats and dangers they face, it is crucial to strike at the source by launching an attack on the Jolonese in their strongholds and breaking the bond that keeps them united.
This, at least, is the constant and unshaken opinion of all experienced persons and those versed in Philippine affairs; and if, by the substantial reasons and existing circumstances, I convince myself sufficiently to openly recommend war to be undertaken against the Moros and pushed with the utmost vigor, and more particularly commencing the work by a formal invasion of Jolo; still, as I feel myself incompetent to trace a precise plan, or to discuss the minute details more immediately connected with the object, I feel it necessary to confine myself to the pointing out, in general terms, of the means I judge most conducive to the happy issue of so arduous but important an enterprise, leaving the rest to more able and experienced hands.
This, at least, is the consistent and unwavering opinion of all experienced individuals and those knowledgeable about Philippine affairs; and if I convince myself enough, based on substantial reasons and current circumstances, to openly advocate for war against the Moros and pursue it with the utmost energy, particularly starting with a formal invasion of Jolo; still, since I don’t feel qualified to outline a specific plan or discuss the detailed aspects more directly related to the goal, I find it necessary to limit myself to broadly indicating the means I believe will best contribute to the successful outcome of such a challenging but vital endeavor, leaving the rest to more capable and experienced hands.
Council of war recommended.As a previous step, I conceive that a council of war ought to be formed in Manila, composed of the captain-general, the commanders of the navy, artillery, and engineer department, as well as of the regular corps, who, in conformity to all the antecedent information lodged in the secretary’s office for the captain-generalship, and the previous report of some one of the ex-governors of Zamboanga and the best informed missionaries, may be enabled to deliberate and proceed on to a mature examination of the whole affair, taking into their special consideration everything regarding Jolo, its early reduction, the number of vessels and men required for this purpose, the most advantageous points of attack, and the best season in which this can be carried into execution. After all these matters have been determined upon, the operation in question ought to be connected with the other partial and general arrangements of the government, in order that a plan the best adapted to localities and existing circumstances may be chosen, and without its being necessary to wait for the king’s approbation of the means resolved upon, owing to the distance of the court and the necessity of acting with celerity. If, however, on account of the deference in every respect due to the sovereign, it should be thought proper to reconcile his previous sanction with the necessity of acting without loss of time, the best [451]mode would be to send from Spain an officer of high rank, fully authorized, who, as practised on other occasions, might give his sanction, in the name of the king, to the resolutions adopted by the council of war, and take under his own immediate charge, if it should be so deemed expedient, the command of the expedition against Jolo, receiving the appointment of governor of the Island, as soon as the conquest should be carried into effect, as a just reward for his zeal and valor.
War council recommended.As a first step, I believe that a council of war should be formed in Manila, consisting of the captain-general, the commanders of the navy, artillery, and engineering departments, along with the regular corps. They should review all the information collected in the secretary’s office for the captain-generalcy, as well as reports from former governors of Zamboanga and knowledgeable missionaries, so they can discuss and thoroughly examine the entire situation. They need to focus on everything related to Jolo, its initial capture, the number of ships and troops needed for this mission, the most strategic points of attack, and the best time to carry this out. Once these issues are addressed, the operation should be coordinated with other specific and general government plans, ensuring that the most suitable approach is chosen based on the local conditions and current circumstances. This should be done without waiting for the king’s approval since the court’s distance requires prompt action. However, out of respect for the sovereign, if it seems appropriate to balance his prior consent with the urgency of the situation, the best [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]solution would be to send a high-ranking officer from Spain, fully authorized, who could, as in previous occasions, approve the decisions of the council of war in the king’s name and, if deemed necessary, take immediate command of the expedition against Jolo, receiving the title of governor of the Island once the conquest is achieved, as a well-deserved reward for his dedication and bravery.
War popular in Philippines.Supposing an uniformity of opinions to prevail with regard to the expediency of attempting the subjugation of Jolo, and supposing also the existence of the necessary funds to meet the expenses of a corresponding armament, it may be positively relied upon that the project would be extremely popular, and meet with the entire concurrence and support of the Philippine Islands. The military men, aware of the great riches known to exist in the proposed theatre of operations, would emulously come forward to offer their services, under a hope of sharing the booty, and the warlike natives of the Bisayas would be impelled on by their hatred to the Moros, and their ardent wishes to avenge the blood of their fathers and children. On the other hand, the abundance of regular and well disciplined officers and troops, at present in the colony and the number of gun-boats found in the ports, a want of which, on other occasions, has always been experienced, will afford ample scope for the equipment of a force competent to the important enterprise in view. In fact, if the operation is arranged in a systematic manner, and all the precautions and rules observed as are usual in cases of attacks premeditated against European and civilized establishments, there is no reason to expect any other than a flattering and decisive result, since, in reality, the whole would be directed against an enemy contemptible on account of his barbarism and his comparative ignorance of the art of war.
War is popular in the Philippines.Assuming everyone agrees on the necessity of trying to conquer Jolo, and also assuming there are enough funds to cover the costs of an appropriate military operation, we can be sure that the project would be very popular and receive full support from the Philippine Islands. Military personnel, knowing about the immense riches in the area of operations, would eagerly come forward to offer their services, hoping to share in the spoils. The warlike natives of the Bisayas would be driven by their hatred for the Moros and their passionate desire to avenge their fallen ancestors. On the other hand, the presence of numerous well-trained officers and troops in the colony, along with a good number of gunboats in the ports—something that has been lacking in previous efforts—will provide ample opportunity to equip a force capable of undertaking this important mission. In fact, if the operation is organized systematically and follows the precautions and practices typical of planned attacks against European and civilized targets, there’s every reason to expect a positive and decisive outcome, especially since the entire endeavor would be aimed against an enemy regarded as weak due to their barbarism and limited understanding of warfare.
Native assistance.The preparations deemed necessary being made in Manila, and the Bisayan auxiliaries assembled beforehand in Zamboanga, with their arms and respective chiefs, the whole of the operation in question, it may be safely said, might be terminated within the period of three or four months. Supposing even 2,000 regular troops are destined for this expedition, with a corresponding train of field pieces, and at the moment there should not be found in the Islands a sufficient number of larger vessels to embargo or freight for their conveyance, a competent quantity of coasters, galleys and small craft might be met with at any time sufficiently capacious and secure to carry the men. This substitute will be found the less [452]inconvenient, because, as the navigation is to be performed among the Islands during the prevalence of the north winds, usually a favorable and steady season of the year, the voyage will consequently be safe and easy. It will also be possible to arrive at the point agreed upon, as a general rendezvous, in twenty, or five-and-twenty days, which place, for many reasons, ought to be the fortress of Zamboanga, situated in front of Jolo and at moderate distance from that Island; it being from this port that, in former times, the Philippine governors usually sent out their armaments, destined to make war against the Basilanese and Jolonese.
Community support.The necessary preparations are being made in Manila, and the Bisayan auxiliaries have gathered in Zamboanga, equipped with their arms and chiefs. It's safe to say that the whole operation could be completed in about three to four months. Even if 2,000 regular troops are assigned to this expedition, and there aren’t enough larger ships in the Islands to transport them, there are plenty of coasters, galleys, and small boats available to carry the troops safely. This alternative is less [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]inconvenient since navigation among the Islands will take place during the north winds, which usually offer a favorable and stable time of year, making the journey safe and easy. We could also reach the designated meeting point in twenty to twenty-five days, which should be the fortress of Zamboanga. This location is strategically situated in front of Jolo and a reasonable distance from the island. Historically, this port was used by Philippine governors to launch their military campaigns against the Basilanese and Jolonese.
Mindanao also needs attention.As soon as this important and memorable enterprise has been carried into effect, and the punishment and total subjugation of these faithless Mahometans completed and the new conquest placed under a military authority, in the mean time that the lands are distributing and arrangements making to establish the civil administration, on the same plan followed in the other provinces of the Philippine government, the armament ought to return to Zamboanga with all possible speed; but, after stopping by the way to reduce the small island of Basilan and leaving a fortress and garrison there. Immediately afterwards, and before the various tribes of Moros inhabiting the Island of Mindanao have been able to concert among themselves and prepare for their defence, it would be advisable to direct partial expeditions towards both flanks of Zamboanga, for the purpose of burning the settlements of the natives and driving them from the shores into the interior. Forts ought then to be raised at the mouths of the inlets and rivers, and a fourth district government formed in the southern part of the island; in such manner that, by possession being taken of the coasts, the government and district of Zamboanga may be placed in contact with the new one established on the one side, and on the other with the district of Misamis, also the new district with that of Caraga, the western part of which territory is already united to that of Misamis. Such, at least, was the opinion of Lieutenant-Colonel Don Mariano Tobias, an officer deservedly celebrated for his prudence and consummate skill in these matters, and this he substantially expressed in a council of war, held on August 28, 1778, for the purpose of deliberating on the most advisable means to check the Moros, as appears by a long and intelligent report drawn upon this subject on April 26, 1800, by the adjutant-general of this colony, Don Rufino Suarez.
Mindanao also needs support.As soon as this important and memorable mission is accomplished, and the punishment and complete subjugation of these unfaithful Muslims is finalized and the new territory is placed under military authority, in the meantime while the lands are being distributed and plans are made to establish civil administration, following the same approach used in other provinces of the Philippine government, the military force should return to Zamboanga as quickly as possible; however, they should stop along the way to take control of the small island of Basilan and leave a fortress and garrison there. Shortly after, and before the various Moro tribes living on the Island of Mindanao have time to organize and prepare for their defense, it would be wise to send small expeditions towards both sides of Zamboanga, with the goal of burning the native settlements and pushing them from the coastline into the interior. Forts should then be built at the entrances of the inlets and rivers, and a fourth district government should be established in the southern part of the island; this way, by securing the coasts, the government and district of Zamboanga can connect with the new one being established on one side, and on the other with the district of Misamis, which is already linked to the new district of Caraga, whose western area is also part of Misamis. This was the opinion of Lieutenant-Colonel Don Mariano Tobias, an officer rightly recognized for his prudence and exceptional skill in these matters, and he effectively communicated this in a council of war held on August 28, 1778, to discuss the best strategies to counter the Moros, as detailed in a lengthy and insightful report on this topic from April 26, 1800, by the adjutant-general of this colony, Don Rufino Suarez.
In case it should be determined to adopt the means proposed by Colonel Tobias, for the purpose of holding the Moros of Mindanao in check, and to which, unfortunately, due regard has not hitherto [453]been paid, notwithstanding the enterprise presents very few difficulties, owing to the little opposition to be expected from the infidel natives, the latter would then be left completely surrounded and shut up in the heart of the island, and their active system of privateering, with which they have so many years infested these seas, entirely destroyed. If, through the want of garrisons and population, it should not, however, be possible to deprive them of all their outlets, by which means they would still be able occasionally to send some of their cruising vessels, nevertheless there would be facilities with which it would be possible to pursue and counteract the ravages of the few pirates who might furtively escape out of some river, while now they are fitted out, and well manned and armed to the number of one and two hundred war-boats, openly in their ports.
If it's decided to go ahead with Colonel Tobias's plan to keep the Moros of Mindanao in check, which has unfortunately been overlooked until now, the task isn't that hard since there's not much resistance expected from the non-Christian locals. They would be completely surrounded and trapped in the center of the island, effectively stopping their long-standing piracy that has troubled these waters for years. However, if we lack garrisons and population, it might not be possible to cut off all their escape routes, allowing them to send out some of their ships occasionally. Still, there would be opportunities to chase down and counter the damage caused by the few pirates who might sneak out from rivers, while right now they are fully equipped with one to two hundred well-manned and armed war boats, operating openly from their ports.
A plan for future policing.After the emporiums of slavery have been destroyed by the conquest of Jolo, and the other general measures adopted, as above pointed out, the government would then be in a situation to turn its attention, with much greater ease, to the arrangement of all the other minor schemes of precaution and protection suited to the difference of circumstances and locality, without the concurrence of which the work would be left imperfect, and in some degree the existence of those settled in the new establishments rendered precarious. As, however, I am unprepared minutely to point out the nature of these measures, or distinctly to lay down a ground-work for future civilization and improvement, I shall merely observe, that what would then remain to be done would neither require any great capital, or present obstacles which might not easily be overcome. The Moros being then concentrated in the Island of Mindanao, and this completely surrounded on all sides by our forts and settlements, in the manner above described, the only enemies let loose on these seas would be either the few who might, from time to time, elude the vigilance of our troops and district-commanders, or those who might have escaped from Jolo previous to its conquest, and taken up their abode in one or other of the Bisayas Islands; or, in short, such as are out cruising at the time our armament returns to Zamboanga and takes possession of the southern coast of Mindanao; in which case they would be compelled to resort to a roving life, establishing, like the Jolo fugitives, temporary dwellings among the mangroves and thickets bordering on the shore.
A plan for future law enforcement. After the slavery markets have been dismantled by the conquest of Jolo, and the other general measures mentioned earlier have been implemented, the government will then be in a better position to focus on organizing all the other minor plans for safety and protection tailored to the specific situations and locations. Without these plans, the efforts would remain incomplete, leaving those settled in the new areas in a precarious situation. However, since I am not ready to detail the specifics of these measures or clearly outline a foundation for future growth and development, I will simply note that what remains to be done will not require much funding or present challenges that cannot be easily tackled. The Moros will then be concentrated in the Island of Mindanao, completely surrounded on all sides by our forts and settlements, as described above. Thus, the only threats in these waters would be the few who might occasionally evade our troops and district commanders, or those who escaped from Jolo before its conquest and settled in one of the Bisayas Islands; or, in short, those who happen to be out at sea when our forces return to Zamboanga and take control of the southern coast of Mindanao. In such a case, they would be forced to live a nomadic life, establishing temporary homes like the Jolo fugitives among the mangroves and thickets along the shore.
The principal objects then remaining for the attention of government would be to guard and protect the towns and settlements established on the coasts from the insults and inroads of banditti, impelled by necessity or despair, and at the same time to promote [454]the gradual overthrow or civilization of the dispersed remnant of Moorish population left in the Island. The cruising of the pirates being thus reduced to a space comprehended in an oblong circle formed by an imaginary line drawn from the southern extreme of the Island of Leyte, to the south-west point of Samar, which next running along the north-west coast of Mindoro, on the outside of Tacao and Burias, and coming down to the west of Panay, Negros and Bohol, closes the oval at the little island formed by the Strait of Panaon, about forty gunboats might be advantageously stationed in the narrowest passages from land to land; as, for example, in the Strait of San Juanico and other passes of a similar kind, well known to the local pilots. By this means, the limits would be gradually contracted. Various small naval armaments ought, at the same time, to keep cruising in the center of this circle, pursuing the Moros by sea and land, dislodging them from their strongholds and lurking places, and sending on those who might be captured to the depot pointed out by government.
The main tasks left for the government would be to protect the towns and settlements along the coast from attacks and incursions by bandits driven by need or desperation, while also working towards the gradual assimilation or civilizing of the scattered Moorish population remaining on the island. With the pirate activity reduced to a defined area shaped like an oval, outlined by an imaginary line from the southern tip of Leyte to the southwestern point of Samar, then along the northwest coast of Mindoro, circling around Tacao and Burias, and down to the west of Panay, Negros, and Bohol, the area closes at the small island created by the Strait of Panaon. Around forty gunboats could be effectively stationed in the narrowest passages between lands; for instance, in the Strait of San Juanico and other similar channels known to local pilots. This strategy would gradually tighten the limits. Additionally, various smaller naval forces should patrol the center of this area, chasing the Moros by land and sea, dislodging them from their strongholds and hiding places, and sending any captures to the government-designated depot.
Feasibility of plans.The first part of the plan would be the more easily realized, as it is well-known that most of the districts corresponding to the Bisayan tribes, including those of Camarines and Albay, situated at the extremity of the island of Luzon, have several gunboats of their own, which might be used with great advantage. By merely advancing and stationing them in such channels as the Moros must necessarily pass, either in going out or returning, according to the different monsoons, they would easily be checked, without removing the gunboats to any great distance from their own coasts. As besides the great advantages resulting from this plan and every one doing his duty are apparent, no doubt numbers of natives would volunteer their services, more particularly if they were liberally rewarded, and their maintenance provided from the funds of the respective communities. Moreover, the points which at first should not be considered as sufficiently guarded might be strengthened by the king’s gunboats, and, indeed, in all of them it would be advisable to station some of the latter, commanded by a select officer, to whose orders the captains of the provincial gunboats ought to be made subservient.
Plan feasibility.The first part of the plan would be the easiest to implement, as it is well-known that most of the regions associated with the Bisayan tribes, including those in Camarines and Albay, located at the far end of the island of Luzon, have several gunboats of their own that could be used effectively. By simply moving them into strategic channels that the Moros must pass through, either when going out or returning, depending on the different monsoons, they could be easily intercepted without having to move the gunboats far from their own shores. In addition to the clear benefits of this plan and the expectation that everyone would do their part, it’s likely that many locals would volunteer to help, especially if they were paid well and their upkeep was covered by community funds. Furthermore, areas that initially seem inadequately defended could be reinforced by the king’s gunboats, and it would be wise to station some of these in every region, led by a chosen officer, to whom the captains of the provincial gunboats would answer.
With regard to the second part, it will suffice to observe that the captain-generalship of the Philippine Islands already possesses as many as seventy gunboats, besides a considerable number of gallies and launches, which altogether constitute a formidable squadron of light vessels; and, after deducting those deemed necessary for the protection of Jolo and the new province to be established [455]in Mindanao, a sufficient number would still be left to carry into execution all the objects proposed. At present, although the Moros navigate in numerous divions, and with a confidence inspired by their undisturbed prosperity, a 24-pounder shot from one of our launches is nevertheless sufficient to put them to flight; what therefore may not be expected when their forces shall be so greatly diminished and their apprehensions increased, of being defeated and captured? Nevertheless, as it is not easy for our gunboats to come up with them, when giving chase, it would be advisable to add to our cruisers a temporary establishment of prows and light vessels, manned by Bisayan Indians, which, by advancing on with the gallies, might attack the enemy and give time for the gunboats to come up and decide the action. Besides as the Bisayan Indians are perfectly acquainted with the mode of making war on the Moros, the meaning of their signals and manoeuvers and the kind of places on shore in which they take shelter when pursued at sea, the employment of such auxiliaries would be extremely useful.
Regarding the second part, it’s worth noting that the captain-general of the Philippine Islands already has around seventy gunboats, along with a fair number of galleys and launches, which together form a formidable squadron of light vessels. Even after accounting for those necessary for the protection of Jolo and the new province that will be established [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] in Mindanao, there would still be enough remaining to carry out all the proposed objectives. Currently, although the Moros operate in numerous divisions and with a confidence born from their uninterrupted prosperity, a 24-pounder cannon shot from one of our launches is still enough to send them fleeing. So, what can we expect when their forces are significantly reduced and their fear of defeat and capture grows? However, since our gunboats have difficulty catching up to them while in pursuit, it would be wise to supplement our cruisers with a temporary fleet of prows and light vessels crewed by Bisayan Indians. These could move in alongside the galleys to engage the enemy, allowing the gunboats time to arrive and engage. Additionally, as the Bisayan Indians are well-versed in warfare against the Moros, understanding their signals and maneuvers and knowing where they take refuge on shore when pursued at sea, using these auxiliaries would be extremely beneficial.
Need of undivided leadership.The whole of these defensive and offensive arrangements would, however, be ineffectual or incomplete in their results, if the most perfect union and concert is not established in every part, so that all should conspire to the same object, although by distinct means. In order therefore that the necessary harmony may be secured, it would be expedient to remove the chief authority nearer to the theater of war, by confiding all the necessary instructions and powers to the person who might be selected for the direction and command of the enterprise, after the general plan of operations had been regularly approved. Under this impression, and with a view to the better execution of all the details, it would be advisable for the commanding officer, named by the government, to take up his headquarters in the Island of Panay, which, owing to its geographical situation, the great number of towns and inhabitants contained in the three provinces into which it is divided, as well as other political reasons, is generally esteemed preferable for the object in question, to the Island of Zebu, where, in former times, the commanders of the province of the painted natives resided, as mentioned in the laws of the Indies. The center of action being placed in Iloilo, a communication with the other points would thus more easily be kept open, aid and relief might be sent more rapidly to the quarter where required, and, in a word, all the movements, of whatsoever kind they might be, would be executed with greater precision and certainty of success. It would be unnecessary to add that the provincial magistrates of Camarines and Albay ought to co-operate, [456]with their fourteen gunboats and other smaller vessels, in the measures adopted by the commander of the Bisayan establishment, distributing their forces according to the orders given by him, and by undertaking to guard the straits of San Bernardino.
Need for unified leadership.The entire setup for defense and offense would be ineffective or incomplete if there isn’t perfect unity and collaboration among all parts, ensuring that everyone works towards the same goal, even if they use different methods. To achieve the necessary harmony, it would be wise to bring the main leadership closer to the battlefield by giving all the needed instructions and authority to the person chosen to lead the operation, once the overall plan of action has been officially approved. With this in mind, and for better execution of all details, it would be advisable for the commanding officer appointed by the government to establish his headquarters in the Island of Panay, which is generally considered more suitable for this purpose than the Island of Cebu, due to its geographical location, the large number of towns and residents in its three provinces, and other political factors. By centralizing operations in Iloilo, communication with other locations would be more easily maintained, support and assistance could be sent quickly where needed, and all movements, regardless of their nature, would be carried out with greater precision and likelihood of success. It goes without saying that the local officials of Camarines and Albay should work together, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]with their fourteen gunboats and other smaller vessels, to support the decisions made by the commander of the Bisayan forces, distributing their resources as directed by him, and ensuring the protection of the San Bernardino straits.
Paragua.The Island of Paragua, at the head of which the provincial jurisdiction of Calamianes is placed, is not included in the great circle, or chain of stations, above traced out, as well in consequence of its great distance from the other islands, for which reason it is not so much infested by the Moros, as because of its being at present nearly depopulated and uncultivated, and for these reasons the attention of government ought not to be withdrawn from other more important points. With regard to that of Mindanao, the necessity of keeping up along the whole of its immense coast, a line of castles and watch towers, has already been fully pointed out, more especially in the vicinity of the bay of Panguil, to the north, and the mouths of the great river towards the south; the two points in which the enemies’ most formidable armaments are usually fitted out. Consequently, it would not be possible to expect the provincial commanders stationed there would be able to disengage any part of their naval force, in order to place it at the disposal of the officer commanding the Bisayan vessels. Indeed, it is obvious that it would be extremely important to afford the people of Mindanao every possible additional aid, in vessels, troops and money, in order the better to check the sailing of partial divisions of the enemy, and thus prevent the immense number of pirates, inhabiting the interior of the island, from breaking the fortified line, and again covering these seas, and with redoubled fury carrying death and desolation along all the coasts.
Paraguay.The Island of Paragua, where the provincial jurisdiction of Calamianes is located, is not part of the main network of stations mentioned earlier, mainly because it is so far from the other islands. This distance means it's not heavily affected by the Moros, but also because it is largely uninhabited and uncultivated right now. For these reasons, the government should focus its attention on other, more significant areas. Regarding Mindanao, the need to maintain a line of forts and watchtowers along its vast coastline has already been clearly stated, especially near Panguil Bay to the north and the mouths of the major river to the south; these are the two spots where the enemy typically prepares their strongest forces. Therefore, it’s unrealistic to expect the provincial commanders stationed there to spare any part of their naval forces to assist the officer in charge of the Bisayan vessels. Clearly, it's vital to provide the people of Mindanao with as much support as possible in terms of ships, troops, and funding to better deter enemy divisions sailing in the area and to stop the numerous pirates living inland from breaching the fortifications and wreaking havoc with increased aggression along the coasts.
It would, in fact, be extremely desirable if, through the concerted measures and constant vigilance of the four chief magistrates intrusted with the command of the island, the future attempts of the Mindanayans could be entirely counteracted, and their cruisers altogether kept within the line for a certain period of years; as by thus depriving them of the facilities to continue their old habits of life, these barbarous tribes would be eventually compelled to adopt other pursuits, either by ascending the mountainous parts of the island, and shutting themselves up in the thick and impenetrable forests, with a view to preserve their independence; or, throwing down their arms and devoting themselves to the peaceful cultivation of their lands. In the latter case, they would gradually lose their present ferocious character; their regard for the conveniences and repose of social life would increase; the contrast would be attended [457]with most favorable consequences, and in the course of time, the whole of the aboriginal natives of these islands would come into our laws and customs, and become confounded in the general mass of Philippine subjects, owing allegiance to the king.
It would be highly beneficial if, through the coordinated efforts and ongoing vigilance of the four main leaders responsible for the island, future attempts by the Mindanayans could be completely thwarted, and their ships kept in line for a number of years. By depriving them of the means to continue their former way of life, these tribes would eventually have to turn to other activities. They might either retreat into the mountainous areas and densely wooded regions of the island to maintain their independence, or they could lay down their weapons and focus on peacefully farming their land. In the latter scenario, they would gradually shed their fierce nature; their appreciation for the comforts and stability of social life would grow. This change would bring about very positive outcomes, and over time, all the indigenous people of these islands would adopt our laws and customs, blending into the larger population of Philippine subjects, ultimately pledging loyalty to the king.
Finally, it must be equally acknowledged that the Islands of Jolo, Basilan, Capul, and some of the other inferior ones, of which, as above pointed out, an union ought to be formed in the way of an additional government, subordinate to the captain-general, would be able to co-operate in the war on no other plan than the one traced out for the provinces held in Mindanao; that is, by their gunboats being confided to the protection of their own coasts; though with this difference, that if, in one instance, the main object would be to prevent the evasion of the enemy, in the other every effort must be employed to guard against and repel their incursions when they do appear. However complete the success of the armament, destined for the reduction of Jolo, it may nevertheless be presumed, that the mountains would still continue to give shelter to hordes of fugitives, who would take refuge in the fastnesses, and avail themselves of every opportunity to concert plans, or fly off to join their comrades in Mindanao, in order to return, and through their aid, satisfy their thirst for vengeance, by surprising some fortress or settlement, or establishing themselves on some neglected and not well known point. In consequence of this, the governor, commanding there, would at first require the active co-operation of all his forces, for the purpose of consolidating the new conquest, and causing his authority to be respected throughout the island.
Finally, it should be equally recognized that the Islands of Jolo, Basilan, Capul, and some of the other lesser ones, as mentioned above, should form a union under an additional government, subordinate to the captain-general. This would allow them to cooperate in the war only by following the same plan outlined for the provinces in Mindanao; that is, by having their gunboats dedicated to protecting their own coasts. However, there is a key difference: while the main goal in one case would be to prevent the enemy from escaping, in the other, every effort would have to be made to defend against and repel incursions when they happen. No matter how successful the campaign is aimed at reducing Jolo, it can still be assumed that the mountains would continue to shelter groups of fugitives, who would take refuge in the remote areas and look for opportunities to plan or escape to join their comrades in Mindanao, aiming to return and, with their help, quench their thirst for vengeance by surprising some fort or settlement or establishing themselves in some overlooked and unclear location. Because of this, the governor in charge there would initially need the active cooperation of all his forces to strengthen the new conquest and ensure that his authority is respected throughout the island.
Importance of peace for Philippine progress.These, in my opinion, are the true and secure means by which the enemies of the peace and prosperity of the Philippines may be humbled, their piracies prevented, and a basis laid for the future civilization of the remaining islands in this important Archipelago. To this sketch, a number of other details and essential illustrations, no doubt, are wanting; and possibly, I may be accused of some inaccuracies, in discussing a topic, with which I candidly avow I cannot be considered altogether familiar. The plan and success of the enterprise must, however, greatly depend on military skill and talent; but as I have attempted no more than fairly to trace the general outline of the plan, and insist on the necessity of its adoption, my remarks, it is to be hoped, will serve to awaken a serious disposition to review and investigate the whole subject, a task that most assuredly ought to be confided to a competent and special council. Whatever defects I may involuntarily have fallen into, will then be corrected; at the same time it ought not to appear strange that [458]inexperienced persons should presume to speak on matters connected with the public good, when we see them so much neglected by those whose more immediate duty it is to look after and promote them. At all events, dispassionate zeal has seldom done harm; and I again repeat, that my wish is not so much to see my own ideas adopted, as to urge the necessity of their being examined and digested. I am desirous that other sources of information on this subject should be explored, that practical men should be called in, and that those in power should be induced to apply themselves and devote their exertions to an object so highly deserving of their attention. In short, I am anxious that the pious injunctions of our monarchs should be fulfilled, and that the tears and blood of the inhabitants of these neglected islands should cease to flow.
The importance of peace for the progress of the Philippines.In my view, these are the real and effective ways to humble those who threaten the peace and prosperity of the Philippines, prevent their acts of piracy, and lay a foundation for the future development of the remaining islands in this critical archipelago. This outline may lack some details and essential illustrations, and I might be accused of inaccuracies while discussing a topic that I openly admit I’m not completely familiar with. However, the success of this initiative will largely depend on military expertise and capability. Since I have attempted only to outline the plan and emphasize the need for its implementation, I hope my comments will inspire a serious effort to review and explore the entire subject—a task that should undoubtedly be entrusted to a skilled and specialized council. Any mistakes I may have made will then be corrected; it should not be surprising that inexperienced individuals feel compelled to address issues related to the public good, especially when we see those matters neglected by those whose primary responsibility it is to take care of and promote them. In any case, a calm passion has rarely caused harm; and I reiterate that my goal is not just to see my ideas accepted, but to highlight the need for them to be analyzed and considered. I want to encourage the exploration of other information sources on this issue, to involve practical experts, and to persuade those in power to focus their efforts on something that truly deserves their attention. In summary, I hope that the noble appeals of our leaders will be realized, and that the tears and blood of the residents of these overlooked islands will come to an end.
Should the happy day ever arrive, when the inhabitants of these provinces shall behold themselves free from the cruel scourge with which they have been desolated for so many years, they will bless the nation that has redeemed them from all their cares, they will tighten their relations with it, and deliver themselves up to its direction without reserve. The natives will then come down from the strong fastnesses they at present inhabit; they will clear fresh lands, and earnestly devote themselves to tillage and industry. Under the shadow of peace, population and commerce will increase; the Bisayan vessels will then plough the ocean without the dread of other enemies than the elements; and the Moros themselves of Mindanao (I say it with confidence), straightened on all sides, and incessantly harassed by the Christians, but on the other hand witnessing the advantages and mildness of our laws, will at length submit to the dominion of the monarchs of Spain, who will thus secure the quiet possession of one of the most interesting portions of the habitable globe, and be justly entitled to the gratitude of all nations connected with China and India, for having put an end to a series of the most terrific plunder and captivity that ever disgraced the annals of any age. [459]
Should that happy day ever come when the people of these provinces finally see themselves free from the brutal suffering they've endured for so many years, they will be grateful to the nation that has freed them from their troubles. They will strengthen their bonds with it and willingly submit to its leadership. The locals will then emerge from the strongholds they currently occupy; they will cultivate new lands and fully commit themselves to agriculture and industry. With peace in place, population and trade will thrive; the Bisayan ships will navigate the oceans without fear of anything but the elements; and the Moros of Mindanao (I say this confidently), pressed on all sides and constantly harassed by Christians, will ultimately recognize the benefits and kindness of our laws and submit to the rule of the Spanish monarchs. This will ensure the peaceful possession of one of the most fascinating regions of the world and rightfully earn the appreciation of all nations linked to China and India for ending a long history of devastating raids and enslavement that has marred the records of any era. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
Manila in 1842
By Com. Charles Wilkes, U.S.N.
By Com. Charles Wilkes, U.S. Navy
(Narrative of U. S. Exploring Expedition, Vol. V, Chaps. 8 and 9.)
(Narrative of U. S. Exploring Expedition, Vol. V, Chaps. 8 and 9.)
Port rules.At daylight, on January 13, we were again under way, with a light air, and at nine o’clock reached the roadstead, where we anchored in six fathoms water, with good holding-ground. Being anxious to obtain our letters, which, we were informed at Oahu, had been sent to Manila, I immediately dispatched two boats to procure them. On their way to the mole, they were stopped by the captain of the port, Don Juan Salomon, who requested them, in a polite manner, to return, and informed the officers that, agreeably to the rules of the port, no boat was permitted to land until the visit of the health-officer had been made, etc.
Port regulations.At dawn on January 13, we set sail again with a light breeze, and by nine o’clock, we reached the harbor, where we dropped anchor in six fathoms of water with good holding. Eager to get our letters, which we had been told in Oahu were sent to Manila, I quickly sent out two boats to retrieve them. On their way to the dock, they were stopped by the port captain, Don Juan Salomon, who politely asked them to turn back and informed the officers that, according to the port rules, no boat was allowed to land until the health officer had conducted a visit, etc.
Official courtesies.The captain of the port, in a large barge, was soon seen pulling off in company with the boats. He boarded us with much ceremony, and a few moments sufficed to satisfy him of the good health of the crew, when he readily gave his assent to our visiting the shore. Every kind of assistance was offered me, on the part of the government, and he, in the most obliging manner, gave us permission to go and come when we pleased, with the simple request that the boats should wear our national flag, that they might at all times be known, and thus be free from any interruption by the guards. The boats were again dispatched for the consul and letters, and after being anxiously watched for, returned; every one on board ship expecting his wishes to be gratified with news from home; but, as is usual on such occasions, the number of the happy few bore no comparison to that of the many who were disappointed.
Formalities.The port captain, in a large barge, was soon seen heading out with the boats. He boarded us with great formality, and it took just a few moments to confirm the crew's good health, after which he readily agreed to let us visit the shore. The government offered every kind of help, and he very graciously allowed us to come and go as we pleased, with the simple request that the boats display our national flag so they could always be recognized and thus avoid any interruptions from the guards. The boats were sent out again to fetch the consul and some letters, and after being anxiously awaited, they returned; everyone on board was hoping for news from home, but, as often happens in such situations, the number of those who received good news was far fewer than those who were disappointed.
Our vice-consul, Josiah Moore, Esq., soon paid us a visit, and gave us a pressing invitation to take up our quarters on shore while we remained. To this gentleman and Mr. Sturges I am greatly indebted for much of the information that will be detailed in the following chapter.
Our vice-consul, Josiah Moore, Esq., soon came to see us and urged us to settle onshore while we were there. I owe a lot of the information that will be shared in the next chapter to this gentleman and Mr. Sturges.
American hemp ships.A number of vessels were lying in the roads, among which were several Americans loading with hemp. There was also a large English East Indiaman, manned by Lascars, whose noise rendered her more like a floating Bedlam than any thing else to which I can liken it.
American hemp cargo ships.A number of ships were anchored in the harbor, including several American ones loading hemp. There was also a big English East Indiaman, crewed by Lascars, whose noise made it feel more like a floating insane asylum than anything else I can compare it to.
A Spanish oriental city.The view of the city and country around Manila partakes both of a Spanish and an Oriental character. The sombre and heavy-looking churches, with their awkward towers; the long lines of batteries mounted with heavy cannon; the massive houses, with ranges of balconies; and the light and airy cottage, elevated on posts, situated in the luxuriant groves of tropical trees—all excite a desire to become better acquainted with the country.
A Spanish city in the East.The view of the city and countryside around Manila has both Spanish and Oriental vibes. The dark and heavy-looking churches with their clunky towers, the long rows of fortifications equipped with heavy cannons, the huge houses with multiple balconies, and the light and breezy cottages raised on posts in the lush groves of tropical trees—all make you want to learn more about the country.
Surroundings.Manila is situated on an extensive plain, gradually swelling into distant hills, beyond which, again, mountains rise in the back ground to the height of several thousand feet. The latter are apparently [460]clothed with vegetation to their summits. The city is in strong contrast to this luxuriant scenery, bearing evident marks of decay, particularly in the churches, whose steeples and tile roofs have a dilapidated look. The site of the city does not appear to have been well chosen, it having apparently been selected entirely for the convenience of commerce, and the communication that the outlet of the lake affords for the batteaux that transport the produce from the shores of the Laguna de Bay to the city.
Environment. Manila is located on a wide plain that gradually rises into distant hills, and beyond those, mountains soar up to several thousand feet high. These mountains are seemingly [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] covered in vegetation right up to their peaks. The city stands in stark contrast to this lush landscape, showing clear signs of decay, especially in the churches, whose steeples and tile roofs look run-down. The location of the city doesn’t seem to have been chosen wisely; it appears to have been selected solely for the convenience of trade and the access that the lake outlet provides for the boats that carry goods from the shores of Laguna de Bay to the city.
Canals.There are many arms or branches to this stream, which have been converted into canals; and almost any part of Manila may now be reached in a banca.
Waterways.There are many branches of this stream that have been turned into canals, and now you can reach almost any part of Manila by banca.
In the afternoon, in company with Captain Hudson, I paid my first visit to Manila. The anchorage considered safest for large ships is nearly three miles from the shore, but smaller vessels may lie much nearer, and even enter the canal; a facility of which a number of these take advantage, to accomplish any repairs they may have occasion to make.
In the afternoon, along with Captain Hudson, I visited Manila for the first time. The safest spot for large ships to anchor is nearly three miles from the shore, but smaller vessels can get much closer and even enter the canal; many of them take advantage of this to do any repairs they need to make.
Typhoons.The canal, however, is generally filled with coasting vessels, batteaux from the lake, and lighters for the discharge of the vessels lying in the roads. The bay of Manila is safe, excepting during the change of the monsoons, when it is subject to the typhoons of the China Seas, within whose range it lies. These blow at times with much force, and cause great damage. Foreign vessels have, however, kept this anchorage, and rode out these storms in safety; but native as well as Spanish vessels, seek at these times the port of Cavite, about three leagues to the southwest, at the entrance of the bay, which is perfectly secure. Here the government dockyard is situated, and this harbor is consequently the resort of the few gunboats and galleys that are stationed here.
Typhoons.The canal is usually filled with ships coming from the coast, boats from the lake, and lighters used for unloading vessels anchored in the bay. The bay of Manila is generally safe, except during the monsoon transitions when it gets hit by typhoons from the China Seas, which is in its vicinity. These storms can be quite strong and cause significant damage. However, foreign vessels have managed to anchor here and weather these storms safely. In contrast, both local and Spanish ships head to the port of Cavite, located about three leagues to the southwest at the bay entrance, which is completely safe. This is also where the government dockyard is located, making it a frequent stop for the few gunboats and galleys stationed there.
Twin piers.The entrance to the canal or river Pasig is three hundred feet wide, and is enclosed between two well-constructed piers, which extend for some distance into the bay. On the end of one of these is the light-house, and on the other a guard-house. The walls of these piers are about four feet above ordinary high water, and include the natural channel of the river, whose current sets out with some force, particularly when the ebb is making in the bay.
Twin docks.The entrance to the canal or Pasig River is three hundred feet wide and is flanked by two sturdy piers that extend out into the bay. A lighthouse sits at one end, while a guardhouse is positioned at the other. The walls of these piers rise about four feet above normal high water and encompass the river's natural channel, where the current flows strongly, especially during the ebb tide in the bay.
Suburbs.The suburbs, or Binondo quarter, contain more inhabitants than the city itself, and is the commercial town. They have all the stir and life incident to a large population actively engaged in trade, and in this respect the contrast with the city proper is great.
Suburbs.The suburbs, or Binondo district, have more residents than the city itself, and are the hub of commerce. They are full of the energy and activity that come with a large population busy with trade, and in this way, they contrast sharply with the city center.
Walled city.The city of Manila is built in the form of a large segment of a circle, having the chord of the segment on the river: the whole is strongly fortified, with walls and ditches. The houses are substantially built after the fashion of the mother country. Within the walls are the governor’s palace, custom-house, treasury, admiralty, several churches, convents, and charitable institutions, a university, and the barracks for the troops; it also contains some public squares, on one of which is a bronze statue of Charles IV.
Fortified city.The city of Manila is shaped like a large segment of a circle, with the straight edge along the river. It's heavily fortified, surrounded by walls and ditches. The houses are solidly constructed in the style of the homeland. Inside the walls, you'll find the governor’s palace, customs house, treasury, admiralty, several churches, convents, and charitable institutions, a university, and barracks for the troops; it also includes some public squares, one of which features a bronze statue of Charles IV.
The city is properly deemed the court residence of these islands; and all those attached to the government, or who wish to be considered as of the higher circle, reside here; but foreigners are not permitted to do so. The houses in the city are generally of stone, [461]plastered, and white or yellow washed on the outside. They are only two stories high, and in consequence cover a large space, being built around a patio or courtyard.
The city is rightly viewed as the official residence of the government for these islands; and everyone associated with the government, or who wants to be seen as part of the upper class, lives here; however, foreigners are not allowed to do so. The houses in the city are mostly made of stone, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]plastered, and painted white or yellow on the outside. They are typically two stories tall, which means they take up a lot of space, as they are built around a patio or courtyard.
Dwellings.The ground-floors are occupied as storehouses, stables, and for porters’ lodges. The second story is devoted to the dining-halls and sleeping apartments, kitchens, bath-rooms, etc. The bed-rooms have the windows down to the floor, opening on wide balconies, with blinds or shutters. These blinds are constructed with sliding frames, having small squares of two inches filled in with a thin semi-transparent shell, a species of Placuna; the fronts of some of the houses have a large number of these small lights, where the females of the family may enjoy themselves unperceived.
Homes.The ground floors are used for storage, stables, and porter lodges. The second floor is dedicated to dining halls, bedrooms, kitchens, bathrooms, and so on. The bedrooms have windows that extend down to the floor, opening onto wide balconies, which have blinds or shutters. These blinds are made with sliding frames, featuring small two-inch squares filled with a thin, semi-transparent shell, a type of Placuna; the fronts of some houses have many of these small windows, allowing the women of the family to enjoy themselves without being seen.
Business.After entering the canal, we very soon found ourselves among a motley and strange population. On landing, the attention is drawn to the vast number of small stalls and shops with which the streets are lined on each side, and to the crowds of people passing to and fro, all intent upon their several occupations. The artisans in Manila are almost wholly Chinese; and all trades are local, so that in each quarter of the Binondo suburb the privilege of exclusive occupancy is claimed by some particular kinds of shops. In passing up the Escolta (which is the longest and main street in this district), the cabinet-makers, seen busily at work in their shops, are first met with; next to these come the tinkers and blacksmiths; then the shoe-makers, clothiers, fishmongers, haberdashers, etc. These are flanked by outdoor occupations; and in each quarter are numerous cooks, frying cakes, stewing, etc., in movable kitchens; while here and there are to be seen betel-nut sellers, either moving about to obtain customers, or taking a stand in some great thoroughfare. The moving throng, composed of carriers, waiters, messengers, etc., pass quietly and without any noise: they are generally seen with the Chinese umbrella, painted in many colors, screening themselves from the sun. The whole population wear slippers, and move along with a slipshod gait.
Biz. After entering the canal, we quickly found ourselves in a diverse and unusual crowd. When we landed, we noticed the large number of small stalls and shops lining the streets on either side, along with the crowds of people bustling about, each focused on their various tasks. The artisans in Manila are mostly Chinese, and all trades are local, so each area of the Binondo suburb features specific types of shops claiming exclusive occupancy. As we walked up the Escolta (the longest and main street in this district), we first encountered cabinet-makers working hard in their shops; then came the tinkers and blacksmiths, followed by shoe-makers, clothiers, fishmongers, haberdashers, and others. These shops are surrounded by outdoor vendors; in each area, there are plenty of cooks frying cakes, stewing, etc., in portable kitchens. Here and there, you can spot betel-nut sellers, either moving around to attract customers or standing in busy areas. The bustling crowd, made up of carriers, waiters, messengers, etc., moves quietly and without much noise. They are usually seen carrying colorful Chinese umbrellas to shield themselves from the sun. The entire population wears slippers and strolls along with a relaxed gait.
The Chinese are apparently far more numerous than the Malays, and the two races differ as much in character as in appearance: one is all activity, while the other is disposed to avoid all exertion. They preserve their distinctive character throughout, mixing but very little with each other, and are removed as far as possible in their civilities; the former, from their industry and perseverance, have almost monopolized all the lucrative employments among the lower orders, excepting the selling of fish and betel-nut, and articles manufactured in the provinces.
The Chinese are clearly more numerous than the Malays, and the two groups differ in personality as much as they do in looks: one group is very active, while the other tends to avoid effort. They maintain their unique characteristics and mix very little with each other, keeping their interactions as separate as possible. Due to their hard work and determination, the Chinese have almost taken over all the profitable jobs among the lower classes, except for selling fish, betel nut, and items made in the provinces.
On shore, we were kindly received by Mr. Moore, who at once made us feel at home. The change of feeling that takes place in a transfer from shipboard in a hot climate, after a long cruise, to spacious and airy apartments, surrounded by every luxury that kind attentions can give, can be scarcely imagined by those who have not experienced it.
On land, Mr. Moore warmly welcomed us and immediately made us feel at home. The shift in emotions when moving from a hot, cramped ship after a long journey to roomy, comfortable spaces filled with every luxury and thoughtful touches is hard to imagine for those who haven't gone through it.
As we needed some repairs and supplies, to attend to these was my first occupation. Among the former, we required a heavy piece [462]of blacksmith-work, to prepare which, we were obliged to send our armourers on shore. The only thing they could procure was a place for a forge; but coal, and every thing else, we had to supply from the ship. I mention these things to show that those in want of repairs must not calculate upon their being done at Manila with dispatch, if they can be accomplished at all.
As we needed some repairs and supplies, taking care of those was my first task. Among the repairs, we needed a hefty piece of blacksmith work, which meant we had to send our armorers ashore. The only thing they could find was a spot for a forge; however, we had to supply everything else, like coal, from the ship. I mention this to highlight that those in need of repairs shouldn't expect them to be done quickly in Manila, if they can be done at all.
City of Manila.The city government of Manila was established June 24, 1571, and the title under which it is designated is, “The celebrated and forever loyal city of Manila.” In 1595, the charter was confirmed by royal authority; and all the prerogatives possessed by other cities in the kingdom were conferred upon it in 1638. The members of the city council, by authority of the king, were constituted a council of advisement with the governor and captain-general. The city magistrates were also placed in rank next the judges; and in 1686 the jurisdiction of the city was extended over a radius of five leagues. In 1818, the members of the council were increased and ordered to assume the title of “Excellency.” Manila has been one of the most constantly loyal cities of the Spanish kingdom, and is, in consequence, considered to merit these additional royal favors to its inhabitants.
Manila City. The city government of Manila was established on June 24, 1571, and it is officially known as “The celebrated and forever loyal city of Manila.” In 1595, the charter was confirmed by royal authority, and all the privileges held by other cities in the kingdom were granted to it in 1638. The members of the city council, by the king's authority, were made an advisory council alongside the governor and captain-general. The city magistrates were also ranked just below the judges; and in 1686, the city's jurisdiction was expanded to a radius of five leagues. In 1818, the council members increased in number and were given the title of “Excellency.” Manila has consistently been one of the most loyal cities of the Spanish kingdom, and as a result, it is considered deserving of these additional royal privileges for its residents.
Commerce.In 1834, the Royal Tribunal of Commerce was instituted, to supersede the old consulate, which had been established since 1772, The Royal Tribunal of Commerce acts under the new commercial code, and possesses the same privileges of arbitration as the old consulate. It consists of a prior, two consuls, and four deputies, elected by the profession. The three first exercise consular jurisdiction, the other four superintend the encouragement of commerce. The “Junta de Comercio” (chamber of commerce) was formed in 1835. This junta consists of the Tribunal of Commerce, with four merchants, who are selected by the government, two of whom are removed annually. The prior of the Tribunal presides at the Junta, whose meetings are required to be held twice a month, or oftener if necessary, and upon days in which the Tribunal is not in session. The two courts being under the same influences, and having the same officers, little benefit is to be derived from their double action, and great complaints are made of the manner in which business is conducted in them.
Business. In 1834, the Royal Tribunal of Commerce was established to replace the old consulate, which had been around since 1772. The Royal Tribunal of Commerce operates under the new commercial code and has the same arbitration privileges as the old consulate. It includes a prior, two consuls, and four deputies, all elected by the profession. The first three carry out consular jurisdiction, while the other four focus on promoting commerce. The “Commerce Board” (chamber of commerce) was created in 1835. This junta comprises of the Tribunal of Commerce and four merchants appointed by the government, with two being replaced each year. The prior of the Tribunal leads the Junta, which is required to meet twice a month, or more often if needed, on days when the Tribunal isn't in session. Since both courts are influenced by the same factors and have the same officers, there’s little benefit from their dual operations, and there are significant complaints about how business is handled in them.
Magellan.Of all her foreign possessions, the Philippines have cost Spain the least blood and labor. The honor of their discovery belongs to Magellan whose name is associated with the straits at the southern extremity of the American continent, but which has no memorial in these islands. Now that the glory which he gained by being the first to penetrate from the Atlantic to the Pacific, has been in some measure obliterated by the disuse of those straits by navigators, it would seem due to his memory that some spot among these islands should be set apart to commemorate the name of, him who made them known to Europe. This would be but common justice to the discoverer of a region which has been a source of so much honor and profit to the Spanish nation, who opened the vast expanse of the Pacific to the fleets of Europe, and who died fighting to secure the benefits of his enterprise to his king and country.
Magellan.Out of all her foreign holdings, the Philippines have cost Spain the least in blood and labor. The honor of their discovery goes to Magellan, whose name is linked with the straits at the southern tip of the American continent, but there's no memorial for him here in these islands. Now that the glory he earned for being the first to sail from the Atlantic to the Pacific has somewhat faded due to navigators neglecting those straits, it seems only right to dedicate a spot among these islands to honor the name of the man who made them known to Europe. This would be simple justice for the discoverer of a region that has brought so much honor and profit to the Spanish nation, who opened the vast Pacific to European fleets, and who died fighting to secure the rewards of his journey for his king and country.
[463]Magellan was killed at the island of Mactan, on April 26, 1521; and Duarte, the second in command, who succeeded him, imprudently accepting an invitation from the chief of Cebu to a feast, was, with twenty companions, massacred. Of all the Spaniards present, only one escaped. After these and various other misfortunes, only one vessel of the squadron, the Victoria, returned to Spain. Don Juan Sebastian del Cano, her commander, was complimented by his sovereign by a grant for his arms of a globe, with the proud inscription, commemorative of his being the first circumnavigator, “Primus Me Circumcedit.”
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Magellan was killed on the island of Mactan on April 26, 1521. Duarte, his second in command, foolishly accepted an invitation from the chief of Cebu to a feast and was massacred along with twenty companions. Out of all the Spaniards there, only one managed to escape. After these and various other disasters, only one ship from the squadron, the Victoria, made it back to Spain. Don Juan Sebastian del Cano, the ship's captain, was honored by his king with a coat of arms featuring a globe, proudly inscribed to commemorate him as the first person to circumnavigate the globe, “Primus Me Surrounded.”
Other expeditions.Two years afterwards, a second expedition was fitted out, under the command of Loaisa, who died after they had passed through the Straits of Magellan, when they had been a year on their voyage. The command then fell upon Sebastian, who died in four days after his predecessor. Salazar succeeded to the command, and reached the Ladrone Islands, but shortly after leaving there he died also. They came in sight of Mindanao, but contrary winds obliged them to go to the Moluccas. When arrived at the Portuguese settlements, contentions and jealousies arose, and finally all the expedition was dispersed, and the fate of all but one of the vessels has become doubtful. None but the small tender returned, which, after encountering great difficulties, reached New Spain.
Other adventures.Two years later, a second expedition was organized, led by Loaisa, who passed away after they had navigated the Straits of Magellan and spent a year at sea. The command then passed to Sebastian, who died just four days after taking over. Salazar took command next and made it to the Ladrone Islands, but shortly after leaving, he also died. They spotted Mindanao, but strong winds forced them to head to the Moluccas instead. Once they arrived at the Portuguese settlements, conflicts and rivalries broke out, and ultimately the entire expedition broke up, leaving the fate of all but one of the ships uncertain. Only the small tender made it back, successfully navigating many challenges to reach New Spain.
The third expedition was fitted out by Cortes, then viceroy of Mexico, and the command of it given to Saavedra. This sailed from the port of Silguattanjo, on the 31st of October, 1528, and stopped at the Ladrone Islands, of which it took possession for the crown of Spain. It afterwards went to Mindanao, and then pursued its voyage to Timor, where part of the expedition of Loaisa was found remaining. From Timor they made two attempts to return to New Spain, both of which failed. The climate soon brought on disease, which carried off a great number, and among them Saavedra. Thus the whole expedition was broken up, and the survivors found their way to the Portuguese settlements.
The third expedition was organized by Cortes, who was the viceroy of Mexico at the time, and it was led by Saavedra. The expedition set sail from the port of Silguattanjo on October 31, 1528, and made a stop at the Ladrone Islands, claiming them for the Spanish crown. It then traveled to Mindanao and continued on to Timor, where some members of Loaisa's expedition were still present. From Timor, they tried twice to return to New Spain, but both attempts failed. The climate quickly caused disease, which took the lives of many, including Saavedra. Consequently, the entire expedition fell apart, and the remaining survivors eventually made their way to the Portuguese settlements.
The fourth expedition was sent from New Spain, when under the government of Don Antonio de Mendoza, for the purpose of establishing a trade with the new islands, and it received orders not to visit the Moluccas. This expedition sailed in 1542, under the command of Villalobos. It reached the Philippine Islands without accident, and Villalobos gave them that name after Philip II, then prince of Asturias. Notwithstanding his positive instructions to the contrary, he was obliged to visit the Moluccas, and met the same treatment from the Portuguese that had been given to all whom they believed had any intention to interfere in their spice trade. The squadron touched at Amboina, where Villalobos died, an event which caused the breaking up of the expedition; and the few Spaniards that remained embarked in the Portuguese vessels to return home.
The fourth expedition was sent from New Spain while Don Antonio de Mendoza was in charge, aiming to establish trade with the new islands, and it was instructed not to visit the Moluccas. This expedition set sail in 1542, led by Villalobos. It reached the Philippine Islands without any issues, and Villalobos named them after Philip II, who was then the prince of Asturias. Despite being given clear instructions not to do so, he had to stop at the Moluccas and faced the same treatment from the Portuguese that others had when they were perceived as threats to their spice trade. The squadron made a stop at Amboina, where Villalobos died, which led to the disbanding of the expedition; the remaining Spaniards boarded Portuguese ships to return home.
The fifth and last expedition was ordered by Philip II to be sent from Mexico, when under the government of Don Luis de Velasco, for the final conquest and settlement of the Philippines. With this expedition was sent Andres Urdaneta, a friar, whose reputation stood [464]very high as a cosmographer: he had belonged to the ill-fated expedition of Loaisa. This was the largest that had yet been fitted out for this purpose, numbering five vessels and about four hundred men. The command of it was intrusted to Legaspi.Legaspi, under whom it sailed from the port of Natividad, on November 21, 1564, and upon whom was conferred the title of governor and adelantado of the conquered lands, with the fullest powers. On the 13th of February, 1565, he arrived at the island of Tandaya, one of the Philippines: from thence he went to Leyte; there he obtained the son of a powerful chief as a guide, through whom he established peace with several of the native rulers, who thereafter aided the expedition with all the means in their power. At Bohol they built the first church. There he met and made peace with a chief of Luzon, with whom he went to that island. (Facts here are confused.—C.)
The fifth and final expedition was ordered by Philip II to be sent from Mexico, while Don Luis de Velasco was in charge, for the ultimate conquest and colonization of the Philippines. Along with this expedition was Andres Urdaneta, a friar known for his high reputation as a cosmographer; he had previously been part of the doomed Loaisa expedition. This was the largest effort yet assembled for this purpose, consisting of five ships and about four hundred men. The command was given to Legazpi. Legaspi set sail from the port of Natividad on November 21, 1564, and was granted the title of governor and adelantado of the conquered territories, with full authority. On February 13, 1565, he arrived at the island of Tandaya, one of the Philippines. From there, he traveled to Leyte, where he secured the son of a powerful chief as a guide. This led to establishing peace with several local leaders, who then supported the expedition with all available resources. In Bohol, they constructed the first church. He met and made peace with a chief from Luzon, with whom he then traveled to that island. (Facts here are confused.—C.)
He now (April, 1565) took possession of all the island in the name of the crown of Spain, and became their first governor. In this conquest, motives different from those which governed them on the American continent, seemed to have influenced the Spaniards. Instead of carrying on a cruel war against the natives, they here pursued the policy of encouraging and fostering their industry. Whether they felt that this policy was necessary for the success of their undertaking, or were influenced by the religious fathers who were with them, is uncertain; but their measures seem to have been dictated by a desire to promote peace and secure the welfare of the inhabitants. There may be another cause for this course of action, namely, the absence of the precious metals, which held out no inducement to those thirsting for inordinate gain. This may have had its weight in exempting the expedition in its outset from the presence of those avaricious spirits which had accompanied other Spanish expeditions, and been the means of marking their progress with excessive tyranny, bloodshed, and violence. It is evident to one who visits the Philippines that some other power besides the sword has been at work in them; the natives are amalgamated with the Spaniards, and all seem disposed to cultivate the land and foster civilization. None of the feeling that grows out of conquest is to be observed in these islands; the two races are identified now in habits, manners, and religion, and their interests are so closely allied that they feel their mutual dependence upon each other.
He now (April, 1565) took control of the entire island on behalf of the crown of Spain and became their first governor. In this conquest, different motivations seemed to influence the Spaniards compared to those on the American continent. Instead of waging a brutal war against the natives, they chose to support and develop their industry. It’s unclear whether they believed this approach was essential for their success or if they were swayed by the religious leaders accompanying them, but their actions seemed driven by a desire to promote peace and ensure the well-being of the local people. Another possible reason for this strategy could be the lack of precious metals, which didn’t attract those eager for excessive wealth. This might have helped keep the expedition free from the greedy individuals that had been present in other Spanish missions, which often led to extreme tyranny, bloodshed, and violence. Anyone visiting the Philippines can see that factors beyond military force have influenced the islands; the natives have blended with the Spaniards, and everyone appears eager to farm the land and support civilization. There’s none of the resentment common after conquest observable in these islands; the two races have become unified in their habits, manners, and religion, and their interests are so intertwined that they recognize their mutual dependence on one another.
The establishment of the new constitution in Spain in the year 1825 has had a wonderful effect upon these colonies, whose resources have within the last ten years been developed, and improvements pushed forward with a rapid step. Greater knowledge and more liberal views in the rulers are alone wanting to cause a still more rapid advance in the career of prosperity.
The creation of the new constitution in Spain in 1825 has had a fantastic impact on these colonies, whose resources have been developed and improvements have advanced rapidly over the last ten years. All that is needed now is greater knowledge and more progressive ideas among the leaders to make even faster progress in achieving prosperity.
As our visit was to Luzon, we naturally obtained more personal information respecting it than the other islands. We learned that the northern peninsula1 was composed of granite and recent volcanic rocks, together with secondary and tertiary deposits, while the southern peninsula is almost wholly volcanic.
As we visited Luzon, we naturally gathered more personal information about it than the other islands. We found out that the northern peninsula1 was made up of granite and recent volcanic rocks, along with secondary and tertiary deposits, while the southern peninsula is mainly volcanic.
[465]The northern contains many valuable mines of gold, lead, copper, and iron, besides coal. A number of specimens of these, and the rocks which contain them, were presented to the Expedition by Señores Araria and Roxas of Manila.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The north has many valuable mines of gold, lead, copper, and iron, along with coal. Several samples of these, along with the rocks that hold them, were given to the Expedition by Señores Araria and Roxas from Manila.
So far as our information and observations went, the whole of the Philippine Islands are of similar geological formation. In some of the islands the volcanic rock prevails, while in others coal and the metalliferous deposits predominate. On some of them the coal-beds form part of the cliffs along the shore; on others, copper is found in a chlorite and talcose slate. The latter is more particularly the case with Luzon, and the same formation extends to Mindoro. Much iron occurs on the mountains. Thus among the (Upland) natives, who are yet unsubdued by the Spaniards, and who inhabit these mountains, it is found by them of so pure a quality that it is manufactured into swords and cleavers. These are, occasionally, obtained by the Spaniards in their excursions into the interior against these bands.
As far as we know from our information and observations, all the Philippine Islands have a similar geological structure. In some islands, volcanic rock is abundant, while in others, coal and metal deposits are more common. On some islands, coal beds are part of the cliffs along the coast; on others, copper can be found in a type of slate with chlorite and talc. This is especially true for Luzon, and the same geological features continue to Mindoro. There is a lot of iron in the mountains. Among the native people in the upland areas, who have not yet been subdued by the Spaniards and live in these mountains, the iron is found in such pure quality that they make swords and cleavers from it. Occasionally, the Spaniards acquire these weapons during their raids into the interior against these groups.
Tufa.The country around Manila is composed of tufa of a light gray color, which being soft and easily worked, is employed as the common building material in the city. It contains, sometimes, scoria and pumice, in pieces of various sizes, besides, occasionally, impressions of plants, with petrified woods. These are confined to recent species, and include palms, etc.
Tufa rock.The area surrounding Manila is made up of a light gray tufa that is soft and easy to shape, making it a popular building material in the city. Sometimes, it includes scoria and pumice in different sizes, as well as occasional impressions of plants and petrified wood. These findings are limited to recent species, including various types of palms, etc.
This tufa forms one of the remarkable features of the volcanoes of the Philippine Islands, showing a strong contrast between them and those of the Pacific isles, which have ejected little else than lava and scoria.
This tufa is one of the notable features of the volcanoes in the Philippine Islands, highlighting a clear difference between them and those of the Pacific islands, which have primarily erupted lava and scoria.
Few portions of the globe seem to be so much the seat of internal fires, or to exhibit the effects of volcanic action so strongly as the Philippines. During our visit, it was not known that any of the volcanoes were in action; but many of them were smoking, particularly that in the district of Albay, called Isaroc. Its latest eruption was in the year 1839; but this did little damage compared with that of 1814, which covered several villages, and the country for a great distance around, with ashes. This mountain is situated to the south-east of Manila one hundred and fifty miles, and is said to be a perfect cone, with a crater at its apex.
Few parts of the world seem to be as affected by internal fires or show the effects of volcanic activity as strongly as the Philippines. During our visit, none of the volcanoes were reported to be active; however, many were smoking, especially the one in the Albay district called Isaroc. Its most recent eruption was in 1839, but it caused little damage compared to the eruption in 1814, which blanketed several villages and the surrounding area with ash. This mountain is located about one hundred and fifty miles southeast of Manila and is said to have the shape of a perfect cone, with a crater at its peak.
Resources.It does not appear that the islands are much affected by earth-quakes, although some have occasionally occurred that have done damage to the churches at Manila.
Resources.It doesn't seem like the islands are significantly impacted by earthquakes, although there have been a few that have occasionally caused damage to the churches in Manila.
The coal which we have spoken of is deemed of value; it has a strong resemblance to the bituminous coal of our own country, possesses a bright lustre, and appears very free from all woody texture when fractured. It is found associated with sandstone, which contains many fossils. Lead and copper are reported as being very abundant; gypsum and limestone occur in some districts. From this, it will be seen that these islands have everything in the mineral way to constitute them desirable possessions.
The coal we've been talking about is considered valuable; it looks a lot like the bituminous coal found in our country, has a shiny surface, and seems to lack any woody texture when broken apart. It's found alongside sandstone that has many fossils. Lead and copper are said to be very plentiful; gypsum and limestone can be found in some areas. From this, it's clear that these islands have a lot of mineral resources that make them attractive assets.
With such mineral resources, and a soil capable of producing the most varied vegetation of the tropics, a liberal policy is all that the country lacks. The products of the Philippine Islands consist of sugar, coffee, hemp, indigo, rice, tortoise-shell, hides, ebony, saffron-wood, [466]sulphur, cotton, cordage, silk, pepper, cocoa, wax, and many other articles. In their agricultural operations the people are industrious, although much labor is lost by the use of defective implements. The plough, of very simple construction, has been adopted from the Chinese; it has no coulter, the share is flat, and being turned partly to one side, answers, in a certain degree, the purpose of a mould-board. This rude implement is sufficient for the rich soils, where the tillage depends chiefly upon the harrow, in constructing which a thorny species of bamboo is used. The harrow is formed of five or six pieces of this material, on which the thorns are left, firmly fastened together. It answers its purpose well, and is seldom out of order. A wrought-iron harrow, that was introduced by the Jesuits, is used for clearing the ground more effectually, and more particularly for the purpose of extirpating a troublesome grass, that is known by the name of cogon (a species of Andropogon), of which it is very difficult to rid the fields. The bolo or long-knife, a basket, and hoe, complete the list of implements, and answer all the purposes of our spades, etc.
With such mineral resources and soil capable of producing a wide variety of tropical vegetation, all the country needs is a progressive policy. The Philippine Islands produce sugar, coffee, hemp, indigo, rice, tortoiseshell, hides, ebony, saffron wood, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] sulfur, cotton, rope, silk, pepper, cocoa, wax, and many other items. The people are hardworking in their agricultural activities, although much labor is wasted due to the use of inefficient tools. The plow, which is quite simple in design, has been borrowed from the Chinese; it has no coulter, the share is flat, and it is angled slightly to one side, somewhat serving the function of a moldboard. This basic tool is adequate for the fertile soils, where farming mainly relies on the harrow, which is made from a thorny type of bamboo. The harrow consists of five or six pieces of this material, with the thorns left intact, and tightly secured together. It works well and rarely breaks down. A wrought-iron harrow, introduced by the Jesuits, is used to clear the ground more effectively, especially for removing a pesky grass known as cogon (a type of Andropogon), which is very hard to eliminate from the fields. The bolo or long knife, a basket, and a hoe complete the list of tools and serve all the functions of our spades, etc.
Draft animals.The buffalo was used until within a few years exclusively in their agricultural operations, and they have lately taken to the use of the ox; but horses are never used. The buffalo, from the slowness of his motions, and his exceeding restlessness under the heat of the climate, is ill adapted to agricultural labor; but the natives are very partial to them, notwithstanding they occasion them much labor and trouble in bathing them during the great heat. This is absolutely necessary, or the animal becomes so fretful as to be unfit for use. If it were not for this, the buffalo would, notwithstanding his slow pace, be most effective in agricultural operations; he requires little food, and that of the coarsest kind; his strength surpasses that of the stoutest ox, and he is admirably adapted for the rice or paddy fields. They are very docile when used by the natives, and even children can manage them; but it is said they have a great antipathy to the whites, and all strangers. The usual mode of guiding them is by a small cord attached to the cartilage of the nose. The yoke rests on the neck before the shoulders, and is of simple construction. To this is attached whatever it may be necessary to draw, either by traces, shafts, or other fastenings. Frequently this animal may be seen with large bundles of bamboo lashed to them on each side. Buffaloes are to be met with on the lake with no more than their noses and eyes out of the water, and are not visible until they are approached within a few feet, when they cause alarm to the passengers by raising their large forms close to the boat. It is said that they resort to the lake to feed on a favorite grass that grows on its bottom in shallow water, and which they dive for. Their flesh is not eaten, except that of the young ones, for it is tough and tasteless. The milk is nutritious, and of a character between that of the goat and cow.
Working animals. The buffalo has been used exclusively for agricultural work until recently, when they started using oxen; however, horses are never employed. The buffalo is not suited for farm labor due to its slow movements and excessive restlessness in the heat. Still, the locals are quite fond of them, even though they require a lot of effort to keep clean during the hot weather. This cleaning is essential, or the animal becomes irritable and unsuitable for work. If it weren't for this, the buffalo would be very effective in farming despite its slow speed; it needs little food, even the coarsest types, and its strength exceeds that of the strongest ox. It's particularly well-suited for rice or paddy fields. They are very gentle when handled by the locals, and even children can manage them; however, they reportedly dislike white people and all strangers. Typically, they are guided by a small rope attached to the cartilage in their noses. The yoke sits on their necks just in front of their shoulders and is simply made. To this, whatever needs to be pulled is attached using traces, shafts, or other methods. Often, you can see them with large bundles of bamboo tied to each side. Buffaloes can be spotted in the lake with only their noses and eyes above the water, and they become visible only when you get close, startling boat passengers as they suddenly raise their large bodies nearby. They are said to go to the lake to eat a favorite type of grass that grows in the shallow water, which they dive for. Their meat is usually not eaten except for the young ones because it is tough and tasteless. The milk is nutritious and falls somewhere between goat's milk and cow's milk.
The general appearance of the buffalo is that of a hybrid of the bull and rhinoceros. Its horns do not rise upwards, are very close at the root, bent backwards, and of a triangular form, with a flat side above. One of the peculiarities of the buffalo is its voice, which is quite low, and in the minor key, resembling that of a young colt. [467]It is as fond of mire as swine, and shows the consequence of recent wallowing, in being crusted over with mud. The skin is visible, being but thinly covered with hair; its color is usually that of a mouse; in some individuals darker.
The overall look of the buffalo resembles a mix between a bull and a rhinoceros. Its horns don't curve upwards; instead, they are close together at the base, bent backward, and triangular in shape with a flat side on top. One unique feature of the buffalo is its voice, which is quite deep and in a minor key, similar to that of a young colt. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] It enjoys mud just as much as pigs do and often ends up covered in it after wallowing. The skin is visible since it’s only lightly covered with hair; its color is typically a mouse gray, but some individuals are darker.
Rice.Rice is, perhaps, of their agricultural products, the article upon which the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands most depend for food and profit; of this they have several different varieties; which the natives distinguish by their size and the shape of the grain: the birnambang, lamuyo, malagequit, bontot-cabayo, dumali, quinanda, bolohan, and tangi. The three first are aquatic; the five latter upland varieties. They each have their peculiar uses. The dumali is the early variety; it ripens in three months from planting, from which circumstance it derives its name: it is raised exclusively on the uplands. Although much esteemed, it is not extensively cultivated, as the birds and insects destroy a large part of the crop.
Rice.Rice is probably the agricultural product that the people of the Philippine Islands rely on the most for food and income. They have several different varieties, which the locals differentiate by size and shape of the grain: birnambang, lamuyo, malagequit, bontot-cabayo, dumali, quinanda, bolohan, and tangi. The first three are grown in water, while the last five are upland varieties. Each variety has its specific uses. The dumali is an early variety that ripens three months after planting, which is how it got its name; it is grown only on uplands. Although it’s highly valued, it isn’t widely cultivated because birds and insects destroy a large portion of the crop.
The malagequit is very much prized, and used for making sweet and fancy dishes; it becomes exceedingly glutinous, for which reason it is used in making whitewash, which it is said to cause to become of a brilliant white, and to withstand the weather. This variety is not, however, believed to be wholesome. There is also a variety of this last species which is used as food for horses, and supposed to be a remedy and preventive against worms.
The malagequit is highly valued and used for creating sweet and elaborate dishes; it becomes very sticky, which is why it's used in making whitewash, said to become brilliantly white and withstand the weather. However, this type is not considered healthy. There is also a different variety of this species that's used as horse feed and is thought to be a remedy and preventive against worms.
The rice grounds or fields are laid out in squares, and surrounded by embankments, to retain the water of the rains or streams. After the rains have fallen in sufficient quantities to saturate the ground, a seed-bed is generally planted in one corner of the field, in which the rice is sown broadcast, about the month of June. The heavy rains take place in August, when the fields are ploughed, and are soon filled with water. The young plants are about this time taken from the seed-bed, their tops and roots trimmed, and then planted in the field by making holes in the ground with the fingers and placing four or five sprouts in each of them; in this tedious labor the poor women are employed, whilst the males are lounging in their houses or in the shade of the trees.
The rice fields are arranged in squares and surrounded by embankments to hold rainwater or water from streams. After enough rain has fallen to soak the ground, a seedbed is usually planted in one corner of the field, where rice is sown broadly around June. Heavy rains occur in August, when the fields are plowed and quickly fill with water. At that time, the young plants are taken from the seedbed, their tops and roots trimmed, and then planted in the field by making holes in the ground with fingers and placing four or five sprouts in each hole; this laborious task is done by poor women while the men relax in their homes or under the shade of trees.
The harvest for the aquatic rice begins in December. It is reaped with small sickles, peculiar to the country, called yatap; to the back of these a small stick is fastened, by which they are held, and the stalk is forced upon it and cut. The spikes of rice are cut with this implement, one by one. In this operation, men, women, and children all take part.
The aquatic rice harvest starts in December. It's cut using small sickles unique to the area, called yatap; a small stick is attached to the back of these to hold them, and the stalk is pressed against it and cut. The rice spikes are cut one by one with this tool. In this process, men, women, and children all participate.
The upland rice requires much more care and labor in its cultivation. The land must be ploughed three or four times, and all the turf and lumps well broken up by the harrow.
The upland rice needs a lot more attention and work in its cultivation. The land must be plowed three or four times, and all the sod and clumps thoroughly broken up with a harrow.
During its growth it requires to be weeded two or three times, to keep the weeds from choking the crop. The seed is sown broadcast in May. This kind of rice is harvested in November, and to collect the crop is still more tedious than in the other case, for it is always gathered earlier, and never reaped, in consequence of the grain not adhering to the ear. If it were gathered in any other way, the loss by transportation on the backs of buffaloes and horses, without any covering to the sheaf, would be so great as to dissipate a great portion of the crop.
During its growth, it needs to be weeded two or three times to prevent the weeds from choking the crop. The seeds are sown broadly in May. This type of rice is harvested in November, and collecting the crop is even more labor-intensive than in other cases, since it is always harvested early and is never fully reaped, due to the grains not sticking to the ears. If it were gathered another way, the loss during transport on the backs of buffaloes and horses, without any covering for the sheaves, would be so significant that a large portion of the crop would be wasted.
[468]It appears almost incredible that any people can remain in ignorance of a way of preventing so extravagant and wasteful a mode of harvesting. The government has been requested to prohibit it on account of the great expense it gives rise to; but whether any steps have ever been taken in the matter, I did not learn. It is said that not unfrequently a third part of the crop is lost, in consequence of the scarcity of laborers; while those who are disengaged will refuse to work, unless they receive one-third, and even one-half of the crop, to be delivered free of expense at their houses. This the planters are often obliged to give, or lose the whole crop. Nay, unless the harvest is a good one, reapers are very unwilling to engage to take it even on these terms, and the entire crop is lost. The laborers, during the time of harvest, are supported by the planter, who is during that time exposed to great vexation, if not losses. The reapers are for the most part composed of the idle and vicious part of the population, who go abroad over the country to engage themselves in this employment, which affords a livelihood to the poorer classes; for the different periods at which the varieties of rice are planted and harvested, gives them work during a large portion of the year.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]It seems almost unbelievable that any group of people can remain unaware of a way to prevent such an extravagant and wasteful method of harvesting. The government has been asked to ban it due to the significant costs it creates; however, I didn’t find out if any action has been taken. It’s said that often one-third of the crop is lost because there aren’t enough workers, while those who are available refuse to work unless they receive one-third or even half of the crop, delivered to their homes at no cost. The planters often have to agree to this, or they risk losing the entire crop. Moreover, if the harvest isn’t good, reapers are very reluctant to commit to these terms, leading to the complete loss of the crop. During harvest time, laborers are supported by the planter, who faces a lot of frustration, if not financial loss, during this period. The reapers are mostly from the idle and less reputable part of the population, who travel across the country to find this work, which provides a livelihood for the poorer classes; the different times when types of rice are planted and harvested give them work for a significant part of the year.
After the rice is harvested, there are different modes of treating it. Some of the proprietors take it home, where it is thrown into heaps, and left until it is desirable to separate it from the straw, when it is trodden out by men and women with their bare feet. For this operation, they usually receive another fifth of the rice.
After the rice is harvested, there are various ways to process it. Some of the owners take it home, where it's piled up and left until they want to separate it from the straw. Then, men and women stomp on it with their bare feet. For this work, they typically get another fifth of the rice.
Others stack it in a wet and green state, which subjects it to heat, from which cause the grain contracts a dark color, and an unpleasant taste and smell. The natives, however, impute these defects to the wetness of the season.
Others pile it up when it's wet and green, which exposes it to heat, causing the grain to develop a dark color and an unpleasant taste and smell. The locals, however, blame these issues on the dampness of the season.
The crop of both the low and upland rice, is usually from thirty to fifty for one: this is on old land; but on that which is newly cleared or which has never been cultivated, the yield is far beyond this. In some soils of the latter description, it is said that for a chupa (seven cubic inches) planted, the yield has been a caban. The former is the two-hundred-and-eighth part of the latter. This is not the only advantage gained in planting rich lands, but the saving of labor is equally great; for all that is required is to make a hole with the fingers, and place three or four grains in it. The upland rice requires but little water, and is never irrigated.
The yield of both lowland and upland rice usually ranges from thirty to fifty for one: this is on old land; but on newly cleared land or land that has never been farmed, the yield is much higher. In some soils of this type, it’s reported that for a chupa (seven cubic inches) planted, the yield can be a caban. The former is one two-hundred-and-eighth of the latter. This isn’t the only benefit of planting in rich soils; the labor savings are also significant, as all that’s needed is to make a hole with your fingers and drop in three or four grains. Upland rice requires very little water and is never irrigated.
The cultivator in the Philippine Islands is always enabled to secure plenty of manure; for vegetation is so luxuriant that by pulling the weeds and laying them with earth, a good stock is quickly obtained with which to cover his fields. Thus, although the growth is so rank as to cause him labor, yet in this hot climate its decay is equally rapid, which tends to make his labors more successful.
The farmer in the Philippine Islands can always get plenty of manure because the plants grow so abundantly that by pulling out weeds and burying them in the soil, he quickly gathers a good supply to cover his fields. So, even though the dense growth requires a lot of work, in this hot climate, it decomposes just as quickly, making his efforts more rewarding.
The rice-stacks form a picturesque object on the field; they are generally placed around or near a growth of bamboo, whose tall, graceful, and feathery outline is of itself a beautiful object, but connected as it is often seen with the returns of the harvest, it furnishes an additional source of gratification.
The rice stacks create a beautiful sight in the field; they are usually found around or near a cluster of bamboo, whose tall, elegant, and wispy shape is lovely on its own. But when seen alongside the fruits of the harvest, it provides even more enjoyment.
The different kinds of rice, and especially the upland, would no doubt be an acquisition to our country. At the time we were at [469]Manila, it was not thought feasible to pack it, for it had just been reaped, and was so green that it would not have kept.2 Although rice is a very prolific crop, yet it is subject to many casualties, from the locusts and other insects that devour it; the drought at other times affects it, particularly the aquatic varieties. There is a use to which the rice is applied here, which was new to us, namely, as a substitute for razors; by using two grains of it between the fingers, they nip the beard, or extract it from the chin and face.
The various types of rice, especially the upland variety, would definitely be a valuable addition to our country. When we were in [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Manila, we thought it wasn't practical to pack it, since it had just been harvested and was too green to store. 2 While rice is a highly productive crop, it faces many challenges, like locusts and other insects that eat it, and droughts that can impact its growth, especially the water-loving types. There's a unique use for rice here that we weren't familiar with: people use two grains between their fingers to pinch and remove their beard or facial hair, functioning as a substitute for razors.
Manila hemp.Among the important productions of these islands, I have mentioned hemp, although the article called Manila hemp must not be understood to be derived from the plant which produces the common hemp (Cannabis), being obtained from a species of plantain (Musa textilis), called in the Philippines “abacá.” This is a native of these islands, and was formerly believed to be found only on Mindanao; but this is not the case, for it is cultivated on the south part of Luzon, and all the islands south of it. It grows on high ground, in rich soil, and is propagated by seeds. It resembles the other plants of the tribe of plantains, but its fruit is much smaller, although edible. The fibre is derived from the stem, and the plant attains the height of fifteen or twenty feet. The usual mode of preparing the hemp is to cut off the stem near the ground, before the time or just when the fruit is ripe. The stem is then eight or ten feet long below the leaves, where it is again cut. The outer coating of the herbaceous stem is then stripped off, until the fibers or cellular parts are seen, when it undergoes the process of rotting, and after being well dried in houses and sheds, is prepared for market by assorting it, a task which is performed by the women and children. That which is intended for cloth is soaked for an hour or two in weak lime-water prepared from sea-shells, again dried, and put up in bundles. From all the districts in which it grows, it is sent to Manila, which is the only port whence it can legally be exported. It arrives in large bundles, and is packed there, by means of a screw-press, in compact bales, for shipping, secured by rattan, each weighing two piculs.
Abacá. Among the important products of these islands, I have mentioned hemp, although the term Manila hemp should not be confused with common hemp (Cannabis), as it comes from a type of plantain (Musa textilis), known in the Philippines as “abacá.” This plant is native to these islands and was once thought to be found only in Mindanao; however, it's also grown in the southern part of Luzon and all the islands south of it. It thrives in high areas with rich soil and is propagated by seeds. It looks like other plants in the plantain family, but its fruit is much smaller, though still edible. The fiber is sourced from the stem, which can grow to a height of fifteen or twenty feet. To prepare the hemp, the stem is cut near the ground, either before or just as the fruit ripens. The stem is then cut again, about eight or ten feet long below the leaves. The outer layer of the herbaceous stem is stripped away until the fibers or cellular parts are revealed, after which it goes through a rotting process. After being well dried in houses and sheds, it is sorted for market, a job typically done by women and children. The portion meant for cloth is soaked for one or two hours in a weak lime-water solution made from sea-shells, dried again, and bundled up. It is then sent to Manila, the only port where it can legally be exported. It arrives in large bundles and is packed there using a screw-press into compact bales for shipping, secured with rattan, each weighing two piculs.
The best Manila hemp ought to be white, dry, and of a long and fine fiber. This is known at Manila by the name of lupis; the second quality they call bandala.
The best Manila hemp should be white, dry, and have long, fine fibers. In Manila, this is referred to as lupis; the second quality is called bandala.
The exportation has much increased within the last few years, in consequence of the demand for it in the United States; and the whole crop is now monopolized by the two American houses of Sturges & Co., and T. N. Peale & Co., of Manila, who buy all of good quality that comes to market. This is divided between the two houses, and the price they pay is from four to five dollars the picul. The entire quantity raised in 1840 was eighty-three thousand seven hundred and ninety piculs; in 1841, eighty-seven thousand.
The exports have significantly increased in the past few years due to the demand in the United States. Now, the entire crop is controlled by two American companies, Sturges & Co. and T. N. Peale & Co. from Manila, which buy all the good quality product available. This supply is shared between the two companies, and they pay between four to five dollars per picul. In 1840, the total amount produced was eighty-three thousand seven hundred ninety piculs; in 1841, it was eighty-seven thousand.
The quantity exported to the United States in 1840, was sixty-eight thousand two hundred and eighty piculs, and in 1841, only sixty-two thousand seven hundred piculs; its value in Manila is about three hundred thousand dollars. Twenty thousand piculs go to Europe. There are no duties on its exportation.
The amount exported to the United States in 1840 was sixty-eight thousand two hundred and eighty piculs, and in 1841, only sixty-two thousand seven hundred piculs; its value in Manila is around three hundred thousand dollars. Twenty thousand piculs are sent to Europe. There are no duties on its export.
[470]That which is brought to the United States is principally manufactured in or near Boston, and is the cordage known as “white rope.” The cordage manufactured at Manila is, however, very superior to the rope made with us, although the hemp is of the inferior kind. A large quantity is also manufactured into mats.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]What is brought to the United States mainly comes from around Boston, and it’s the cordage called “white rope.” However, the cordage produced in Manila is much better than the rope made here, even though the hemp used is of lower quality. A significant amount is also made into mats.
In the opinion of our botanist, it is not probable that the plant could be introduced with success into our country, for in the Philippines it is not found north of latitude 14° N.
In our botanist's view, it's unlikely that the plant could be successfully introduced into our country, as it's not found in the Philippines north of latitude 14° N.
Coffee.The coffee-plant is well adapted to these islands. A few plants were introduced into the gardens of Manila, about fifty years ago, since which time it has been spread all over the island, as is supposed by the civet-cats, which, after swallowing the seeds, carry them to a distance before they are voided.
Coffee.The coffee plant grows really well on these islands. Around fifty years ago, a few plants were brought into the gardens of Manila, and since then, it has spread across the island, likely thanks to civet cats, which eat the seeds and then carry them far away before digesting them.
The coffee of commerce is obtained here from the wild plant, and is of an excellent quality. Upwards of three thousand five hundred piculs are now exported, of which one-sixth goes to the United States.
The coffee trade here comes from the wild plant and is of excellent quality. Over three thousand five hundred piculs are currently exported, with one-sixth going to the United States.
Sugar.The sugar-cane thrives well here. It is planted after the French fashion, by sticking the piece diagonally into the ground. Some, finding the cane has suffered in times of drought, have adopted other modes. It comes to perfection in a year, and they seldom have two crops from the same piece of land, unless the season is very favorable.
Sugar.The sugarcane grows really well here. It’s planted in the French style, by placing a piece diagonally into the ground. Some people, noticing that the cane has struggled during dry spells, have started using different methods. It reaches maturity in a year, and they usually don’t get two crops from the same piece of land unless the season is very favorable.
There are many kinds of cane cultivated, but that grown in the valley of Pampanga is thought to be the best. It is a small red variety, from four to five feet high, and not thicker than the thumb. The manufacture of the sugar is rudely conducted; and the whole business, I was told, was in the hands of a few capitalists, who, by making advances, secure the whole crop from those who are employed to bring it to market. It is generally brought in moulds, of the usual conical shape, called pilones, which are delivered to the purchaser from November to June, and contain each about one hundred and fifty pounds. On their receipt, they are placed in large storehouses, where the familiar operation of claying is performed. The estimate for the quantity of sugar from these pilones after this process is about one hundred pounds; it depends upon the care taken in the process.
There are many types of sugarcane grown, but the one from the Pampanga valley is considered the best. It's a small red variety that grows about four to five feet tall and is no thicker than a thumb. The sugar production process is quite basic, and I was told that the entire operation is controlled by a few investors who secure the entire crop from the workers who deliver it to the market by offering them advances. The sugar is typically transported in molds that have the usual conical shape, known as pilones, which each weigh about one hundred and fifty pounds and are delivered to buyers from November to June. Once received, they are stored in large warehouses where the common process of claying takes place. After this process, the expected quantity of sugar from these pilones is about one hundred pounds, depending on how carefully the process is done.
Cotton.Of cotton they raise a considerable quantity, which is of a fine quality, and principally of the yellow nankeen. In the province of Ilocos it is cultivated most extensively. The mode of cleaning it of its seed is very rude, by means of a hand-mill, and the expense of cleaning a picul (one hundred and forty pounds) is from five to seven dollars. There have, as far as I have understood, been no endeavors to introduce any cotton-gins from our country.
Cotton. They produce a significant amount of cotton, known for its high quality, primarily the yellow nankeen variety. The province of Ilocos grows it the most. The method of removing the seeds is quite basic, using a hand mill, and the cost of cleaning a picul (one hundred and forty pounds) ranges from five to seven dollars. As far as I know, there haven't been any efforts to bring in cotton gins from our country.
Wages.It will be merely necessary to give the prices at which laborers are paid, to show how low the compensation is, in comparison with those in our own country. In the vicinity of Manila, twelve and a half cents per day is the usual wages; this in the provinces falls to six and nine cents. A man with two buffaloes is paid about thirty cents. The amount of labor performed by the latter in a day would be the ploughing of a soane, about two-tenths of an acre. The most profitable way of employing laborers is by the task, when, it is said, the natives work well, and are industrious.
Pay.We just need to look at the pay rates for workers to see how low their compensation is compared to what we find in our own country. Around Manila, the usual wage is twelve and a half cents per day; in the provinces, it drops to six or nine cents. A man with two buffaloes earns about thirty cents. The amount of work done by him in a day would be ploughing a "soane," roughly two-tenths of an acre. The most effective way to employ workers is by assigning tasks, as it’s said that the locals work hard and are diligent.
[471]The manner in which the sugar and other produce is brought to market at Manila is peculiar, and deserves to be mentioned. In some of the villages, the chief men unite to build a vessel, generally a pirogue, in which they embark their produce, under the conduct of a few persons, who go to navigate it, and dispose of the cargo. In due time they make their voyage, and when the accounts are settled, the returns are distributed to each according to his share. Festivities are then held, the saints thanked for their kindness, and blessings invoked for another year. After this is over, the vessel is taken carefully to pieces, and distributed, among the owners, to be preserved for the next season.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The way sugar and other goods are brought to market in Manila is unique and worth mentioning. In some villages, the local leaders come together to build a boat, usually a pirogue, which they use to transport their goods, guided by a few people who navigate it and sell the cargo. After they complete their journey and settle the accounts, the profits are shared based on each person's contribution. Then, they celebrate, giving thanks to the saints for their generosity and asking for blessings for the upcoming year. Once the festivities wrap up, the boat is carefully taken apart and its parts are divided among the owners to save for the next season.
The profits in the crops, according to estimates, vary from sixty to one hundred per cent.; but it was thought, as a general average, that this was, notwithstanding the great productiveness of the soil, far beyond the usual profits accruing from agricultural operations. In some provinces this estimate would hold good, and probably be exceeded.
The profits from the crops, based on estimates, range from sixty to one hundred percent. However, it was believed that, on average, this was well above the typical profits made from farming operations, despite the land's high productivity. In some regions, this estimate could be accurate and might even be surpassed.
Indigo.Indigo would probably be a lucrative crop, for that raised here is said to be of quality equal to the best, and the crop is not subject to so many uncertainties as in India: the capital and attention required in vats, etc., prevent it from being raised in any quantities. Among the productions, the bamboo and rattan ought to claim a particular notice from their great utility; they enter into almost every thing. Of the former their houses are built, including frames, floors, sides, and roof; fences are made of the same material, as well as every article of general household use, including baskets for oil and water. The rattan is a general substitute for ropes of all descriptions, and the two combined are used in constructing rafts for crossing ferries.
Indigo dye.Indigo would likely be a profitable crop, as the version grown here is said to be just as good as the best, and it's not as affected by uncertainties as it is in India: the investment and care needed for vats, etc., prevent it from being grown in large amounts. Among the products, bamboo and rattan deserve special attention due to their usefulness; they are involved in nearly everything. Bamboo is used to build houses, including the frames, floors, walls, and roof; fences are made from it, along with numerous household items, including baskets for oil and water. Rattan serves as a common substitute for all types of ropes, and the two are used together to make rafts for crossing rivers.
I have thus given a general outline of the capabilities of this country for agricultural operations, in some of the most important articles of commerce; by which it will be seen that the Philippine Islands are one of the most favored parts of the globe.
I have provided a general overview of this country's agricultural potential in some key commercial products, which shows that the Philippine Islands are among the most favored places on Earth.
Locusts.The crops frequently suffer from the ravages of the locusts, which sweep all before them. Fortunately for the poorer classes, their attacks take place after the rice has been harvested; but the cane is sometimes entirely cut off. The authorities of Manila, in the vain hope of stopping their devastations, employ persons to gather them and throw them into the sea. I understood on one occasion they had spent eighty thousand dollars in this way, but all to little purpose. It is said that the crops rarely suffer from droughts, but on the contrary the rains are thought to fall too often, and to flood the rice fields; these, however, yield a novel crop, and are very advantageous to the poor, viz.: a great quantity of fish, which are called dalag, and are a species of Blunnius; they are so plentiful, that they are caught with baskets: these fish weigh from a half to two pounds, and some are said to be eighteen inches long; but this is not all; they are said, after a deep inundation, to be found even in the vaults of churches.
Locusts.The crops often suffer from the destruction caused by locusts, which devour everything in their path. Luckily for the poorer classes, these attacks happen after the rice has been harvested; however, the cane is sometimes completely wiped out. The authorities in Manila, in a futile attempt to stop their devastation, hire people to collect them and toss them into the sea. I heard that on one occasion they spent eighty thousand dollars doing this, but it achieved very little. It's said that the crops rarely suffer from droughts; instead, the rains are thought to come too often, flooding the rice fields. However, these flooded fields produce a unique benefit for the poor: a large number of fish known as dalag, a type of Blunnius. They're so abundant that they can be caught with baskets; these fish weigh between half a pound to two pounds, and some reportedly reach eighteen inches in length. But that's not all; it's said that after a significant flooding, they can even be found in the vaults of churches.
The Philippines are divided into thirty-one provinces, sixteen of which are on the island of Luzon, and the remainder comprise the other islands of the group and the Ladrones.
The Philippines is divided into thirty-one provinces, sixteen of which are on the island of Luzon, while the others are spread across the other islands in the group and the Ladrones.
[472]Population.The population of the whole group is above three millions, including all tribes of natives, mestizos, and whites. The latter-named class are but few in number, not exceeding three thousand. The mestizos were supposed to be about fifteen or twenty thousand; they are distinguished as Spanish and Indian mestizos. The Chinese have of late years increased to a large number, and it is said that there are forty thousand of them in and around Manila alone. One-half of the whole population belongs to Luzon. The island next to it in the number of inhabitants is Panay, which contains about three hundred and thirty thousand. Then come Cebu, Mindanao, Leyte, Samar, and Negros, varying from the above numbers down to fifty thousand. The population is increasing, and it is thought that it doubles itself in seventy years. This rate of increase appears probable, from a comparison of the present population with the estimate made at the beginning of the present century, which shows a growth in the forty years of about one million four hundred thousand.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Population.The total population of the group exceeds three million, which includes all native tribes, mestizos, and white individuals. The white population is small, numbering no more than three thousand. The mestizo population is estimated to be around fifteen to twenty thousand, categorized as Spanish mestizos and Indian mestizos. The number of Chinese immigrants has significantly increased in recent years, with reports indicating there are about forty thousand residing in and around Manila alone. Half of the entire population lives in Luzon. The next most populated island is Panay, which has approximately three hundred thirty thousand inhabitants. Following that are Cebu, Mindanao, Leyte, Samar, and Negros, with populations ranging from the aforementioned numbers down to fifty thousand. The population is on the rise, with projections suggesting it could double in seventy years. This growth rate seems likely based on a comparison of the current population with estimates made at the start of this century, showing an increase of about one million four hundred thousand over the last forty years.
The native population is composed of a number of distinct tribes, the principal of which in Luzon are Pangasinan, Ilocos, Cagayan, Tagalog, and Pampangan.
The native population consists of several distinct tribes, the main ones in Luzon being Pangasinan, Ilocos, Cagayan, Tagalog, and Pampangan.
The Igorots, who dwell in the mountains, are the only natives who have not been subjected by the Spaniards. The other tribes have become identified with their rulers in religion, and it is thought that by this circumstance alone has Spain been able to maintain the ascendency with so small a number, over such a numerous, intelligent, and energetic race as they are represented to be. This is, however, more easily accounted for, from the Spaniards fostering and keeping alive the jealousy and hatred that existed at the time of the discovery between the different tribes.
The Igorots, who live in the mountains, are the only natives who haven’t been conquered by the Spaniards. The other tribes have merged with their rulers in religion, and it’s believed that this is the only reason Spain has been able to maintain control over such a large, intelligent, and energetic population with so few people. However, this can be more easily explained by the Spaniards promoting and stoking the jealousy and hostility that existed between the different tribes at the time of the discovery.
It seems almost incredible that Spain should have so long persisted in the policy of allowing no more than one galleon to pass annually between her colonies, and equally so that the nations of Europe should have been so long deceived in regard to the riches and wealth that Spain was monopolizing in the Philippines. The capture of Manila, in 1762, by the English, first gave a clear idea of the value of this remote and little-known appendage of the empire.
It seems almost unbelievable that Spain would have continued for so long with the policy of allowing only one galleon to travel each year between her colonies, and it's just as surprising that the nations of Europe were misled for so long about the riches and wealth that Spain was hoarding in the Philippines. The capture of Manila by the English in 1762 finally showed the true value of this distant and often overlooked part of the empire.
The Philippines, considered in their capacity for commerce, are certainly among the most favored portions of the globe, and there is but one circumstance that tends in the least degree to lessen their apparent advantage; this is the prevalence of typhoons in the China seas, which are occasionally felt with force to the north of latitude 10° N. South of that parallel, they have never been known to prevail, and seldom so far; but from their unfailing occurrence yearly in some part of the China seas, they are looked for with more or less dread, and cause each season a temporary interruption in all the trade that passes along the coast of these islands.
The Philippines, when it comes to trade, are definitely one of the most advantageous places in the world. The only factor that somewhat reduces their obvious benefits is the frequent typhoons in the China Seas, which are sometimes felt strongly north of latitude 10° N. South of that line, they’ve never been known to occur, and rarely even get that far; however, because they consistently happen each year in some part of the China Seas, people anticipate them with varying levels of fear, and they cause a temporary disruption in all trade along the coast of these islands each season.
The army is now composed entirely of native troops, who number about six thousand men, and the regiments are never suffered to serve in the provinces in which they are recruited, but those from the north are sent to the south, and vice versa. There they are employed to keep up a continual watch on each other; and, speaking different dialects, they never become identified.
The army is now made up entirely of local troops, numbering around six thousand men. The regiments are never allowed to serve in the provinces where they were recruited; instead, those from the north are sent to the south, and vice versa. There, they are used to keep a constant watch on one another, and since they speak different dialects, they never blend in.
[473]They are, indeed, never allowed to remain long enough in one region, to imbibe any feelings in unison with those of its inhabitants. The hostility is so great among the regiments, that mutinies have occurred, and contests arisen which have produced even bloodshed, which it was entirely out of the power of the officers to prevent. In cases of this kind, summary punishment is resorted to.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]They are never allowed to stay in one place long enough to connect with the local people. The rivalry between the regiments is intense, leading to mutinies and conflicts that have resulted in violence, which the officers couldn't stop. In such cases, quick disciplinary action is taken.
Conditions not peaceful.Although the Spaniards, as far as is known abroad, live in peace and quiet, this is far from being the case; for rebellion and revolts among the troops and tribes are not unfrequent in the provinces. During the time of our visit one of these took place, but it was impossible to learn anything concerning it that could be relied upon, for all conversation respecting such occurrences is interdicted by the government. The difficulty to which I refer was said to have originated from the preaching of a fanatic priest, who inflamed them to such a degree that they overthrew the troops and became temporarily masters of the country. Prompt measures were immediately taken, and orders issued to give the rebels no quarter; the regiments most hostile to those engaged in the revolt were ordered to the spot; they spared no one; the priest and his companions were taken, put to death, and according to report, in a manner so cruel as to be a disgrace to the records of the nineteenth century. Although I should hope the accounts I heard of these transactions were incorrect, yet the detestation these acts were held in, would give some color to the statements.
Not peaceful conditions.Although the Spaniards, as far as is known abroad, appear to live in peace and quiet, that's far from the truth; rebellions and uprisings among the troops and tribes happen frequently in the provinces. During our visit, one of these occurred, but it was impossible to get any reliable information about it, as the government prohibits any discussion of such events. The trouble was said to have started from the preaching of a fanatical priest, who incited them to the point that they overthrew the troops and temporarily took control of the area. Immediate actions were taken, and orders were issued to show no mercy to the rebels; the regiments most opposed to those involved in the uprising were sent to the scene; they spared no one. The priest and his followers were captured, executed, and reportedly in a manner so brutal that it shamed the records of the nineteenth century. While I hope the accounts I heard about these events were exaggerated, the revulsion these acts inspired lends some credibility to the claims.
The few gazettes that are published at Manila are entirely under the control of the government; and a resident of that city must make up his mind to remain in ignorance of the things that are passing around him, or believe just what the authorities will allow to be told, whether truth or falsehood. The government of the Philippines is emphatically an iron rule: how long it can continue so, is doubtful.
The few newspapers that are published in Manila are completely controlled by the government; anyone living in that city has to accept being unaware of what's happening around them or only believe what the authorities permit to be shared, whether it's true or false. The government of the Philippines is definitely an oppressive regime: how long it can stay that way is uncertain.
The governor-general.One of my first duties was to make an official call upon His Excellency Don Marcelino Oroa, who is the sixty-first governor of the Philippine Islands. According to the established etiquette, Mr. Moore, the vice-consul, announced our desire to do so, and requested to be informed of the time when we would be received. This was accordingly named, and at the appointed hour we proceeded to the palace in the city proper. On our arrival, we were announced and led up a flight of steps, ample and spacious, but by no means of such splendor as would indicate the residence of vice-royalty. The suite of rooms into which we were ushered were so dark that it was difficult to see. I made out, however, that they were panelled, and by no means richly furnished. His excellency entered from a side-door, and led us through two or three apartments into his private audience-room, an apartment not quite so dark as those we had come from: our being conducted to this, I was told afterwards, was to be considered an especial mark of respect to my country. His reception of us was friendly. The governor has much more the appearance of an Irishman than of a Spaniard, being tall, portly, of a florid complexion. He is apparently more than sixty years of age. He was dressed in a full suit of black, with a star on his breast.
The governor-general.One of my first responsibilities was to pay an official visit to His Excellency Don Marcelino Oroa, who is the sixty-first governor of the Philippine Islands. Following the proper protocol, Mr. Moore, the vice-consul, announced our intention and asked when we could meet. The time was set, and at the scheduled hour, we went to the palace in the city center. Upon our arrival, we were announced and shown up a wide, spacious staircase, though it lacked the grandeur one would expect from a vice-regal residence. The rooms we entered were so dim that it was hard to see clearly. However, I noticed they were paneled and not particularly lavishly decorated. His Excellency entered through a side door and guided us through a couple of rooms into his private audience chamber, which was a bit brighter than the previous ones; I later learned that bringing us there was a special sign of respect for my country. He welcomed us warmly. The governor has much more of an Irish look than a Spanish one, being tall, stout, and having a ruddy complexion. He appears to be over sixty years old. He was dressed in a complete black suit, with a star on his chest.
Mr. Moore acted as interpreter, and the governor readily acceded to my request to be allowed to send a party into the interior for a few [474]days; a permission which I almost despaired of receiving, for I knew that he had refused a like application some few months before. The refusal, however, I think was in part owing to the character of the applicants, and the doubtful object they had in view. I impute the permission we received to the influence of our consul, together with Mr. Sturges, whose agreeable manners, conciliatory tone, and high standing with the authorities, will, I am satisfied, insure us at all times every reasonable advantage or facility.
Mr. Moore acted as the interpreter, and the governor quickly agreed to my request to allow a group to head into the interior for a few [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] days; I had almost given up hope of receiving this permission since I knew he had turned down a similar request a few months earlier. However, I believe the earlier refusal was partly due to the applicants' reputation and their unclear intentions. I attribute the permission we received to the influence of our consul and Mr. Sturges, whose friendly demeanor, diplomatic approach, and strong reputation with the authorities will, I’m sure, always ensure we get every reasonable advantage or opportunity.
The term of the governor in office is three years, and the present incumbent was installed in 1841. This length of time is thought to be sufficient for any one of them to make a fortune. The office is held by the appointment of the ministry in Spain, and with it are connected perquisites that are shared, it is said, by those who confer them.
The governor serves a three-year term, and the current one took office in 1841. This duration is considered long enough for anyone in the position to become wealthy. The office is appointed by the ministry in Spain, and there are benefits associated with it that are reportedly shared by those who grant them.
After having paid our respects to his excellency, we drove to visit several other officers of the government, who received us without ceremony. We generally found them in loose morning-gowns, smoking, and cigars were invariably offered us; for this habit appears in Manila to extend to all ranks. Even in the public offices of the custom-house it was the fashion, and cigars, with a machero for striking a light, or a joss-stick kept burning, were usually seen in every apartment.
After paying our respects to his excellency, we drove to visit several other government officials, who welcomed us without formality. We typically found them in casual morning robes, smoking, and they always offered us cigars, as this habit seems to be common in Manila across all social classes. Even in the public offices of the customs house, it was the norm, and you would usually find cigars, a lighter, or a joss stick kept burning in every room.
Courteous Spanish officials.To the captain of the port, Don Juan Salomon, I feel under many obligations for his attentions. I was desirous of obtaining information relative to the Sulu Seas, and to learn how far the Spanish surveys had been carried. He gave me little hopes of obtaining any; but referred me to Captain Halcon, of the Spanish Navy, who had been employed surveying some part of the coast of the islands to the north. The latter whom I visited, on my making the inquiry of him, and stating the course I intended to pursue, frankly told me that all the existing charts were erroneous. He only knew enough of the ground to be certain that they were so, and consequently useless. He advised my taking one of the native pilots, who were generally well acquainted with the seas that lay more immediately in my route. The captain of the port was afterwards kind enough to offer to procure me one.
Helpful Spanish officials. I owe a lot to the port captain, Don Juan Salomon, for his attentiveness. I wanted to get information about the Sulu Seas and find out how far the Spanish surveys had gone. He didn’t give me much hope of finding anything but directed me to Captain Halcon of the Spanish Navy, who had been surveying part of the coast of the islands to the north. When I visited him and asked about my intended course, he candidly told me that all the existing charts were inaccurate. He only knew enough about the area to be sure they were worthless. He suggested I hire one of the local pilots, who were usually very familiar with the waters I planned to travel. The port captain later kindly offered to help me find one.
The intercourse I had with these gentlemen was a source of much gratification, and it gives me great pleasure to make this public expression of it. To both, my sincere acknowledgments are due for information in relation to the various reefs and shoals that have been recently discovered, and which will be found placed in their true position on our charts.
The interactions I had with these gentlemen were highly rewarding, and I'm very pleased to publicly acknowledge it. I owe my sincere thanks to both of them for the information regarding the various reefs and shoals that have been recently discovered, which will be accurately represented on our charts.
During our stay at Manila, our time was occupied in seeing sights, shopping, riding, and amusing ourselves with gazing on the throng incessantly passing through the Escolta of the Binondo suburb, or more properly, the commercial town of Manila.
During our time in Manila, we spent our days exploring sights, shopping, riding around, and entertaining ourselves by watching the endless flow of people passing through the Escolta in the Binondo area, which is really the commercial hub of Manila.
Cigar factories.Among the lions of the place, the great royal cigar manufactories claim especial notice from their extent and the many persons employed. There are two of these establishments, one situated in the Binondo quarter, and the other on the great square or Prado; in the former, which was visited by us, there are two buildings of two stories high, besides several storehouses, enclosed by a wall, with two [475]large gateways, at which sentinels are always posted. The principal workshop is in the second story, which is divided into six apartments, in which eight thousand females are employed. Throughout the whole extent, tables are arranged, about sixteen inches high, ten feet long, and three feet wide, at each of which fifteen women are seated, having small piles of tobacco before them. The tables are set crosswise from the wall, leaving a space in the middle of the room free. The labor of a female produces about two hundred cigars a day; and the working hours are from 6 a.m., till 6 p.m., with a recess of two hours, from eleven till one o’clock. The whole establishment is kept very neat and clean, and every thing appears to be carried on in the most systematic and workmanlike manner. Among such numbers, it has been found necessary to institute a search on their leaving the establishment to prevent embezzlement, and this is regularly made twice a day, without distinction of sex. It is a strange sight to witness the ingress and egress of these hordes of females; and probably the world cannot elsewhere exhibit so large a number of ugly women. Their ages vary from fifteen to forty-five. The sum paid them for wages is very trifling. The whole number of persons employed in the manufactories is about fifteen thousand; this includes the officers, clerks, overseers, etc.
Cigar shops. Among the highlights of the area, the large royal cigar factories stand out for their size and the number of people employed. There are two of these factories, one located in the Binondo neighborhood, and the other in the main square or Prado; in the former, which we visited, there are two two-story buildings, along with several storage sheds, surrounded by a wall, with two [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]large entrances, where guards are always stationed. The main workshop is on the second floor, divided into six rooms, where eight thousand women work. Throughout the entire area, tables are arranged, about sixteen inches high, ten feet long, and three feet wide, with fifteen women seated at each one, each having small piles of tobacco in front of them. The tables are set up crosswise from the wall, leaving a clear space in the middle of the room. Each woman produces about two hundred cigars a day; and the working hours are from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m., with a two-hour break from eleven until one o’clock. The entire facility is kept very tidy and organized, and everything seems to be managed in the most efficient and professional way. Given the large number of workers, it has become necessary to search them as they leave the factory to prevent theft, which is done regularly twice a day, regardless of gender. It’s quite a sight to see the influx and outflow of these groups of women; and probably no other place in the world can showcase such a large number of unattractive women. Their ages range from fifteen to forty-five. The pay they receive is quite low. The total number of people employed in the factories is about fifteen thousand, which includes managers, clerks, supervisors, and others.
As nearly as I could ascertain, the revenue derived from these establishments is half a million of dollars.
As far as I can tell, the income from these establishments is around half a million dollars.
The natives of the Philippines are industrious. They manufacture an amount of goods sufficient to supply their own wants, particularly from Panay and Ilocos. These for the most part consist of cotton and silks, and a peculiar article called piña. The latter is manufactured from a species of Bromelia (pineapple), and comes principally from the island of Panay. The finest kinds of piña are exceedingly beautiful, and surpass any other material in its evenness and beauty of texture. Its color is yellowish, and the embroidery is fully equal to the material. It is much sought after by all strangers, and considered as one of the curiosities of this group. Various reports have been stated of the mode of its manufacture, and among others that it was woven under water, which I found, upon inquiry, to be quite erroneous. The web of the piña is so fine, that they are obliged to prevent all currents of air from passing through the rooms where it is manufactured, for which purpose there are gauze screens in the windows. After the article is brought to Manila, it is then embroidered by girls; this last operation adds greatly to its value. We visited one of the houses where this was in progress, and where the most skilful workwomen are employed.
The people of the Philippines are hardworking. They produce enough goods to meet their own needs, especially from Panay and Ilocos. Most of these goods are made of cotton and silk, along with a unique item called piña. Piña is made from a type of Bromelia (pineapple) and mainly comes from the island of Panay. The finest piña is incredibly beautiful and surpasses any other fabric in its quality and appearance. It has a yellowish color, and the embroidery on it is just as impressive. It is highly sought after by tourists and is considered one of the unique treasures of the region. There have been various claims about how it's made, including that it was woven underwater, which I found out, upon investigation, to be completely false. The piña fabric is so delicate that they have to stop any air currents from entering the rooms where it's produced, using gauze screens in the windows. Once the fabric arrives in Manila, girls embroider it, significantly increasing its value. We visited one of the places where this work was happening, where the most skilled artisans are employed.
On mounting the stairs of bamboos, every step we took produced its creak; but, although the whole seemed but a crazy affair, yet it did not want for strength, being well and firmly bound together. There were two apartments, each about thirteen by twenty-five feet, which could be divided by screens, if required. At the end of it were seen about forty females, all busily plying their needles, and so closely seated as apparently to incommode each other. The mistress of the manufactory, who was quite young, gave us a friendly reception, and showed us the whole process of drawing the threads and working the patterns, which, in many cases, were elegant.
As we climbed the bamboo stairs, every step made a creaky sound; but even though it seemed a bit wobbly, it was strong and well put together. There were two rooms, each about thirteen by twenty-five feet, which could be separated by screens if needed. At the end of the space, we saw around forty women, all busy with their needles, sitting so close that they seemed to bump into each other. The young manager of the factory greeted us warmly and explained the entire process of threading and creating the patterns, which were quite beautiful in many instances.
[476]A great variety of dresses, scarfs, caps, collars, cuffs, and pocket-handkerchiefs, were shown us. These were mostly in the rough state, and did not strike us with that degree of admiration which was expected. They, however, had been in hand for six months, and were soiled by much handling; but when others were shown us in the finished state, washed and put up, they were such as to claim our admiration.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]A wide range of dresses, scarves, hats, collars, cuffs, and pocket handkerchiefs were presented to us. Most of them were in their raw state and didn’t impress us as much as expected. They had been worked on for six months and were stained from being handled a lot; however, when we were shown the completed ones—cleaned and neatly packaged—they truly earned our admiration.
I was soon attracted by a very different sight at the other end of the apartment. This was a dancing-master and his scholar, of six years old, the daughter of the woman of the house. It was exceedingly amusing to see the airs and graces of this child.
I was quickly drawn to a completely different scene at the other end of the apartment. It was a dance instructor and his six-year-old student, the daughter of the woman who lived there. It was incredibly entertaining to watch the child's pretentiousness and charm.
For music they had a guitar; and I never witnessed a ballet that gave me more amusement, or saw a dancer that evinced more grace, ease, confidence, and decided talent, than did this little girl. She was prettily formed, and was exceedingly admired and applauded by us all. Her mother considered her education as finished, and looked on with all the admiration and fondness of parental affection.
For music, they had a guitar, and I’ve never seen a performance that brought me more joy or witnessed a dancer who displayed more grace, ease, confidence, and undeniable talent than this little girl. She was beautifully shaped and was greatly admired and cheered on by all of us. Her mother believed her education was complete and watched with all the admiration and love of a proud parent.
On inquiry, I found that the idea of teaching her to read and write had not yet been entertained. Yet every expense is incurred to teach them to use their feet and arms, and to assume the expression of countenance that will enable them to play a part in the afterscenes of life.
On asking, I discovered that no one had thought about teaching her to read and write yet. However, every effort is made to help them use their feet and arms and to adopt the facial expressions that will allow them to take on roles in the later scenes of life.
This manufactory had work engaged for nine months or a year in advance. The fabric is extremely expensive, and none but the wealthy can afford it. It is also much sought after by foreigners. Even orders for Queen Victoria and many of the English nobility were then in hand; at least I so heard at Manila. Those who are actually present have, notwithstanding, the privilege of selecting what they wish to purchase; for, with the inhabitants here, as elsewhere, ready money has too much attraction for them to forego the temptation.
This factory had orders lined up for nine months to a year ahead of time. The fabric is really pricey, and only the rich can buy it. It's also very popular with foreigners. Even orders for Queen Victoria and many members of the English nobility were in progress; at least that’s what I heard in Manila. Those who are actually there, however, have the chance to choose what they want to buy; because, just like anywhere else, people here are too tempted by cash to pass it up.
Time in Manila seems to hang heavily on the hands of some of its inhabitants; their amusements are few, and the climate ill adapted to exertion. The gentlemen of the higher classes pass their morning in the transaction of a little public business, lounging about, smoking, etc. In the afternoon, they sleep, and ride on the Prado; and in the evening, visit their friends, or attend a tertulia. The ladies are to be pitied; for they pass three-fourths of their time in déshabillé, with their maids around them, sleeping, dressing, lolling, and combing their hair. In this way the whole morning is lounged away; they neither read, write, nor work. In dress they generally imitate the Europeans, except that they seldom wear stockings, and go with their arms bare. In the afternoon they ride on the Prado in state, and in the evening accompany their husbands. Chocolate is taken early in the morning, breakfast at eleven, and dinner and supper are included in one meal.
Time in Manila seems to drag for some of its residents; their entertainment is limited, and the weather isn’t great for anything active. The upper-class men spend their mornings handling a bit of public business, lounging around, smoking, and so on. In the afternoon, they take naps and ride on the Prado; in the evening, they visit friends or attend social gatherings. The women are to be pitied; they spend most of their time in casual clothing, surrounded by maids, sleeping, getting dressed, lounging, and brushing their hair. This way, the entire morning slips by without reading, writing, or working. When it comes to fashion, they generally mimic Europeans, although they rarely wear stockings and often have bare arms. In the afternoons, they ride in style on the Prado, and in the evenings, they join their husbands. They drink hot chocolate early in the morning, have breakfast at eleven, and dinner and supper are combined into one meal.
Mothers provide for the marriage of their daughters; and I was told that such a thing as a gentleman proposing to any one but the mother, or a young lady engaging herself, is unknown and unheard of. The negotiation is all carried forward by the mother, and the daughter is given to any suitor she may deem a desirable match. The young ladies are said to be equally disinclined to a choice themselves, [477]and if proposals were made to them, the suitor would be at once referred to the mother. Among the lower orders it is no uncommon thing for the parties to be living without the ceremony of marriage, until they have a family and no odium whatever is attached to such a connexion. They are looked upon as man and wife, though they do not live together; and they rarely fail to solemnize their union when they have accumulated sufficient property to procure the requisite articles for housekeeping.
Mothers handle their daughters' marriages; I was told that it's unheard of for a gentleman to propose directly to anyone other than the mother, or for a young lady to engage herself. The mother takes charge of all negotiations, and the daughter is given to any suitor she finds acceptable. Young women are said to generally avoid making choices themselves, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] and if suitors approach them, they will immediately refer them to their mothers. Among lower-income groups, it's common for couples to live together without being officially married until they have children, and there's no stigma attached to such arrangements. They are considered as good as married, even if they don't cohabit, and they usually formalize their union once they have enough resources to buy what they need for a home.
The Luneta.Three nights in each week they have music in the plaza, in front of the governor’s palace, by the bands of four different regiments, who collect there after the evening parade. Most of the better class resort here, for the pleasure of enjoying it. We went thither to see the people as well as to hear the music. This is the great resort of the haut ton, who usually have their carriages in waiting, and promenade in groups backwards and forwards during the time the music is playing. This is by far the best opportunity that one can have for viewing the society of Manila, which seems as easy and unrestrained as the peculiar gravity and ceremonious mode of intercourse among the old Spaniards can admit. Before the present governor took office, it had been the custom to allow the bands to play on the Prado every fine evening, when all the inhabitants could enjoy it until a late hour; but he has interdicted this practice, and of course given much dissatisfaction; he is said to have done this in a fit of ill temper, and although importuned to restore this amusement to the common people, he pertinaciously refuses.
Rizal Park.Three nights a week, they have music in the plaza in front of the governor’s palace, performed by bands from four different regiments that gather there after the evening parade. Most of the upper-class people come here to enjoy it. We went there to see the crowd as well as to listen to the music. This is the main hangout for the haut ton, who usually have their carriages waiting and stroll back and forth in groups while the music plays. It's by far the best chance to observe the society of Manila, which seems as relaxed and informal as the unique seriousness and formal social interactions among the old Spaniards allow. Before the current governor took office, it was customary for the bands to play in the Prado every nice evening, so everyone could enjoy it late into the night; however, he has banned this practice, causing much dissatisfaction. He is said to have done this out of anger, and even though people have urged him to bring this entertainment back for the common folks, he stubbornly refuses.
The bands of the regiments are under the direction of Frenchmen and Spaniards: the musicians are all natives, and play with a correct ear.
The regimental bands are led by French and Spanish conductors: the musicians are all locals and play with great skill.
Our afternoons were spent in drives on the Prado, where all the fashion and rank of Manila are to be met, and where it is exceedingly agreeable to partake of the fresh and pure air after a heated day in the city. The extreme end of the Prado lies along the shore of the bay of Manila, having the roadstead and ships on one side, and the city proper with its fortifications and moats on the other. This drive usually lasts for an hour, and all sorts of vehicles are shown off, from the governor’s coach and six, surrounded by his lancers, to the sorry chaise and limping nag. The carriage most used is a four-wheeled biloche, with a gig top, quite low, and drawn by two horses, on one of which is a postilion; these vehicles are exceedingly comfortable for two persons. The horses are small, but spirited, and are said to be able to undergo great fatigue, although their appearance does not promise it. This drive is enlivened by the music of the different regiments, who are at this time to be seen manoeuvering on the Prado. The soldiers have a very neat and clean appearance; great attention is paid to them, and the whole are well appointed. The force stationed in Manila is six thousand, and the army in the Philippines amounts to twenty thousand men. The officers are all Spaniards, generally the relations and friends of those in the administration of the government. The pay of the soldiers is four dollars a month, and a ration, which is equal to six cents a day. As troops I was told, they acquitted themselves well. The Prado is laid out [478]in many avenues, leading in various directions to the suburbs, and these are planted with wild almond trees, which afford a pleasant shade. It is well kept, and creditable to the city.
Our afternoons were spent driving on the Prado, where all the fashionable and elite people of Manila gather, making it really nice to enjoy the fresh, clean air after a hot day in the city. The far end of the Prado runs along the shores of Manila Bay, with the harbor and ships on one side and the city with its fortifications and moats on the other. This drive usually takes an hour, and all kinds of vehicles are on display, from the governor's coach with six horses, surrounded by his lancers, to the shabby cart and limping horse. The most common carriage is a four-wheeled biloche, with a low gig top, pulled by two horses, one of which has a postilion; these vehicles are very comfortable for two people. The horses are small but lively, and they are said to endure great fatigue, even though they don't look it. This drive is made more lively by the music from the different regiments, who can be seen practicing on the Prado at this time. The soldiers look very clean and neat; they are well taken care of and well-equipped. The military presence in Manila consists of six thousand troops, with a total of twenty thousand across the Philippines. All the officers are Spanish, mostly relatives and friends of those in government. Soldiers are paid four dollars a month and receive rations, which amount to six cents a day. I was told that they perform well as troops. The Prado is arranged in many paths that lead in different directions to the suburbs, lined with wild almond trees that provide pleasant shade. It is well-maintained and a credit to the city.
In passing the crowds of carriages very little display of female beauty is observed, and although well-dressed above, one cannot but revert to their wearing no stockings beneath.
In passing the crowds of carriages, there's not much display of female beauty, and even though they are well-dressed on top, it's hard not to notice that they're not wearing any stockings below.
On the Prado is a small theatre, but so inferior that the building scarce deserves the name: the acting was equally bad. This amusement meets with little encouragement in Manila and, I was told, was discountenanced by the Governor.
On the Prado is a small theater, but so poor that the building hardly deserves the name: the acting was just as bad. This form of entertainment gets little support in Manila and, I was told, was discouraged by the Governor.
A tertulia.I had the pleasure during our stay of attending a tertulia in the city. The company was not a large one, comprising some thirty or forty ladies and about sixty gentlemen. It resembled those of the mother country. Dancing was introduced at an early hour, and continued till a few minutes before eleven o’clock, at which time the gates of the city are always shut. It was amusing to see the sudden breaking up of the party, most of the guests residing out of the city. The calling for carriages, shawls, hats, etc., produced for a few minutes great confusion, every one being desirous of getting off at the earliest moment possible, for fear of being too late. This regulation, by which the gates are closed at so early an hour, does not appear necessary, and only serves to interrupt the communication between the foreign and Spanish society as the former is obliged, as before observed, to live outside of the city proper. This want of free intercourse is to be regretted, as it prevents that kind of friendship by which many of their jealousies and prejudices might be removed.
A gathering.I had the pleasure of attending a tertulia during our stay in the city. The gathering wasn’t large, consisting of about thirty or forty ladies and around sixty gentlemen. It felt similar to those in the home country. Dancing started early and went on until just a few minutes before eleven o’clock, when the city gates are always closed. It was amusing to witness the sudden departure of the party, as most guests lived outside the city. The call for carriages, shawls, hats, and so on created a brief moment of chaos, with everyone eager to leave as quickly as possible to avoid being late. This rule of closing the gates so early seems unnecessary and only disrupts the interaction between foreign and Spanish society, as the former is required to live outside the city itself. This lack of free interaction is unfortunate, as it prevents the kind of friendships that could help lessen many of their jealousies and prejudices.
The society at this tertulia was easy, and so far as the enjoyment of dancing went, pleasant; but there was no conversation. The refreshments consisted of a few dulces, lemonade, and strong drinks in an anteroom. The house appeared very spacious and well adapted for entertainments, but only one of the rooms was well lighted. From the novelty of the scene, and the attentions of the gentleman of the house, we passed a pleasant evening.
The atmosphere at this gathering was relaxed and, as far as dancing went, enjoyable; but there wasn't much conversation. The snacks included some sweets, lemonade, and strong drinks in an adjoining room. The place seemed really spacious and well-suited for hosting events, but only one of the rooms was well lit. Thanks to the novelty of the setting and the hospitality of the host, we had a nice evening.
The natives and mestizos attracted much of my attention at Manila. Their dress is peculiar: over a pair of striped trousers of various colors, the men usually wear a fine grass-cloth shirt, a large straw hat, and around the head or neck a many colored silk handkerchief. They often wear slippers as well as shoes. The Chinese dress, as they have done for centuries, in loose white shirts and trousers. One peculiarity of the common men is their passion for cock-fighting; and they carry these fowls wherever they go, after a peculiar fashion under their arm.
The locals and mestizos really caught my attention in Manila. Their clothing is unique: the men typically wear a fine grass-cloth shirt over a pair of colorful striped pants, a large straw hat, and around their head or neck, a colorful silk handkerchief. They often wear slippers along with shoes. The Chinese continue to dress, as they have for centuries, in loose white shirts and pants. One interesting thing about the common folks is their love for cockfighting; they carry these roosters under their arm in a distinctive way wherever they go.
Cock-figghting.Cock-fighting is licensed by the government, and great care is taken in the breeding of game fowls, which are very large and heavy birds. They are armed with a curved double-edged gaff. The exhibitions are usually crowded with half-breeds or mestizos, who are generally more addicted to gambling than either the higher or lower classes of Spaniards. It would not be an unapt designation to call the middling class cock-fighters, for their whole lives seem to be taken up with the breeding and fighting of these birds. On the exit from a cockpit, I was much amused with the mode of giving the return check, which was done by a stamp on the naked arm, and [479]precludes the possibility of its transfer to another person. The dress of the lower order of females is somewhat civilized, yet it bore so strong a resemblance to that of the Polynesians as to recall the latter to our recollection. A long piece of colored cotton is wound round the body, like the pareu, and tucked in at the side: this covers the nether limbs; and a jacket fitting close to the body is worn, without a shirt. In some, this jacket is ornamented with work around the neck; it has no collar, and in many cases no sleeves, and over this a richly embroidered cape. The feet are covered with slippers, with wooden soles, which are kept on by the little toe, only four toes entering the slipper, and the little one being on the outside. The effect of both costumes is picturesque.
Cockfighting.Cock-fighting is officially allowed by the government, and a lot of care goes into breeding game fowls, which are large and heavy birds. They have a curved double-edged gaff attached. The events are usually packed with mestizos, who tend to be more into gambling than either the wealthy or poor Spaniards. It wouldn’t be incorrect to call the middle class cock-fighters, as their lives seem entirely focused on breeding and fighting these birds. After leaving a cockfighting event, I found the way they gave back the admission stamp amusing; they marked it on the bare arm, which [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]ensures it can’t be given to someone else. The clothing of lower-class women is somewhat modernized, yet it strongly resembles that of Polynesians, reminding us of the latter. They wrap a long piece of colorful cotton around their bodies, like a pareu, tucking it at the side to cover the lower legs, and wear a fitted jacket without a shirt. Some jackets have decorative work around the neck, typically lack collars and sleeves, and are worn with an elaborately embroidered cape. Their feet are in slippers with wooden soles, held on by the little toe, allowing only four toes to fit inside, with the little toe hanging outside. Both outfits look quite striking.
Ducks.The market is a never failing place of amusement to a foreigner, for there a crowd of the common people is always to be seen, and their mode of conducting business may be observed. The canals here afford great facilities for bringing vegetables and produce to market in a fresh state. The vegetables are chiefly brought from the shores of the Laguna de Bay, through the river Pasig. The meat appeared inferior, and as in all Spanish places the art of butchering is not understood. The poultry, however, surpasses that of any other place I have seen, particularly in ducks, the breeding of which is pursued to a great extent. Establishments for breeding these birds are here carried on in a systematic manner, and are a great curiosity. They consist of many small enclosures, each about twenty feet by forty or fifty, made of bamboo, which are placed on the bank of the river, and partly covered with water. In one corner of the enclosure is a small house, where the eggs are hatched by artificial heat, produced by rice-chaff in a state of of fermentation. It is not uncommon to see six or eight hundred ducklings all of the same age. There are several hundreds of these enclosures, and the number of ducks of all ages may be computed at millions. The manner in which they are schooled to take exercise, and to go in and out of the water, and to return to their house, almost exceeds belief. The keepers or tenders are of the Tagalog tribe, who live near the enclosures, and have them at all times under their eye. The old birds are not suffered to approach the young, and all of one age are kept together. They are fed upon rice and a small species of shell-fish that is found in the river and is peculiar to it. From the extent of these establishments we inferred that ducks were the favorite article of food at Manila, and the consumption of them must be immense. The markets are well supplied with chickens, pigeons, young partridges, which are brought in alive, and turkeys. Among strange articles that we saw for sale, were cakes of coagulated blood. The markets are well stocked with a variety of fish, taken both in the Laguna and bay of Manila, affording a supply of both the fresh and salt water species, and many smaller kinds that are dried and smoked. Vegetables are in great plenty, and consist of pumpkins, lettuce, onions, radishes, very long squashes, etc.; of fruits, they have melons, chicos, durians, marbolas, and oranges.
Ducks.The market is always an entertaining place for a foreigner because it's filled with everyday people, and you can watch how they do business. The canals here make it easy to bring fresh vegetables and produce to market. Most of the veggies come from the shores of Laguna de Bay through the Pasig River. The meat didn’t look great, and like in many Spanish places, butchering isn't done well. However, the poultry is better than anywhere else I’ve seen, especially the ducks, which are bred extensively. There are organized breeding farms for these birds, and they're quite fascinating. These farms consist of many small enclosures, each about twenty by forty or fifty feet, made of bamboo, placed along the riverbank and partially in the water. In one corner of each enclosure, there's a small house where eggs are incubated using artificial heat generated from fermenting rice chaff. It’s not unusual to see six to eight hundred ducklings all hatched at the same time. There are several hundred of these enclosures, and the total number of ducks of all ages could be in the millions. The way they are trained to exercise, enter and exit the water, and return to their house is almost unbelievable. The caretakers are from the Tagalog tribe, living nearby, and always watch over them. Adult ducks are kept away from the young ones, and all ducks of the same age are housed together. They’re fed rice and a small type of shellfish unique to the river. The size of these farms suggests that ducks are a favorite food in Manila, and their consumption must be huge. The markets are well-stocked with chickens, pigeons, young partridges, brought in alive, and turkeys. Among the unusual items for sale were cakes made of coagulated blood. The markets also offer a variety of fish caught in both Laguna and Manila Bay, providing fresh and saltwater species, along with smaller fish that are dried and smoked. Vegetables are plentiful, including pumpkins, lettuce, onions, radishes, and very long squashes; fruits include melons, chicos, durians, marbolas, and oranges.
Fish.Fish are caught in weirs, by the hook, or in seines. The former are constructed of bamboo stakes, in the shallow water of the lake, at the point where it flows through the Pasig river. In the bay, [480]and at the mouth of the river, the fish are taken in nets, suspended by the four corners from hoops attached to a crane, by which they are lowered into the water. The fishing-boats are little better than rafts, and are called sarabaos.
Fish. Fish are caught using weirs, hooks, or seines. The weirs are made from bamboo stakes placed in the shallow water of the lake, where it flows into the Pasig River. In the bay, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] and at the river's mouth, fish are caught in nets, which are held up by hoops from a crane that lowers them into the water. The fishing boats are barely more than rafts and are called sarabaos.
The usual passage-boat is termed banca, and is made of a single trunk. These are very much used by the inhabitants. They have a sort of awning to protect the passenger from the rays of the sun; and being light are easily rowed about, although they are exceedingly uncomfortable to sit in, from the lowness of the seats, and liable to overset, if the weight is not placed near the bottom. The outrigger was very often dispensed with, owing to the impediment it offered to the navigation of their canals; these canals offer great facilities for the transportation of burdens; the banks of almost all of them are faced with granite. Where the streets cross them, there are substantial stone bridges, which are generally of no more than one arch, so as not to impede the navigation. The barges used for the transportation of produce resemble our canal-boats, and have sliding roofs to protect them from the rain.
The common boat used for transport is called a banca and is made from a single trunk. Inhabitants use them a lot. They have a type of awning to shield passengers from the sun, and since they're lightweight, they're easy to row around, although they can be extremely uncomfortable because the seats are low, and they can tip over if the weight isn’t distributed near the bottom. The outrigger is often removed because it makes navigating the canals challenging; these canals are very useful for transporting goods, with most banks lined with granite. Where the streets cross the canals, there are sturdy stone bridges, usually just a single arch, so boats can pass easily. The barges used for transporting goods are similar to our canal boats and have sliding roofs to keep the rain out.
Water, for the supply of vessels, is brought off in large earthen jars. It is obtained from the river, and if care is not taken, the water will be impure; it ought to be filled beyond the city. Our supply was obtained five or six miles up the river, by a lighter, in which were placed a number of water-casks. It proved excellent.
Water for the ships is brought in large clay jars. It's sourced from the river, and if you’re not careful, the water could get contaminated; it should be collected outside the city limits. We got our supply five or six miles upstream in a barge that carried several water casks. It turned out to be excellent.
The trade of Manila extends to all parts of the world.
The trade from Manila reaches every corner of the globe.
There are many facilities for the transaction of business, as far as the shipment of articles is concerned; but great difficulties attend the settling of disputed accounts, collecting debts, etc., in the way of which the laws passed in 1834 have thrown many obstacles. All commercial business of this kind goes before, first, the Junta de Comercio, and then an appeal to the Tribunal de Comercio. This appeal, however, is merely nominal; for the same judges preside in each, and they are said to be susceptible of influences that render an appeal to them by honest men at all times hazardous. The opinion of those who have had the misfortune to be obliged to recur to these tribunals is, that it is better to suffer wrong than encounter both the expense and vexation of a resort to them for justice. In the first of these courts the decision is long delayed, fees exacted, and other expenses incurred; and when judgment is at length given, it excites one party or the other to appeal: other expenses accrue in consequence, and the advocates and judges grow rich while both the litigants suffer. I understood that these tribunals were intended to simplify business, lessen the time of suits, and promote justice; but these results have not been obtained, and many believe that they have had the contrary effect, and have opened the road to further abuses.
There are many facilities for doing business, especially concerning the shipment of goods, but settling disputed accounts and collecting debts is really challenging due to the numerous obstacles created by laws passed in 1834. All commercial disputes go first before the Commerce Board, and then there’s an appeal to the Commercial Court. However, this appeal is mostly just a formality because the same judges oversee both, and it is said that they can be influenced, making it risky for honest people to appeal to them for justice. Those who have unfortunately had to go to these courts generally believe it’s better to endure misconduct than to deal with the costs and hassle of seeking justice there. In the first court, decisions take a long time, fees are charged, and other costs pile up. By the time a judgment is finally reached, it often leads one party to appeal, resulting in even more expenses, while the lawyers and judges get wealthy as both litigants suffer. I understood that these courts were meant to simplify business, reduce the time it takes to settle disputes, and promote justice, but those goals have not been achieved. Many think that they have instead made things worse and opened the door to more abuses.
Environs.The country around Manila, though no more than an extended plain for some miles, is one of great interest and beauty, and affords many agreeable rides on the roads to Santa Ana and Mariquina. Most of the country-seats are situated on the Pasig river; they may indeed be called palaces, from their extent and appearance. They are built upon a grand scale, and after the Italian style, with terraces, supported by strong abutments, decked with vases of plants. [481]The grounds are ornamented with the luxuriant, lofty, and graceful trees of the tropics; these are tolerably well kept. Here and there fine large stone churches, with their towers and steeples, are to be seen, the whole giving the impression of a wealthy nobility, and a happy and flourishing peasantry.
Surroundings.The area around Manila, although just a flat plain for several miles, is very interesting and beautiful, offering pleasant rides on the roads to Santa Ana and Mariquina. Most of the country homes are located along the Pasig River; they can truly be described as palaces because of their size and appearance. They're designed on a large scale, inspired by the Italian style, with terraces held up by strong supports and adorned with planters filled with plants. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The grounds are decorated with the lush, tall, and elegant trees typical of the tropics; they're fairly well maintained. Here and there, you can see large stone churches, complete with their towers and steeples, creating an overall impression of wealthy nobility and a happy, thriving peasantry.
The cemetery.In one of our rides we made a visit to the Campo Santo or cemetery, about four miles from Manila. It is small, but has many handsome trees about it; among them was an Agati, full of large white flowers, showing most conspicuously. The whole place is as unlike a depository of the dead as it well can be. Its form is circular, having a small chapel, in the form of a rotunda, directly opposite the gate, or entrance. The walls are about twenty feet high, with three tiers of niches, in which the bodies are enclosed with quicklime. Here they are allowed to remain for three years, or until such time as the niches may be required for further use. Niches may be purchased, however, and permanently closed up; but in the whole cemetery there were but five thus secured. This would seem to indicate an indifference on the part of the living, for their departed relatives or friends; at least such was my impression at the time. The center of the enclosure is laid out as a flower-garden and shrubbery, and all the buildings are washed a deep buff-color, with white cornices; these colors, when contrasted with the green foliage, give an effect that is not unpleasing. In the chapel are two tombs, the one for the bishop, and the other for the governor. The former, I believe, is occupied, and will continue to be so, until another shall follow him; but the latter is empty, for, since the erection of the cemetery, none of the governors have died. In the rear of the chapel is another small cemetery, called Los Angeles; and, further behind, the Osero. The former is similar to the one in front, but smaller, and appropriated exclusively to children; the latter is an open space, where the bones of all those who have been removed from the niches, after three years, are east out, and now lie in a confused heap, with portions of flesh and hair adhering to them. No person is allowed to be received here for interment, until the fees are first paid to the priest, however respectable the parties may be; and all those who pay the fees, and are of the true faith, can be interred. I was told of a corpse of a very respectable person being refused admittance, for the want of the priest’s pass, to show that the claim had been satisfied, and the coffin stopped in the road until it was obtained. We ourselves witnessed a similar refusal. A servant entered with a dead child; borne on a tray, which he presented to the sacristan to have interred, the latter asked him for the pass, which not being produced, he was dismissed, nor was he suffered to leave his burden until this requisite could be procured from the priest, who lived opposite. The price of interment was three dollars, but whether this included the purchase of the niche, or its rent for the three years only, I did not learn.
The graveyard.During one of our trips, we visited the Campo Santo, or cemetery, about four miles from Manila. It's small but has many beautiful trees around it, including a big Agati tree full of large white flowers that really stand out. The whole place feels nothing like a burial ground. It's circular in shape, with a small chapel in the form of a rotunda directly across from the entrance. The walls are about twenty feet high, featuring three tiers of niches where bodies are placed with quicklime. They stay there for three years or until the niches are needed again. However, niches can be bought and closed permanently; still, there were only five like that in the entire cemetery. This seemed to suggest that the living are indifferent to their deceased relatives or friends; at least, that was my impression at the time. The center of the area is designed as a flower garden and has shrubs, while all the buildings are painted a deep buff color with white cornices; this contrast with the green foliage creates a pleasing effect. Inside the chapel are two tombs, one for the bishop and the other for the governor. The bishop's tomb is occupied and will remain so until another follows him; the governor's tomb is empty, as none of the governors have died since the cemetery was built. Behind the chapel is another small cemetery called Los Angeles, and further back is the Osero. The former is similar to the one in front but smaller, dedicated exclusively to children; the latter is an open area where the bones of those removed from the niches after three years are tossed out and now lie in a disorganized heap, with bits of flesh and hair still attached. No one is allowed to be buried here without first paying the fees to the priest, no matter how esteemed they may be; only those who pay the fees and are of the true faith can be interred. I heard about a very respectable person being denied burial because they didn’t have the priest’s pass confirming that the payment had been made, and the coffin was held up in the road until it was obtained. We witnessed a similar refusal ourselves. A servant came in carrying a dead child on a tray, which he offered to the sacristan for burial, but when he was asked for the pass and couldn’t produce it, he was turned away, not allowed to leave his burden until he got the necessary pass from the priest who lived across the street. The burial fee was three dollars, but I didn’t find out if that included the niche purchase or just the rental for three years.
The churches of Manila can boast of several fine-toned bells, which are placed in large belfries or towers. There was one of these towers near the Messrs. Sturges’, where we stayed; and the manner in which the bell was used, when swung around by the force [482]of two or three men, attracted our attention; for the ringers occasionally practised feats of agility by passing over with the bell, and landing on the coping on the opposite side. The tower being open, we could see the manoeuver from the windows, and, as strangers, went there to look on. One day, whilst at dinner, they began to ring, and as many of the officers had not witnessed the fact, they sought the windows. This excited the vanity of those in the belfry, who redoubled their exertions, and performed the feat successfully many times, although in some instances they narrowly escaped accident, by landing just within the outside coping. This brought us all to the window, and the next turn, more force having been given to the bell, the individual who attempted the feat was thrown headlong beyond the tower, and dashed to pieces on the pavement beneath. Although shocked at the accident, I felt still more so when, after a few minutes, the bell was again heard making its usual sound, as if nothing had occurred to interrupt the course of its hourly peals.
The churches in Manila have some beautifully tuned bells, which are situated in large bell towers. There was one of these towers near the Sturges’ place where we stayed, and the way the bell was rung by a couple of guys swinging it around caught our attention. The bell ringers would sometimes show off their agility by swinging over with the bell and landing on the ledge on the other side. Since the tower was open, we could see their tricks from the windows, and as newcomers, we went to watch. One day, while we were having dinner, they started ringing the bell, and many of the officers hadn’t seen it before, so they rushed to the windows. This boosted the confidence of the guys in the belfry, who increased their efforts and successfully pulled off the trick multiple times, although sometimes they barely avoided accidents by landing right on the edge of the ledge. This drew us all to the window, and on the next try, with more force applied to the bell, one of the guys attempting the stunt was catapulted out of the tower and fell to the ground below. Although I was shocked by the accident, I was even more unsettled when, just a few minutes later, the bell was ringing again as if nothing had happened to interrupt its usual hourly chimes.
Monasteries.In company with Dr. Tolben, I visited one of the convents where he attended on some of the monks who were sick; he seemed well acquainted with them all. I was much struck with the extent of the building, which was four stories high, with spacious corridors and galleries, the walls of which were furnished with pictures representing the martyrdom of the Dominican friars in Japan. These were about seventy in number, in the Chinese style of art, and evidently painted by some one of that nation, calling himself an artist. From appearances, however, I should think they were composed by the priests, who have not a little taxed their invention to find out the different modes in which a man can be put to death. Many evidently, if not all, had been invented for the pictures. So perplexed had they apparently been, that in one of the last it was observed that the executioner held his victim at arms’ length by the heels, and was about to let him drop headforemost into a well. From the galleries we passed into the library, and thence into many of the rooms, and finally we mounted to the top of the monastery, which affords a beautiful view of the bay, city, and suburbs. There I was presented to three of the friars, who were pleasant and jolly-looking men. Upon the roof was a kind of observatory, or look-out, simply furnished with billiard-tables and shuffleboards, while the implements for various other games lay about on small tables, with telescopes on stands, and comfortable arm-chairs. It was a place where the friars put aside their religious and austere character or appearance, and sought amusement. It was a delightful spot, so far as coolness and the freshness of the sea air were concerned, and its aspect gave me an insight behind the curtain of these establishments that very soon disclosed many things I was ignorant of before. All the friars were of a rotund form, and many of them bore the marks of good living in their full, red, and bloated faces. It seems to be generally understood at Manila, that they live upon the fat of the land. We visited several of the rooms, and were warmly greeted by the padres, one of whom presented me with a meteorological table for the previous year.
Monasteries. Accompanied by Dr. Tolben, I visited a convent where he cared for some sick monks; he seemed to know them all well. I was really impressed by the size of the building, which had four stories, spacious hallways, and galleries adorned with paintings depicting the martyrdom of Dominican friars in Japan. There were about seventy of these paintings, done in a Chinese art style, clearly created by someone from that culture who called himself an artist. However, from what I could see, I would think they were produced by the priests, who must have really stretched their imaginations to come up with the various ways a person could be executed. Many of these methods were clearly made up just for the artwork. They seemed so confused that in one of the last paintings, the executioner was shown holding his victim by the heels at arm's length, ready to drop him headfirst into a well. After leaving the galleries, we went into the library and toured several of the rooms, eventually climbing to the top of the monastery, which offered a stunning view of the bay, city, and surrounding area. There, I met three of the friars, who looked cheerful and jolly. On the roof was a sort of observatory, simply furnished with billiard tables and shuffleboards, while different game supplies sat on small tables alongside telescopes and comfortable armchairs. It was a spot where the friars could set aside their religious and serious appearances and enjoy some fun. It was a lovely place, especially because of the coolness and freshness of the sea air, and it gave me a glimpse behind the scenes of these establishments that revealed many things I hadn’t known before. All the friars were quite plump, and many showed signs of good living with their full, red, and bloated faces. It seems to be commonly understood in Manila that they live quite indulgently. We explored several rooms, and were warmly welcomed by the padres, one of whom gave me a weather table from the previous year.
[483]The revenues of all these religious establishments are considerable; the one I visited belonged to the Dominicans, and was very rich. Their revenues are principally derived from lands owned by them, and the tithes from the different districts which they have under their charge, to which are added many alms and gifts. On inquiry, I found their general character was by no means thought well of, and they had of late years lost much of the influence that they possessed before the revolution in the mother country.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The income of all these religious institutions is significant; the one I visited belonged to the Dominicans and was quite wealthy. Their income mainly comes from the land they own and the tithes from various areas they oversee, along with numerous donations and gifts. Upon asking around, I discovered that their overall reputation wasn't very good, and they had recently lost a lot of the influence they once had before the revolution in their home country.
Among the inhabitants we saw here, was a native boy of the Igorots, or mountain tribe. He is said to be a true Negrito. (Another confusion of facts.—C.)
Among the people we saw here was a native boy from the Igorots, or mountain tribe. He's said to be a true Negrito. (Another confusion of facts.—C.)
Mountaineers.The Spaniards, as has been stated, have never been able to subdue this tribe, who are said to be still as wild as on their first landing; they are confined almost altogether to the plains within or near the mountains, and from time to time make inroads in great force on the outer settlements, carrying off as much plunder as possible. The burden of this often causes them to be overtaken by the troops. When overtaken, they fight desperately, and were it not for the fire-arms of their adversaries, would give them much trouble. Few are captured on such occasions, and it is exceedingly difficult to take them alive, unless when very young. These mountains furnish them with an iron ore almost pure, in manufacturing which they show much ingenuity. Some of their weapons were presented to the Expedition by Josiah Moore, Esq. These are probably imitations of the early Spanish weapons used against them. From all accounts, the natives are of Malay origin, and allied to those of the other islands of the extensive archipelago of the Eastern Seas; but the population of the towns and cities of the island are so mixed, from the constant intercourse with Chinese, Europeans, and others, that there is no pure blood among them. When at Manila, we obtained a grammar of the Tagalog language, which is said to be now rarely heard, and to have become nearly obsolete. This grammar is believed to be the only one extant, and was procured from a padre, who presented it to the Expedition. (Tagalog is here mistaken for a mountaineer’s dialect.—C.)
Climbers.The Spaniards, as mentioned, have never been able to conquer this tribe, who are said to be just as wild as when they first arrived. They mostly stay in the plains within or near the mountains and occasionally raid outer settlements with great force, taking as much loot as they can carry. This often leads to them being caught by the troops. When caught, they fight fiercely, and if it weren't for the firearms of their opponents, they would cause a lot of trouble. Few are captured during these encounters, and it's extremely difficult to take them alive unless they are very young. These mountains provide them with almost pure iron ore, and they show a lot of skill in its manufacturing. Some of their weapons were given to the Expedition by Josiah Moore, Esq. These are likely imitations of the early Spanish weapons used against them. According to reports, the natives are of Malay descent and are related to people from the other islands in the vast archipelago of the Eastern Seas; however, the populations in the towns and cities on the island are so mixed, due to constant interactions with Chinese, Europeans, and others, that there is no pure blood among them. While in Manila, we managed to get a grammar of the Tagalog language, which is now said to be rarely spoken and nearly obsolete. This grammar is believed to be the only one still in existence and was acquired from a padre, who gifted it to the Expedition. (Tagalog is here mistaken for a mountaineer’s dialect.—C.)
The Pampangans are considered the finest tribe of natives; they are excessively fond of horse-racing, and bet very considerable sums upon it; they have the reputation of being an industrious and energetic set of men.
The Pampangans are regarded as the best tribe of natives; they are very passionate about horse racing and often bet significant amounts on it; they are known for being hardworking and energetic people.
Revenue.The mode of raising revenue by a poll-tax causes great discontent among all classes, for although light, it is, as it always has been elsewhere, unpopular. All the Chinese pay a capitation tax of four dollars. The revenue from various sources is said to amount to one million six hundred thousand dollars, of which the poll-tax amounts to more than one-half, the rest being derived from the customs, tobacco, etc. There is no tax upon land. It was thought at Manila that a revenue might be derived by indirect taxation, far exceeding this sum, without being sensibly felt by the inhabitants. This mode is employed in the eastern islands under the English and Dutch rule, and it is surprising that the Spaniards also do not adopt it, or some other method to increase resources that are so much needed. Whenever the ministry in Spain had to meet a claim, [484]they were a few years ago in the habit of issuing drafts on this colonial government in payment. These came at last in such numbers, that latterly they have been compelled to suspend the payment of them.
Income.The way of collecting revenue through a poll tax creates significant dissatisfaction among all groups, as it is, despite being light, still unpopular like in many places. Every Chinese person pays a capitation tax of four dollars. The total revenue from various sources is reportedly around one million six hundred thousand dollars, with the poll tax accounting for more than half of that, and the rest coming from customs, tobacco, and other sources. There is no tax on land. It was believed in Manila that indirect taxation could generate revenue greatly exceeding this amount without noticeably impacting the residents. This approach is used in the eastern islands under English and Dutch governance, and it’s surprising that the Spaniards have not adopted it or found other ways to boost their much-needed resources. Whenever the ministry in Spain had to address a claim, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]they would issue drafts on this colonial government for payment. Eventually, these drafts became so numerous that they were forced to stop honoring them.
The revenue of the colonial government is very little more than will meet the expenses; and it is believed that, notwithstanding these unaccepted claims, it received orders to remit the surplus, if any, to Spain, regardless of honor or good faith.
The revenue of the colonial government is barely enough to cover expenses, and it’s believed that, despite these unresolved claims, it was instructed to send any surplus, if there is one, to Spain, without regard for honor or good faith.
Government.The government of the Philippines is in the hands of a governor-general, who has the titles of viceroy, commander-in-chief, sub-delegate, judge of the revenue from the post-office, commander of the troops, captain-general, and commander of the naval forces. His duties embrace every thing that relates to the security and defence of the country. As advisers, he has a council called the Audiencia.
Government.The government of the Philippines is managed by a governor-general, who holds titles like viceroy, commander-in-chief, sub-delegate, judge of postal revenue, commander of the troops, captain-general, and commander of the naval forces. His responsibilities cover everything related to the security and defense of the country. He is advised by a council known as the Audiencia.
The islands are divided into provinces, each of which has a military officer with the title of governor, appointed by the governor-general. They act as chief magistrates, have jurisdiction over all disputes of minor importance, have the command of the troops in time of war, and are collectors of the royal revenues, for the security of which they give bonds, which must be approved of by the comptroller-general of the treasury. The province of Cavite is alone exempt from this rule, and the collection of tribute is there confided to a police magistrate.
The islands are split into provinces, each of which has a military officer called a governor, appointed by the governor-general. They serve as chief magistrates, have authority over all minor disputes, lead the troops in wartime, and collect the royal revenues, for which they provide bonds that must be approved by the comptroller-general of the treasury. The province of Cavite is the only one exempt from this rule, and the collection of tribute there is entrusted to a police magistrate.
Each province is again sub-divided into pueblos, containing a greater or less number of inhabitants, each of which has again its ruler, called a gobernadorcillo, who has in like manner other officers under him to act as police magistrates. The number of the latter are very great, each of them having his appropriate duties. These consist in the supervision of the grain fields, coconut groves, betel-nut plantations, and in the preservation of the general order and peace of the town. So numerous are these petty officers, that there is scarcely a family of any consequence, that has not a member who holds some kind of office under government. This policy, in case of disturbances, at once unites a large and influential body on the side of the government, that is maintained at little expense. The gobernadorcillo exercises the municipal authority, and is especially charged to aid the parish priest in every thing appertaining to religious observances, etc.
Each province is further divided into towns, which have varying numbers of residents. Each town has its own leader, called a gobernadorcillo, who also has other officials working under him to act as local magistrates. There are many of these officials, each responsible for specific tasks. Their duties include overseeing the grain fields, coconut groves, and betel nut plantations, as well as maintaining the overall order and peace of the town. There are so many of these minor officers that it's rare for any significant family not to have a member holding some kind of government position. This strategy ensures that in times of unrest, a large and influential group backs the government, all at minimal cost. The gobernadorcillo exercises local authority and is specifically responsible for assisting the parish priest with all matters related to religious observances and more.
In the towns where the descendants of the Chinese are sufficiently numerous, they can, by permission of the governor, elect their own petty governors and officers from among themselves.
In the towns where there are enough descendants of the Chinese, they can, with the governor's permission, elect their own local leaders and officials from among themselves.
In each town there is also a headman (cabeza de barangay), who has the charge of fifty tributaries, in each of which is included as many families. This division is called a barangay. This office forms by far the most important part of the machinery of government in the Philippine Islands, for these headmen are the attorneys of these small districts, and become the electors of the gobernadorcillos, and other civil officers. Only twelve, however, of them or their substitutes, are allowed to vote in each town.
In every town, there's also a headman (cabeza de barangay) who oversees fifty tributaries, each consisting of a similar number of families. This grouping is called a barangay. This role is by far the most significant part of the government structure in the Philippine Islands, as these headmen serve as representatives for these small districts and become the voters for the gobernadorcillos and other local officials. However, only twelve of them or their substitutes are allowed to vote in each town.
The office of head-man existed before the conquest of the island, and the Spaniards showed their wisdom in continuing and adapting [485]it to their system of police. The office among the natives was hereditary, but their conquerors made it also elective, and when a vacancy now occurs through want of heirs, or resignation, it is filled up by the superintendent of the province, on the recommendation of the gobernadorcillo and the headman. This is also the case when any new office is created. The privileges of the headmen are great; themselves, their wives, and their first-born children, are exempted from paying tribute to the crown, an exoneration which is owing to their being collectors of the royal revenues. Their duties consist in maintaining good order and harmony, in dividing the labor required for the public benefit equally, adjusting differences, and receiving the taxes.
The role of head-man existed before the island was conquered, and the Spaniards wisely chose to keep and modify it to fit their policing system. Among the locals, this position was hereditary, but the conquerors made it elective as well. When there’s a vacancy due to lack of heirs or resignation, the province's superintendent fills it based on recommendations from the gobernadorcillo and the headman. This also applies when a new position is created. The privileges of the headmen are significant; they, along with their wives and first-born children, don’t have to pay tribute to the crown, which is due to their role in collecting royal revenues. Their responsibilities include keeping order and peace, distributing labor for the public good fairly, resolving disputes, and collecting taxes.
The gobernadorcillo takes cognizance of all civil cases not exceeding two taels of gold, or forty-four dollars in silver; all criminal cases must be sent to the chief of the province. The headmen formerly served for no more than three years, and if this was done faithfully, they became and were designated as principals, in virtue of which rank they received the title of Don.
The gobernadorcillo is responsible for all civil cases not exceeding two taels of gold, or forty-four dollars in silver; all criminal cases must be sent to the provincial chief. The headmen used to serve for a maximum of three years, and if they did this faithfully, they became known as principals, which earned them the title of Don.
The election takes place at the court-house of the town; the electors are the gobernadorcillo whose office is about to expire, and twelve of the oldest headmen, cabezas de barangay, collectors of tribute for the gobernadorcillo they must select, by a plurality of votes, three individuals, who must be able to speak, read, and write the Spanish language. The voting is done by ballot, in the presence of the notary (escribano), and the chief of the province, who presides. The curate may be present, to look after the interest of the church but for no other purpose. After the votes are taken, they are sealed and transmitted to the governor-general, who selects one of the three candidates, and issues a commission. In the more distant provinces, the chief of the district has the authority to select the gobernadorcillo, and fill up the commission, a blank form of which, signed by the governor-general, is left with him for that purpose.
The election happens at the town's courthouse; the voters include the gobernadorcillo whose term is ending and twelve of the oldest headmen, cabezas de barangay, who are tribute collectors for the gobernadorcillo they need to elect. They select three candidates, by majority vote, who must be able to speak, read, and write in Spanish. Voting is done by ballot, and it's overseen by the notary (escribano) and the provincial chief, who presides over the process. The curate can be there to represent the church's interests but for no other reason. After the votes are cast, they're sealed and sent to the governor-general, who chooses one of the three candidates and issues a commission. In more remote provinces, the district chief has the power to select the gobernadorcillo and complete the commission, for which a signed blank form from the governor-general is provided.
The headmen may be elected petty governors, and still retain their office, and collect the tribute or taxes; for it is not considered just, that the important office of chief of Barangay should deprive the holder of the honor of being elected gobernadorcillo.
The headmen can be elected as petty governors and still keep their position and collect the tribute or taxes; it’s not seen as fair that the significant role of chief of Barangay should take away the honor of being elected gobernadorcillo.
The greater part of the Chinese reside in the province of Tondo, but the tribute is there collected by the alcalde mayor, with an assistant taken from among the officers of the royal treasury.
The majority of the Chinese live in the province of Tondo, but the tribute is collected there by the mayor, with an assistant chosen from the officers of the royal treasury.
The poll-tax on the Chinese amounts to four dollars a head; it was formerly one-half more. Tax-lists of the Chinese are kept, in which they are registered and classified; and opposite the name is the amount at which the individual is assessed.
The poll tax on the Chinese is four dollars per person; it used to be one and a half times that. Tax records for the Chinese are maintained, where they are registered and categorized; next to each name is the amount that person is taxed.
The Spanish government seems particularly desirous of giving consequence even to its lowest offices; and in order to secure it to them, it is directed that the chiefs of provinces, shall treat the gobernadorcillos with respect, offering them seats when they enter their houses or other places, and not allowing them to remain standing; furthermore, the parish curates are required to treat them with equal respect. So far as concerns the provinces, the government may be called, notwithstanding the officers, courts, [486]etc., monastic. The priests rule, and frequently administer punishment, with their own hands, to either sex, of which an instance will be cited hereafter.
The Spanish government seems especially eager to give importance even to its lowest officials. To ensure this, it is mandated that provincial leaders treat the gobernadorcillos with respect, offering them seats when they enter their homes or other locations, and not allowing them to remain standing. Furthermore, parish priests are also required to show them the same respect. As for the provinces, the government can be referred to, despite the officers, courts, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]etc., as monastic. The priests hold power and often administer punishment themselves, to both men and women, with an example to be mentioned later.
A country excursion.As soon as we could procure the necessary passports, which were obligingly furnished by the governor to “Don Russel Sturges y quatro Anglo Americanos,” our party left Manila for a short jaunt to the mountains. It was considered as a mark of great favor on the part of his excellency to grant this indulgence, particularly as he had a few months prior denied it to a party of French officers. I was told that he preferred to make it a domestic concern, by issuing the passport in the name of a resident, in order that compliance in this case might not give umbrage to the French. It was generally believed that the cause of the refusal in the former instance was the imprudent manner in which the French officers went about taking plans and sketches, at the corners of streets, etc., which in the minds of an unenlightened and ignorant colonial government, of course excited suspicion. Nothing can be so ridiculous as this system of passports; for if one was so disposed, a plan, and the most minute information of every thing that concerns the defences of places, can always be obtained at little cost now-a-days; for such is the skill of engineers, that a plan is easily made of places, merely by a sight of them. We were not, however, disposed to question the propriety of the governor’s conduct in the former case, and I left abundantly obliged to him for a permission that would add to our stock of information.
A trip to the countryside.As soon as we could get the required passports, which the governor kindly provided for “Don Russel Sturges and four Anglo Americans,” our group left Manila for a short trip to the mountains. It was seen as a significant favor from his excellency to grant this permission, especially since he had denied it to a group of French officers just a few months earlier. I heard that he preferred to handle it as a local matter by issuing the passport in the name of a resident, so that granting this request wouldn’t offend the French. It was widely believed that the refusal in the earlier case stemmed from the reckless way the French officers went about taking plans and sketches at street corners, which, in the eyes of a naive colonial government, naturally raised suspicion. The whole passport system is quite absurd; if one wanted to, detailed plans and information about the defenses of various places can easily be obtained today at little expense. Modern engineers can create plans of locations just by looking at them. However, we didn’t feel inclined to question the governor’s decision in the previous case, and I left very grateful to him for the permission that would enhance our knowledge.
It was deemed at first impossible for the party to divide, as they had but one passport, and some difficulties were anticipated from the number being double that stated in the passport. The party consisted of Messrs. Sturges, Pickering, Eld, Rich, Dana, and Brackenridge. Mr. Sturges, however, saw no difficulty in dividing the party after they had passed beyond the precincts of the city, taking the precaution, at the same time, not to appear together beyond the number designated on the paper.
It was initially considered impossible for the group to split up since they had only one passport, and they expected some complications because their numbers were twice what the passport allowed. The group included Messrs. Sturges, Pickering, Eld, Rich, Dana, and Brackenridge. However, Mr. Sturges believed they could separate after leaving the city limits, taking care not to seem to be traveling together with more people than allowed by the document.
On the 14th, they left Manila, and proceeded in carriages to Santa Ana, on the Pasig, in order to avoid the delay that would ensue if they followed the windings of the river in a banca, and against the current.
On the 14th, they left Manila and traveled by carriage to Santa Ana on the Pasig to avoid the delays that would come from taking a boat along the winding river and going against the current.
At Santa Ana they found their bancas waiting for them, and embarked. Here the scene was rendered animated by numerous boats of all descriptions, from the parao to the small canoe of a single log.
At Santa Ana, they found their boats waiting for them and boarded. The scene was lively with many types of boats, from the parao to small canoes made from a single log.
There is a large population that live wholly on the water: for the padrones of the parao have usually their families with them, which, from the great variety of ages and sexes, give a very different and much more bustling appearance to the crowd of boats, than would be the case if they only contained those who are employed to navigate them. At times the paraos and bancas, of all sizes, together with the saraboas and pativas (duck establishments), become jumbled together, and create a confusion and noise such as is seldom met with in any other country.
There’s a large population that lives entirely on the water: the padrones of the paraos typically have their families with them, which, due to the wide range of ages and genders, creates a much more lively and bustling scene among the boats than if they were only filled with those who operate them. At times, the paraos and bancas of all sizes, along with the saraboas and pativas (duck farms), get mixed up together, causing a level of chaos and noise that’s rarely seen in any other country.
Duck farms.The pativas are under the care of the original inhabitants, to whom exclusively the superintendence of the ducklings seems to be committed. [487]The pens are made of bamboo, and are not over a foot high. The birds were all in admirable order, and made no attempt to escape over the low barrier, although so light that it was thought by some of our gentlemen it would not have sufficed to confine American ducks, although their wings might have been cut. The mode of giving them exercise was by causing them to run round in a ring. The good understanding existing between the keepers and their charge was striking, particularly when the former were engaged in cleansing the pens, and assisting the current to carry off the impurities. In the course of their sail, it was estimated that hundreds of thousands of ducks of all ages were seen.
Duck farms.The pativas are looked after by the original inhabitants, who seem to be solely responsible for supervising the ducklings. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The pens are made of bamboo and are no more than a foot high. The ducks were all in great shape and made no effort to escape over the low barrier, even though some of our men thought it wouldn’t be enough to keep American ducks contained, even if their wings were clipped. They exercised by running in a circle. The strong bond between the keepers and the ducks was impressive, especially when the keepers were cleaning the pens and helping the water carry away the waste. During their journey, it was estimated that they saw hundreds of thousands of ducks of all ages.
The women who were seen were usually engaged in fishing with a hook and line, and were generally standing in the water, or in canoes. The saraboas were here also in use. The run of the fish is generally concentrated by a chevaux-de-frise to guide them towards the nets and localities where the fishermen place themselves.
The women who were seen were typically fishing with a hook and line, either standing in the water or in canoes. The saraboas were also being used here. The flow of the fish is usually directed by a chevaux-de-frise to lead them towards the nets and the spots where the fishermen position themselves.
At five o’clock they reached the Laguna de Bay, where they took in a new crew, with mast and sail. This is called twenty-five miles from Manila by the river; the distance in a bird’s flight is not over twelve. The whole distance is densely peopled, and well cultivated. The crops consist of indigo, rice, etc., with groves of the betel, palm, coconut, and quantities of fruit trees.
At five o'clock, they arrived at Laguna de Bay, where they met a new crew and got a mast and sail. This spot is twenty-five miles from Manila by the river; if you measure straight line distance, it's only about twelve miles. The entire area is densely populated and well-farmed. The crops include indigo, rice, and more, along with groves of betel, palm, coconut, and lots of fruit trees.
The shores of the lake are shelving, and afford good situations for placing fish-weirs, which are here established on an extensive scale. These weirs are formed of slips of bamboo, and are to be seen running in every direction to the distance of two or three miles. They may be said to invest entirely the shores of the lake for several miles from its outlet, and without a pilot it would be difficult to find the way through them. At night, when heron and tern were seen roosting on the top of each slat, these weirs presented rather a curious spectacle.
The lake's shores slope gently, making it ideal for setting up fish traps, which are built extensively here. These traps are made of bamboo and stretch in every direction for two to three miles. They pretty much cover the lake's shores for several miles from where the water flows out, and without a guide, it would be hard to navigate through them. At night, when herons and terns are perched on top of each slat, these traps create a rather interesting sight.
The Laguna de Bay is said to be about ten leagues in length by three in width, and trends in a north-northwest and south-southeast direction.
The Laguna de Bay is about ten leagues long and three leagues wide, extending in a north-northwest to south-southeast direction.
After dark, the bancas separated. Mr. Sturges, with Dr. Pickering and Mr. Eld, proceeded to visit the mountain of Maijaijai, while Messrs. Rich, Dana, and Brackenridge, went towards the Taal Volcano. The latter party took the passport, while the former relied upon certain letters of introduction for protection, in case of difficulty.
After dark, the boats separated. Mr. Sturges, along with Dr. Pickering and Mr. Eld, headed to the mountain of Maijaijai, while Messrs. Rich, Dana, and Brackenridge made their way to the Taal Volcano. The latter group took the passport, while the former relied on some letters of introduction for protection in case they encountered any trouble.
Mr. Sturges, with his party, directed his course to the east side of the lake, towards a point called Jalajala, which they reached about three o’clock in the morning, and stopped for the crew to cook some rice, etc. At 8 o’clock a.m., they reached Santa Cruz, situated about half a mile up a small streamlet, called Paxanau. At this place they found Don Escudero to whom they had a letter of introduction, and who holds a civil appointment. They were kindly received by this gentleman and his brown lady, with their interesting family. He at once ordered horses for them to proceed to the mission of Maijaijai, and entertained them with a sumptuous breakfast.
Mr. Sturges and his group headed to the east side of the lake, aiming for a spot called Jalajala, which they reached around 3 a.m. They stopped so the crew could cook some rice and other things. By 8 a.m., they arrived at Santa Cruz, located about half a mile up a small stream called Paxanau. There, they met Don Escudero, to whom they had a letter of introduction, and who holds a civil position. This gentleman and his warm-hearted wife welcomed them, along with their lovely family. He immediately arranged for horses so they could continue to the Maijaijai mission and treated them to a lavish breakfast.
[488]They were not prepared to set out before noon, until which time they strolled about the town of Santa Cruz, the inhabitants of which are Tagalogs. There are only two old Spaniards in the place. The province in which Santa Cruz is situated contains about five thousand inhabitants, of whom eighteen hundred pay tribute.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]They weren’t ready to leave before noon, so they wandered around the town of Santa Cruz, where the people are Tagalogs. There are just two old Spaniards living there. The province where Santa Cruz is located has about five thousand residents, of whom eighteen hundred pay taxes.
The people have the character of being orderly, and govern themselves without the aid of the military. The principal article of culture is the coconut tree, which is seen in large groves. The trunks of these were notched, as was supposed, for the purpose of climbing them. From the spathe a kind of spirit is manufactured, which is fully as strong as our whiskey.
The people are known for being orderly and manage their own affairs without military support. The main crop is the coconut tree, which grows in large groves. The trunks are notched, presumably to help climb them. A type of spirit is made from the spathe, which is just as strong as our whiskey.
About noon they left Don Escudero’s, and took a road leading to the southward and eastward, through a luxuriant and beautiful country, well cultivated, and ornamented with lofty coconut trees, betel palms, and banana groves. Several beautiful valleys were passed, with streamlets rushing through them.
About noon, they left Don Escudero's and took a road heading southeast, through a lush and beautiful landscape that was well-tended and adorned with tall coconut trees, betel palms, and banana groves. They passed several lovely valleys with streams flowing through them.
Maijaijai is situated about one thousand feet above the Laguna de Bay, but the rise is so gradual that it was almost imperceptible. The country has everywhere the appearance of being densely peopled; but no more than one village was passed between Santa Cruz and the mission. They had letters to F. Antonio Romana y Aranda, padre of the mission, who received them kindly, and entertained them most hospitably. Climbing Banajao.When he was told of their intention to visit the mountain, he said it was impossible with such weather, pointing to the black clouds that then enveloped its summit; and he endeavored to persuade the gentlemen to desist from what appeared to him a mad attempt; but finding them resolved to make the trial, he aided in making all the necessary preparations, though he had no belief in their success.
Maijaijai is located about one thousand feet above Laguna de Bay, but the ascent is so gradual that it’s almost unnoticeable. The area seems to be heavily populated, but they only passed one village between Santa Cruz and the mission. They had letters for Father Antonio Romana y Aranda, the head of the mission, who welcomed them warmly and hosted them very graciously. Climbing Banajao. When he heard about their plan to visit the mountain, he said it was impossible due to the weather, pointing to the dark clouds that were covering the peak at that moment; he attempted to convince them to give up what he thought was a crazy attempt. However, seeing that they were determined to go ahead, he helped them with all the necessary preparations, even though he didn’t believe they would succeed.
On the morning of the 27th, after mass, Mr. Eld and Dr. Pickering set out, but Mr. Sturges preferred to keep the good padre company until their return. The padre had provided them with guides, horses, twenty natives, and provisions for three days. He had been himself on the same laborious journey, some six months before, and knew its fatigues, although it turned out afterwards that his expedition was performed in fine weather, and that he had been borne on a litter by natives the whole way.
On the morning of the 27th, after mass, Mr. Eld and Dr. Pickering headed out, but Mr. Sturges decided to stay behind and keep the good padre company until they returned. The padre had arranged for them to have guides, horses, twenty locals, and supplies for three days. He had made the same tough journey about six months earlier and was aware of how exhausting it could be, although it later turned out that he had done his trip in nice weather and had been carried on a litter by locals the entire time.
The first part of the road was wet and miry, and discouraging enough. The soil was exceedingly rich, producing tropical plants in great profusion, in the midst of which were seen the neat bamboo cottages, with their industrious and cleanly-looking inhabitants. When they reached the foot of the mountain, they found it was impossible to ride farther, and were obliged to take to walking, which was, however, less of a hardship than riding the little rats of horses, covered with mud and dirt, which were at first deemed useless; but the manner in which they ascended and maintained themselves on the slippery banks, surpassed anything they had before witnessed in horseflesh. The first part of the ascent of the mountain was gradual, but over a miry path, which was extremely slippery; and had it not been for the sticks stuck down by the [489]party of the padre in their former ascent, they would have found it extremely difficult to overcome; to make it more disagreeable, it rained all the time.
The first part of the road was wet and muddy, which was pretty discouraging. The soil was very rich, growing a wide variety of tropical plants, among which neat bamboo cottages were visible, occupied by industrious and tidy residents. When they reached the foot of the mountain, they realized it was impossible to ride any further and had to switch to walking, which turned out to be easier than riding the scrawny horses, covered in mud and grime, that they initially thought were useless. However, the way those horses climbed and managed to stay steady on the slippery banks was better than anything they had seen before in equine ability. The first part of the mountain climb was gradual but on a muddy path that was really slippery. If it hadn't been for the sticks placed there by the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] party of the padre during their previous ascent, they would have found it very hard to get through; to make matters worse, it rained the whole time.
It took about two hours to reach the steep ascent. The last portion of their route had been through an uninhabited region, with some openings in the woods, affording pasture-grounds to a few small herds of buffalo. In three hours they reached the half-way house, by a very steep and regular ascent. Here the natives insisted upon stopping to cook their breakfast, as they had not yet partaken of anything through the day. The natives now endeavored to persuade them it was impracticable to go any farther, or at least to reach the top of the mountain and return before night. Our gentlemen lost their patience at the delay, and after an hour’s endurance of it, resolved to set out alone. Six of the natives followed them, and by half-past three they reached the summit, where they found it cold and uncomfortable. The ascent had been difficult, and was principally accomplished by catching hold of shrubs and the roots of trees. The summit is comparatively bare, and not more than fifty feet in width. The side opposite to that by which they mounted was perpendicular, but owing to the thick fog they could not see the depth to which the precipice descended.
It took about two hours to reach the steep climb. The last part of their route had been through a deserted area, with some clearings in the woods that allowed a few small herds of buffalo to graze. After three hours, they arrived at the halfway house, following a very steep and steady incline. Here, the locals insisted on stopping to cook their breakfast, as they hadn’t eaten anything that day. The locals then tried to convince them that it wasn't feasible to go any further, or at least to make it to the top of the mountain and come back before nightfall. The gentlemen lost their patience with the delay, and after an hour of waiting, decided to go ahead on their own. Six of the locals followed them, and by half-past three, they reached the summit, where it was cold and uncomfortable. The climb had been tough and was mostly done by grabbing onto shrubs and tree roots. The summit is fairly bare and only about fifty feet wide. The side opposite from where they climbed was sheer, but due to the thick fog, they couldn’t see how deep the drop was.
The observations with the barometers were speedily taken, which gave the height of Banajao as six thousand five hundred feet. The trees on the summit were twenty or thirty feet high, and a species of fir was very common. Gaultheria, attached to the trunks of trees, Rhododendrons, and Polygonums, also abounded. The rocks were so covered with soil that it was difficult to ascertain their character; Dr. Pickering is of opinion, however, that they are not volcanic. The house on the summit afforded them little or no shelter; being a mere shed, open on all sides, they found it untenantable, and determined to return as soon as their observations were finished, to the half-way house, which they reached before dark.
The barometer readings were taken quickly, showing that Banajao was six thousand five hundred feet high. The trees at the top were about twenty to thirty feet tall, with a common type of fir. There was also a lot of Gaultheria growing on the tree trunks, along with Rhododendrons and Polygonums. The rocks were so covered in soil that it was hard to figure out what they were made of; however, Dr. Pickering believes they are not volcanic. The house at the summit offered little shelter; it was just a shed, open on all sides, making it impossible to stay there. They decided to head back to the halfway house as soon as they finished their observations, which they reached before dark.
The night was passed uncomfortably, and in the morning they made an early start down the mountain to reach the native village at its foot, where they were refreshed with a cup of chocolate, cakes, and some dulces, according to the custom of the country. At ten o’clock they reached the mission, where they were received by the padre and Mr. Sturges. The former was greatly astonished to hear that they had really been to the summit, and had accomplished in twenty-four hours what he had deemed a labor of three days. He quickly attended to their wants, the first among which was dry clothing; and as their baggage had unfortunately been left at Santa Cruz, the wardrobe of the rotund padre was placed at their disposal. Although the fit was rather uncouth on the spare forms of our gentlemen, yet his clothes served the purpose tolerably well, and were thankfully made use of. During their absence, Mr. Sturges had been much amused with the discipline he had witnessed at the hands of the church, which here seem to be the only visible ruling power. Two young natives had made complaint to the padre that a certain damsel had entered into vows or engagements to marry both; she was accordingly brought [490]up before the padre, Mr. Sturges being present. The padre first lectured her most seriously upon the enormity of her crime, then inflicted several blows on the palm of her outstretched hand, again renewing the lecture, and finally concluding with another whipping. The girl was pretty, and excited the interest of our friend, who looked on with much desire to interfere, and save the damsel from the corporal punishment, rendered more aggravated by the dispassionate and cool manner in which it and the lecture were administered. In the conversation which ensued, the padre said he had more cases of the violation of the marriage vow, and of infidelity, than any other class of crimes.
The night was uncomfortable, and in the morning, they started early down the mountain to reach the village at its base, where they enjoyed a cup of hot chocolate, cakes, and some sweets, following local customs. By ten o’clock, they arrived at the mission, where they were greeted by the padre and Mr. Sturges. The padre was very surprised to hear that they had actually made it to the summit and had done what he thought would take three days in just twenty-four hours. He quickly took care of their needs, the foremost being dry clothes; since their luggage had unfortunately been left in Santa Cruz, they borrowed clothes from the stout padre. Although the clothes fit rather awkwardly on the lean frames of the gentlemen, they served their purpose well and were gratefully accepted. During their absence, Mr. Sturges had been greatly entertained by the discipline he had observed from the church, which seemed to be the only visible authority in the area. Two young locals had complained to the padre that a certain girl had promised to marry both of them; she was therefore brought up before the padre, with Mr. Sturges present. The padre first lectured her seriously about the severity of her actions, then struck her palm with a stick, reiterating his lecture before finally administering another spanking. The girl was attractive, which caught Mr. Sturges' attention, and he watched with a strong desire to intervene and save her from the corporal punishment, made all the more shocking by the calm and detached way it was administered. In the discussion that followed, the padre mentioned that he had more cases of broken marriage vows and infidelity than any other type of crime.
After a hearty breakfast, or rather dinner, and expressing their thanks to the padre, they rode back to Santa Cruz, where they arrived at an early hour, and at nine o’clock in the evening they embarked in their bancas for Manila.
After a big breakfast, or more like dinner, and thanking the padre, they rode back to Santa Cruz, where they arrived early, and at nine o’clock in the evening, they set off in their bancas for Manila.
Los Baños.In the morning they found themselves, after a comfortable night, at Los Baños. Here they took chocolate with the padre, to whom Mr. Sturges had a letter, who informed them that the other party had left the place the evening before for Manila.
Los Baños.In the morning, after a restful night, they arrived at Los Baños. There, they had chocolate with the padre, to whom Mr. Sturges had a letter, and he informed them that the other group had left for Manila the night before.
This party had proceeded to the town of Baia, where they arrived at daylight on the 15th. Baia is quite a pretty place, and well situated; the houses are clean and comfortable, and it possessed a venerable stone church, with towers and bells. On inquiring for the padre, they found that he was absent, and it was in consequence impossible for them to procure horses to proceed to the Volcano of Taal. They therefore concluded to walk to the hot springs at Los Baños, about five miles distant. Along the road they collected a number of curious plants. Rice is much cultivated, and fields of it extend to some distance on each side of the road. Buffaloes were seen feeding and wallowing in the ditches.
This group made their way to the town of Baia, arriving at sunrise on the 15th. Baia is a charming place, well-positioned; the houses are tidy and comfortable, and it has an old stone church with towers and bells. When they asked about the priest, they found out he was unavailable, making it impossible for them to get horses to go to the Volcano of Taal. So, they decided to walk to the hot springs at Los Baños, which is about five miles away. Along the way, they gathered several interesting plants. Rice is widely grown, with fields stretching for quite a distance on both sides of the road. They saw buffaloes grazing and rolling in the ditches.
At Los Baños the hot springs are numerous, the water issuing from the rock over a considerable surface. The quantity of water discharged by them is large, and the whole is collected and conducted to the bathing-houses. The temperature of the water at the mouth of the culvert was 180°.
At Los Baños, there are many hot springs, with water flowing out from the rock over a large area. A significant amount of water is released, and it's all gathered and directed to the bathing facilities. The water temperature at the outlet of the culvert was 180°.
The old bath-house is a singular-looking place, being built on the hill-side, in the old Spanish style, with large balconies, that are enclosed in the manner already described, in speaking of the houses in Manila. It is beautifully situated, and overlooks the baths and lake. The baths are of stone, and consist of two large rooms, in each of which is a niche, through which the hot water passes. This building is now in ruins, the roof and floors having fallen in.
The old bathhouse is a unique-looking place, built on the hillside in the classic Spanish style, complete with large balconies that are enclosed in the same way described for the houses in Manila. It's beautifully located and has a view of the baths and the lake. The baths are made of stone and consist of two large rooms, each with a niche where hot water flows through. This building is now in ruins, with the roof and floors having collapsed.
Los Baños is a small village, but contains a respectable-looking stone church, and two or three houses of the same material. Here the party found a difficulty in getting on, for the alcalde could not speak Spanish, and they were obliged to use an interpreter, in order to communicate with him. Notwithstanding this, he is a magistrate, whose duty it is to administer laws written in that language. Finding they could not succeed even here in procuring guides or horses, [491]they determined to remain and explore Mount Maquiling, the height of which is three thousand four hundred and fifty feet, and in the meantime to send for their bancas.
Los Baños is a small village, but it has a decent-looking stone church and a couple of houses made from the same material. The group ran into some trouble moving forward because the alcalde couldn't speak Spanish, so they had to rely on an interpreter to talk with him. Despite this, he's a magistrate whose job is to enforce laws written in that language. Since they couldn't find any guides or horses here either, [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]they decided to stay and explore Mount Maquiling, which is three thousand four hundred and fifty feet high, and in the meantime, they would send for their bancas.
The next day they set out on their journey to that mountain, and the first part of their path lay over a gentle ascent, through cultivated grounds. Next succeeded an almost perpendicular hill, bare of trees, and overgrown with a tall grass, which it was difficult to pass through.
The next day, they began their journey to the mountain, and the first part of their route was a gentle slope through farmland. After that came a steep hill, devoid of trees and covered with tall grass, which was hard to navigate.
Such had been the time taken up, that the party found it impossible to reach the summit and return before dark. They therefore began to collect specimens; and after having obtained a full load, they returned late in the afternoon to Los Baños.
Such was the time spent that the group found it impossible to reach the summit and get back before dark. They therefore started to collect samples; and after gathering a full load, they returned to Los Baños late in the afternoon.
The mountain is composed of trachytic rocks and tufa, which are occasionally seen to break through the rich and deep soil, showing themselves here and there, in the deep valleys which former volcanic action has created, and which have destroyed the regular outline of the cone-shaped mountain. The tufa is generally found to form the gently-sloping plains that surround these mountains, and has in all probability been ejected from them. Small craters, of some two hundred feet in height, are scattered over the plains. The tufa is likewise exposed to view on the shores of the lake; but elsewhere, except on a few bare hills, it is entirely covered with the dense and luxuriant foliage. The tufa is generally of a soft character, crumbling in the fingers, and in it are found coarse and fine fragments of scoria, pumice, etc. The layers are from a few inches to five feet in thickness.
The mountain is made up of trachytic rocks and tufa, which sometimes break through the rich, deep soil, appearing here and there in the deep valleys created by past volcanic activity that have disrupted the mountain's cone shape. The tufa usually forms the gently sloping plains around these mountains and likely comes from them. Small craters, about two hundred feet tall, are scattered across the plains. The tufa is also visible along the shores of the lake, but elsewhere, except on a few bare hills, it is completely covered by dense, lush foliage. The tufa is generally soft and crumbles in your fingers, containing coarse and fine fragments of scoria, pumice, and more. The layers vary from a few inches to five feet thick.
In the country around Los Baños, there are several volcanic hills, and on the sides of Mount Maquiling are appearances of parasitic cones, similar to those observed at the Hawaiian Islands; but time and the foliage have so disguised them, that it is difficult to determine exactly their true character.
In the area around Los Baños, there are several volcanic hills, and on the slopes of Mount Maquiling, there are signs of parasitic cones, much like those seen in the Hawaiian Islands; however, over time and with the growth of vegetation, they have become so obscured that it’s hard to identify their true nature.
I regretted exceedingly that the party that set out for the Lake of Taal was not able to reach it, as, from the accounts I had, it must be one of the most interesting portions of the country. It lies nearly south-west from Manila, and occupies an area of about one hundred and twenty square miles. The Volcano of Taal is situated on an island near the center of it, and is now in action. The cone which rises from its center is remarkably regular, and consists for the most part of cinders and scoria. It has been found to be nine hundred feet in elevation above the lake. The crater has a diameter of two miles, and its depth is equal to the elevation; the walls of the crater are nearly perpendicular, so much so that the descent cannot be made without the assistance of ropes. At the bottom there are two small cones. Much steam issues from the many fissures, accompanied by sulphurous acid gas. The waters of the lake are impregnated with sulphur, and there are said to be also large beds of sulphur. In the opinion of those who have visited this spot, the whole lake once formed an immense crater; and this does not appear very improbable, if we are to credit the accounts we received of the many craters on this island that are now filled with water; for instance, in the neighborhood of San Pablo there are said to be eight or nine.
I was really sorry that the group heading to the Lake of Taal couldn't make it because, based on what I've heard, it must be one of the most fascinating places in the country. It’s located nearly southwest of Manila and covers around one hundred and twenty square miles. The Volcano of Taal sits on an island in the middle of the lake and is currently active. The cone that rises from its center is quite symmetrical and is mostly made up of cinders and scoria. It stands about nine hundred feet above the lake. The crater has a diameter of two miles, and its depth matches its elevation; the walls of the crater are almost vertical, making it necessary to use ropes to descend. At the bottom, there are two small cones. A lot of steam comes out of the many cracks, along with sulfurous acid gas. The lake’s waters are infused with sulfur, and there are said to be large deposits of sulfur as well. According to those who have visited, the entire lake used to be part of a massive crater; this seems likely if we believe the reports about the many craters on this island that are now filled with water—like the eight or nine said to be near San Pablo.
[492]The hot springs.The hot springs of Los Baños are numerous, and in their vicinity large quantities of steam are seen to issue from the shore of the lake. There are about a dozen which give out a copious supply of water. The principal one has been enclosed, and made to flow through a stone aqueduct, which discharges a considerable stream. The temperature of the water as it leaves the aqueduct is 178°. The villagers use it for cooking and washing; the signs of the former employment are evident enough from the quantities of feathers from the poultry that have been scalded and plucked preparatory to cooking. The baths are formed by a small circular building six feet in diameter, erected over the point of discharge for the purpose of securing a steam-bath; the temperature of these is 160° and 140°. A change of temperature is said to have occurred in the latter.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The hot springs.The hot springs of Los Baños are plentiful, and you can see a lot of steam rising from the lake's shore nearby. There are about twelve springs that provide a substantial amount of water. The main one has been enclosed and channeled through a stone aqueduct, which releases a significant flow. The water temperature as it comes out of the aqueduct is 178°F. The locals use it for cooking and washing; you can tell they've used it for cooking by the large amounts of feathers from the poultry that have been scalded and plucked in preparation. The baths consist of a small circular building six feet across, built over the discharge point to create a steam bath; the temperatures here are 160°F and 140°F. It’s said that a temperature change has happened in the latter.
The rocks in the vicinity are all tufa, and some of the springs break out close to the cold water of the lake. Near the aqueduct, a stone wall surrounds one of the principal outlets. Two-thirds of the area thus enclosed is occupied by a pond of warm water, and the other third is divided into two stone reservoirs, built for baths. These baths had at one time a high reputation, and were a very fashionable resort for the society of Manila; but their celebrity gradually diminished, and the whole premises have gone out of repair, and are fast falling to ruin.
The rocks nearby are all tufa, and some springs flow out close to the cold water of the lake. Near the aqueduct, a stone wall surrounds one of the main outlets. Two-thirds of the enclosed area is taken up by a warm water pond, and the other third is split into two stone reservoirs, designed for baths. These baths used to be very popular and were a trendy spot for the people of Manila; however, their fame gradually faded, and the entire site has fallen into disrepair and is quickly deteriorating.
The water of the springs has no perceptible taste, and only a very faint smell of sulphur is perceived. No gas escapes from it, but a white incrustation covers the stones over which the water flows.
The water from the springs has no noticeable taste, and you can only detect a very faint smell of sulfur. No gas bubbles come out of it, but a white deposit covers the stones where the water flows.
Some of these waters were obtained, and since our return were put into the hands of Dr. C. T. Jackson, of Boston, who gives the following analysis:
Some of these waters were collected, and since our return, they have been handed over to Dr. C. T. Jackson from Boston, who provides the following analysis:
Specific gravity, 1.0043; thermometer 60°; barometer 30.05 in.
Specific gravity: 1.0043; thermometer: 60°F; barometer: 30.05 in.
A quantity of the water, equal in bulk to three thousand grains of distilled water, on evaporation gave—
A quantity of water, equal in volume to three thousand grains of distilled water, when evaporated produced—
Dry salts, 5.95 grains.
Dry salts, 5.95 grams.
A quantity of the water, equal in bulk to one thousand grains of distilled water, was operated on for each of the following ingredients:
A quantity of water equal to one thousand grains of distilled water was used for each of the following ingredients:
Chlorine | 0.66 |
Carbonic acid | 0.16 |
Sulphuric acid | 0.03 |
Soda and sodium | 0.97 |
Magnesia | 0.09 |
Lime | 0.07 |
Potash | traces |
Organic matter | ,, |
Manganese | ,, |
—— | |
1.98 |
Mount Maquiling.On Mount Maquiling, wild buffaloes, hogs, a small species of deer, and monkeys are found. Birds are also very numerous, and among them is the horn-bill; the noise made by this bird resembles [493]a loud barking; report speaks of them as an excellent bird for the table. Our gentlemen reached their lodging-place as the night closed in, and the next day again embarked for Manila, regretting that time would not permit them to make another visit to so interesting a field of research. They found the lake so rough that they were compelled to return, and remain until eight o’clock. This, however, gave our botanists another opportunity of making collections, among which were beautiful specimens of Volkameria splendens, with elegant scarlet flowers, and a Brugmansia, which expanded its beautiful silvery flowers after sunset. On the shores a number of birds were feeding, including pelicans, with their huge bills, the diver, with its long arched neck, herons, gulls, eagles, and snow-white cranes, with ducks and other small aquatic flocks. Towards night these were joined by large bats, that were seen winging their way towards the plantations of fruit. These, with quantities of insects, gave a vivid idea of the wonderful myriads of animated things that are constantly brought into being in these tropical and luxuriant climates.
Mount Makiling. On Mount Maquiling, you can find wild buffalo, hogs, a small species of deer, and monkeys. There are also many birds, including the hornbill; the sound this bird makes is like [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] loud barking, and it's said to be great for eating. Our group arrived at their lodging as night fell, and the next day they set off for Manila again, wishing they had time for another visit to such an interesting research spot. They found the lake too choppy to cross, so they had to wait until eight o'clock. However, this gave our botanists another chance to collect samples, including stunning specimens of Volkameria splendens with elegant scarlet flowers, and a Brugmansia that opened its beautiful silvery flowers at sunset. On the shores, many birds were feeding, including pelicans with their large bills, divers with their long arched necks, herons, gulls, eagles, and pure-white cranes, along with ducks and other small waterfowl. As night approached, they were joined by large bats flying towards the fruit plantations. These creatures, along with countless insects, vividly illustrated the amazing variety of life constantly emerging in these tropical and lush climates.
Sailing all night in a rough sea, they were much incommoded by the water, which was shipped into the banca and kept them constantly baling out: they reached the Pasig river at daylight, and again passed the duck establishments, and the numerous boats and bancas on their way to the markets of Manila.
Sailing all night in a choppy sea, they were greatly troubled by the water that kept spilling into the banca, forcing them to bail constantly. They reached the Pasig River at dawn and passed by the duck farms and the many boats and bancas heading to the markets of Manila.
Both the parties reached the consul’s the same day, highly pleased with their respective jaunts. To the kindness of Messrs. Sturges and Moore, we are mainly indebted for the advantages and pleasures derived from the excursions.
Both parties arrived at the consul’s on the same day, feeling very pleased with their respective adventures. We owe much of the benefits and enjoyment from the trips to the generosity of Messrs. Sturges and Moore.
The instruments were now embarked, and preparations made for going to sea. Our stay at Manila had added much to our collections; we obtained many new specimens, and the officers and naturalists had been constantly and profitably occupied in their various duties.
The equipment was now loaded, and we were ready to head out to sea. Our time in Manila had greatly expanded our collections; we acquired many new specimens, and the officers and naturalists had been consistently and effectively engaged in their various tasks.
We went on board on January 20, and were accompanied to the vessel by Messrs. Sturges and Moore, with several other residents of Manila.
We boarded on January 20, and were accompanied to the ship by Mr. Sturges and Mr. Moore, along with several other residents of Manila.
We had, through the kindness of Captain Salomon, procured a native pilot for the Sulu Sea, who was to act as interpreter.
We had, thanks to Captain Salomon's generosity, arranged for a local pilot for the Sulu Sea, who would also serve as our interpreter.
On the morning of the 21st, we took leave of our friends, and got under way. The same day, and before we had cleared the bay, we spoke the American ship Angier, which had performed the voyage from the United States in one hundred and twenty-four days, and furnished us with late and interesting news. We then, with a strong northerly wind, made all sail to the south for the Straits of Mindoro.
On the morning of the 21st, we said goodbye to our friends and set off. That same day, before we had even left the bay, we encountered the American ship Angier, which had completed its journey from the United States in one hundred and twenty-four days and gave us the latest and most interesting news. Then, with a strong north wind, we raised all our sails and headed south toward the Straits of Mindoro.
1 It is called so in consequence of the island being nearly divided in the parallel of 14° N., by two bays.
1 It’s called that because the island is almost split along the line of 14° N. by two bays.
2 Since my return home, at the desire of that distinguished agriculturist, Colonel Austin, of South Carolina, I have sent for some samples of the different kinds, and under his care it will no doubt be well treated.
2 Since I got back home, at the request of the well-respected farmer, Colonel Austin from South Carolina, I've asked for some samples of the different types, and with his guidance, they will surely be well taken care of.
Sulu in 1842
On the evening of January 21, the Vincennes, with the tender in company, left Manila bay. I then sent for Mr. Knox, who commanded the latter, and gave him directions to keep closely in company with the Vincennes, and at the same time pointed out [494]to him places of rendezvous where the vessels might again meet in case any unavoidable circumstance caused their separation. I was more particular in giving him instructions to avoid losing sight of the Vincennes, as I was aware that my proposed surveys might be impeded or frustrated altogether, were I deprived of the assistance of the vessel under his command.
On the evening of January 21, the Vincennes, along with the tender, left Manila Bay. I then called Mr. Knox, who was in charge of the tender, and instructed him to stay close to the Vincennes. I also pointed out [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] to him the rendezvous points where the ships could meet again if they got separated due to unavoidable circumstances. I emphasized the importance of keeping the tender in sight of the Vincennes, knowing that my planned surveys could be disrupted or completely hindered without the support of his vessel.
Mindoro.On the 22nd, we passed the entrance of the Straits of San Bernardino. It would have been my most direct route to follow these straits until I had passed Mindoro, and it is I am satisfied the safest course, unless the winds are fair, for the direct passage. My object, however, was to examine the ground for the benefit of others, and the Apo Shoal, which lies about mid-channel between Palawan and Mindoro, claimed my first attention. The tender was despatched to survey it, while I proceeded in the Vincennes to examine the more immediate entrance to the Sulu Sea, off the southwest end of Mindoro.
Mindoro.On the 22nd, we passed the entrance to the Straits of San Bernardino. This would have been the most direct route to take through these straits until I got past Mindoro, and I'm sure it's the safest option unless the winds are favorable for a direct passage. My goal, though, was to assess the area for the benefit of others, and the Apo Shoal, located roughly in the middle of the channel between Palawan and Mindoro, caught my attention first. I sent out the tender to map it while I continued on the Vincennes to explore the immediate entrance to the Sulu Sea near the southwest end of Mindoro.
Calavite Peak is the north point of Mindoro, and our observations made it two thousand feet high. This peak is of the shape of a dome, and appears remarkably regular when seen from its western side. On approaching Mindoro, we, as is usual, under high islands, lost the steady breeze, and the wind became light for the rest of the day. Mindoro is a beautiful island, and is evidently volcanic; it appears as if thrown up in confused masses; it is not much settled, as the more southern islands are preferred to it as a residence.
Calavite Peak is the northern point of Mindoro, and our measurements showed it to be two thousand feet high. This peak has a dome shape and looks impressively uniform from the west side. As we got closer to Mindoro, we lost the steady breeze typical near large islands, and the wind became light for the rest of the day. Mindoro is a stunning island, and it's clearly volcanic; it seems to have been pushed up in chaotic formations. It's not as populated, as the southern islands are more favored for living.
On the 23rd, we ascertained the elevation of the highest peak of the island by triangulation to be three thousand one hundred and twenty-six fet. The easternmost island of the Palawan group, Busuanga, was at the time just in sight from the deck, to the southwest.
On the 23rd, we determined the height of the island's highest peak through triangulation to be three thousand one hundred and twenty-six feet. The easternmost island of the Palawan group, Busuanga, was visible from the deck, to the southwest.
It had been my intention to anchor at Ambolou Island; but the wind died away before we reached it, and I determined to stand off and on all night.
It was my plan to dock at Ambolou Island, but the wind dropped before we got there, so I decided to wait nearby all night.
On the 24th, I began to experience the truth of what Captain Halcon had asserted, namely, that the existing charts were entirely worthless, and I also found that my native pilot was of no more value than they were, he had evidently passed the place before; but whether the size of the vessel, so much greater than any he had sailed in, confused him, or whether it was from his inability to understand and to make himself understood by us, he was of no use whatever, and we had the misfortune of running into shoal water, barely escaping the bottom. These dangers were usually quickly passed, and we soon found ourselves again floating in thirty or forty fathoms water.
On the 24th, I started to realize the truth of what Captain Halcon had said: the current charts were completely useless. I also discovered that my local pilot wasn’t any better; he had clearly been through the area before, but whether the size of our ship, which was much larger than any he had handled, confused him, or if he just couldn’t understand us or communicate properly, he was completely unhelpful. We ended up in shallow water, narrowly avoiding running aground. These risks were usually resolved quickly, and before long, we found ourselves floating in thirty or forty fathoms of water again.
We continued beating to windward, in hopes of being joined by the Flying-fish, and I resolved to finish the survey towards the island of Semarara. We found every thing in a different position from that assigned it by any of the charts with which we were furnished. On this subject, however, I shall not dwell, but refer those who desire particular information to the charts and Hydrographical Memoir.
We kept sailing against the wind, hoping to meet up with the Flying-fish, and I decided to complete the survey near the island of Semarara. We discovered everything was in a different place than what was shown on the charts we had. However, I won’t go into detail on this topic and will direct anyone seeking specific information to the charts and Hydrographical Memoir.
[495]Towards evening, I again ran down to the southwest point of the island of Mindoro, and sent a letter on shore to the pueblo, with directions to have it put on board the tender, when she should arrive. We then began to beat round Semarara, in order to pass over towards Panay.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]In the evening, I headed back to the southwest point of Mindoro Island and sent a letter ashore to the town, asking them to put it on the tender when it arrived. We then started sailing around Semarara to head toward Panay.
The southern part of Mindoro is much higher than the northern but appears to be equally rough. It is, however, susceptible of cultivation, and there are many villages along its shores.
The southern part of Mindoro is much higher than the northern part but seems to be just as rugged. However, it can be cultivated, and there are many villages along its shores.
Semarara is moderately high, and about fifteen miles in circumference; it is inhabited, and like Mindoro much wooded. According to the native pilot, its shores are free from shoals. It was not until the next day that we succeeded in reaching Panay. I determined to pass the night off Point Potol, the north end of Panay, as I believed the sea in its neighborhood to be free of shoals, and wished to resume our running survey early in the morning.
Semarara is fairly elevated and about fifteen miles around; it's inhabited and heavily forested like Mindoro. According to the local pilot, its shores don't have any shallow areas. It wasn't until the next day that we managed to reach Panay. I decided to spend the night off Point Potol, the northern tip of Panay, since I thought the sea there was clear of shoals and wanted to get back to our running survey early in the morning.
Panay.At daylight on the 27th we continued the survey down the coast of Panay, and succeeded in correcting many errors in the existing charts (both English and Spanish). The channel along this side is from twelve to twenty miles wide, and suitable for beating in; little current is believed to exist; and the tides, as far as our observations went, seem to be regular and of little strength.
Panay Island.At dawn on the 27th, we continued our survey along the coast of Panay and were able to fix many inaccuracies in the existing maps (both English and Spanish). The channel on this side is between twelve and twenty miles wide, making it good for sailing; there doesn’t seem to be much current; and the tides, based on our observations, appear to be consistent and not very strong.
The island of Panay is high and broken, particularly on the south end; its shores are thickly settled and well cultivated. Indigo and sugar-cane claim much of the attention of the inhabitants. The natives are the principal cultivators. They pay to government a capitation tax of seven reals. Its population is estimated at three hundred thousand, which I think is rather short of the actual number.
The island of Panay is elevated and rugged, especially at the southern end; its coasts are densely populated and well-farmed. Indigo and sugarcane occupy much of the residents' focus. The locals are the main farmers. They pay a head tax of seven reals to the government. The population is estimated to be around three hundred thousand, which I believe is an underestimate of the actual number.
On all the hills there are telegraphs of rude construction, to give information of the approach of piratical prahus from Sulu, which formerly were in the habit of making attacks upon the defenceless inhabitants and carrying them off into slavery. Of late years they have ceased these depredations, for the Spaniards have resorted to a new mode of warfare. Instead of pursuing and punishing the offenders, they now intercept all their supplies, both of necessaries and luxuries; and the fear of this has had the effect to deter pirates from their usual attacks.
On all the hills, there are makeshift telegraphs that provide warnings about the approach of pirate boats from Sulu, which used to frequently attack the defenseless locals and take them into slavery. Recently, these attacks have stopped because the Spaniards have adopted a new strategy. Instead of chasing down and punishing the pirates, they now cut off all their supplies, both basic needs and luxuries; this fear has discouraged pirates from launching their typical attacks.
We remained off San Pedro for the night, in hopes of falling in with the Flying-fish in the morning.
We stayed off San Pedro for the night, hoping to catch up with the Flying-fish in the morning.
On the morning of the 28th, the Flying-fish was discovered plainly in sight. I immediately stood for her, fired a gun and made signal. At seven o’clock, another gun was fired, but the vessel still stood off, and was seen to make sail to the westward without paying any regard whatever to either, and being favored by a breeze while the Vincennes was becalmed, she stole off and was soon out of sight.1
On the morning of the 28th, the Flying-fish was clearly visible. I quickly moved towards her, fired a gun, and signaled. At seven o’clock, I fired another gun, but the vessel kept its distance and was seen sailing west without paying attention to either signal. With a favorable breeze while the Vincennes was stuck in calm waters, she slipped away and was soon out of sight.1
After breakfast we opened the bay of Antique, on which is situated the town of San José. As this bay apparently offered anchorage [496]for vessels bound up this coast, I determined to survey it; and for this purpose the boats were hoisted out and prepared for surveying. Lieutenant Budd was despatched to visit the pueblo called San José.
After breakfast, we entered the bay of Antique, where the town of San José is located. Since this bay seemed to provide good anchorage for ships heading up this coast, I decided to survey it. To do this, we launched the boats and got them ready for surveying. Lieutenant Budd was sent to check out the pueblo named San José.
On reaching the bay, the boats were sent to different points of it, and when they were in station, the ship fired guns to furnish bases by the sound, and angles were simultaneously measured. The boats made soundings on their return to the ship, and thus completed this duty, so that in an hour or two afterwards the bay was correctly represented on paper. It offers no more than a temporary anchorage for vessels, and unless the shore is closely approached, the water is almost too deep for the purpose.
Upon arriving at the bay, the boats were dispatched to various spots, and once they were in position, the ship fired its guns to create sound references, while angles were measured at the same time. The boats took depth measurements on their way back to the ship, completing this task, so that in an hour or two afterward, the bay was accurately charted on paper. It provides only a temporary anchorage for ships, and unless you're very close to the shore, the water is nearly too deep for that purpose.
San José.At San José a Spanish governor resides, who presides over the two pueblos of San Pedro and San José, and does the duty also of alcalde. Lieutenant Budd did not see him, as he was absent, but his lady did the honors. Lieutenant Budd represented the pueblo as cleanly and orderly. About fifteen soldiers were seen, who compose the governor’s guard, and more were said to be stationed at San Pedro. A small fort of eight guns commands the roadstead. The beach was found to be of fine volcanic sand, composed chiefly of oxide of iron, and comminuted shells; there is here also a narrow shore reef of coral. The plain bordering the sea is covered with a dense growth of coconut trees. In the fine season the bay is secure, but we were informed that in westerly and southwesterly gales heavy seas set in, and vessels are not able to lie at anchor. Several small vessels were lying in a small river about one and a half miles to the southward of the point on which the fort is situated. The entrance to this river is very narrow and tortuous.
San Jose. In San José, a Spanish governor lives, overseeing the two towns of San Pedro and San José, and also fulfilling the role of alcalde. Lieutenant Budd didn't meet him since he was away, but his wife welcomed them. Lieutenant Budd noted that the town was clean and orderly. About fifteen soldiers, forming the governor’s guard, were visible, and more were reported to be stationed at San Pedro. A small fort with eight guns overlooks the harbor. The beach was found to have fine volcanic sand made mainly of iron oxide and crushed shells; there’s also a narrow coral reef along the shore. The flat land by the sea is filled with dense coconut trees. During the dry season, the bay is safe, but we were told that during westerly and southwesterly storms, strong waves come in, making it impossible for ships to anchor. Several small boats were seen in a river about a mile and a half south of the fort. The entrance to this river is very narrow and winding.
Panay is one of the largest islands of the group. We had an opportunity of measuring the height of some of its western peaks or highlands, none of which exceed three thousand feet. The interior and eastern side have many lofty summits, which are said to reach an altitude of seven thousand five hundred feet; but these, as we passed, were enveloped in clouds, or shut out from view by the nearer highlands. The general features of the island are like those of Luzon and Mindoro. The few specimens we obtained of its rocks consisted of the different varieties of talcose formation, with quartz and jasper. The specimens were of no great value, as they were much worn by lying on the beach.
Panay is one of the largest islands in the group. We had the chance to measure the height of some of its western peaks or highlands, none of which are over three thousand feet tall. The interior and eastern side have many tall summits, which are said to reach an altitude of seven thousand five hundred feet; however, as we passed by, they were covered in clouds or hidden from view by the closer highlands. The overall features of the island are similar to those of Luzon and Mindoro. The few samples we collected of its rocks were various types of talc and included quartz and jasper. The samples weren't very valuable, as they were too worn from lying on the beach.
The higher land was bare of trees, and had it not been for the numerous fertile valleys lying between the sharp and rugged spurs, it would have had a sterile appearance.
The higher ground was treeless, and if it weren't for the many fertile valleys nestled between the sharp and rugged ridges, it would have looked barren.
The bay of Antique is in latitude 10° 40′ N., longitude 121° 59′ 30″ E.
The bay of Antique is located at 10° 40′ N latitude and 121° 59′ 30″ E longitude.
It was my intention to remain for two or three days at a convenient anchorage to enable us to make short excursions into the interior; but the vexatious mismanagement of the tender now made it incumbent that I should make every possible use of the time to complete the operations connected with the hydrography of this sea; for I perceived that the duties which I intended should be performed by her, would now devolve upon the boats, and necessarily expose both officers and men to the hazard of contracting [497]disease. I regretted giving up this design, not only on my own account and that of the Expedition, but because of the gratification it would have afforded personally to the naturalists.
I planned to stay for two or three days at a suitable anchorage so we could go on short trips into the interior, but the frustrating mismanagement of the tender now meant I had to make the most of the time to finish the hydrographic work in this sea. I realized that the tasks I intended for her would now fall to the boats, putting both the officers and crew at risk of catching [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]disease. I was sorry to abandon this plan, not just for my sake and the Expedition's, but also because it would have personally pleased the naturalists.
The town of San José has about thirty bamboo houses, some of which are filled in with clay or mortar, and plastered over, both inside and out. Few of them are more than a single story in height. That of the governor is of the same material, and overtops the rest; it is whitewashed, and has a neat and cleanly appearance. In the vicinity of the town are several beautiful valleys, which run into the mountains from the plain that borders the bay. The landing is on a bamboo bridge, which has been erected over an extensive mud-flat, that is exposed at low water, and prevents any nearer approach of boats. This bridge is about seven hundred feet in length; and a novel plan has been adopted to preserve it from being carried away. The stems of bamboo not being sufficiently large and heavy to maintain the superstructure in the soft mud, a scaffold is constructed just under the top, which is loaded with blocks of large stone, and the outer piles are secured to anchors or rocks, with grass rope. The roadway or top is ten feet wide, covered with split bamboo, woven together, and has rails on each side, to assist the passenger. This is absolutely necessary for safety; and even with this aid, one unaccustomed to it must be possessed of no little bodily strength to pass over this smooth, slippery, and springy bridge, without accident.
The town of San José has about thirty bamboo houses, some of which are filled with clay or mortar and plastered inside and out. Few of them are more than one story tall. The governor's house is made of the same material and is taller than the rest; it’s whitewashed and looks neat and clean. Nearby, there are several beautiful valleys that lead into the mountains from the plain next to the bay. The landing is on a bamboo bridge built over a wide mud flat that’s exposed at low tide, preventing boats from getting closer. This bridge is about seven hundred feet long, and a unique design has been used to keep it from being washed away. Since the bamboo stems aren’t thick or heavy enough to support the structure in the soft mud, a scaffold is built just below the top, weighted down with large stone blocks, while the outer piles are anchored to rocks using grass rope. The roadway on top is ten feet wide, covered with woven split bamboo, and has rails on each side to help passengers. This is essential for safety; even with this support, anyone unaccustomed to it needs quite a bit of physical strength to cross this smooth, slippery, and springy bridge without having an accident.
Two pirogues were at anchor in the bay, and on the shore was the frame of a vessel which had evidently been a long while on the stocks, for the weeds and bushes near the keel were six or eight feet high, and a portion of the timbers were decayed. Carts and sleds drawn by buffaloes were in use, and everything gave it the appearance of a thriving village. Although I have mentioned the presence of soldiers, it was observed on landing that no guard was stationed about or even at the fort; but shortly afterwards a soldier was seen hurrying towards the latter, in the act of dressing himself in his regimentals, and another running by his side, with his cartridge-box and musket. In a little while one was passing up and down on his post, as though he was as permanent there as the fort itself.
Two canoes were anchored in the bay, and on the shore was the skeleton of a ship that had clearly been under construction for a long time, as the weeds and bushes near the keel were six or eight feet tall, and some of the wood was rotting. Carts and sleds pulled by buffaloes were in use, giving the place the vibe of a thriving village. Although I mentioned that soldiers were present, I noticed upon landing that there was no guard stationed around or even at the fort; however, shortly after, I saw a soldier rushing toward the fort, getting into his uniform, and another running alongside him, carrying his cartridge box and rifle. Before long, one soldier was patrolling his post, as if he were as permanent there as the fort itself.
After completing these duties, the light airs detained us the remainder of the day under Panay, in sight of the bay. On the 29th, at noon, we had been wafted by it far enough in the offing to obtain the easterly breeze, which soon became strong, with an overcast sky, and carried us rapidly on our course; my time would not permit my heaving-to. We kept on our course for Mindanao during the whole night, and were constantly engaged in sounding, with our patent lead, with from thirty to forty fathoms cast, to prevent our passing over this part of the sea entirely unexamined.
After finishing these tasks, the light winds kept us near Panay for the rest of the day, visible from the bay. On the 29th, at noon, we were blown far enough offshore to catch a strong easterly breeze, under an overcast sky, which quickly carried us along our route; I didn't have time to stop. We continued on our way to Mindanao throughout the night, constantly taking soundings with our special lead, casting from thirty to forty fathoms, to make sure we didn't pass over this part of the sea without examining it.
Mindanao.At daylight on the 31st, we had the island of Mindanao before us, but did not reach its western cape until 5 p.m. This island is high and broken, like those to the north of it, but, unlike them, its mountains are covered with forests to their very tops, and there were no distinct cones of minor dimensions, as we had observed on the others. If they do exist, they were hidden by the dense forest.
Mindanao.At dawn on the 31st, we spotted the island of Mindanao, but we didn’t reach its western tip until 5 p.m. This island is steep and rugged, similar to those to the north, but unlike them, its mountains are fully forested all the way to the top, and there are no distinct smaller peaks like we had seen on the others. If there are any, they were obscured by the thick forest.
[498]I had determined to anchor at Caldera, a small port on the south-west side of Mindanao, about ten miles distant from Zamboanga, where the governor resides. The latter is a considerable place, but the anchorage in its roadstead is said to be bad, and the currents that run through the Straits of Basilan are represented to be strong. Caldera, on the other hand, has a good, though small anchorage, which is free from the currents of the straits. It is therefore an excellent stopping-place, in case of the tide proving unfavorable. On one of its points stands a small fort, which, on our arrival, hoisted Spanish colors.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]I had decided to dock at Caldera, a small port on the southwest side of Mindanao, about ten miles from Zamboanga, where the governor lives. Zamboanga is a sizable place, but its anchorage is said to be poor, and the currents in the Straits of Basilan are reported to be strong. Caldera, on the other hand, offers a decent, though small, anchorage that is free from the strait's currents. It’s therefore a great place to stop if the tide turns against us. On one of its points, there’s a small fort that raised the Spanish flag when we arrived.
At six o’clock we came to anchor at Caldera, in seven fathoms water. There were few indications of inhabitants, except at and near the fort. An officer was despatched to the fort, to report the ship. It was found to be occupied by a few soldiers under the command of a lieutenant.
At six o’clock, we dropped anchor at Caldera in seven fathoms of water. There were hardly any signs of residents, except at and around the fort. An officer was sent to the fort to report our ship. It turned out there were only a few soldiers stationed there, under the command of a lieutenant.
Caldera fort.The fort is about seventy feet square, and is built of large blocks of red coral, which evidently have not been taken from the vicinity of the place, as was stated by the officers of the fort; for although our parties wandered along the alluvial beach for two or three miles in each direction, no signs of coral were observed. Many fragments of red, gray, and purple basalt and porphyry were met with along the beach; talcose rock and slate, syenite, hornblend, quartz, both compact and slaty, with chalcedony, were found in pieces and large pebbles. Those who were engaged in dredging reported the bottom as being of coral, in from four to six or eight fathoms; but this was of a different kind from that of which the fort was constructed.
Caldera fortress.The fort measures about seventy feet on each side and is made from large blocks of red coral, which clearly didn’t come from the area, contrary to what the fort officers claimed. Our teams explored the alluvial beach for two to three miles in both directions, but we found no signs of coral. Instead, we encountered many fragments of red, gray, and purple basalt and porphyry along the beach; there were also talcose rock, slate, syenite, hornblende, quartz in both compact and slaty forms, and pieces of chalcedony in various sizes. Those who were dredging reported that the seabed was made of coral at depths ranging from four to eight fathoms, but it was a different type from the coral used to build the fort.
The fort was built in the year 1784, principally for protection against the Sulu pirates, who were in the habit of visiting the settlements, and carrying off the inhabitants as slaves, to obtain ransom for them. This, and others of the same description, were therefore constructed as places of refuge for the inhabitants, as well as to afford protection to vessels.
The fort was built in 1784 mainly for protection against the Sulu pirates, who often raided the settlements and kidnapped people to demand ransom for them. Therefore, this fort and others like it were constructed as safe havens for the residents, as well as to protect ships.
Depredations are still committed, which render it necessary to keep up a small force. One or two huts which were seen in the neighborhood of the bay, are built on posts twenty feet from the ground, and into them they ascend by ladders, which are hauled up after the occupants have entered.
Depredations are still happening, making it necessary to maintain a small force. One or two huts observed near the bay are built on posts twenty feet off the ground, and residents climb up into them using ladders that are pulled up after they enter.
These, it is said, are the sleeping-huts, and are so built for the purpose of preventing surprise at night. Before our arrival we had heard that the villages were all so constructed, but a visit to one soon showed that this was untrue. The natives seen at the village were thought to be of a decidedly lighter color and a somewhat different expression from the Malays. They were found to be very civil, and more polished in manners than our gentlemen expected. On asking for a drink of water, it was brought in a glass tumbler on a china plate. An old woman, to whom they had presented some trifles, took the trouble to meet them in another path on their return, and insisted on their accepting a basket of potatoes. Some of the houses contained several families, and many of them had no other means of entrance than a notched post stuck up to the door.
These are the sleeping huts, designed to prevent surprises at night. Before we arrived, we had heard that all the villages were built like this, but visiting one quickly revealed that wasn't true. The locals we met in the village appeared to have lighter skin and a different expression compared to the Malays. They were very polite and had better manners than our gentlemen expected. When we asked for a glass of water, they brought it in a glass tumbler on a china plate. An elderly woman, to whom they had given some small gifts, made the effort to meet them on another path on their way back and insisted they take a basket of potatoes. Some of the houses housed several families, and many only had a notched post for entrance at the door.
[499]The forests of Mindanao contain a great variety of trees, some of which are of large size, rising to the height of one hundred and one hundred and fifty feet. Some of their trunks are shaped like buttresses, similar to those before spoken of at Manila, from which they obtain broad slabs for the tops of tables. The trunks were observed to shoot up remarkably straight. Our botanical gentlemen, though pleased with the excursion, were disappointed at not being able to procure specimens from the lofty trees; and the day was less productive in this respect than they had anticipated. Large woody vines were common, which enveloped the trunks of trees in their folds, and ascending to their tops, prevented the collection of the most desirable specimens.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The forests of Mindanao have a wide variety of trees, some of which reach impressive heights of one hundred to one hundred and fifty feet. Some trunks are shaped like buttresses, similar to those mentioned earlier in Manila, from which broad slabs are taken for table tops. The trunks are notably straight. Our botanical experts enjoyed the trip but were disappointed they couldn't collect samples from the tall trees; the day turned out to be less fruitful in this regard than they had hoped. Large woody vines were common, wrapping around the trunks of trees and climbing to the tops, making it difficult to gather the most sought-after specimens.
The paths leading to the interior were narrow and much obstructed; one fine stream was crossed. Many buffaloes were observed wallowing in the mire, and the woods swarmed with monkeys and numbers of birds, among them the horn-bills; these kept up a continued chatter, and made a variety of loud noises. The forests here are entirely different from any we had seen elsewhere; and the stories of their being the abode of large boas and poisonous snakes, make the effect still greater on those who visit them for the first time. Our parties, however, saw nothing of these reptiles, nor anything to warrant a belief that such exist. Yet the officer at the fort related to me many snake stories that seemed to have some foundation; and by inquiries made elsewhere, I learned that they were at least warranted by some facts, though probably not to the extent that he represented.
The paths leading to the interior were narrow and heavily obstructed; we crossed a nice little stream. We spotted many buffaloes wallowing in the mud, and the woods were full of monkeys and a variety of birds, including hornbills. They were constantly chattering and making all sorts of loud noises. The forests here are completely different from any we had seen before, and the tales of them being home to large boas and poisonous snakes made an even stronger impression on first-time visitors. However, our group didn’t see any of these reptiles or anything that would suggest they existed. Still, the officer at the fort shared many snake stories that seemed credible; and through further inquiries, I learned that they were at least based on some facts, although probably not to the extent he claimed.
Traces of deer and wild hogs were seen, and many birds were obtained, as well as land and sea shells. Among the latter was the Malleus vulgaris, which is used as food by the natives. The soil on this part of the island is a stiff clay, and the plants it produces are mostly woody; those of an herbaceous character were scarce, and only a few orchideous epiphytes and ferns were seen. Around the dwellings in the villages were a variety of vegetables and fruits, consisting of sugar-cane, sweet-potato, gourds, pumpkins, peppers, rice, water and musk melons, all fine and of large size.
Traces of deer and wild pigs were spotted, and many birds were collected, along with land and sea shells. Among the shells was the Malleus vulgaris, which the locals use for food. The soil in this area of the island is hard clay, and the plants that grow here are mostly woody; herbaceous plants were rare, and only a few orchid-like epiphytes and ferns were seen. Around the homes in the villages, there was a range of vegetables and fruits, including sugarcane, sweet potatoes, gourds, pumpkins, peppers, rice, watermelons, and musk melons, all large and of excellent quality.
The officer at the fort was a lieutenant of infantry; one of that rank is stationed here for a month, after which he, with the garrison, consisting of three soldiers, are relieved, from Zamboanga, where the Spaniards have three companies.
The officer at the fort was a lieutenant in the infantry; someone of that rank is assigned here for a month, after which he, along with the garrison made up of three soldiers, is replaced by troops from Zamboanga, where the Spaniards have three companies.
Zamboanga.Zamboanga is a convict settlement, to which the native rogues, principally thieves, are sent. The Spanish criminals, as I have before stated in speaking of Manila, are sent to Spain.
Zamboanga.Zamboanga is a prison settlement where local criminals, mostly thieves, are sent. The Spanish offenders, as I mentioned earlier when discussing Manila, are sent back to Spain.
The inhabitants of the island of Mindanao, who are under the subjection of Spain, are about ten thousand in number, of whom five or six thousand are at or in the neighborhood of Zamboanga. The original inhabitants, who dwell in the mountains and on the east coast, are said to be quite black, and are represented to be a very cruel and bad set; they have hitherto bid defiance to all attempts to subjugate them. When the Spaniards make excursions into the interior, which is seldom, they always go in large parties on account of the wild beasts, serpents, and hostile natives; nevertheless, the latter frequently attack and drive them back.
The people living on the island of Mindanao, who are controlled by Spain, number around ten thousand, with about five or six thousand residing in or near Zamboanga. The original inhabitants, who live in the mountains and along the east coast, are described as quite dark-skinned and are considered to be very ruthless and malicious; they have consistently resisted all efforts to conquer them. When the Spaniards venture into the interior, which is rare, they always travel in large groups due to the danger posed by wild animals, snakes, and hostile locals; still, the natives often attack and force them to retreat.
[500]The little fort is considered as a sufficient protection for the fishermen and small vessels against the pirates, who inhabit the island of Basilan, which is in sight from Mindanao, and forms the southern side of the straits of the same name. It is said that about seven hundred inhabit it. The name of Moro is given by the Spaniards to all those who profess the Mohammedan religion, and by such all the islands to the west of Mindanao, and known under the name of the Sulu archipelago, are inhabited.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The small fort is seen as enough protection for fishermen and small boats against the pirates who live on Basilan Island, visible from Mindanao, which makes up the southern side of the straits of the same name. It's reported that about seven hundred people live there. The Spaniards refer to everyone who practices the Muslim faith as Moro, and these individuals inhabit all the islands to the west of Mindanao, collectively known as the Sulu archipelago.
The day we spent at Caldera was employed in surveying the bay, and in obtaining observations for its geographical position, and for magnetism. The flood tide sets to the northward and westward, through the straits, and the ebb to the eastward. In the bay we found it to run two miles an hour by the log, but it must be much more rapid in the straits.
The day we spent at Caldera was used to survey the bay and gather data on its geographical location and magnetism. The flood tide flows north and west through the straits, while the ebb tide goes east. In the bay, we measured it at two miles an hour by the log, but it must be much faster in the straits.
At daylight on February 1st, we got under way to stand over for the Sangboys, a small island with two sharp hills on it. One and a half miles from the bay we passed over a bank, the least water on which was ten fathoms on a sandy bottom, and on which a vessel might anchor. The wind shortly after failed us, and we drifted with the tide for some hours, in full view of the island of Mindanao, which is bold and picturesque. We had thus a good opportunity of measuring some of its mountain ranges, which we made about three thousand feet high.
At daylight on February 1st, we set off to head for the Sangboys, a small island with two steep hills. One and a half miles from the bay, we crossed a bank where the shallowest water was ten fathoms on a sandy bottom, making it a spot where a vessel could anchor. Soon after, the wind died down, and we drifted with the tide for a few hours, with a clear view of the island of Mindanao, which is striking and scenic. This gave us a great chance to measure some of its mountain ranges, which we estimated to be about three thousand feet high.
In the afternoon, a light breeze came from the southwest, and before sunset I found that we were again on soundings. As soon as we had a cast of twenty fathoms, I anchored for the night, judging it much better than to be drifting about without any knowledge of the locality and currents to which we were subjected.
In the afternoon, a gentle breeze blew in from the southwest, and before sunset, I realized we were once again in shallow waters. As soon as we measured twenty fathoms, I dropped anchor for the night, thinking it was much better than drifting aimlessly without knowing where we were or what currents we were dealing with.
On the morning of the 2nd, we got under way to proceed to the westward. As the bottom was unequal, I determined to pass through the broadest channel, although it had the appearance of being the shoalest, and sent two boats ahead to sound. In this way we passed through, continuing our surveying operations, and at the same time made an attempt to dredge; but the ground was too uneven for the latter purpose, and little of value was obtained.
On the morning of the 2nd, we set off to head west. Since the seabed was uneven, I decided to go through the widest channel, even though it looked the shallowest, and sent two boats ahead to check the depth. We made our way through, continuing our survey work, while also trying to dredge; however, the ground was too uneven for that, and we didn’t get much of value.
Sulu.Shortly after passing the Sangboys, we had the island of Sulu in sight, for which I now steered direct. At sunset we found ourselves within five or six miles of Soung Harbor; but there was not sufficient light to risk the dangers that might be in our course, nor wind enough to command the ship; and having no bottom where we were, I determined again to run out to sea, and anchor on the first bank I should meet. At half-past eight o’clock, we struck sounding in twenty-six fathoms, and anchored.
Sulu.Shortly after we passed the Sangboys, we spotted the island of Sulu, which I headed toward directly. At sunset, we were about five or six miles from Soung Harbor, but it was too dark to safely navigate the potential hazards in our path, and there wasn't enough wind to control the ship. Since we couldn’t find solid ground where we were, I decided to head back out to sea and anchor at the first shallow spot we encountered. At around eight-thirty, we took soundings at twenty-six fathoms and dropped anchor.
At daylight we determined our position by angles, and found it to correspond with part of the route we had passed over the day before, and that we were about fifteen miles from the large island of Sulu. Weighing anchor, we were shortly wafted by the westerly tide and a light air towards that beautiful island, which lay in the midst of its little archipelago; and as we were brought nearer and nearer, we came to the conclusion that in our many wanderings we had seen nothing to be compared to this enchanting spot. It appeared to be well cultivated, with gentle slopes rising here and [501]there into eminences from one to two thousand feet high. One or two of these might be dignified with the name of mountains, and were sufficiently high to arrest the passing clouds; on the afternoon of our arrival we had a singular example in the dissipation of a thunderstorm.
At dawn, we figured out our location by taking angles and realized it matched part of the route we had traveled the day before, and that we were about fifteen miles from the large island of Sulu. After weighing anchor, we were soon carried by the westward tide and a light breeze toward that beautiful island, which sat in the middle of its small archipelago. As we got closer, we concluded that in all our travels, we hadn't encountered anything that compared to this stunning place. It looked well-tended, with gentle slopes rising here and there into heights of one to two thousand feet. A couple of these could be called mountains and were high enough to catch the passing clouds; on the afternoon of our arrival, we witnessed a remarkable example of this with a thunderstorm that dissipated.
Although much of the island was under cultivation, yet it had all the freshness of a forest region. The many smokes on the hills, buildings of large size, cottages, and cultivated spots, together with the moving crowds on the land, the prahus, canoes, and fishing-boats on the water gave the whole a civilized appearance. Our own vessel lay, almost without a ripple at her side, on the glassy surface of the sea, carried onwards to our destined anchorage by the flowing tide, and scarce a sound was heard except the splashing of the lead as it sought the bottom. The effect of this was destroyed in part by the knowledge that this beautiful archipelago was the abode of a cruel and barbarous race of pirates. Towards sunset we had nearly reached the bay of Soung, when we were met by the opposing tide, which frustrated all our endeavors to reach it, and I was compelled to anchor, lest we should again be swept to sea.
Although much of the island was cultivated, it still had the freshness of a forest. The many plumes of smoke on the hills, large buildings, cottages, and cultivated patches, along with the busy crowds on land and the prahus, canoes, and fishing boats on the water, all gave it a civilized look. Our vessel sat almost perfectly still beside us on the smooth sea, carried toward our intended anchorage by the flowing tide, and there was hardly a sound except for the lead splashing as it found the bottom. This was partly overshadowed by the knowledge that this beautiful archipelago was home to a cruel and barbaric race of pirates. Near sunset, we were close to the bay of Soung when we encountered the opposing tide, which thwarted all our efforts to reach it, and I had to anchor to avoid being swept back out to sea.
As soon as the night set in, fishermen’s lights were seen moving along the beach in all directions, and gliding about in canoes, while the sea was filled with myriads of phosphorescent animalcula. After watching this scene for two or three hours in the calm and still night, a storm that had been gathering reached us; but it lasted only for a short time, and cleared off after a shower, which gave the air a freshness that was delightful after the sultry heat we had experienced during the day.
As soon as night fell, fishermen’s lights appeared moving along the beach in every direction, and gliding around in canoes, while the sea sparkled with countless phosphorescent microorganisms. After taking in this scene for a couple of hours on the calm, still night, a storm that had been brewing finally hit us; but it only lasted a short time and cleared up after a brief shower, leaving the air refreshingly cool after the muggy heat we had experienced during the day.
The canoes of this archipelago were found to be different from any that we had heretofore seen, not only in shape, but in making use of a double outrigger, which consequently must give them additional security. The paddle also is of a different shape, and has a blade at each end, which are used alternately, thus enabling a single person to manage them with ease. These canoes are made of a single log, though some are built upon. They seldom carry more than two persons. The figure on the opposite page will give a correct idea of one of them.
The canoes in this archipelago were unlike any we had seen before, not just in shape but also because they used a double outrigger, which likely makes them more stable. The paddles are also shaped differently, having a blade at both ends that can be used alternately, allowing one person to handle them easily. These canoes are carved from a single log, although some are built up from that. They usually don’t carry more than two people. The illustration on the opposite page provides an accurate representation of one of them.
We saw the fishermen engaged in trolling and using the line; but the manner of taking fish which has been heretofore described is chiefly practised. In fishing, as well as in all their other employments, the kris and spear were invariably by their side.
We saw the fishermen using trolling and fishing lines, but the method of catching fish described earlier is the most common. In fishing, just like in all their other jobs, they always had their kris and spear with them.
Sulu harbor.The next morning at eight o’clock we got under way, and were towed by our boats into the bay of Soung, where we anchored off the town in nine fathoms water. While in the act of doing so, and after our intentions had become too evident to admit of a doubt, the Sultan graciously sent off a message giving us permission to enter his port.
Sulu Harbor. The next morning at eight o’clock, we set off and were towed by our boats into Soung Bay, where we dropped anchor near the town in nine fathoms of water. While we were doing that, and as our intentions became clear, the Sultan kindly sent a message granting us permission to enter his port.
Lieutenant Budd was immediately despatched with the interpreter to call upon the Datu Mulu or governor, and to learn at what hour we could see the Sultan. When the officer reached the town, all were found asleep; and after remaining four hours waiting, the only answer he could get out of the Datu Mulu was, that he supposed that the Sultan would be awake at three o’clock, when he thought I could see him.
Lieutenant Budd was promptly sent with the interpreter to visit the Datu Mulu, or governor, to find out when we could meet the Sultan. When the officer arrived in town, everyone was found to be asleep. After waiting for four hours, the only response he could get from the Datu Mulu was that he thought the Sultan would be awake at three o’clock, and that I could see him then.
[502]During this time the boats had been prepared for surveying; and after landing the naturalists, they began the work.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]During this time, the boats were readied for surveying, and after dropping off the naturalists, they started the work.
At the appointed time, Captain Hudson and myself went on shore to wait upon the Sultan. On our approach to the town, we found that a great proportion of it was built over the water on piles, and only connected with the shore by narrow bridges of bamboo. The style of building in Sulu does not differ materially from that of the Malays. The houses are rather larger, and they surpass the others in filth.
At the scheduled time, Captain Hudson and I went ashore to meet the Sultan. As we neared the town, we noticed that a large part of it was built on stilts over the water, only accessible by narrow bamboo bridges. The architecture in Sulu is quite similar to that of the Malays. The houses are somewhat larger, and they are even dirtier than the others.
Pirate craft.We passed for some distance between the bridges to the landing, and on our way saw several piratical prahus apparently laid up. Twenty of these were counted, of about thirty tons burden, evidently built for sea-vessels, and capable of mounting one or two long guns. We landed at a small streamlet, and walked a short distance to the Datu’s house, which is of large dimensions and rudely built on piles, which raise it about six feet above the ground, and into which we were invited. The house of the Datu contains one room, part of which is screened off to form the apartment of his wife. Nearly in the center is a raised dais, eight or ten feet square, under which are stowed all his valuables, packed in chests and Chinese trunks. Upon this dais are placed mats for sleeping, with cushions, pillows, etc.; and over it is a sort of canopy, hung around with fine chintz or muslin.
Pirate ship. We traveled for a bit between the bridges to the landing, and along the way, we saw several pirate boats seemingly anchored. We counted about twenty of these, each around thirty tons, clearly designed for the sea and capable of carrying one or two long guns. We got off at a small stream and walked a short distance to the Datu’s house, which is quite large and roughly built on stilts that raise it about six feet off the ground, where we were welcomed in. The Datu's house has one main room, part of which is separated off to create his wife's area. Nearly in the center, there's a raised platform, eight or ten feet square, where all his valuables are stored in chests and Chinese trunks. On this platform, there are mats for sleeping, along with cushions and pillows, and over it hangs a canopy made of fine chintz or muslin.
The dais was occupied by the Datu, who is, next to the Sultan, the greatest man of this island. He at once came from it to receive us, and had chairs provided for us near his sanctum. After we were seated, he again retired to his lounge. The Datu is small in person, and emaciated in form, but has a quick eye and an intelligent countenance. He lives, as he told me, with all his goods around him, and they formed a collection such as I could scarcely imagine it possible to bring together in such a place. The interior put me in mind of a barn inhabited by a company of strolling players. On one side were hung up a collection of various kinds of gay dresses, here drums and gongs, there swords, lanterns, spears, muskets, and small cannon; on another side were shields, buckler, masks, saws, and wheels, with belts, bands, and long robes. The whole was a strange mixture of tragedy and farce; and the group of natives were not far removed in appearance from the supernumeraries that a Turkish tragedy might have brought together in the green-room of a theatre. A set of more cowardly-looking miscreants I never saw. They appeared ready either to trade with us, pick our pockets, or cut our throats, as an opportunity might offer.
The platform was taken up by the Datu, who, next to the Sultan, is the most important person on this island. He immediately came over to greet us and had chairs set up for us near his private area. After we were seated, he went back to his lounge. The Datu is short and thin, but he has a sharp eye and an intelligent face. He told me he lives with all his belongings around him, and they formed a collection I could hardly believe existed in such a place. The interior reminded me of a barn filled with a group of traveling performers. On one side, there were a variety of colorful costumes, drums, gongs, swords, lanterns, spears, muskets, and small cannons; on another side were shields, bucklers, masks, saws, wheels, belts, bands, and long robes. It was a strange mix of drama and comedy; the group of locals looked a lot like the extras that might appear in a Turkish play's backstage. I've never seen a more timid-looking bunch. They seemed prepared to either trade with us, pick our pockets, or cut our throats, depending on what opportunities came up.
The wife’s apartment was not remarkable for its comforts, although the Datu spoke of it with much consideration, and evidently held his better half in high estimation. He was also proud of his six children, the youngest of whom he brought out in its nurse’s arms, and exhibited with much pride and satisfaction. He particularly drew my attention to its little highly-wrought and splendidly-mounted kris, which was stuck through its girdle, as an emblem of his rank. He was in reality a fine-looking child. The kitchen was behind the house, and occupied but a small space, for they have little in the way of food that requires much preparation. The house of the Datu might justly be termed nasty.
The wife’s apartment wasn’t notable for its comforts, even though the Datu spoke about it with a lot of respect and clearly thought highly of his wife. He was also proud of his six kids, the youngest of whom he showed off in the nurse’s arms, boasting about it with great pride. He especially pointed out the little, beautifully crafted, and elaborately mounted kris, which was tucked into its waistband as a symbol of his status. Honestly, it was a nice-looking child. The kitchen was at the back of the house and took up only a small area since they didn’t have much food that needed a lot of cooking. The Datu's house could honestly be called filthy.
[503]We now learned the reason why the Sultan could not be seen; it was Friday, the Mahomedan Sabbath, and he had been at the mosque from an early hour. Lieutenant Budd had been detained, because it was not known when he would finish his prayers; and the ceremonies of the day were more important than usual, on account of its peculiar sanctity in their calendar.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]We now understand why the Sultan couldn't be seen; it was Friday, the Muslim Sabbath, and he had been at the mosque since early morning. Lieutenant Budd had been held up because it was uncertain when he would finish his prayers, and the day's ceremonies were particularly significant due to its special importance in their calendar.
Visiting the Sultan.Word had been sent off to the ship that the Sultan was ready to receive me, but the messenger passed us while on our way to shore. After we had been seated for a while, the Datu asked if we were ready to accompany him to see the Sultan; but intimated that no one but Captain Hudson and myself could be permitted to lay eyes on him. Being informed that we were, he at once, and in our presence, slipped on his silken trousers, and a new jacket, covered with bell-buttons; put on his slippers, strapped himself round with a long silken net sash, into which he stuck his kris, and, with umbrella in hand, said he was ready. He now led the way out of his house, leaving the motley group behind, and we took the path to the interior of the town, towards the Sultan’s. The Datu and I walked hand in hand, on a roadway about ten feet wide, with a small stream running on each side. Captain Hudson and the interpreter came next, and a guard of six trusty slaves brought up the rear.
Visiting the Sultan.Word had been sent to the ship that the Sultan was ready to see me, but the messenger passed us while we were heading to shore. After we had sat down for a while, the Datu asked if we were ready to join him to meet the Sultan; but he hinted that only Captain Hudson and I could actually see him. Once he learned that we were ready, he quickly put on his silk trousers and a new jacket covered in bell-buttons; he slipped on his slippers, wrapped himself with a long silk sash, into which he tucked his kris, and with an umbrella in hand, he said he was ready. He then led the way out of his house, leaving the colorful group behind, and we took the path towards the interior of the town, toward the Sultan’s. The Datu and I walked hand in hand on a ten-foot-wide path, with a small stream flowing on each side. Captain Hudson and the interpreter followed, with a guard of six loyal slaves bringing up the rear.
When we reached the outskirts of the town, about half a mile from the Datu’s, we came to the Sultan’s residence, where he was prepared to receive us in state. His house is constructed in the same manner as that of the Datu, but is of larger dimensions, and the piles are rather higher. Instead of steps, we found a ladder, rudely constructed of bamboo, and very crazy. This was so steep that it was necessary to use the hands in mounting it. I understood that the ladder was always removed in the night, for the sake of security. We entered at once into the presence-chamber, where the whole divan, if such it may be called, sat in arm-chairs, occupying the half of a large round table, covered with a white cotton cloth. On the opposite side of the table, seats were placed for us. On our approach, the Sultan and all his council rose, and motioned us to our seats. When we had taken them, the part of the room behind us was literally crammed with well-armed men. A few minutes were passed in silence, during which time we had an opportunity of looking at each other, and around the hall in which we were seated. The latter was of very common workmanship, and exhibited no signs of oriental magnificence. Overhead hung a printed cotton cloth, forming a kind of tester, which covered about half of the apartment. In other places the roof and rafters were visible. A part of the house was roughly partitioned off, to the height of nine or ten feet, enclosing, as I was afterwards told, the Sultan’s sleeping apartment, and that appropriated to his wife and her attendants.
When we got to the edge of the town, about half a mile from the Datu’s place, we arrived at the Sultan’s residence, where he was ready to welcome us in style. His house was built similarly to the Datu's, but it was larger, and the stilts were a bit higher. Instead of steps, we found a makeshift ladder made of bamboo that was very unstable. It was so steep that we had to use our hands to climb it. I learned that the ladder was taken away at night for security reasons. We immediately entered the audience chamber, where the entire council, if that’s what it can be called, sat in armchairs, taking up half of a large round table covered with a white cotton cloth. On the other side of the table, there were seats for us. As we approached, the Sultan and all his advisors stood up and gestured for us to sit down. Once we were seated, the area behind us was packed with well-armed men. A few minutes went by in silence, during which we had a chance to look at each other and the hall we were in. The hall itself was quite basic and showed no signs of Eastern grandeur. Above us hung a printed cotton cloth that acted like a canopy, covering about half of the space. In other areas, the roof and beams were exposed. A section of the house was crudely partitioned off, reaching about nine or ten feet high, enclosing, as I was later told, the Sultan’s bedroom and the space designated for his wife and her attendants.
The Sultan is of middle height, spare and thin; he was dressed in a white cotton shirt, loose trousers of the same material, and slippers; he had no stockings; the bottom of his trousers was worked in scollops with blue silk, and this was the only ornament I saw about him. On his head he wore a small colored cotton handkerchief, wound into a turban, that just covered the top of his head. [504]His eyes were bloodshot, and had an uneasy wild look, showing that he was under the effects of opium, of which they all smoke large quantities. His teeth were as black as ebony, which, with his bright cherry-colored lips,2 contrasted with his swarthy skin, gave him anything but a pleasant look.
The Sultan is of average height, lean and thin; he wore a white cotton shirt, loose cotton pants, and slippers; he had no socks on. The ends of his trousers were trimmed with blue silk scallops, and that was the only decoration I noticed on him. On his head, he wore a small, colorful cotton handkerchief wrapped into a turban, which barely covered the top of his head. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] His eyes were bloodshot and had an anxious, wild look, showing that he was affected by opium, which they all smoke in large amounts. His teeth were as black as ebony, which, combined with his bright cherry-colored lips, 2 contrasted sharply with his dark skin, giving him a rather unpleasant appearance.
On the left hand of the Sultan sat his two sons, while his right was occupied by his councillors; just behind him, sat the carrier of his betel-nut casket. The casket was of filigree silver, about the size of a small tea-caddy, of oblong shape, and rounded at the top. It had three divisions, one for the leaf, another for the nut, and a third for the lime. Next to this official was the pipe-bearer, who did not appear to be held in such estimation as the former.
On the left side of the Sultan sat his two sons, while his right was taken by his advisors; just behind him sat the person in charge of his betel-nut casket. The casket was made of silver filigree, about the size of a small tea caddy, shaped oblong and rounded at the top. It had three sections: one for the leaf, another for the nut, and a third for the lime. Next to this official was the pipe-bearer, who didn't seem to be regarded as highly as the one before him.
Treaty with United States.I opened the conversation by desiring that the Datu would explain the nature of our visit, and tell the Sultan that I had come to make the treaty which he had some time before desired to form with the United States.3
Treaty with the U.S.I started the conversation by asking the Datu to explain the purpose of our visit and to inform the Sultan that I had come to establish the treaty he had previously expressed interest in creating with the United States.3
The Sultan replied that such was still his desire; upon which I told him I would draw one up for him that same day. While I was explaining to him the terms, a brass candlestick was brought in with a lighted tallow candle, of a very dark color, and rude shape, that showed but little art in the manufacture. This was placed in the center of the table, with a plate of Manila cigars. None of them, however, were offered to us, nor any kind of refreshment.
The Sultan replied that he still wanted that; so I told him I would write one up for him that same day. While I was explaining the terms to him, a brass candlestick was brought in with a lit tallow candle, which was very dark and poorly shaped, showing little craftsmanship. This was set in the center of the table, along with a plate of Manila cigars. However, none of them were offered to us, nor was there any kind of refreshment.
Our visit lasted nearly an hour. When we arose to take our leave, the Sultan and his divan did the same, and we made our exit with low bows on each side.
Our visit lasted almost an hour. When we stood up to say goodbye, the Sultan and his advisors did the same, and we left with polite bows exchanged on both sides.
I looked upon it as a matter of daily occurrence for all those who came to the island to visit the Sultan; but the Datu Mulu took great pains to make me believe that a great favor had been granted in allowing us a sight of his ruler. On the other hand, I dwelt upon the condescension it was on my part to visit him, and I refused to admit that I was under any gratitude or obligation for the sight of His Majesty the Sultan Mohammed Damaliel Kisand, but said that he might feel grateful to me if he signed the treaty I would prepare for him.
I considered it a normal occurrence for everyone who came to the island to see the Sultan; however, Datu Mulu went out of his way to make me believe that we were being given a special privilege by getting to see our ruler. On the flip side, I reflected on how gracious it was of me to visit him, and I refused to feel any gratitude or obligation for seeing His Majesty, Sultan Mohammed Damaliel Kisand. Instead, I suggested that he might want to feel thankful to me if he signed the treaty I was going to prepare for him.
On our return from the Sultan’s to the Datu Mulu’s house, we found even a greater crowd than before. The Datu, however, contrived to get us seats. The attraction which drew it together was to look at Mr. Agate, who was taking a sketch of Mohammed Polalu, the Sultan’s son, and next heir to the throne. I had hoped to procure one of the Sultan, but this was declared to be impossible.
On our way back from the Sultan’s to Datu Mulu’s house, we encountered an even bigger crowd than before. The Datu, however, managed to get us some seats. The main reason everyone gathered was to see Mr. Agate, who was drawing a sketch of Mohammed Polalu, the Sultan’s son and the next in line for the throne. I had hoped to get a sketch of the Sultan, but that was said to be impossible.
The son, however, has all the characteristics of the Sulu, and the likeness was thought an excellent one. Mohammed Polalu is about twenty-three years of age, of a tall slender figure, with a long face, heavy and dull eyes, as though he was constantly under the influence of opium. So much, indeed, was he addicted to the use of this drug, even according to the Datu Mulu’s accounts, that [505]his strength and constitution were very much impaired. As he is kept particularly under the guardianship of the Datu, the latter has a strong interest in preserving this influence over him, and seems on this account to afford him every opportunity of indulging in this deplorable habit.
The son, however, has all the traits of the Sulu, and the resemblance was considered impressive. Mohammed Polalu is around twenty-three years old, tall and slender, with a long face and heavy, dull eyes, as if he’s always under the influence of opium. In fact, he was so addicted to this drug, according to Datu Mulu’s accounts, that [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]his strength and health were significantly affected. Since he is especially under the care of the Datu, the latter has a strong interest in maintaining this influence over him and seems to provide him with every opportunity to indulge in this unfortunate habit.
During our visit, the effects of a pipe of this drug were seen upon him; for but a short time after he had reclined himself on the Datu’s couch and cushion, and taken a few whiffs, he was entirely overcome, stupid, and listless. I had never seen any one so young, bearing such evident marks of the effects of this deleterious drug. When but partially recovered from its effects he called for his betelnut, to revive him by its exciting effects. This was carefully chewed by his attendant to a proper consistency, moulded in a ball about the size of a walnut, and then slipped into the mouth of the heir apparent.
During our visit, we noticed the effects of smoking this drug on him; shortly after he settled onto the Datu’s couch and took a few puffs, he became completely out of it, dazed and unresponsive. I had never seen someone so young show such clear signs of the impact of this harmful substance. When he was only partly back to himself, he asked for his betelnut to help wake him up. His attendant carefully chewed it until it reached the right consistency, shaped it into a ball about the size of a walnut, and then placed it in the mouth of the heir apparent.
Interior travel prohibited.One of the requests I had made of the Sultan was, that the officers might have guides to pass over the island. This was at once said to be too dangerous to be attempted, as the datus of the interior and southern towns would in all probability attack the parties. I understood what this meant, and replied that I was quite willing to take the responsibility, and that the party should be well armed. To this the Sultan replied that he would not risk his own men. This I saw was a mere evasion, but it was difficult and would be dangerous for our gentlemen to proceed alone, and I therefore said no more. On our return to the Datu’s, I gave them permission to get as far from the beach as they could, but I was afterwards informed by them that in endeavoring to penetrate into the woods, they were always stopped by armed men. This was also the case when they approached particular parts of the town, but they were not molested as long as their rambles were confined to the beach. At the Datu’s we were treated to chocolate and negus in gilt-edged tumblers, with small stale cakes, which had been brought from Manila.
No interior travel allowed. One of the requests I made to the Sultan was for guides to help the officers navigate the island. It was immediately declared too dangerous, as the local leaders from the interior and southern towns would likely attack the groups. I understood what this meant and replied that I was completely willing to take on the responsibility and that the group would be well armed. The Sultan replied that he wouldn’t risk his own men. I recognized this as just an excuse, but it would be risky for our gentlemen to go alone, so I didn’t press the issue further. On our return to the Datu’s, I allowed them to venture as far from the beach as they could, but later I learned from them that whenever they tried to enter the woods, they were always stopped by armed men. This was also true when they got close to certain areas of the town, but they were left alone as long as they kept to the beach. At the Datu’s, we were served chocolate and negus in fancy tumblers, along with some small stale cakes that had been brought from Manila.
After we had sat some time I was informed that Mr. Dana missed his bowie-knife pistol, which he had for a moment laid down on a chest. I at once came to the conclusion that it had been stolen, and as the theft had occurred in the Datu’s house, I determined to hold him responsible for it, and gave him at once to understand that I should do so, informing him that the pistol must be returned before the next morning, or he must take the consequences. This threw him into some consternation, and by my manner he felt that I was serious.
After we had been sitting for a while, I was told that Mr. Dana's bowie-knife pistol was missing. He had briefly set it down on a chest. I immediately concluded that it had been stolen, and since the theft happened in the Datu's house, I decided to hold him accountable for it. I made it clear to him that I would do so, telling him that the pistol needed to be returned by the next morning, or he would face the consequences. This made him quite anxious, and my demeanor made it clear that I was serious.
Captain Hudson and myself, previous to our return on board, visited the principal parts of the town. The Chinese quarter is separated by a body of water, and has a gateway that leads to a bridge. The bridge is covered by a roof, and on each side of it are small shops, which are open in front, and thus expose the goods they contain. In the rear of the shops were the dwellings of the dealers. This sort of bazaar contained but a very scanty assortment, and the goods were of inferior quality.
Captain Hudson and I, before going back on board, explored the main areas of the town. The Chinese district is separated by a body of water and features a gateway that leads to a bridge. The bridge has a roof over it, and on either side are small shops that are open in front, showcasing the items they sell. Behind the shops were the homes of the merchants. This type of market had a very limited selection, and the quality of the goods was quite poor.
We visited some blacksmith-shops, where they were manufacturing krises and spears. These shops were open sheds; the fire was [506]made upon the ground, and two wooden cylinders, whose valves were in the bottom, served for bellows; when used, they had movable pistons, which were worked by a man on an elevated seat, and answered the purpose better than could have been expected.
We visited some blacksmith shops, where they were making krises and spears. These shops were open sheds; the fire was [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]made on the ground, and two wooden cylinders, with valves at the bottom, served as bellows. When in use, they had movable pistons that were operated by a person on an elevated seat, and they worked better than expected.
The kris is a weapon in which this people take great pride; it is of various shapes and sizes, and is invariably worn from infancy to old age; they are generally wavy in their blades, and are worn in wooden scabbards, which are neatly made and highly polished.
The kris is a weapon that this people take great pride in; it comes in various shapes and sizes and is typically carried from childhood to old age. They usually have wavy blades and are kept in neatly made and highly polished wooden scabbards.
The market was well stocked with fruit and fish. Among the former the durian seemed to predominate; this was the first time we had seen it. It has a very disagreeable odour, as if decayed, and appears to emit a sulphuretted hydrogen gas, which I observed blackened silver. Some have described this fruit as delicious, but if the smell is not enough, the taste in my opinion will convince any one of the contrary.
The market was well stocked with fruits and fish. The durian seemed to stand out among the fruits; this was the first time we had seen it. It has a very unpleasant smell, kind of like it's rotting, and it seems to release a hydrogen sulfide gas, which I noticed tarnished silver. Some people claim this fruit is delicious, but if the smell isn't enough to put you off, the taste will definitely change your mind.
Mr. Brackenridge made the following list of their fruits: Durian, Artocarpus integrifolia, Melons, water and musk, Oranges, mandarin and bitter, Pineapples, Carica papaya, Mangosteen, Bread-fruit, Coco and Betelnut. The vegetables were capsicums, cucumbers, yams, sweet-potatoes, garlic, onions, edible fern-roots, and radishes of the salmon variety, but thicker and more acrid in flavor.
Mr. Brackenridge created the following list of their fruits: Durian, Artocarpus integrifolia, watermelons and musk melons, oranges, mandarins, and bitter oranges, pineapples, Carica papaya, mangosteen, breadfruit, coconuts, and betelnut. The vegetables included capsicums, cucumbers, yams, sweet potatoes, garlic, onions, edible fern roots, and radishes of the salmon variety, but thicker and more bitter in taste.
A stolen granite monument.In walking about the parts of the town we were permitted to enter, large slabs of cut granite were seen, which were presumed to be from China, where the walls of canals or streamlets are lined with it. But Dr. Pickering in his rambles discovered pieces that had been cut as if to form a monument, and remarked a difference between it and the Chinese kind. On one or two pieces he saw the mark No. 1, in black paint; the material resembled the Chelmsford granite, and it occurred to him that the stone had been cut in Boston. I did not hear of this circumstance until after we had left Sulu, and have little doubt now that the interdiction against our gentlemen visiting some parts of the town was owing to the fear they had of the discovery of this plunder. This may have been the reason why they so readily complied with my demands, in order to get rid of us as soon as possible, feeling themselves guilty, and being unprepared for defence; for, of the numerous guns mounted, few if any were serviceable.
A stolen granite statue.While exploring the parts of the town we were allowed to visit, we noticed large slabs of cut granite, which were thought to be from China, where the walls of canals or streams are lined with it. However, Dr. Pickering, during his walks, found pieces that appeared to be shaped for a monument and noted a difference from the Chinese variety. On one or two pieces, he spotted the mark No. 1 in black paint; the material looked like Chelmsford granite, and he speculated that the stone was cut in Boston. I didn't learn about this until after we left Sulu, and I have no doubt that the restrictions on our men visiting certain areas of the town stemmed from a fear of discovering this theft. This might explain why they quickly complied with my requests to get rid of us as soon as they could, feeling guilty and unprepared to defend themselves; of the many guns they had mounted, few, if any, were functional.
The theft of the pistol was so barefaced an affair, that I made up my mind to insist on its restoration. At the setting of the watch in the evening, it had been our practice on board the Vincennes to fire a small brass howitzer. This frequently, in the calm evenings, produced a great reverberation, and rolled along the water to the surrounding islands with considerable noise. Instead of it, on this evening, I ordered one of the long guns to be fired, believing that the sound and reverberation alone would suffice to intimidate such robbers. One was accordingly fired in the direction of the town, which fairly shook the island, as they said, and it was not long before we saw that the rogues were fully aroused, for the clatter of gongs and voices that came over the water, and the motion of lights, convinced me that the pistol would be forthcoming in the morning. In this I was not mistaken, for at early daylight I was awakened by a special messenger from the Datu to tell me that the pistol was [507]found, and would be brought off without delay; that he had been searching for it all night, and had at last succeeded in finding it, as well as the thief, on whom he intended to inflict the bastinado. Accordingly, in a short time the pistol was delivered on board, and every expression of friendship and good-will given, with the strongest assurances that nothing of the kind should happen again.
The theft of the pistol was such a blatant act that I decided to demand its return. Every evening, when the watch was set on board the Vincennes, we would fire a small brass howitzer. This often created a loud echo that rolled across the water to the nearby islands. However, that evening, I ordered one of the long guns to be fired instead, thinking that the noise would be enough to scare off the thieves. One was fired toward the town, and it shook the island, as they said. It didn't take long for the troublemakers to react; the sounds of gongs and shouting came across the water, and the flickering lights convinced me that the pistol would be returned by morning. I was right, as at daybreak, I was woken by a special messenger from the Datu telling me that the pistol was [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]found and would be brought over right away. He had been searching for it all night and finally found it, along with the thief, whom he planned to punish with the bastinado. Soon enough, the pistol was delivered on board, along with expressions of friendship and good will, and strong assurances that nothing like this would happen again.
Marongas island.As our naturalists could have no opportunity of rambling over the island of Sooloo, it was thought that one of the neighbouring islands (although not so good a field) would afford them many of the same results, and that they could examine it unmolested. Accordingly, at an early hour, they were despatched in boats for that purpose, with a sufficient guard to attend them in case of necessity. The island on which they landed, Marongas, has two hills of volcanic conglomerate and vesicular lava, containing angular fragments embedded. The bottom was covered with living coral, of every variety, and of different colors; but there was nothing like a regular coral shelf, and the beach was composed of bits of coral intermixed with dead shells, both entire and comminuted. The center of the island was covered with mangrove-bushes; the hills were cones, but had no craters on them. The mangroves had grown in clusters, giving the appearance of a number of small islets. This, with the neighboring islands, were thought to be composed in a great part of coral, but it was impossible for our gentlemen to determine the fact.
Maronga Island.Since our naturalists couldn't explore the island of Sooloo, it was decided that one of the nearby islands (even though it wasn't as promising) would still provide them with many of the same findings, and they could study it without interruption. So, early in the morning, they were sent in boats for that purpose, accompanied by a sufficient guard in case they needed assistance. The island they landed on, Marongas, features two hills made of volcanic conglomerate and vesicular lava, containing embedded angular fragments. The seabed was covered in living coral of all kinds and colors, but there wasn't a regular coral shelf, and the beach was made up of pieces of coral mixed with whole and broken shells. The center of the island was filled with mangrove bushes; the hills were cone-shaped but didn't have craters. The mangroves grew in clusters, creating the look of several small islets. It was believed that this island and the nearby ones were largely made up of coral, but our gentlemen couldn't confirm that.
The day was exceedingly hot, and the island was suffering to such a degree from drought that the leaves in many cases were curled and appeared dry. On the face of the rocky cliff they saw many swallows (hirundo esculenta) flying in and out of the caverns facing the sea; but they were not fortunate enough to find any of the edible nests, so much esteemed by Chinese epicures.
The day was incredibly hot, and the island was experiencing such severe drought that the leaves were curled and looked dry in many places. On the rocky cliff, they saw many swallows (hirundo esculenta) flying in and out of the caves facing the sea; however, they weren’t lucky enough to find any of the edible nests, which are highly valued by Chinese food lovers.
At another part of the island they heard the crowing of a cock, and discovered a small village, almost hidden by the mangroves, and built over the water. In the neighborhood were several fish-baskets set out to dry, as well as a quantity of fencing for weirs, all made of rattan. Their shape was somewhat peculiar. After a little while the native fishermen were seen approaching, who evidently had a knowledge of their visit from the first. They came near with great caution in their canoes; but after the first had spoken and reconnoitered, several others landed, exhibiting no signs of embarrassment, and soon motioned our party off. To indicate that force would be resorted to, in case of refusal, at the same time they pointed to their arms, and drew their krises. Our gentlemen took this all in good part, and, after dispensing a few trifling presents among them, began their retreat with a convenient speed, without, however, compromising their dignity.
At another part of the island, they heard a rooster crowing and discovered a small village, almost hidden by the mangroves and built over the water. Nearby, there were several fish baskets set out to dry and some fencing for weirs, all made of rattan. Their shape was a bit unusual. After a little while, the local fishermen were seen approaching, clearly aware of their visit from the start. They approached cautiously in their canoes; but after the first one spoke and checked things out, several others landed with no signs of hesitation and soon motioned for our group to leave. To indicate that they would use force if they refused, they pointed to their weapons and drew their krises. Our gentlemen took this all in stride, and after giving a few small gifts, they began to retreat at a comfortable pace, without compromising their dignity.
The excursion had been profitable in the way of collections, having yielded a number of specimens of shrubs and trees, both in flower and fruit; but owing to the drought, the herbaceous plants were, for the most part, dried up. Among the latter, however, they saw a large and fine terrestrial species of Epidendrum, whose stem grew to the height of several feet, and when surmounted by its flowers [508]reached twelve or fifteen feet high. Many of the salt-marsh plants seen in the Fijis, were also observed here. Besides the plants, some shells and a beautiful cream-colored pigeon were obtained.
The trip was successful in terms of collecting, yielding various specimens of shrubs and trees, both flowering and fruit-bearing; however, due to the drought, most of the herbaceous plants were dried up. Among them, though, they discovered a large and impressive terrestrial species of Epidendrum, whose stem grew several feet tall and, topped with its flowers, reached heights of twelve to fifteen feet. Many of the salt-marsh plants seen in Fiji were also noted here. In addition to the plants, some shells and a beautiful cream-colored pigeon were collected.
During the day we were busily engaged in the survey of the harbor, and in making astronomical and magnetical observations on the beach, while some of the officers were employed purchasing curiosities, on shore, at the town, and alongside the ship. These consisted of krises, spears, shields, and shells; and the Sulus were not slow in comprehending the kind of articles we were in search of.
During the day, we were actively involved in surveying the harbor and taking astronomical and magnetic observations on the beach, while some officers were busy buying curiosities on land, in the town, and next to the ship. These included krises, spears, shields, and shells; and the Sulus quickly understood what kind of items we were looking for.
Few if any of the Sulus can write or read, though many talk Spanish. Their accounts are all kept by the slaves. Those who can read and write are, in consequence, highly prized. All the accounts of the Datu of Soung are kept in Dutch, by a young Malay from Tarnate, who writes a good hand, and speaks English, and whom we found exceedingly useful to us. He is the slave of the Datu, who employs him for this purpose only. He told us he was captured in a brig by the pirates of Basilan, and sold here as a slave, where he is likely to remain for life, although he says the Datu has promised to give him his freedom after ten years.
Few, if any, of the Sulus can read or write, though many speak Spanish. Their records are all kept by the slaves. Those who can read and write are, therefore, extremely valuable. All the accounts of the Datu of Soung are kept in Dutch by a young Malay from Ternate, who has neat handwriting and speaks English, and we found him extremely helpful. He is the Datu’s slave, who only uses him for this purpose. He told us he was captured by pirates from Basilan in a brig and sold here as a slave, where he is likely to stay for life, although he says the Datu has promised to grant him his freedom after ten years.
Horses, cows, and buffaloes are the beasts of burden, and a Sulu may usually be seen riding either one or the other, armed cap-a-pie, with kris, spear, and target, or shield.
Horses, cows, and buffaloes are the work animals, and you can usually see a Sulu riding one or the other, fully armed with a kris, spear, and shield.
They use saddles cut out of solid wood, and many ride with their stirrups so short that they bring the knees very high, and the riders look more like well-grown monkeys than mounted men. The cows and buffaloes are guided by a piece of thong, through the cartilage of the nose. By law, no swine are allowed to be kept on the island, and if they are bought, they are immediately killed. The Chinese are obliged to raise and kill their pigs very secretly, when they desire that species of food; for, notwithstanding the law and the prejudices of the inhabitants, the former continue to keep swine.
They use saddles made from solid wood, and many riders have their stirrups so short that their knees are raised very high, making them look more like well-grown monkeys than mounted men. Cows and buffaloes are guided by a piece of thong through the cartilage of their nose. By law, no pigs are allowed to be kept on the island, and if they are bought, they are immediately slaughtered. The Chinese have to raise and kill their pigs very secretly when they want that kind of food, because despite the law and the locals' prejudices, they continue to keep pigs.
Natives.The inhabitants of Sulu are a tall, thin, and effeminate-looking race: I do not recollect to have seen one corpulent person among them. Their faces are peculiar for length, particularly in the lower jaw and chin, with high cheek-bones, sunken, lack-lustre eyes, and narrow foreheads. Their heads are thinly covered with hair, which appears to be kept closely cropped. I was told that they pluck out their beards, and dye their teeth black with antimony, and some file them.
Indigenous people.The people of Sulu are a tall, slim, and somewhat delicate-looking group: I don't recall seeing anyone overweight among them. Their faces are distinctive for their length, especially in the jaw and chin, with high cheekbones, sunken, dull eyes, and narrow foreheads. Their heads have very short hair, which seems to be kept closely cropped. I heard that they pluck out their facial hair and dye their teeth black with antimony, and some even file their teeth.
Their eyebrows appear to be shaven, forming a very regular and high arch, which they esteem a great beauty.
Their eyebrows seem to be shaved, creating a very regular and high arch, which they consider a great beauty.
The dress of the common people is very like that of the Chinese, with loose and full sleeves, without buttons. The materials of which it is made are grass-cloths, silks, satins, or white cotton, from China. I should judge from the appearance of their persons, that they ought to be termed, so far as ablutions go, a cleanly people. There is no outward respect or obeisance shown by the slave to his master, nor is the presence of the Datu, or even of the Sultan himself, held in any awe. All appear upon an equality, and there does not seem to be any controlling power; yet it may be at once perceived that they are suspicious and jealous of strangers.
The clothing of common people is quite similar to that of the Chinese, featuring loose and wide sleeves without buttons. They use materials like grass cloths, silks, satins, or white cotton from China. From the way they carry themselves, it seems they can be considered a clean people when it comes to personal hygiene. There’s no outward respect or bowing from the slave to his master, nor is the presence of the Datu or even the Sultan himself treated with any reverence. Everyone appears equal, and there doesn't seem to be any dominant authority; however, it’s clear that they are suspicious and wary of outsiders.
[509]The Sulus, although they are ready to do any thing for the sake of plunder, even to the taking of life, yet are not disposed to hoard their ill-gotten wealth, and, with all their faults, cannot be termed avaricious.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The Sulus, while willing to do anything for the sake of loot, even to the point of taking a life, are not inclined to save their ill-gotten riches. Despite all their flaws, they cannot be called greedy.
They have but few qualities to redeem their treachery, cruelty, and revengeful dispositions; and one of the principal causes of their being so predominant, or even of their existence, is their inordinate lust for power. When they possess this, it is accompanied by a haughty, consequential, and ostentatious bravery. No greater affront can be offered to a Sulu, than to underrate his dignity and official consequence. Such an insult is seldom forgiven, and never forgotten. From one who has made numerous voyages to these islands, I have obtained many of the above facts, and my own observation assures me that this view of their character is a correct one. I would, however, add another trait, which is common among them, and that is cowardice, which is obvious, in spite of their boasted prowess and daring. This trait of character is universally ascribed to them among the Spaniards in the Philippines, who ought to be well acquainted with them.
They have few qualities to counterbalance their treachery, cruelty, and vengeful tendencies; one of the main reasons they are so dominant, or even able to exist, is their excessive desire for power. When they have power, it comes with a proud, self-important, and showy bravery. There's no greater insult to a Sulu than to underestimate his dignity and status. Such an insult is rarely forgiven and never forgotten. From someone who has made many trips to these islands, I've learned many of these facts, and my own observations confirm that this perspective on their character is accurate. However, I would add another common trait among them, which is cowardice, evident despite their claimed bravery and daring. This characteristic is widely recognized among the Spaniards in the Philippines, who should know them well.
The dress of the women is not unlike that of the men in appearance. They wear close jackets of various colors when they go abroad, and the same loose breeches as the men, but over them they usually have a large wrapper (sarong), not unlike the pareu of the Polynesian islanders, which is put round them like a petticoat, or thrown over the shoulders. Their hair is drawn to the back of the head, and around the forehead it is shaven in the form of a regular arch, to correspond with the eyebrows. Those that I saw at the Sultan’s were like the Malays, and had light complexions, with very black teeth. The Datu thought them very handsome, and on our return he asked me if I had seen the Sultan’s beauties. The females of Sulu have the reputation of ruling their lords, and possess much weight in the government by the influence they exert over their husbands.
The women's attire is quite similar to that of the men. They wear fitted jackets in various colors when they go out, and the same loose pants as the men, but usually have a large wrap (sarong) over them, similar to the pareu of the Polynesian islanders, which is worn like a petticoat or draped over the shoulders. Their hair is pulled back, and the hair around their forehead is shaved in a consistent arch, matching their eyebrows. The women I saw at the Sultan’s were like the Malays, with lighter skin and very black teeth. The Datu found them very attractive, and on our way back, he asked if I had noticed the Sultan’s beauties. The women of Sulu are known for having significant influence over their husbands and play an important role in governance.
Superiority of women.It may be owing to this that there is little jealousy of their wives, who are said to hold their virtues in no very great estimation. In their houses they are but scantily clothed, though women of rank have always a large number of rings on their fingers, some of which are of great value, as well as earrings of fine gold. They wear no stockings, but have on Chinese slippers, or Spanish shoes. They are as capable of governing as their husbands, and in many cases more so, as they associate with the slaves, from whom they obtain some knowledge of Christendom, and of the habits and customs of other nations, which they study to imitate in every way.
Women's superiority. This might explain why there isn’t much jealousy over their wives, who are said to not think highly of their own virtues. At home, they’re dressed rather simply, though women of high status always wear many rings, some of which are quite valuable, along with gold earrings. They don’t wear stockings but prefer Chinese slippers or Spanish shoes. They are just as capable of governing as their husbands, and often more so, as they interact with the slaves, from whom they learn about Christianity and the customs and habits of other cultures, which they strive to emulate in every way.
The mode in which the Sulus employ their time may be exemplified by giving that of the Datu; for all, whether free or slave, endeavor to imitate the higher rank as far as is in their power. The datus seldom rise before eleven o’clock, unless they have some particular business; and the Datu Mulu complained of being sleepy in consequence of the early hour at which we had disturbed him.
The way the Sulus spend their time can be shown by looking at the Datu’s routine; everyone, whether free or enslaved, tries to mimic the upper class as much as they can. The datus rarely get up before eleven o’clock unless they have specific tasks to handle, and Datu Mulu mentioned feeling sleepy because of the early hour at which we woke him.
On rising, they have chocolate served in gilt glassware, with some light biscuit, and sweetmeats imported from China or Manila, of which they informed me they laid in large supplies. They then [510]lounge about their houses, transacting a little business, and playing at various games, or, in the trading season, go to the meeting of the Ruma Bechara.
On waking up, they have chocolate served in fancy glassware, along with some light biscuits and sweets imported from China or Manila, which they told me they stockpile in large quantities. They then [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]hang out at home, doing a bit of business, playing various games, or, during the trading season, attend the Ruma Bechara meeting.
At sunset they take their principal meal, consisting of stews of fish, poultry, beef, eggs, and rice, prepared somewhat after the Chinese and Spanish modes, mixed up with that of the Malay. Although Moslems, they do not forego the use of wine, and some are said to indulge in it to a great extent. After sunset, when the air has become somewhat cooled by the refreshing breezes, they sally forth attended by their retainers to take a walk, or proceed to the bazaars to purchase goods, or to sell or to barter away their articles of produce. They then pay visits to their friends, when they are in the habit of having frequent convivial parties, talking over their bargains, smoking cigars, drinking wine and liquors, tea, coffee, and chocolate, and indulging in their favorite pipe of opium. At times they are entertained with music, both vocal and instrumental, by their dependants. Of this art they appear to be very fond, and there are many musical instruments among them. A datu, indeed, would be looked upon as uneducated if he could not play on some instrument.
At sunset, they have their main meal, which includes stews made from fish, chicken, beef, eggs, and rice, prepared somewhat like the Chinese and Spanish styles, mixed with Malay influences. Even though they are Muslims, they still enjoy wine, and some are said to indulge in it quite a bit. After sunset, when the air has cooled down with refreshing breezes, they head out with their attendants to take a walk, visit the bazaars to buy goods, or to sell or trade their produce. They then stop by to see friends, where they often have lively gatherings, discussing their deals while smoking cigars and drinking wine, liquors, tea, coffee, and chocolate, and enjoying their favorite opium pipe. Occasionally, they're entertained with music, both singing and instruments, played by their followers. They seem to really enjoy this art, and many musical instruments are found among them. A datu would actually be considered uneducated if he couldn’t play an instrument.
It is considered polite that when refreshments are handed they should be partaken of. Those offered us by the Datu were such as are usual, but every thing was stale. Of fruit they are said to be very fond, and can afford to indulge themselves in any kinds. With all these articles to cloy the appetite, only one set meal a day is taken; though the poorer classes, fishermen and laborers, partake of two.
It’s considered polite to accept refreshments when they’re offered. The ones we received from the Datu were typical, but everything was stale. They’re said to really enjoy fruit and can treat themselves to any kind they want. Despite all these tempting items, they only have one main meal a day, while the poorer people, like fishermen and laborers, usually have two.
Government.The government of the Sulu Archipelago is a kind of oligarchy, and the supreme authority is vested in the Sultan and the Ruma Bechara or trading council. This consists of about twenty chiefs, either datus, or their next in rank, called orangs, who are governors of towns or detached provinces. The influence of the individual chiefs depends chiefly upon the number of their retainers or slaves, and the force they can bring into their service when they require it. These are purchased from the pirates, who bring them to Sulu and its dependencies for sale. The slaves are employed in a variety of ways, as in trading prahus, in the pearl and bêche de met fisheries, and in the search after the edible birds’ nests.
Government.The government of the Sulu Archipelago operates as an oligarchy, with the highest authority held by the Sultan and the Ruma Bechara, or trading council. This council consists of around twenty chiefs, known either as datus or their next in rank, referred to as orangs, who govern towns or separate provinces. The power of each chief largely depends on the number of retainers or slaves they have, as well as the military force they can mobilize when needed. These slaves are bought from pirates, who bring them to Sulu and its territories for sale. They are used in various roles, including on trading boats, in pearl and bêche de mer fishing, and in collecting edible birds' nests.
A few are engaged in agriculture, and those who are at all educated are employed as clerks. These slaves are not denied the right of holding property, which they enjoy during their lives, but at their death it reverts to the master. Some of them are quite rich, and what may appear strange, the slaves of Sulu are invariably better off than the untitled freemen, who are at all times the prey of the hereditary datus, even of those who hold no official stations. By all accounts these constitute a large proportion of the population, and it being treason for any low-born freeman to injure or maltreat a datu, the latter, who are of a haughty, overbearing, and tyrannical disposition, seldom keep themselves within bounds in their treatment of their inferiors. The consequence is, the lower class of freemen are obliged to put themselves under the protection of some particular datu, which guards them from the encroachment of others. [511]The chief to whom they thus attach themselves, is induced to treat them well, in order to retain their services, and attach them to his person, that he may, in case of need, be enabled to defend himself from depredations, and the violence of his neighbors.
A few people work in agriculture, and those who have any education are typically employed as clerks. These slaves are allowed to own property, which they can enjoy while they’re alive, but it goes back to the master when they die. Some of them are quite wealthy, and strangely enough, the slaves in Sulu are often better off than the untitled free men, who are always at risk of being exploited by the hereditary datus, even those without official positions. Reports suggest that these free men make up a large part of the population, and since it’s considered treason for any lower-class free man to harm or mistreat a datu, the latter, who tend to be arrogant, domineering, and tyrannical, often don’t hold back in how they treat those beneath them. As a result, the lower-class free men are forced to seek protection from a specific datu, which shields them from the advances of others. The chief they align with is motivated to treat them well in order to keep their services, building a bond that enables him to defend himself from attacks and the aggression of his neighbors. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
Such is the absence of legal restraint, that all find it necessary to go abroad armed, and accompanied by a trusty set of followers, who are also armed. This is the case both by day and night, and, according to the Datu’s account, frequent affrays take place in the open streets, which not unfrequently end in bloodshed.
The lack of legal control is so severe that everyone feels compelled to go out armed, along with a reliable group of armed followers. This happens both during the day and at night, and according to the Datu, violent confrontations often occur in the streets, frequently resulting in bloodshed.
Caution is never laid aside, the only law that exists being that of force; but the weak contrive to balance the power of the strong by uniting. They have not only contentions and strife among themselves, but it was stated at Manila that the mountaineers of Sulu, who are said to be Christians, occasionally make inroads upon them. At Sulu, however, it did not appear that they were under much apprehension of these attacks. The only fear I heard expressed was by the Sultan, in my interview with him; and the cause of this, as I have already stated, was probably a desire to find an excuse for not affording us facilities to go into the interior. Within twenty years, however, the reigning sultan has been obliged to retire within his forts, in the town of Sulu, which I have before adverted to.
Caution is always present, with the only law being that of power; however, the weak manage to balance the strength of the strong by coming together. They not only have conflicts and disagreements among themselves, but it was mentioned in Manila that the mountain people of Sulu, who are claimed to be Christians, sometimes raid them. In Sulu, though, it didn't seem like they were overly worried about these attacks. The only concern I heard was from the Sultan during my meeting with him; and the reason for this, as I mentioned earlier, was likely his desire to find an excuse for not giving us access to the interior. Over the past twenty years, however, the current sultan has had to retreat into his forts in the town of Sulu, which I previously mentioned.
These people are hostile to the Sulus of the coast and towns, who take every opportunity to rob them of their cattle and property, for which the mountaineers seek retaliation when they have an opportunity. From the manner in which the Datu spoke of them, they are not much regarded. Through another source I learned that the mountaineers were Papuans, and the original inhabitants of the islands, who pay tribute to the Sultan, and have acknowledged his authority, ever since they were converted to Islamism. Before that time they were considered extremely ferocious, and whenever it was practicable they were destroyed. Others speak of an original race of Dyacks in the interior, but there is one circumstance to satisfy me that there is no confidence to be placed in this account, namely, that the island is not of sufficient extent to accommodate so numerous a population as some ascribe to it.
These people are unfriendly to the Sulus of the coast and towns, who seize every chance to steal their cattle and belongings, which the mountaineers seek to avenge when they can. From how the Datu talked about them, they aren't held in high regard. From another source, I discovered that the mountaineers are Papuans, the original inhabitants of the islands, who have paid tribute to the Sultan and acknowledged his authority since they converted to Islam. Before that, they were seen as very fierce, and whenever possible, they were eliminated. Others mention an original group of Dyaks in the interior, but one thing makes me doubt this account: the island simply isn't large enough to support such a large population as some claim.
The forts consist of a double row of piles, filled in with coral blocks. That situated on the east side of the small stream may be said to mount a few guns, but these are altogether inefficient; and in another, on the west side, which is rather a rude embankment than a fort, there are some twelve or fifteen pieces of large calibre; but I doubt very much if they had been fired off for years, and many of the houses built upon the water would require to be pulled down before these guns could be brought to bear upon any thing on the side of the bay, supposing them to be in a good condition; a little farther to the east of the town, I was informed they had a kind of stockade, but none of us were permitted to see it.
The forts are made up of two rows of piles, filled in with coral blocks. The one on the east side of the small stream has a few guns, but they're completely useless; and the one on the west side is more like a rough embankment than a proper fort, with about twelve or fifteen large-caliber pieces. However, I seriously doubt they've been fired in years, and many of the houses built over the water would need to be torn down before those guns could aim at anything in the bay, assuming they're even in working condition. A little further east of the town, I was told there's a kind of stockade, but we weren't allowed to see it.
Population.According to our estimates, and the information we received while at Sulu, the island itself does not contain more than thirty thousand inhabitants, of which the town of Soung may have six or seven thousand. The whole group may number about one hundred and thirty thousand. I am aware, however, that it is difficult to estimate [512]the population of a half-civilized people, who invariably exaggerate their own strength; and visitors are likewise prone to do the same thing. The Chinese comprise about an eighth of the population of the town, and are generally of the lower class. They are constantly busy at their trades, and intent upon making money.
Population. Based on our estimates and the information we gathered while in Sulu, the island has no more than thirty thousand residents, with the town of Soung having around six or seven thousand. The entire group might total about one hundred and thirty thousand. However, I understand that it's challenging to accurately assess [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] the population of a semi-civilized people, who tend to overstate their own numbers; visitors often do the same. The Chinese make up about one-eighth of the town's population and are generally from the lower class. They are always busy with their trades and focused on making money.
At Soung, business seems active, and all, slaves as well as masters, seem to engage in it. The absence of a strong government leaves all at liberty to act for themselves, and the Ruma Bechara gives unlimited freedom to trade. These circumstances promote the industry of the community, and even that of the slave, for he too, as before observed, has a life interest in what he earns.
At Soung, business appears to be thriving, with everyone involved, both slaves and masters. The lack of a strong government allows everyone to operate independently, and the Ruma Bechara provides complete freedom for trade. These factors encourage the community's productivity, including that of the slaves, because, as mentioned before, they also have a vested interest in what they earn.
Soung being the residence of the Sultan, as well as the grand depot for all piratical goods, is probably more of a mart than any of the surrounding towns. In the months of March and April it is visited by several Chinese junks, who remain trading until the beginning of the month of August. If delayed after that time, they can scarcely return in safety, being unable to contend with the boisterous weather and head winds that then prevail in the Chinese seas. These junks are said to come chiefly from Amoy, where the cottons, etc., best suited for the Sulus are made. Their cargoes consist of a variety of articles of Chinese manufacture and produce, such as silk, satin goods, cottons, red and checked, grass-cloth clothing, handkerchiefs, cutlery, guns, ammunition, opium, lumber, china and glass-ware, rice, sugar, oil, lard, and butter. In return for this merchandise they obtain camphor, birds’ nests, rattans, bêche de mer, pearls, and pearl-shells, coco, tortoise-shell, and wax; but there is no great quantity of these articles to be obtained, perhaps not more than two or three cargoes during the season. The trade requires great knowledge of the articles purchased, for the Chinese and Sulus are both such adepts in fraud, that great caution and circumspection are necessary.
Soung, being the home of the Sultan and the main hub for all pirated goods, is likely more of a marketplace than any of the nearby towns. In March and April, several Chinese junks visit and trade until the beginning of August. If they are delayed beyond that time, they can hardly return safely due to the rough weather and headwinds that dominate the Chinese seas then. These junks mainly come from Amoy, where the cottons, and other goods, most suitable for the Sulus are produced. Their cargoes include a variety of Chinese-made items such as silk, satin, cotton (including red and checked), grass-cloth clothing, handkerchiefs, cutlery, guns, ammunition, opium, lumber, china, glassware, rice, sugar, oil, lard, and butter. In exchange for these goods, they acquire camphor, bird's nests, rattans, bêche de mer, pearls, and pearl-shells, as well as coco, tortoise-shell, and wax; however, there isn't a large supply of these items, possibly only two or three cargoes during the season. The trade demands a deep understanding of the products being purchased, as both the Chinese and Sulus are skilled in deception, making caution and careful attention essential.
Customs dues.The duties on importation are not fixed, but are changed and altered from time to time by the Ruma Bechara. The following was stated to me as the necessary payments before trade could be carried on:
Import taxes.The import duties aren’t set in stone; they’re frequently adjusted by the Ruma Bechara. I was informed that the following payments are required before any trade can take place:
A large ship, with Chinese on board, pays | $2,000 |
A large ship, without Chinese on board, pays | 1,800 |
Small ships | 1,500 |
Large brig | 1,000 |
Small brig | 500 |
Schooners | from 150 to 400 |
This supposes them all to have full cargoes. That a difference should be made in a vessel with or without Chinamen, seems singular; but this, I was told, arose from the circumstance that English vessels take them on board, in order to detect and prevent the impositions of the Sulus.
This assumes they all have full loads. It seems strange that a distinction is made between a ship with or without Chinese crew members; however, I was informed that this situation came about because British ships bring them on board to identify and prevent the scams from the Sulus.
Vessels intending to trade at Soung should arrive before the Chinese junks, and remain as long as they stay, or even a few days later. In trading with the natives, all operations ought to be carried on for cash, or if by barter, no delivery should be made until the articles to be taken in exchange are received. In short, it is necessary to [513]deal with them as though they were undoubted rogues, and this pleases them much more than to appear unsuspicious. Vessels that trade engage a bazaar, which they hire of the Ruma Bechara, and it is advisable to secure the good-will of the leading datus in that council by presents, and paying them more for their goods than others.
Vessels planning to trade at Soung should arrive before the Chinese junks and stay as long as they do, or even a few days longer. When trading with the locals, all transactions should be made in cash, or if using barter, no delivery should happen until the items to be exchanged are received. In short, it's essential to treat them as if they are definitely untrustworthy, and they actually prefer that to being treated as if they're innocent. Vessels that trade rent a bazaar from the Ruma Bechara, and it's wise to win the favor of the key leaders in that council with gifts and by paying them more for their goods than others do.
There are various other precautions necessary in dealing with this people; for they will, if possible, so act as to give rise to disputes, in which case an appeal is made to their fellows, who are sure to decide against the strangers. Those who have been engaged in this trade, advise that the prices of the goods should be fixed upon before the Sultan, and the scales of the Datu of Soung employed; for although these are quite faulty, the error is compensated by the articles received being, weighed in the same. This also secures the Datu’s good-will, by the fee (some fifty dollars) which he receives for the use of them. Thus it will be perceived that those who desire to trade with Sulu, must make up their minds to encounter many impositions, and to be continually watchful of their own interests.
There are several other precautions necessary when dealing with these people; they will, if possible, act in ways that provoke disputes, and in those cases, an appeal is made to their peers, who are sure to side against outsiders. Those who have been involved in this trade advise that the prices of goods should be agreed upon in front of the Sultan, and the scales of the Datu of Soung should be used; although these scales are not very reliable, the mistakes are balanced out by the items being weighed on them. This also earns the Datu's favor since he receives a fee (around fifty dollars) for using them. So, it’s clear that those wanting to trade with Sulu must be prepared to face many challenges and stay alert to protect their own interests.
Every possible precaution ought to be taken; and it will be found, the treatment will depend upon, or be according to the force or resolution that is displayed. In justice to this people it must be stated, there have been times when traders received every kindness and attention at the island of Sulu, and I heard it even said, that many vessels had gone there to refit; but during the last thirty or forty years, the reigning sultans and their subjects have become hostile to Europeans, of whom they plunder and destroy as many as they can, and this they have hitherto been allowed to do with impunity.
Every possible precaution should be taken; and it will be clear that the treatment will depend on the strength or determination displayed. To be fair to this people, it must be noted that there have been times when traders received great kindness and attention on the island of Sulu, and I even heard that many vessels went there to make repairs. However, in the last thirty to forty years, the ruling sultans and their subjects have become hostile toward Europeans, plundering and destroying as many as they can, and so far, they have been allowed to do this without facing any consequences.
Although I have described the trade with Sulu as limited, yet it is capable of greater extension; and had it not been for the piratical habits of the people, the evil report of which has been so widely spread, Sulu would now have been one of the principal marts of the East. The most fertile parts of Borneo are subject to its authority. There all the richest productions of these Eastern seas grow in immense quantities, but are now left ungarnered in consequence of there being no buyers. The cost of their cultivation would be exceedingly low, and I am disposed to believe that these articles could be produced here at a lower cost than anywhere else.
Although I've described the trade with Sulu as limited, it really has the potential to grow significantly. If it weren't for the pirates in the area, who have gained a bad reputation, Sulu could have been one of the main trading hubs in the East. The most fertile regions of Borneo are under its control. There, all the richest products from these Eastern seas can be found in huge quantities, but they remain unharvested because there are no buyers. The cost of farming these products would be very low, and I believe these items could be produced here at a lower cost than anywhere else.
Besides the trade with China, there is a very considerable one with Manila in small articles, and I found one of our countrymen engaged in this traffic, under the Spanish flag. To him I am indebted for much information that his opportunities of observation had given him.
Besides trading with China, there’s also a significant trade with Manila in small items, and I met one of our fellow countrymen involved in this business under the Spanish flag. I owe him a lot for the insights he shared from his experiences.
The materials for the history of Sulu are meagre, and great doubt seems to exist in some periods of it. That which I have been able to gather is as follows:
The materials for the history of Sulu are limited, and there appears to be significant uncertainty about certain periods. What I've been able to collect is as follows:
History.The island of Sulu is generally believed to have been originally inhabited by Papuans, some of whom, as I have already stated, are still supposed to inhabit the mountainous part. The first intercourse had with them was by the Chinese, who went there in search of pearls. The Orang Dampuwans were the first of the Malays to form settlements on the islands; but after building towns, and [514]making other improvements, they abandoned the islands, in consequence, it is said, of the inhabitants being a perfidious race, having previously to their departure destroyed as many of the natives as they could.
History.The island of Sulu is generally believed to have been originally settled by Papuans, some of whom, as I've mentioned before, are still thought to live in the mountainous areas. The first contact with them was made by the Chinese, who visited in search of pearls. The Orang Dampuwans were the first Malays to establish settlements on the islands; however, after building towns and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]making other improvements, they eventually left the islands, reportedly because the locals were considered untrustworthy, having destroyed as many of the native people as they could before their departure.
The fame of the submarine riches of this archipelago reached Banjar or Borneo, the people of which were induced to resort there, and finding it to equal their expectation, they sent a large colony, and made endeavors to win over the inhabitants, and obtain thereby the possession of their rich isle. In order to confirm the alliance, a female of Banjarmassing, of great beauty, was sent, and married to the principal chief; and from this alliance the sovereigns of Sulu claim their descent. The treaty of marriage made Sulu tributary to the Banjarmassing empire.
The fame of the underwater treasures of this archipelago reached Banjar, or Borneo, which led its people to travel there. They found it to be as amazing as they had heard, so they sent a large colony and tried to win over the locals to gain control of their rich island. To seal the alliance, a beautiful woman from Banjarmassing was sent and married to the main chief; from this union, the rulers of Sulu claim their lineage. This marriage treaty made Sulu a tributary of the Banjarmassing empire.
After the Banjars had thus obtained possession of the archipelago, the trade in its products attracted settlers from the surrounding islands, who soon contrived to displace the aborigines, and drive them to the inaccessible mountains for protection.
After the Banjars took control of the archipelago, the trade in its products drew settlers from the nearby islands, who quickly managed to push out the indigenous people and force them into the unreachable mountains for safety.
When the Chinese took possession of the northern parts of Borneo, under the Emperor Songtiping, about the year 1375, the daughter of that prince was married to a celebrated Arabian chief named Sheriff Alli, who visited the shores of Borneo in quest of commerce. The descendants of this marriage extended their conquests not only over the Sulu Archipelago, but over the whole of the Philippines, and rendered the former tributary to Borneo. In three reigns after this event, the sultan of Borneo proper married the daughter of a Sulu chief, and from this union came Mirhome Bongsu, who succeeding to the throne while yet a minor, his uncle acted as regent. Sulu now wished to throw off the yoke of Borneo, and through the intrigues of the regent succeeded in doing so, as well as in retaining possession of the eastern side of Borneo, from Maludu Bay on the north, to Tulusyan on the south, which has ever since been a part of the Sulu territory.
When the Chinese took control of the northern parts of Borneo, under Emperor Songtiping, around the year 1375, his daughter married a well-known Arabian leader named Sheriff Alli, who came to Borneo seeking trade. The descendants of this marriage expanded their conquests, not only over the Sulu Archipelago but also throughout the Philippines, making the former a tributary to Borneo. In three reigns after this, the sultan of Borneo married the daughter of a Sulu chief, and from this union came Mirhome Bongsu, who became king while still a minor, so his uncle served as regent. Sulu wanted to break free from Borneo's control, and through the regent's scheming, they successfully did so, while also keeping control of the eastern side of Borneo, from Maludu Bay in the north to Tulusyan in the south, which has since been part of Sulu territory.
This event took place before Islamism became the prevailing religion; but which form of idolatry, the Sulus pretend, is not now known. It is, however, believed the people on the coasts were Buddhists, while those of the interior were Pagans.
This event happened before Islam became the main religion; however, the Sulus claim that the specific type of idolatry is no longer known. Still, it's believed that the coastal people were Buddhists, while those living inland were Pagans.
The first sultan of Sulu was Kamaludin, and during his reign one Sayed Alli, a merchant, arrived at Sulu from Mecca. He was a sherif, and soon converted one-half of the islanders to his own faith. He was elected sultan on the death of Kamaludin, and reigned seven years, in the course of which he became celebrated throughout the archipelago. Dying at Sulu, a tomb was erected to him there, and the island came to be looked upon by the faithful as the Mecca of the East, and continued to be resorted to as a pilgrimage until the arrival of the Spaniards.
The first sultan of Sulu was Kamaludin, and during his reign, a merchant named Sayed Alli arrived at Sulu from Mecca. He was a sherif and quickly converted half of the islanders to his faith. After Kamaludin's death, he was elected sultan and ruled for seven years, during which time he became well-known throughout the archipelago. He died in Sulu, and a tomb was built for him there. The island became regarded by the faithful as the Mecca of the East and continued to be a place of pilgrimage until the arrival of the Spaniards.
Tawi Tawi.Sayed Alli left a son called Batua, who succeeded him. The latter had two sons, named Sabudin and Nasarudin, who, on the death of their father, made war upon each other. Nasarudin, the youngest, being defeated, sought refuge on Tawi Tawi, where he established himself, and built a fort for his protection. The difficulties were finally compromised, and they agreed to reign together over Sulu. Nasarudin had two sons, called Amir and Bantilan, of whom the [515]former was named as successor to the two brothers, and on their deaths ascended the throne. During his reign another sherif arrived from Mecca, who succeeded in converting the remainder of the population to Islamism. Bantilan and his brother Amir finally quarrelled, and the latter was driven from Sulu to seek refuge in the island of Basilan, where he became sultan.
Tawi-Tawi.Sayed Alli had a son named Batua, who took over after him. Batua had two sons, Sabudin and Nasarudin, who fought against each other after their father's death. The younger one, Nasarudin, was defeated and sought refuge on Tawi Tawi, where he set up a fort for his safety. Eventually, they worked out their differences and agreed to rule together over Sulu. Nasarudin had two sons, Amir and Bantilan, with the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]former being named as the successor for the two brothers. When they passed away, he ascended to the throne. During his rule, another sherif came from Mecca and successfully converted the rest of the population to Islam. Bantilan and his brother Amir eventually argued, leading Amir to be driven from Sulu to seek asylum on the island of Basilan, where he became sultan.
On the arrival of the Spaniards in 1566, a kind of desultory war was waged by them upon the various islands, in the hope of conquering them and extending their religion. In these wars they succeeded in gaining temporary possession of a part of Sulu, and destroyed the tomb of Sayed Alli. The Spaniards always looked upon the conversion of the Moslems to the true Catholic faith with great interest; but in the year 1646, the sultan of Magindanao succeeded in making peace, by the terms of which the Spaniards withdrew from Sulu, and were to receive from the sultan three cargoes of rice annually as a tribute.
On the arrival of the Spaniards in 1566, they engaged in a sort of sporadic war across the various islands, hoping to conquer them and spread their religion. In these conflicts, they managed to temporarily take control of part of Sulu and destroyed the tomb of Sayed Alli. The Spaniards were always very interested in converting the Muslims to the true Catholic faith; however, in 1646, the sultan of Magindanao managed to negotiate peace, under which the Spaniards withdrew from Sulu and were to receive three cargoes of rice annually as tribute from the sultan.
In 1608, the small-pox made fearful ravages, and most of the inhabitants fled from the scourge. Among these was the heir apparent, during whose absence the throne became vacant, and another was elected in his stead. This produced contention for a short time, which ended in the elected maintaining his place.
In 1608, smallpox caused widespread devastation, and most of the residents fled from the outbreak. Among them was the heir apparent, and during his absence, the throne was left vacant, leading to the election of another in his place. This caused some conflict for a brief period, which ultimately resulted in the elected leader keeping his position.
This tribute continued to be paid until the flight of Amir to Basilan, about the year 1752, where he entered into a secret correspondence with the authorities at Zamboanga, and after two years a vessel was sent from Manila, which carried him to that capital, where he was treated as a prisoner of state.
This tribute was kept up until Amir fled to Basilan around 1752, where he started a secret communication with the authorities in Zamboanga. After two years, a ship was sent from Manila to take him to the capital, where he was treated as a political prisoner.
The English treaty.In June, 1759, an English ship, on board of which was Dalrymple, then in the service of the East India Company, arrived at Sulu on a trading voyage. Dalrymple remained at Sulu for three months, engaged in making sales and purchases. The Sultan Bantilan treated him with great kindness, and sought the interest of Dalrymple to obtain the liberation of his brother, who was now held prisoner by the Spaniards at Manila, by telling him of the distress of his brother’s wife, who had been left behind when Amir quitted the island, and had been delivered of twins, after he had been kidnapped by the Spaniards. Dalrymple entered into a pledge to restore Amir, and at the same time effected a commercial treaty between the East India Company and the Sulu chiefs. By this it was stipulated that an annual cargo should be sent to Sulu, and sold at one hundred per cent. profit, for which a return cargo should be provided for the China market, which should realize an equal profit there, after deducting all expenses. The overplus, if any, was to be carried to the credit of the Sulus. This appears to have been the first attempt made by the English to secure a regular commercial intercourse with this archipelago.
The English agreement. In June 1759, an English ship carrying Dalrymple, who was working for the East India Company, reached Sulu on a trading trip. Dalrymple stayed in Sulu for three months, involved in buying and selling goods. The Sultan Bantilan welcomed him with great generosity and asked for Dalrymple's help to free his brother, who was being held captive by the Spaniards in Manila. He shared the story of his brother’s wife, who had been left behind when Amir was taken, and had just given birth to twins. Dalrymple promised to help rescue Amir and also negotiated a commercial treaty between the East India Company and the Sulu chiefs. The agreement stated that an annual shipment would be sent to Sulu, sold at a profit of one hundred percent, and a return shipment would be arranged for the China market, yielding the same profit after expenses. Any surplus was to be credited to the Sulus. This seems to be the first effort by the English to establish regular trade with this region.
In the year 1760, a large fleet of Spanish vessels sailed from Manila, with about two thousand men, having the Sultan Amir on board, to carry on a war against Sulu.
In 1760, a large fleet of Spanish ships set sail from Manila, carrying around two thousand men, with Sultan Amir on board, to wage war against Sulu.
On their arrival, they began active operations. They were repelled on all sides, and after seven days’ ineffectual attempts, they gave up their design. They returned to Manila, it is said, with a loss of half their number, and without having done any injury [516]to the Sulus. Not discouraged with this failure, the Spaniards, about two years after, organized a still larger force, which is estimated by some accounts as high as ten thousand men. Although this failed in its attempts on the fort at Soung, the Spaniards obtained possession of Tanjong Matonda, one of the small ports on the island, where they erected a church and fort. Here they established a colony, and appointed a governor. The inhabitants upon this deserted their habitations in the neighborhood, and fled to the mountains, which, it is said, excited the mountaineers, a host of whom, with their chief, whose name was Sri Kala, determined to rush upon the Spaniards, and annihilate them. Having to contend against disciplined troops, it was not an easy task to succeed. But Sri Kala had a follower, named Sigalo, who offered to lead the host to battle against the Spaniards, and to exterminate them, or die in the attempt. The chief accepted his offer, and Sigalo, with a chosen few, marched towards the fort, leaving the rest of the mountaineers in readiness to join them at an appointed signal, and rush into the fort en masse.
Upon their arrival, they started their operations. They were pushed back on all sides, and after seven days of unsuccessful attempts, they abandoned their plan. It’s reported that they returned to Manila with half their number lost and without having harmed the Sulus. Not deterred by this failure, the Spaniards organized an even larger force about two years later, which some estimates put at as many as ten thousand men. Although this attempt at the fort in Soung did not succeed, the Spaniards took control of Tanjong Matonda, a small port on the island, where they built a church and a fort. They established a colony here and appointed a governor. The local inhabitants fled their homes in the area and retreated to the mountains, which reportedly angered the mountaineers. Many, led by their chief, Sri Kala, decided to attack the Spaniards and eliminate them. Facing the challenge of battling trained soldiers was no easy feat. However, Sri Kala had a follower named Sigalo, who volunteered to lead the charge against the Spaniards and promised to wipe them out or die trying. The chief accepted his offer, and Sigalo, along with a select group, advanced toward the fort, leaving the rest of the mountaineers ready to join them at a prearranged signal and storm the fort together.
Victory over Spaniards.Sri Kala and Sigalo, in order to lull the watchfulness of the Spaniards, took with them a young woman, of exquisite beauty, named Purmassuri. The lustful Spaniards were thus thrown off their guard, the signal was given, and the host, rushing forward, entered the fort, every Spaniard within which was slain. A few only, who were on the outside, escaped to the vessels, which set sail, and after encountering various mishaps, returned to Manila.
Victory over the Spanish.Sri Kala and Sigalo, to distract the Spaniards, brought along a beautiful young woman named Purmassuri. The lustful Spaniards were caught off guard, the signal was given, and the group charged forward, entering the fort where every Spaniard inside was killed. Only a few who were outside managed to escape to the ships, which then set sail and, after facing several troubles, returned to Manila.
Some time after this the Sultan Bantilan died, and his son Alim-ud-deen was proclaimed sultan. Dalrymple did not return until 1762, with a part of the appointed cargo; but the vessel in which the larger part had been shipped, failed to arrive, from not being able to find Sulu, and went to China. Thence she proceeded to Manila, and afterwards to Sulu. The captain of the latter vessel gave a new credit to the Sulus, before they had paid for their first cargo; and on the arrival of Dalrymple the next time, he found that the small-pox had carried off a large number of the inhabitants, from which circumstance all his hopes of profit were frustrated. He then obtained for the use of the East India Company, a grant of the island of Balambangan, which lies off the north end of Borneo, forming one side of the Straits of Balabac, the western entrance to the Sulu Sea. Here he proposed to establish a trading post, and after having visited Madras, he took possession of this island in 1763.
Some time later, Sultan Bantilan died, and his son Alim-ud-deen was declared sultan. Dalrymple didn’t return until 1762 with part of the scheduled cargo, but the ship carrying the larger portion got lost trying to find Sulu and ended up in China. From there, it went to Manila and then to Sulu. The captain of that ship extended new credit to the Sulus before they had even settled their first cargo, and when Dalrymple returned later, he found that smallpox had wiped out a significant number of the inhabitants, which dashed all his hopes for profit. He then secured a grant of the island of Balambangan for the East India Company, located off the northern tip of Borneo, forming one side of the Straits of Balabac, which is the western entrance to the Sulu Sea. He planned to set up a trading post here, and after visiting Madras, he took possession of the island in 1763.
In October, 1762, the English took Manila, where the Sultan Amir was found by Dalrymple, who engaged to reinstate him on his throne, if he would cede to the English the north end of Borneo, as well as the south end of Palawan. This he readily promised, and he was, in consequence, carried back to Sulu and reinstated; his nephew, Alim-ud-deen, readily giving place to him, and confirming the grant to the East India Company, in which the Ruma Bechara joined.
In October 1762, the British captured Manila, where Dalrymple found Sultan Amir. He agreed to restore him to his throne if he would give the British the northern part of Borneo and the southern part of Palawan. Amir readily agreed, and as a result, he was taken back to Sulu and reinstated. His nephew, Alim-ud-deen, willingly stepped aside for him and confirmed the deal with the East India Company, which the Ruma Bechara also supported.
After various arrangements, the East India Company took possession of Balambangan, in the year 1773, and formed a settlement there with a view of making it an emporium of trade for Eastern [517]commodities. Troops and stores were sent from India, and the population began to increase by settlers, both Chinese and Malays, who arrived in numbers. In the year 1775, the fort, notwithstanding all the treaties and engagements between Dalrymple and the Sultan, was surprised by the Sulus, and many of the garrison put to death. Victory over English.This virtually put an end to the plans of the English, although another attempt was made to re-establish the settlement by Colonel Farquhar, in 1803; but it was thought to be too expensive a post, and was accordingly abandoned in the next year. This act of the Sulus fairly established their character for perfidy, and ever since that transaction they have been looked upon as treacherous in the highest degree, and, what is singular, have been allowed to carry on their piracies quite unmolested. The taking of Balambangan has been generally imputed to the treacherous disposition and innate love of plunder among the Sulus, as well as to their fear that it would destroy the trade of Sulu by injuring all that of the archipelago. But there are strong reasons for believing that this dark deed owed its origin in part to the influence of the Spaniards and Dutch, who looked with much distrust upon the growth of the rival establishment. Such was the jealousy of the Spaniards, that the governor of the Philippines peremptorily required that Balambangan should be evacuated. The Sulus boast of the deed, and admit that they received assistance from both Zamboanga and Ternate, the two nearest Spanish and Dutch ports. These nations had great reasons to fear the establishment of a power like that of the East India Company, in a spot so favorably situated to secure the trade of the surrounding islands, possessing fine harbors, and in every way adapted to become a great commercial depot. Had it been held by the East India Company but for a few years, it must have become what Singapore is now.
After various arrangements, the East India Company took control of Balambangan in 1773 and set up a settlement aiming to make it a trade hub for Eastern [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] commodities. Troops and supplies were sent from India, and the population started to grow with settlers, both Chinese and Malays, arriving in large numbers. In 1775, despite all the treaties and agreements made between Dalrymple and the Sultan, the fort was unexpectedly attacked by the Sulus, resulting in the deaths of many garrison members. Victory over the English.This effectively ended the English’s plans, although Colonel Farquhar made another attempt to re-establish the settlement in 1803; however, it was deemed too costly and was abandoned the following year. This action by the Sulus established their reputation for treachery, and they have since been viewed as extremely untrustworthy, yet interestingly, have continued their piracy without any consequences. The capture of Balambangan has often been attributed to the Sulus’ treacherous nature and inherent desire for plunder, as well as their fear that it would threaten their trade by harming the archipelago's economy. However, there are strong reasons to believe that this dark act was partially influenced by the Spaniards and Dutch, who were suspicious of the rival establishment's growth. The Spaniards were so jealous that the governor of the Philippines demanded Balambangan be evacuated. The Sulus take pride in this act and admit to receiving help from both Zamboanga and Ternate, the closest Spanish and Dutch ports. These nations had good reasons to fear the establishment of a power like the East India Company in such a strategically located area, which boasted excellent harbors and was well-suited to becoming a major commercial hub. Had the East India Company held it for just a few years, it would have become what Singapore is today.
The original planner of this settlement is said to have been Lord Pigot; but the merit of carrying it forward was undoubtedly due to Dalrymple, whose enterprising mind saw the advantage of the situation, and whose energy was capable of carrying the project successfully forward.
The original planner of this settlement is said to have been Lord Pigot; but the credit for pushing it forward definitely goes to Dalrymple, whose ambitious vision recognized the benefits of the location, and whose drive was able to successfully advance the project.
Since the capture of Balambangan, there has been no event in the history of Sulu that has made any of the reigns of the Sultans memorable, although fifteen have since ascended the throne.
Since the capture of Balambangan, there hasn't been any event in the history of Sulu that has made any of the Sultan's reigns noteworthy, even though fifteen have taken the throne since then.
Sulu has from all the accounts very much changed in its character as well as population since the arrival of the Spaniards, and the establishment of their authority in the Philippines. Before that event, some accounts state that the trade with the Chinese was of great extent, and that from four to five hundred junks arrived annually from Cambojia, with which Sulu principally traded. At that time the population is said to have equalled in density that of the thickly-settled parts of China.
Sulu has definitely changed a lot in both its character and population since the Spaniards arrived and established their authority in the Philippines. Before that, some reports say that trade with the Chinese was extensive, with around four to five hundred junks coming in annually from Cambodia, which was Sulu's main trading partner. Back then, the population was believed to be as dense as that of the heavily populated areas in China.
The government has also undergone a change; for the Sultan, who among other Malay races is usually despotic, is here a mere cipher, and the government has become an oligarchy. This change has probably been brought about by the increase of the privileged class of Datus, all of whom were entitled to a seat in the Ruma Bechara until about the year 1810, when the great inconvenience [518]of so large a council was felt, and it became impossible to control it without great difficulty and trouble on the part of the Sultan. The Ruma Bechara was then reduced until it contained but six of the principal Datus, who assumed the power of controlling the state. The Ruma Bechara, however, in consequence of the complaints of many powerful Datus, was enlarged; but the more powerful, and those who have the largest numerical force of slaves, still rule over its deliberations. The whole power, within the last thirty years, has been usurped by one or two Datus, who now have monopolized the little foreign trade that comes to these islands. The Sultan has the right to appoint his successor, and generally names him while living. In default of this, the choice devolves upon the Ruma Bechara, who elect by a majority.
The government has changed as well; the Sultan, who is usually authoritarian among other Malay groups, is now just a figurehead, and the government has turned into an oligarchy. This shift likely happened due to the rise of the privileged class of Datus, all of whom were entitled to a seat in the Ruma Bechara until around 1810, when the problems of having such a large council became apparent, making it difficult for the Sultan to manage. The Ruma Bechara was then reduced to just six of the main Datus, who took control of the state. However, due to complaints from many influential Datus, the Ruma Bechara was expanded again; yet, the more powerful members, especially those with more slaves, still dominate its discussions. In the last thirty years, most of the power has been taken over by one or two Datus, who have now monopolized the limited foreign trade that comes to these islands. The Sultan has the right to appoint his successor, usually naming him while still alive. If he doesn’t, the choice falls to the Ruma Bechara, who elect by majority.
PiraciesFrom a more frequent intercourse with Europeans and the discovery of new routes through these seas, the opportunities of committing depredations have become less frequent, and the fear of detection greater. By this latter motive they are more swayed than by any thing else, and if the Sulus have ever been bold and daring robbers on the high seas, they have very much changed.
PiracyDue to more regular interactions with Europeans and the discovery of new routes through these waters, the chances to commit acts of robbery have become less common, and the fear of getting caught has increased. This concern influences them more than anything else, and while the Sulus used to be bold and daring pirates on the high seas, they have changed significantly.
Many statements have been made and published relative to the piracies committed in these seas, which in some cases exceed, and in others fall short, of the reality. Most of the piratical establishments are under the rule, or sail under the auspices of the Sultan and Ruma Bechara of Sulu, who are more or less intimately connected with them. The share of the booty that belongs to the Sultan and Ruma Bechara is twenty-five per cent. on all captures, whilst the Datus receive a high price for the advance they make of guns and powder, and for the services of their slaves.
Many statements have been made and published about the piracy happening in these waters, which in some cases exaggerate and in others underestimate the reality. Most of the pirate crews operate under the authority or sponsorship of the Sultan and Ruma Bechara of Sulu, who are closely linked to them. The Sultan and Ruma Bechara take twenty-five percent of all loot captured, while the Datus get a significant amount for the weapons and ammunition they provide, as well as for their slaves' services.
The following are the piratical establishments of Sulu, obtained from the most authentic sources, published as well as verbal. The first among these is the port of Soung, at which we anchored, in the island of Sulu; not so much from the number of men available here for this pursuit, as the facility of disposing of the goods. By the Spaniards they are denominated Illanun or Lanuns pirates.4 There are other rendezvous on Pulo Toolyan, at Bohol, Tonho, Pilas, Tawi Tawi, Sumlout, Pantutaran, Parodasan, Palawan, and Basilan, and Tantoli on Celebes. These are the most noted, but there are many minor places, where half a dozen prahus are fitted out. Those of Sulu, and those who go under the name of the Lanuns, have prahus of larger size, and better fitted. They are from twenty to thirty tons burden, and are propelled by both sails and oars. They draw but little water, are fast sailers, and well adapted for navigating through these dangerous seas. These pirates are supposed to possess in the whole about two hundred prahus, which usually are manned with from forty to fifty pirates; the number therefore engaged in this business, may be estimated at ten thousand. They are armed with muskets, blunderbusses, krises, hatchets, and spears, and at times the vessels have one or two large guns mounted. They infest the Macassar Strait, the Celebes Sea, and the Sulu Sea. Soung is the only place where they can dispose of their plunder [519]to advantage, and obtain the necessary outfits. It may be called the principal resort of these pirates, where well-directed measures would result in effectually suppressing the crime.
The following are the pirate bases in Sulu, gathered from the most reliable sources, both published and spoken. The first is the port of Soung, where we anchored on the island of Sulu; not so much because of the number of men available for this activity, but due to the ease of selling the goods. The Spaniards refer to them as Illanun or Lanuns pirates.
Besides the pirates of Sulu, the commerce of the eastern islands is vexed with other piratical establishments. In the neighboring seas, there are the Malay pirates, who have of late years become exceedingly troublesome. Their prahus are of much smaller size than those of Sulu, being from ten to twelve tons burden, but in proportion they are much better manned, and thus are enabled to ply with more efficiency their oars or paddles. These prahus frequent the shores of Malacca Straits, Cape Roumania, the Carimon Isles, and the neighboring straits, and at times they visit the Rhio Straits. Some of the most noted, I was informed, were fitted out from Johore, in the very neighborhood of the English authorities at Singapore; they generally have their haunts on the small islands on the coast, from which they make short cruises.
Besides the pirates of Sulu, trade in the eastern islands is troubled by other pirate groups. In the nearby seas, there are the Malay pirates, who have recently become quite a nuisance. Their boats are much smaller than those from Sulu, weighing between ten to twelve tons, but they are better crewed in proportion, allowing them to operate their oars or paddles more effectively. These boats often frequent the shores of the Malacca Straits, Cape Roumania, the Carimon Isles, and nearby straits, and sometimes they venture into the Rhio Straits. I was told that some of the most notorious ones were based out of Johore, very close to the English authorities in Singapore; they tend to hide out on the small islands along the coast, from which they launch short trips.
They are noted for their arrangements for preventing themselves from receiving injury, in the desperate defences that are sometimes made against them. These small prahus have usually swivels mounted, which, although not of great calibre, are capable of throwing a shot beyond the range of small-arms. It is said that they seldom attempt an attack unless the sea is calm, which enables them to approach their victims with more assurance of success, on account of the facility with which they are enabled to manage their boats. The frequent calms which occur in these seas between the land and sea breezes, afford them many opportunities of putting their villanous plans in operation; and the many inlets and islets, with which they are well acquainted, afford places of refuge and ambush, and for concealing their booty. They are generally found in small flotillas of from six to twenty prahus, and when they have succeeded in disabling a vessel at long shot, the sound of the gong is the signal for boarding, which, if successful, results in a massacre more or less bloody, according to the obstinacy of the resistance they have met with.
They are known for their strategies to avoid getting hurt during the desperate defenses sometimes made against them. These small boats, called prahus, often have swivel guns mounted. While not very large, these guns can fire shots that go beyond the range of small arms. It’s said they rarely launch an attack unless the sea is calm, which helps them approach their targets with a better chance of success, due to their ability to control their boats easily. The frequent calm periods in these waters, between land and sea breezes, give them many chances to carry out their wicked plans. The numerous inlets and islets they know well provide hiding spots for refuge, ambush, and for hiding their stolen goods. They usually operate in small groups of six to twenty prahus, and when they manage to disable a ship from a distance, the sound of a gong serves as the signal to board. If successful, this often leads to a bloody massacre, depending on how stubbornly the victims resist.
In the winter months, the Malacca Straits are most infested with them; and during the summer, the neighborhood of Singapore, Point Rumania, and the channels in the vicinity. In the spring, from February to May, they are engaged in procuring their supplies, in fishing, and refitting their prahus for the coming year.
In the winter months, the Malacca Straits are most crowded with them; during the summer, the areas around Singapore, Point Rumania, and the nearby channels are busy. In the spring, from February to May, they focus on gathering supplies, fishing, and getting their boats ready for the upcoming year.
Suppression of pirates.I have frequently heard plans proposed for the suppression of these pirates, particularly of those in the neighborhood of the settlements under British rule. The European authorities are much to blame for the quiescent manner in which they have so long borne these depredations, and many complaints are made that Englishmen, on being transplanted to India, lose that feeling of horror for deeds of blood, such as are constantly occurring at their very doors, which they would experience in England. There are, however, many difficulties to overcome before operations against the pirates can be effective. The greatest of these is the desire of the English to secure the good-will of the chiefs of the tribes by whom they are surrounded. They thus wink at their piracies on the vessels of other nations, or take no steps to alleviate the evils of [520]slavery. Indeed the language that one hears from many intelligent men who have long resided in that part of the world is, that in no country where civilization exists does slavery exhibit so debasing a form as in her Indian possessions. Another difficulty consists in the want of minute knowledge of the coasts, inlets, and hiding-places of the pirates, and this must continue to exist until proper surveys are made. This done, it would be necessary to employ vessels that could pursue the pirates everywhere, for which purpose steamers naturally suggest themselves.
Stopping pirates.I have often heard suggestions for dealing with these pirates, especially those near the British settlements. The European authorities are largely at fault for the passive way they've tolerated these attacks for so long. Many people complain that when Englishmen move to India, they lose the instinctive horror for violent acts, like those happening right outside their doors, that they would feel back in England. However, there are several challenges to address before taking effective action against the pirates. The biggest issue is the English desire to maintain good relations with the tribal chiefs around them. As a result, they often overlook the piracy targeting vessels from other nations or do nothing to lessen the problems of [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]slavery. In fact, many knowledgeable individuals who have lived in that region for a long time say that slavery in India displays a more degrading form than in any other country where civilization exists. Another challenge is the lack of detailed knowledge about the coasts, inlets, and hiding spots of the pirates, which will remain until proper surveys are conducted. Once that is done, it would be necessary to use vessels that can pursue the pirates everywhere, and steamers would be the most suitable for this purpose.
What will appear most extraordinary is, that the very princes who are enjoying the stipend for the purchase of the site whereon the English authority is established, are believed to be the most active in equipping the prahus for these piratical expeditions; yet no notice is taken of them, although it would be so easy to control them by withholding payment until they had cleared themselves from suspicion, or by establishing residents in their chief towns.
What seems most remarkable is that the very princes who are receiving money to buy the land where English authority is set up are thought to be the most involved in preparing the boats for these pirate missions. Yet, no action is taken against them, even though it would be simple to rein them in by stopping payments until they prove their innocence, or by placing representatives in their main towns.
The Bajows.Another, and a very different race of natives who frequent the Sulu Archipelago, must not be passed by without notice. These are the Bajow divers or fishermen, to whom Sulu is indebted for procuring the submarine treasures with which her seas are stored. They are also very frequently employed in the bêche de mer or trepang fisheries among the islands to the south. The Bajows generally look upon Macassar as their principal place of resort. They were at one time believed to be derived from Johore, on the Malayan peninsula; at another, to be Buguese; but they speak the Sulu dialect, and are certainly derived from some of the neighboring islands. The name of Bajows, in their tongue, means fishermen. From all accounts, they are allowed to pursue their avocations in peace, and are not unfrequently employed by the piratical datus, and made to labor for them. They resort to their fishing-grounds in fleets of between one and two hundred sail, having their wives and children with them, and in consequence of the tyranny of the Sulus, endeavor to place themselves under the protection of the flag of Holland, by which nation this useful class of people is encouraged. The Sulu Seas are comparatively little frequented by them, as they are unable to dispose of the produce of their fisheries for want of a market, and fear the exactions of the Datus. Their prahus are about five tons each. The Bajows at some islands are stationary, but are for the most part constantly changing their ground. The Spanish authorities in the Philippines encourage them, it is said, to frequent their islands, as without them they would derive little benefit from the banks in the neighboring seas, where quantities of pearl-oysters are known to exist, which produce pearls of the finest kind. The Bajows are inoffensive and very industrious, and in faith Mahomedans.
The Bajows.Another distinct group of natives that inhabit the Sulu Archipelago deserves attention. These are the Bajow divers or fishermen, who are responsible for collecting the underwater treasures found in these seas. They are also often engaged in the bêche de mer or trepang fisheries among the nearby islands to the south. The Bajows typically view Macassar as their main hub. At one time, they were thought to originate from Johore on the Malayan peninsula, and at another, from the Bugis; however, they speak the Sulu dialect and are definitely from some of the nearby islands. In their language, the name Bajows means fishermen. From what we hear, they are allowed to carry out their work without disturbance, but they are sometimes employed by the piratical datus and forced to work for them. They head to their fishing spots in fleets of one to two hundred boats, often bringing their wives and children along, and due to the oppression from the Sulus, they try to seek Protection under the Dutch flag, as this nation supports this valuable group of people. The Sulu Seas are not visited much by them, as they struggle to sell their catch due to a lack of market and fear the demands of the Datus. Their prahus weigh about five tons each. While some Bajows are settled at specific islands, most frequently change their locations. It is said that the Spanish authorities in the Philippines encourage their presence on the islands, as without them, they would hardly benefit from the banks in the surrounding seas, where large quantities of pearl oysters are known to exist, yielding the finest pearls. The Bajows are peaceful, hardworking, and they are Muslim.
The climate of Sulu during our short stay, though warm, was agreeable. The time of our visit was in the dry season, which lasts from October till April, and alternates with the wet one, from May till September. June and July are the windy months, when strong breezes blow from the westward. In the latter part of August and September, strong gales are felt from the south, while in December and January the winds are found to come from the northward; [521]but light winds usually prevail from the southwest during the wet season, and from the opposite quarter, the dry, following closely the order of the monsoons in the China seas. As to the temperature, the climate is very equable, the thermometer seldom rising above 90° or falling below 70°.
The weather in Sulu during our brief visit, while warm, was pleasant. We were there in the dry season, which runs from October to April, alternating with the wet season from May to September. June and July are the windy months, when strong breezes come from the west. In late August and September, powerful winds blow from the south, while in December and January, the winds usually come from the north; [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] but light winds typically dominate from the southwest during the wet season, shifting to the opposite direction in the dry season, closely following the monsoon patterns of the China seas. In terms of temperature, the climate is quite stable, with the thermometer rarely exceeding 90° or dropping below 70°.
Diseases are few, and those that prevail arise from the manner in which the natives live. They are from that cause an unhealthy-looking race. The small-pox has at various times raged with great violence throughout the group, and they speak of it with great dread. Few of the natives appeared to be marked with it, which may have been owing, perhaps, to their escaping this disorder for some years. Vaccination has not yet been introduced among them, nor have they practiced inoculation.
Diseases are rare, and the ones that do occur are due to the way the locals live. This makes them appear unhealthy. Smallpox has periodically hit the area hard, and they talk about it with great fear. Not many of the locals seem to have scars from it, which might be because they haven't encountered the disease for several years. Vaccination hasn't been introduced to them yet, and they haven't practiced inoculation.
Notwithstanding Soung was once the Mecca of the East, its people have but little zeal for the Mahomedan faith. It was thought at once time that they had almost forgotten its tenets, in consequence of the neglect of all their religious abservances. The precepts which they seem to regard most are that of abstaining from swine’s flesh, and that of being circumcised. Although polygamy is not interdicted, few even of the datus have more than one wife.
Not that long ago, Soung was the Mecca of the East, but its people show little interest in the Muslim faith. It was once believed that they had nearly forgotten its principles due to neglecting their religious practices. The rules they seem to follow the most are avoiding pork and being circumcised. Although polygamy isn't forbidden, even among the nobility, few have more than one wife.
Soung Road offers good anchorage; and supplies of all kinds may be had in abundance. Beef is cheap, and vegetables and fruits at all seasons plenty.
Soung Road has great anchorage, and you can find all kinds of supplies in abundance. Beef is inexpensive, and vegetables and fruits are plentiful throughout the year.
Our observations placed the town in latitude 6° 01′ N., longitude 120° 55′ 51″ E.
Our observations put the town at 6° 01′ N. latitude and 120° 55′ 51″ E. longitude.
Having concluded the treaty and other business that had taken me to Sulu, we took our departure for the Straits of Balabac, the western entrance into this sea, with a fine breeze to the eastward. By noon we had reached the group of Pangootaaraang, consisting of five small islands. All of these are low, covered with trees, and without lagoons. They presented a great contrast to Sulu, which was seen behind us in the distance. The absence of the swell of the ocean in sailing through this sea is striking, and gives the idea of navigating an extensive bay, on whose luxuriant islands no surf breaks. There are, however, sources of danger that incite the navigator to watchfulness and constant anxiety; the hidden shoals and reefs, and the sweep of the tide, which leave him no control over his vessel.
Having finished the treaty and the other tasks that brought me to Sulu, we set off for the Straits of Balabac, the western entrance to this sea, with a nice breeze coming from the east. By noon, we had arrived at the group of Pangootaaraang, made up of five small islands. All of these islands are low, covered with trees, and do not have lagoons. They stood in stark contrast to Sulu, which we could see in the distance behind us. The absence of ocean swells while sailing through this sea is notable, making it feel like we were navigating a vast bay, where no surf breaks on its lush islands. However, there are dangers that make it crucial for the navigator to stay alert and constantly anxious; hidden shoals and reefs, along with the strong tides, leave him with no control over his boat.
Cagayan Sulu.Through the night, which was exceedingly dark, we sounded every twenty minutes, but found no bottom; and at daylight on the 7th, we made the islands of Cagayan Sulu, in latitude 7° 03′ 30″ N., longitude 118° 37′ E. The tide or current was passing the islands to the west-southwest, three quarters of a mile per hour; we had soundings of seventy-five fathoms. Cagayan Sulu has a pleasant appearance from the sea, and may be termed a high island. It is less covered with undergrowth and mangrove-bushes than the neighboring islands, and the reefs are comparatively small. It has fallen off in importance; and by comparing former accounts with those I received, and from its present aspect, it would seem that it has decreased both in population and products. Its caves formerly supplied a large quantity of edible birds’ nests; large numbers of [522]cattle were to be found upon it; and its cultivation was carried on to some extent. These articles of commerce are not so much attended to at the present time, and the bêche de mer and tortoise-shell, formerly brought hither, are now carried to other places. There is a small anchorage on the west side, but we did not visit it. There are no dangers near these small islands that may not be guarded against. Our survey extended only to their size and situation, as I deemed it my duty to devote all the remainder of the time I had to spare to the Balabac Straits.
Cagayan de Sulu.Throughout the night, which was extremely dark, we checked the depth every twenty minutes but found no bottom; at dawn on the 7th, we spotted the islands of Cagayan Sulu, at a latitude of 7° 03′ 30″ N and a longitude of 118° 37′ E. The tide or current was flowing past the islands to the west-southwest at about three-quarters of a mile per hour; we measured a depth of seventy-five fathoms. Cagayan Sulu looks appealing from the sea and can be described as a high island. It has less undergrowth and mangrove bushes than the nearby islands, and the reefs are relatively small. Its significance has declined; comparing earlier descriptions with what I've heard and seen now, it seems to have reduced both in population and resources. Its caves used to provide a large supply of edible birds’ nests; many [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]cattle were found here, and farming was somewhat practiced. These goods are not as prioritized now, and the sea cucumbers and tortoise shells that were once brought here are now sent elsewhere. There’s a small anchorage on the west side, but we didn’t go there. There are no dangers near these small islands that can't be avoided. Our survey only covered their size and location, as I thought it was best to spend all the remaining time I had on the Balabac Straits.
Balabac straits.After the night set in, we continued sounding every ten minutes, and occasionally got bottom in from thirty to seventy fathoms. At midnight, the water shoaled to twenty fathoms, when I dropped the anchor until daylight. We shortly afterwards had a change of wind, and a heavy squall passed over us.
Balabac Strait.After night fell, we kept taking soundings every ten minutes and sometimes reached the seabed at depths of thirty to seventy fathoms. At midnight, the water shallowed to twenty fathoms, and I dropped the anchor until dawn. Soon after, the wind changed, and a heavy squall hit us.
In the morning we had no shoal ground near us, and the bank on which we had anchored was found to be of small size; it is probable that we had dropped the anchor on the shoalest place. Vessels have nothing to fear in this respect.
In the morning, we discovered we were not near any shallow water, and the bank where we had anchored was quite small; it's likely that we dropped the anchor in the shallowest spot. Ships have nothing to worry about in this regard.
At 9:00 a.m. of the 8th, we made the Mangsee Islands ahead of us, and likewise Balabac to the north, and Balambangan to the south. Several sand-banks and extensive reefs were also seen between them. On seeing the ground on which we had to operate, of which the published charts give no idea whatever, I determined to proceed, and take a central position with the ship under the Mangsee Islands; but in order not to lose time, I hoisted out and dropped two boats, under Lieutenant Perry, to survey the first sand-bank we came to, which lies a few miles to the eastward of these islands, with orders to effect this duty and join me at the anchorage, or find a shelter under the lee of the islands.
At 9:00 a.m. on the 8th, we reached the Mangsee Islands ahead of us, and Balabac to the north, with Balambangan to the south. We also spotted several sandbanks and extensive reefs in between. Given the unfamiliar terrain, which the published charts didn’t reveal, I decided to move forward and take a central position with the ship under the Mangsee Islands. To save time, I launched two boats under Lieutenant Perry to survey the first sandbank we encountered, located a few miles to the east of these islands. I instructed them to complete this task and either join me at the anchorage or find shelter on the lee side of the islands.
At half-past two p.m. we anchored near the reef, in thirty-six fathoms water. I thought myself fortunate in getting bottom, as the reefs on closing with them seemed to indicate but little appearance of it.
At 2:30 p.m., we dropped anchor near the reef in thirty-six fathoms of water. I considered myself lucky to reach the seabed, since the reefs looked like they had very little of it.
The rest of the day was spent in preparing the boats for our operations. I now felt the want of the tender. Although in the absence of this vessel, great exposure was necessary to effect this survey, I found both officers and men cheerful and willing. The parties were organized,—the first to proceed to the north, towards Balabac Island, to survey the intermediate shoals and reefs, under Lieutenant Emmons and Mr. Totten; the second to the south, under Lieutenants Perry and Budd; and Mr. Hammersly for the survey of the shoals of Balambangan and Banguey, and their reefs. The examination of the Mangsee Islands, and the reefs adjacent, with the astronomical and magnetic observations, etc., devolved on myself and those who remained on board the ship.
The rest of the day was spent getting the boats ready for our operations. I really missed having the tender. Even though we needed to be out in the open to complete this survey without that boat, I found that both the officers and the crew were in good spirits and eager to help. We organized ourselves into groups—one group headed north, toward Balabac Island, to survey the surrounding shoals and reefs, led by Lieutenant Emmons and Mr. Totten; the other group went south, led by Lieutenants Perry and Budd, with Mr. Hammersly handling the survey of the shoals around Balambangan and Banguey, along with their reefs. The task of examining the Mangsee Islands and the nearby reefs, along with the astronomical and magnetic observations, was assigned to me and the others who stayed on board the ship.
The weather was watched with anxiety, and turned out disagreeable, heavy showers and strong winds prevailing; notwithstanding, the boats were despatched, after being as well protected against it as possible. We flattered ourselves that these extensive reefs would produce a fine harvest of shells; but, although every exertion was made in the search, we did not add as many to our collections as we anticipated. Some land-shells, however, were found that [523]we little expected to meet with, for many of the trees were covered with them, and on cutting them down, large quantities were easily obtained. Mr. Peale shot several birds, among which was a Nicobar pigeon; some interesting plants and corals were also added. On the island a large quantity of drift-wood was found, which with that which is growing affords ample supplies of fuel for ships. No fresh water is to be had, except by digging, the island being but a few feet above high-water mark.
The weather was closely monitored with concern, and it ended up being unpleasant, with heavy rain and strong winds. Despite this, the boats were sent out, fully equipped as best as they could be. We were hopeful that these vast reefs would yield a great collection of shells; however, despite putting in a lot of effort, we did not gather as many as we had expected. Some land shells were found that [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]we didn’t think we’d see, as many trees were covered in them, and we were able to collect large quantities easily by cutting them down. Mr. Peale shot several birds, including a Nicobar pigeon, and we collected some interesting plants and corals as well. On the island, we found a lot of driftwood, which, along with what is currently growing, provides plenty of fuel for ships. There is no fresh water available unless we dig for it, since the island is only a few feet above high tide.
Although the time was somewhat unfavorable, Lieutenant Emmons and party executed their orders within the time designated, and met with no other obstructions than the inclemency of the weather. This was not, however, the case with Lieutenant Perry, who, near a small beach on the island of Balambangan, encountered some Sulus, who were disposed to attack him. The natives, no doubt, were under the impression that the boats were from some shipwrecked vessel. They were all well armed, and apparently prepared to take advantage of the party if possible; but, by the prudence and forbearance of this officer, collision was avoided, and his party saved from an attack.
Although the conditions were somewhat unfavorable, Lieutenant Emmons and his team completed their orders on time and faced no other obstacles except for the bad weather. This wasn’t the case for Lieutenant Perry, who, near a small beach on the island of Balambangan, ran into some Sulus who seemed ready to attack him. The locals probably thought the boats were from a shipwrecked vessel. They were all well-armed and clearly ready to take advantage of the situation if they could; however, thanks to this officer's caution and restraint, a clash was avoided, and his team was saved from an attack.
Balambangan.The island of Balambangan was through the instrumentality of Mr. Dalrymple, as heretofore stated, obtained from the Sulus for a settlement and place of deposit, by the East India Company, who took possession of it in 1773. Its situation off the northern end of Borneo, near the fertile district of that island, its central position, and its two fine ports, offered great advantages for commerce, and for its becoming a great entrepot for the riches of this archipelago. Troops, and stores of all kinds, were sent from India; numbers of Chinese and Malays were induced to settle; and Mr. Herbert, one of the council of Bencoolen, was appointed governor. It had been supposed to be a healthy place, as the island was elevated, and therefore probably free from malaria; but in 1775 the native troops from India became much reduced from sickness, and the post consequently much weakened. This, with the absence of the cruisers from the harbor, afforded a favorable opportunity for its capture; and the wealth that it was supposed to contain created an inducement that proved too great for the hordes of marauding pirates to resist. Choosing their time, they rushed upon the sentries, put them to death, took possession of the guns, and turned them against the garrison, only a few of whom made their escape on board of a small vessel. The booty in goods and valuables was said to have been very large, amounting to nearly four hundred thousand pounds sterling.
Balambangan. The island of Balambangan was secured, as mentioned before, through Mr. Dalrymple's efforts, obtained from the Sulus for a settlement and storage location by the East India Company, which took control of it in 1773. Its location off the northern tip of Borneo, near the fertile region of that island, along with its central position and two excellent ports, offered significant advantages for trade and for becoming a major hub for the wealth of this archipelago. Troops and various supplies were sent from India; many Chinese and Malays were encouraged to settle there, and Mr. Herbert, a member of the Bencoolen council, was appointed governor. It was believed to be a healthy place since the island was elevated and likely free from malaria; however, in 1775, the native troops from India suffered a significant decline due to illness, leading to a weakened position. This, combined with the absence of cruisers in the harbor, provided a prime opportunity for its capture, and the wealth it was thought to hold created an irresistible temptation for the marauding pirates. Timing their attack, they overwhelmed the guards, killed them, seized the cannons, and turned them against the garrison, with only a few of them managing to escape on a small vessel. The plunder of goods and valuables was reported to be enormous, amounting to nearly four hundred thousand pounds sterling.
Although Borneo offers many inducements to commercial enterprise, the policy of the Dutch Company has shut themselves out, as well as others, by interdicting communication. In consequence, except through indirect channels, there has been no information obtained of the singular and unknown inhabitants of its interior. This, however, is not long destined to be the case.
Although Borneo has many attractions for business, the Dutch Company's policy has cut themselves off, along with others, by blocking communication. As a result, except through indirect means, there hasn't been any information gathered about the unique and unknown people living in its interior. However, this situation isn't going to last much longer.
Mr. Brooke, an English gentleman of fortune, has, since our passage through these seas, from philanthropic motives, made an agreement with the rajah of Sarawack, on the northern and western side of Borneo, to cede to him the administration of that portion [524]of the island. This arrangement it is believed the British government will confirm, in which event Sarawack will at once obtain an importance among the foreign colonies, in the Eastern seas, second only to that of Singapore.
Mr. Brooke, an English gentleman with fortune, has, since our journey through these waters, made an agreement out of goodwill with the rajah of Sarawack, located on the northern and western side of Borneo, to hand over the administration of that part [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] of the island. It is believed that the British government will approve this arrangement, in which case Sarawack will quickly gain significant importance among the foreign colonies in the Eastern seas, second only to Singapore.
The principal inducement that has influenced Mr. Brooke in this undertaking is the interest he feels in the benighted people of the interior, who are known under the name of Dyack, and of whom some extraordinary accounts have been given.
The main motivation that has driven Mr. Brooke in this project is his concern for the unfortunate people of the interior, known as the Dyack, about whom some remarkable stories have been told.
A few of these, which I have procured from reputable sources, I will now relate, in order that it may be seen among what kind of people this gentleman has undertaken to introduce the arts of civilization.
A few of these, which I've gotten from trustworthy sources, I will now share, so that it can be seen what kind of people this gentleman has chosen to introduce the arts of civilization to.
The Dyacks.The Dyacks are, by all accounts, a fine race, and much the most numerous of any inhabiting Borneo. They are almost exclusively confined to the interior, where they enjoy a fine climate, and all the spontaneous productions of the tropics. They are believed to be the aborigines of the island. The name of Dyack seems to be more particularly applied to those who live in the southern section of Borneo. To the north they are called Idaan or Tirun, and those so termed are best known to the Sulus, or the inhabitants of that part of the coast of Borneo over which the Sulus rule. In personal appearance, the Dyacks are slender, have higher foreheads than the Malays, and are a finer and much better-looking people. Their hair is long, straight, and coarse, though it is generally cropped short round the head. The females are spoken of as being fair and handsome, and many of those who have been made slaves are to be seen among the Malays.
The Dyacks.The Dyacks are generally regarded as a great ethnic group and the most populous on Borneo. They mainly live in the interior, where they enjoy a pleasant climate and all the natural resources of the tropics. They are thought to be the island's indigenous people. The name Dyack specifically refers to those in the southern part of Borneo. To the north, they are called Idaan or Tirun, and these groups are best known to the Sulus, who inhabit the coastal areas of Borneo under their control. Physically, the Dyacks are slender, have higher foreheads than the Malays, and are considered more attractive overall. Their hair is long, straight, and coarse, although it is typically cut short around the head. The women are described as fair and beautiful, with many of those who have been enslaved seen among the Malays.
In manners the Dyacks are described as simple and mild, yet they are characterized by some of the most uncommon and revolting customs of barbarians. Their government is very simple; the elders in each village for the most part rule; but they are said to have chiefs that do not differ from the Malay rajahs. They wear no clothing except the maro, and many of them are tattooed, with a variety of figures, over their body. They live in houses built of wood, that are generally of large size, and frequently contain as many as one hundred persons. These houses are usually built on piles, divided into compartments, and have a kind of veranda in front, which serves as a communication between the several families. The patriarch, or elder, resides in the middle. The houses are entered by ladders, and have doors, but no windows. The villages are protected by a sort of breastwork.
In their behavior, the Dyacks are seen as simple and gentle, yet they have some of the most unusual and shocking customs of uncivilized people. Their government is quite straightforward; mostly, the elders in each village are in charge, but they are said to have chiefs similar to the Malay rajahs. They wear very little clothing, just the maro, and many of them have tattoos featuring various designs all over their bodies. They live in large wooden houses that can often accommodate up to one hundred people. These houses are typically built on stilts, divided into sections, and have a kind of porch in front that connects the different families. The patriarch or elder lives in the center. The houses have ladders for entry and doors, but no windows. The villages are surrounded by a sort of defensive wall.
Although this people are to be found throughout all Borneo, and even within a few miles of the coast, yet they do not occupy any part of its shores, which are held by Malays, or Chinese settlers. There is no country more likely to interest the world than Borneo. All accounts speak of vast ruins of temples and palaces, throughout the whole extent of its interior, which the ancestors of the present inhabitants could not have constructed. The great resemblance these bear to those of China and Cambojia has led to the belief that Borneo was formerly peopled by those nations; but all traditions of the origin of these edifices have been lost; and so little is now known of the northern side of Borneo, that it would be [525]presumption to indulge in any surmises of what may have been its state during these dark ages. Even the Bugis priests, who are the best-informed persons in the country, have no writings or traditions that bear upon the subject; and the few scattered legends of Eastern origin, can afford no proof of the occurrence of the events they commemorate in any particular locality.
Although these people are found all over Borneo, and even a few miles from the coast, they don’t occupy any part of the shores, which are held by Malays or Chinese settlers. No country is more likely to intrigue the world than Borneo. All accounts speak of vast ruins of temples and palaces throughout its interior, which the ancestors of the current inhabitants could not have built. The striking similarity these have to structures in China and Cambodia has led to the belief that Borneo was once populated by those nations. However, all traditions about the origins of these buildings have been lost, and so little is now known about the northern part of Borneo that it would be [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] presumptuous to speculate about what its condition was during those dark ages. Even the Bugis priests, who are the most knowledgeable people in the region, have no writings or traditions that relate to the topic, and the few scattered legends of Eastern origin provide no proof of the events they refer to happening in any specific location.
The accounts of the habits of the Dyacks are discrepant. Some give them credit for being very industrious, while others again speak of them as indolent. They are certainly cultivators of the soil, and in order to obtain the articles they need, will work assiduously. Many of them are employed in collecting gold-dust, and some in the diamond mines; and they will at times be found procuring gums, rattans, etc., from their native forests for barter. They are a people of great energy of character, and perseverance in the attainment of their object, particularly when on war-parties, or engaged in hunting.
The descriptions of the Dyack people's habits are inconsistent. Some portray them as very hardworking, while others describe them as lazy. They definitely farm the land and will put in a lot of effort to get what they need. Many work in collecting gold dust, and some are involved in diamond mining; they can also be found gathering gums, rattans, and other resources from their forests for trade. They are a people with strong character and determination to achieve their goals, especially during war parties or when hunting.
Their food consists of rice, hogs, rats, snakes, monkeys, and many kinds of vermin, with which this country abounds.
Their food includes rice, pigs, rats, snakes, monkeys, and various types of pests that are abundant in this country.
Their chief weapon is the parang or heavy knife, somewhat like the kris. It is manufactured of native iron and steel, with which the coast of the country is said to abound. They have a method of working it which renders it unnecessary for them to look to a foreign supply; the only articles of foreign hardware that they are said to desire, are razors, out of which to make their cockspurs. One thing seems strange: although asserted upon good authority, that the iron and steel of the coast are thought to be superior by foreigners, they are not to be compared with that which is found in the interior, and manufactured by the Dyacks. All the best krises used by the Malay rajahs and chiefs, are obtained from the interior. Some of these are exquisitely manufactured, and so hard that, without turning the edge, they cut ordinary wrought iron and steel.
Their main weapon is the parang, a heavy knife that's somewhat similar to a kris. It's made from local iron and steel, which the coast is said to have in abundance. They have a technique for crafting it that means they don't need to rely on imported materials; the only foreign hardware they seem to want are razors, which they use to make their cockspurs. One odd thing is this: although it's claimed by reputable sources that the iron and steel from the coast is considered better by foreigners, it can't compare to what's found in the interior, which is made by the Dyacks. All the best krises used by Malay rulers and chiefs come from the interior. Some of these are beautifully crafted and so hard that, without dulling the edge, they can cut through regular wrought iron and steel.
Among their other weapons is the sumpit, a hollow tube, through which they blow poisoned arrows. The latter are of various kinds, and those used in war are dipped in the sap of what the natives term the “upo.” The effect of this poison is almost instantaneous, and destroys life in four or five minutes. Those who have seen a wound given accidentally, describe the changes that the poison occasions as plainly perceptible in its progress. Before using the arrow, its poisoned point is dipped in lime-juice to quicken it. The range of the sumpit is from fifty to sixty yards. Although the arrows are poisoned, yet it is said they sometimes eat the games they kill with them, parboiling it before it is roasted, which is thought to extract the poison. Firearms, respecting which they have much fear, have not yet been introduced among them; indeed, it is said that so easily are they intimidated by such weapons, that on hearing a report of a gun they invariably run away. Each individual in a host would be impressed with the belief that he was the one that was to be shot.
Among their other weapons is the sumpit, a hollow tube through which they blow poisoned arrows. These arrows come in various types, and the ones used in battle are dipped in the sap of what the locals call “upo.” The poison has almost an instant effect, killing within four or five minutes. Those who have witnessed an accidental wound describe the changes caused by the poison as clearly noticeable as it takes effect. Before firing the arrow, its poisoned tip is dipped in lime juice to enhance its potency. The range of the sumpit is between fifty and sixty yards. Even though the arrows are poisoned, it's said they sometimes eat the game they kill with them, parboiling it before roasting, which is believed to remove the poison. They have a strong fear of firearms, which have not yet been introduced to them; in fact, it’s said that they become so easily frightened by these weapons that they invariably run away upon hearing the sound of a gunshot. Each person in a group would be convinced that they were the one who would be shot.
The diwatas.They address their prayers to the maker of the world, whom they call Dewatta, and this is all the religion they have. There are many animals and birds held by them in high veneration, and [526]they are close observers of the flight of birds, from which they draw prognostics. There is in particular a white-headed eagle or kite, upon whose flight and cries they put great reliance, and consult them in war or on any particular expedition. For this purpose they draw numbers of them together, and feed them by scattering rice about. It is said their priests consult their entrails also on particular occasions, to endeavor to look into future events.
The fairies. They direct their prayers to the creator of the world, whom they call Dewatta, and that's their entire belief system. They hold many animals and birds in high regard and [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] closely observe the flight of birds, using them for predictions. One bird in particular, a white-headed eagle or kite, is especially trusted; they rely on its flight and calls and consult it during wars or specific missions. For this, they gather many of these birds and feed them by scattering rice. It’s said that their priests also examine the birds’ entrails on certain occasions to try to foresee future events.
In the performance of their engagements and oaths, they are most scrupulous. They seem to have some idea of a future life, and that on the road to their elysium they have to pass over a long tree, which requires the assistance of all those they have slain in this world. The abode of happy spirits is supposed to be on the top of Kini Balu, one of their loftiest mountains, and the portals are guarded by a fiery serpent, who does not suffer any virgin to pass into the celestial paradise.
In fulfilling their duties and promises, they are very careful. They appear to have some concept of an afterlife, believing that on the journey to their paradise, they must cross a long tree that requires help from all those they have killed in this world. The home of the happy spirits is thought to be at the top of Mount Kinabalu, one of their highest mountains, and the entrance is protected by a fiery serpent that doesn’t let any virgin enter the heavenly paradise.
Polygamy does not exist among them, but they have as concubines slaves, who are captured in their wars or rather predatory expeditions. If a wife proves unfaithful to her husband, he kills several of his slaves, or inflicts upon her many blows, and a divorce may be effected by the husband paying her a certain price, and giving up her clothes and ornaments, after which he is at liberty to marry another. The women, however, exercise an extraordinary influence over the men.
Polygamy isn't a practice among them, but they do take slaves captured in their wars or raids as concubines. If a wife is unfaithful, her husband might kill several of his slaves or beat her severely. A divorce can happen if the husband pays her a certain amount and gives up her clothes and jewelry, after which he can marry someone else. However, the women have a significant influence over the men.
Headhunting.But of all their peculiar traits, there is none more strange than the passion they seem to indulge for collecting human heads. These are necessary accompaniments in many transactions of their lives, particularly in their marriages, and no one can marry unless he has a certain number of heads; indeed, those who cannot obtain these are looked upon with disdain by the females. A young man wishing to wed, and making application to marry her for whom he has formed an attachment, repairs with the girl’s father to the rajah or chief, who immediately inquires respecting the number of heads he has procured, and generally decides that he ought to obtain one or two more, according to his age, and the number the girl’s father may have procured, before he can be accepted. He at once takes his canoe and some trusty followers, and departs on his bloody errand, waylaying the unsuspecting or surprising the defenceless, whose head he immediately cuts off, and then makes a hurried retreat. With this he repairs to the dwelling of his mistress, or sends intelligence of his success before him. On his arrival, he is met by a joyous group of females, who receive him with every demonstration of joy, and gladly accept his ghastly offering.
Recruiting. But of all their unusual traits, none is stranger than their obsession with collecting human heads. These heads are essential in many aspects of their lives, especially in marriage, and no one can tie the knot without having a certain number of heads; in fact, those who can't obtain them are looked down upon by women. A young man who wants to marry a girl he likes goes with her father to the rajah or chief, who immediately asks how many heads he has collected. Usually, the chief decides that the young man needs to get one or two more, depending on his age and the number the girl’s father has. So, he takes his canoe and some reliable friends and sets off on his bloody mission, ambushing the unsuspecting or attacking the defenseless, swiftly beheading them, and then making a quick getaway. With the head in hand, he either goes straight to his fiancée’s house or sends word of his success ahead. When he arrives, he is greeted by an excited group of women who welcome him with joy and eagerly accept his grim offering.
Various barbarous ceremonies now take place, among which the heads undergo inspection to ascertain if they are fresh; and, in order to prove this, none of the brain must be removed, nor must they have been submitted to smoke to destroy the smell. After these preliminaries, the family honor of the bride is supposed to be satisfied, and she is not allowed to refuse to marry. A feast is now made, and the couple are seated in the midst naked, holding the bloody heads, when handfuls of rice are thrown over them, with prayers that they may be happy and fruitful. After this, the bridegroom repairs in state to the house of the bride, where he [527]is received at the door by one of her friends, who sprinkles him with the blood of a cock, and her with that of a hen. This completes the affair, and they are man and wife.
Various brutal ceremonies now take place, during which the heads are checked to see if they are fresh; to confirm this, none of the brain should have been removed, nor should they have been smoked to mask the smell. After these preliminaries, the family's honor regarding the bride is supposedly satisfied, and she cannot refuse to marry. A feast is then held, with the couple seated in the middle, naked, holding the bloody heads, while handfuls of rice are thrown over them, accompanied by prayers for their happiness and fertility. Following this, the groom makes a grand entrance to the bride's house, where he [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]is greeted at the door by one of her friends, who sprinkles him with the blood of a rooster and her with that of a hen. This finalizes the union, and they become husband and wife.
Cremation.Funerals are likewise consecrated by similar offerings, the corpse remaining in the house until a slave can be procured, by purchase or otherwise, whom they design to behead at the time the body is burnt. This is done in order that the defunct may be attended by a slave on his way to the other world or realms of bliss. After being burnt, the ashes of the deceased are gathered in an urn, and the head of the slave preserved and placed near it.
Cremation service. Funerals are similarly marked by specific offerings. The body stays in the house until a slave can be obtained, either through purchase or another means, who is intended to be executed when the body is cremated. This is done so the deceased will have a slave accompany them on their journey to the afterlife. After the cremation, the ashes are collected in an urn, and the slave's head is preserved and placed nearby.
In some parts, a rajah or chief is buried with great pomp in his war habiliments, and food and his arms are placed at his side. A mound is erected over him, which is encircled with a bamboo fence, upon which a number of fresh heads are stuck, all the warriors who have been attached to him bringing them as the most acceptable offering; and subsequently these horrid offerings are renewed.
In some areas, a king or chief is buried with great ceremony in his battle gear, and food and weapons are placed beside him. A mound is built over him, surrounded by a bamboo fence, on which a number of fresh heads are displayed, all brought as the most honored offering by the warriors who served him; these grisly offerings are later replaced.
The Dyacks are found also in the Celebes island, but there, as in Borneo, they are confined to the interior. I have already mentioned that they were supposed to have been the original inhabitants of the Sulu Archipelago. The Sulus speak of the country of the Dyacks as being exceedingly fertile and capable of producing every thing. The north end of Borneo is particularly valuable, as its produce is easily transported from the interior, where much of the land is cultivated. I have obtained much more information in relation to this people, in a variety of ways, from individuals as well as from the published accounts, which are to be found at times in the Eastern prints; but as this digression has already extended to a great length, I trust that enough has been said to enable the reader to contrast it with the natives who inhabit the islands that dot the vast Pacific Ocean, and to make him look forward with interest to the developments that the philanthropic exertions of Mr. Brooke may bring to light.
The Dyaks can also be found on the island of Sulawesi, but there, as in Borneo, they are limited to the interior. I mentioned earlier that they are believed to be the original inhabitants of the Sulu Archipelago. The Sulu people describe the Dyaks' land as very fertile and capable of producing everything. The northern part of Borneo is especially valuable because its products are easy to transport from the interior, where much of the land is farmed. I've gathered a lot more information about this group through various sources, including individuals and published accounts occasionally found in Eastern publications. However, since this digression has already gone on quite a bit, I hope I've provided enough details for the reader to compare them with the natives living on the islands scattered across the vast Pacific Ocean and to look forward with interest to the developments that Mr. Brooke's philanthropic efforts might reveal.
Having completed our duties here, the boats were hoisted in, after despatching one to leave orders for Mr. Knox of the Flying-Fish, in a bottle tied to a flagstaff.
Having finished our tasks here, the boats were pulled in, after sending one to leave orders for Mr. Knox of the Flying-Fish, in a bottle tied to a flagpole.
On the afternoon of the 12th, we got under way to proceed direct to Singapore, and passed through the channel between the reef off the Mangsee Islands, and those of Balambangan and Banguey. We found this channel clear, and all the dangers well defined.
On the afternoon of the 12th, we set off straight to Singapore and navigated through the channel between the reef off the Mangsee Islands and those of Balambangan and Banguey. We found this channel clear, and all the hazards well marked.
As the principal objects of my visit were to ascertain the disposition and resources of the Sulus for trade, and to examine the straits leading into the Sulu seas, in order to facilitate the communication with China, by avoiding on the one hand the eastern route, and on the other the dangers of the Palawan Passage, it may be as well to give the result of the latter inquiry, referring those who may be more particularly interested to the Hydrographical Atlas and Memoir.
As the main goals of my visit were to understand the attitude and resources of the Sulus for trade and to explore the straits leading into the Sulu Seas to improve communication with China—avoiding the eastern route and the risks of the Palawan Passage—it’s useful to share the findings from that exploration. Those who are particularly interested can refer to the Hydrographical Atlas and Memoir.
The difficulties in the Palawan Passage arising from heavy seas and fresh gales do not exist in the Sulu Sea, nor are the shoals so numerous or so dangerous. In the place of storms and rough water, smooth seas are found, and for most of the time moderate breezes, which do not subject a vessel to the wear and tear experienced in beating up against a monsoon.
The challenges in the Palawan Passage caused by rough seas and strong winds aren’t present in the Sulu Sea, and there aren’t as many shoals, nor are they as hazardous. Instead of storms and choppy waters, you’ll find calm seas and mostly gentle breezes, which don’t put as much stress on a ship as sailing against a monsoon does.
[528]The Balabac Straits may be easily reached, either from Singapore, or by beating up along the western shore of Borneo. When the straits are reached, a vessel by choosing her time may easily pass through them by daylight, even by beating when the wind is ahead. Once through, the way is clear, with the exception of a few coral lumps; the occasional occurrence of the north wind will enable a vessel to pass directly to the shores of the island of Panay. A fair wind will ordinarily prevail along the island, and, as I have already mentioned, it may be approached closely. The passage through to the eastward of Mindoro Island may be taken in preference to that on the west side through the Mindoro Strait, and thus all the reefs and shoals will be avoided. Thence, the western coast of Luzon will be followed to the north, as in the old route.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The Balabac Straits are easy to reach, either from Singapore or by sailing up along the western shore of Borneo. Once you reach the straits, a ship can pass through them during the day, even when the wind is coming from ahead. After you get through, the route is mostly clear, apart from a few coral bumps; if the north wind kicks in, a vessel can head straight to the shores of Panay Island. Generally, a nice breeze blows along the island, and as I’ve mentioned before, you can get quite close to it. It's preferable to take the route east of Mindoro Island rather than the one through the Mindoro Strait to avoid all the reefs and shallow areas. From there, you'll follow the western coast of Luzon north, just like the old route.
I do not think it necessary to point out any particular route through the Sulu Sea, as vessels must be guided chiefly as the winds blow, but I would generally avoid approaching the Sulu Islands, as the currents are more rapid, and set rather to the southward. Wherever there is anchorage, it would be advisable to anchor at night, as much time might thus be saved, and a knowledge of the currents or sets of the tides obtained. Perhaps it would be as well to caution those who are venturesome, that it is necessary to keep a good look-out, and those who are timid, that there does not appear to be much danger from the piratical prahus, unless a vessel gets on shore; in that case it will not be long before they will be seen collecting in the horizon in large numbers.
I don't think it's necessary to recommend a specific route through the Sulu Sea, since ships need to be navigated mainly by the winds. However, I would generally steer clear of the Sulu Islands because the currents there are stronger and head more to the south. Whenever there's a chance to anchor, it's wise to do so at night, as this can save a lot of time and help you learn about the currents or tides. It might also be good to warn those who are adventurous that they need to stay vigilant, and for those who are more cautious, that there doesn't seem to be much risk from pirate boats, unless a ship runs aground; in that case, they won't be long in appearing in large numbers on the horizon.
Advantages of Sulu treaty.The treaty that I made with the Sultan, if strictly enforced on the first infraction, will soon put an end to all the dangers to be apprehended from them. To conclude, I am satisfied that under ordinary circumstances, to pass through the Sulu Sea will shorten by several days the passage to Manila or Canton, and be a great saving of expense in the wear and tear of a ship and her canvass.
Benefits of the Sulu treaty.The treaty I made with the Sultan, if enforced right from the first violation, will quickly eliminate all the risks posed by them. In conclusion, I believe that under normal circumstances, traveling through the Sulu Sea will reduce the journey to Manila or Canton by several days and significantly cut costs on the wear and tear of a ship and its sails.
On the 13th, we passed near the location of the Viper Shoal, but saw nothing of it. It is, therefore, marked doubtful on the chart. As I had but little time to spare, the look-outs were doubled, and we pursued our course throughout the night, sounding as we went every fifteen minutes; but nothing met our view.
On the 13th, we passed close to where Viper Shoal is supposed to be, but we didn't see anything. Because of this, it's marked as uncertain on the chart. Since I had limited time, I doubled the look-outs, and we continued our route through the night, taking soundings every fifteen minutes; however, we saw nothing.
On the 14th, although we had the northeast monsoon blowing fresh, we experienced a current of twenty-two miles setting to the north. This was an unexpected result, as the currents are usually supposed to prevail in the direction of the monsoon. On the 15th. we still experienced it, though not over fifteen miles. On the 16th, we found it setting west, and as we approached the Malayan Peninsula it was found to be running southwest.
On the 14th, even though the northeast monsoon was blowing strongly, we encountered a current of twenty-two miles heading north. This was unexpected because currents typically follow the direction of the monsoon. On the 15th, we still felt it, but it was only about fifteen miles. By the 16th, we noticed it was moving west, and as we got closer to the Malayan Peninsula, it was running southwest.
On the 18th, we made Pulo Aor and Pulo Pedang, and arriving off the Singapore Straits, I hove-to, to await daylight. In the morning at dawn, we found ourselves in close company with a Chinese junk. The 19th, until late in the afternoon, we were in the Singapore Straits, making but slow progress towards this emporium of the East. The number of native as well as foreign vessels which we passed, proved that we were approaching some great mart, and at 5:00 p.m. we dropped our anchor in Singapore Roads. Here we found the Porpoise, Oregon, and Flying-Fish, all well: the two [529]former had arrived on January 22nd, nearly a month before, and the latter three days previously. Before concluding this chapter, I shall revert to their proceedings since our separation off the Sandwich Islands.
On the 18th, we reached Pulo Aor and Pulo Pedang, and when we got to the Singapore Straits, I stopped the ship to wait for daylight. In the morning at dawn, we found ourselves close to a Chinese junk. On the 19th, until late afternoon, we were in the Singapore Straits, making slow progress toward this trading hub of the East. The number of both native and foreign vessels we passed showed that we were getting close to a major market, and at 5:00 p.m., we dropped anchor in Singapore Roads. Here we found the Porpoise, Oregon, and Flying-Fish, all in good condition; the first two had arrived on January 22nd, nearly a month earlier, and the latter three days before. Before ending this chapter, I will go back to their activities since we parted ways off the Sandwich Islands.
The instructions to the brigs have been heretofore given; but it may not be amiss to repeat here that the object in detaching them was, that they might explore the line of reefs and islands known to exist to the northward and westward of the Hawaiian Group, and thence continue their course towards the coast of Japan. Had they effected the latter object, it would have given important results in relation to the force of the currents, and the temperature of the water. It was desirable, if possible, to ascertain with certainty the existence on the coast of Japan of a current similar to the Gulf Stream, to which my attention had been particularly drawn.
The instructions for the brigs have been provided previously, but it’s worth mentioning again that the reason for sending them out was so they could explore the reefs and islands believed to be located to the north and west of the Hawaiian Islands, and then proceed towards the coast of Japan. If they had achieved this goal, it would have yielded significant findings regarding the strength of the currents and the water temperature. It was important, if possible, to confirm the presence of a current along the coast of Japan that resembled the Gulf Stream, which I had been particularly focused on.
The first land they made was on December 1, 1841, and was Necker Island. Birds, especially the white tern, had been seen in numbers prior to its announcement. Necker Island is apparently a mass of volcanic rocks, about three hundred feet high, and is destitute of any kind of vegetation, but covered with guano. It is surrounded by a reef, three miles from which soundings were obtained, in twenty fathoms water. The furious surf that was beating on all sides of the island, precluded all possibility of a landing being made. By the connected observations of the vessels it lies in longitude 164° 37′ W., and latitude 23° 44′ N.
The first land they claimed was on December 1, 1841, and it was Necker Island. Birds, especially the white tern, had been spotted in large numbers before this was announced. Necker Island is basically a mass of volcanic rocks, about three hundred feet high, and has no vegetation but is covered in guano. It's surrounded by a reef, with soundings taken three miles away in twenty fathoms of water. The violent surf crashing on all sides of the island made landing impossible. According to the connected observations of the vessels, it is located at longitude 164° 37′ W and latitude 23° 44′ N.
The French-Frigate Shoal was seen on the 3rd; the weather proved bad, and they were unable to execute the work of examining this reef. The sea was breaking furiously upon it.
The French-Frigate Shoal was observed on the 3rd; the weather was bad, and they couldn't carry out the work of examining this reef. The sea was crashing violently against it.
On the 7th, the Maro Reef was made in latitude 25° 24′ 29″ N., longitude 170° 43′ 24″ W. Bottom was found at a distance of four miles from the reef, with forty-five fathoms of line. On the 8th, they passed over the site of Neva Isle, as laid down by Arrowsmith, but no indications of land were seen.
On the 7th, the Maro Reef was located at 25° 24′ 29″ N, 170° 43′ 24″ W. They found the ocean floor four miles from the reef, using forty-five fathoms of line. On the 8th, they passed over the area where Neva Isle is shown on Arrowsmith's map, but no signs of land were visible.
Arrival at Singapore.On the 11th, Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold determined, on account of the condition of the brigs, and the continuance of bad weather, it was impossible to keep their course to the northward and westward towards the coast of Japan; he, therefore, hauled to the southward, which was much to be regretted, and followed so very nearly in the same track as that pursued by the Vincennes, towards the China seas, that nothing new was elicited by them.
Arriving in Singapore.On the 11th, Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold decided that, due to the state of the brigs and the ongoing bad weather, it was impossible to continue heading north and west towards the coast of Japan. He therefore changed course to the south, which was unfortunate, and followed almost the exact same path taken by the Vincennes towards the China Sea, resulting in no new discoveries.
After a passage of fifty-six days from the Sandwich Islands, they dropped their anchors in Singapore on January 19, 1842, all well. Here they found the United States ship Constellation, Commodore Kearney, and the sloop of war Boston, Captain Long, forming the East India squadron. [530]
After fifty-six days since leaving the Sandwich Islands, they dropped anchor in Singapore on January 19, 1842, all in good health. There, they encountered the United States ship Constellation, commanded by Commodore Kearney, and the sloop of war Boston, captained by Captain Long, which made up the East India squadron. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]
1 On my arrival at Singapore, this circumstance was investigated by a court of inquiry. The result showed that Mr. Knox had no knowledge of the Vincennes having been seen; for the officer of the watch had not reported to him the fact.
1 When I arrived in Singapore, a court of inquiry looked into this situation. The findings revealed that Mr. Knox was unaware that the Vincennes had been spotted because the officer on duty had not informed him of it.
2 Chewing the betelnut and pepper-leaf also produces this effect, and is carried to a great extent among these islanders.
2 Chewing betelnut and pepper leaf also has this effect and is widely practiced among these islanders.
3 The Sultan, on the visit of one of our merchant-vessels, had informed the supercargo that he wished to encourage our trade, and to see the vessels of the United States coming to his port.
3 The Sultan, during a visit from one of our merchant ships, told the supercargo that he wanted to promote our trade and welcomed vessels from the United States to his port.
Manila in 18191
By An American Naval Officer.
By a U.S. Navy Officer.
Coral.“ * * * The fine bay of Manila, thirty leagues in circumference, is situated near the middle of the west side of the island, and has good and clear anchorage in all parts of it, excepting on a coral ledge, called the Shoal of St. Nicholas, which is the only visible danger in the bay. The dangerous part of it is, however, of small extent, and with proper attention easily avoided; the least of water found on it at present is eleven feet, but its summit is constantly approaching the surface of the sea, as has been ascertained by surveys made at different periods by orders of government, which circumstance seems to indicate the presence of Zoophytes, that compound of animal and vegetable life, whose incessant and rapid labors, and, as we are told by naturalists, whose polypus-like powers of receiving perfect form and vitality into numberless dismembered portions of their bodies, have long excited much curiosity and admiration. These small, compound animals, commence their operations at the bottom of the sea, and proceed upwards, towards the surface, spreading themselves in various ramifications; the older members of the mass become concrete, petrify, and form dangerous shoals; the superior portion of these little colonists always being the last produced, in its turn generates myriads of others, and so on, ad infinitum, till they reach the surface of the ocean. These coral reefs and shoals are found in most parts of the world, within the tropics; but the waters of the eastern hemisphere seem to be peculiarly congenial to their production, and, indeed, there appear to be certain spaces or regions in these seas, which are their favorite haunts. Among many others may be mentioned the Mozambique channel, and that tract of ocean, from the eastern coast of Africa, quite across to the coast of Malabar, including the Mahé, Chagas, Maldive and Laccadive archipelagos; the southeastern part of the China sea; the Red sea; the eastern part of Java; the coasts of all the Sunda islands; and various places in the Pacific ocean. These shoals, when they begin to emerge from the sea, are frequented by aquatic fowls, whose feathers, and other deposits, combined with the fortuitous landing of drifts of wood, weeds, and various other substances from the adjacent lands, in the course of time form superaqueous banks, of considerable elevation; and the broken fragments of coral thrown up by the waves, slowly, but constantly increase their horizontal diameter. Coconuts are frequently seen floating upon the sea in these regions, some of which are no doubt thrown upon the shores of the new created lands; from which accidental circumstance this fruit is there propagated. Vagrant birds unconsciously deposit the germs of various other productions of the vegetable kingdom, which in due season spring [531]up and clothe their surfaces with verdure; and the natural accumulation of dead and putrid vegetation serves to assist in the formation of a rich and productive soil, and to increase the altitudes of these new creations. As I have been always much amused and interested by this subject, and had frequent opportunities, during many years’ experience, to observe and examine these shoals in their various stages of subaqueous progress, and subsequent emersion I am convinced that not only many considerable islands, but extensive insular groups, owe their existence to the above origin.”
Coral.“ * * * The beautiful bay of Manila, about thirty leagues around, is located near the middle of the west side of the island and has clear anchorage in all parts, except for a coral ledge known as the Shoal of St. Nicholas, which is the only visible hazard in the bay. However, this dangerous area is relatively small and can be easily avoided with proper caution; the shallowest water found on it currently is eleven feet, but its peak is continually rising to the surface of the sea, as has been confirmed by surveys conducted at different times by the government. This situation suggests the presence of Zoophytes, a combination of animal and plant life, whose relentless and rapid efforts, and, as naturalists tell us, whose polypus-like ability to regenerate perfect forms and vitality into countless severed pieces of their bodies, have long sparked curiosity and admiration. These tiny, compound creatures start their work at the ocean floor and grow upward towards the surface, spreading out in various branches; the older parts of the mass solidify, petrify, and create dangerous shoals. The upper portion of these little colonies is always the last to form, subsequently generating countless others, and so on, endlessly, until they reach the ocean's surface. Coral reefs and shoals can be found in many tropical regions around the world; however, the waters of the eastern hemisphere seem especially suitable for their development, and there appear to be certain areas in these seas that are their favored habitats. Notable examples include the Mozambique channel, and the stretch of ocean from the eastern coast of Africa all the way to the coast of Malabar, which includes the Mahé, Chagas, Maldive, and Laccadive archipelagos; the southeastern part of the China Sea; the Red Sea; the eastern part of Java; the coasts of all the Sunda islands; and various locations in the Pacific Ocean. When these shoals begin to rise from the ocean, they attract aquatic birds, whose feathers and other deposits, combined with the occasional arrival of driftwood, plants, and various other materials from nearby lands over time form above-water banks of significant height; meanwhile, the broken coral pieces tossed up by the waves gradually increase their horizontal area. Coconuts are often seen floating in these waters, some of which surely wash ashore on these new lands, leading to the propagation of this fruit. Wandering birds unknowingly drop seeds of various other plant species, which in due time sprout and cover the surfaces with greenery; and the natural accumulation of dead and decaying plants helps create a rich and fertile soil, increasing the heights of these new formations. Having always found this subject fascinating and having had numerous opportunities over many years to observe and study these shoals in their different stages of underwater development and subsequent emergence, I believe that many significant islands and large island groups owe their existence to this origin.”
The people.2“* * * The natives of these islands are generally well made, and bear strong marks of activity and muscular vigor; they are in general somewhat larger than the Javanese, and bear some affinity in the features of their faces to the Malays; their noses are however more prominent, and their cheek bones not so high, nor are their skins so dark. Their hair is of a jet black, made glossy by the constant application of coconut oil, as is the custom in all India, and drawn together and knotted on top, in the manner of the Malays. The women display great taste in the arrangement and decorations of their hair, which they secure with silver or gold bodkins, the heads of which are frequently composed of precious stones.”
The community.2“* * * The natives of these islands are generally well-built and show strong signs of energy and physical strength; they tend to be a bit larger than the Javanese and share some facial features with the Malays. However, their noses are more pronounced, their cheekbones are lower, and their skin isn't as dark. Their hair is jet black, shiny from the continuous use of coconut oil, as is the custom in all of India, and it's gathered and tied up on top, similar to the Malays. The women have a great sense of style when it comes to organizing and decorating their hair, which they secure with silver or gold pins, often topped with precious stones.”
Mixed blood.3“* * * A very considerable proportion of the population of Manila is composed of the mestizos; they are the offspring of the intermarriages of the Spaniards with the native women, and these again forming connexions with the whites, or with the native Indians (the latter, however, less frequent), combine in stamping upon their descendants a great variety of features and shades of color; a general resemblance is, however, to be traced, and waiving color and manners, a mestizo could not easily be mistaken for a native. This class of the inhabitants is held in nearly the same estimation as the whites. They are very cleanly in their persons, and neat in their dress, which, among the males, consists generally of a pair of cotton trousers of various colors, as fancy dictates, and shoes in the European manner, a frock, or tunic, of striped grass manufacture, worn outside the trousers, in the manner of the Asiatic Armenians (but without the sash, or girdle), the collars of which are tastefully embroidered, and thrown back on their shoulders; a European hat completes their costume, which is light, cool and airy, and after a stranger has been a short time accustomed to see what he at first would call a perversion of dress, his prejudices subside, and he has no hesitation in pronouncing it very proper and graceful. They are remarkably fine limbed, and well built, the females especially, who are really models of the most complete symmetry; their hair and eyes, which unlike their skins, seldom vary from the original jet black of their native parents, bestow upon them the primary characteristics of the brunette. This people, unlike the generality of mixed colors in the human race, have been improved by their intermixture, they are more industrious and cleanly than the Spaniards, possess more intelligence and polish than [532]the Indians and are less malicious and revengeful than either. The men are employed mostly as writers, brokers, agents and overseers; many of them hold lucrative offices under government, and they not unfrequently arrive at wealth and consideration. The women are also industrious, and capable of great intellectual improvement; they have a natural grace and ease in their manner, and make excellent wives and mothers. This character must not, however, be taken in an unlimited sense, for we cannot expect this rule to be without its exceptions, and it is true that some of these females do degenerate, and copy after the manners of the creoles, or white natives; but this is only the case when, by their intercourse with the whites, their Indian blood is merged and lost in the European. That part of the population in which is blended the blood of the Chinese and Tagalogs is named the Chinese mestizos.
Mixed race.3“* * * A significant portion of the population in Manila consists of mestizos, who are the children of Spaniards and native women. They often marry whites or native Indians (though the latter is less common), resulting in a diverse mix of physical features and skin tones. However, one can still see a general resemblance, and aside from color and customs, a mestizo is easily distinguishable from a native. This group is regarded almost equally to whites. They take great care of their appearance and dress neatly. The men typically wear a pair of colorful cotton trousers, shoes in the European style, and a frock or tunic made from striped grass, worn over the trousers in the style of Asian Armenians (but without a sash). The collars of these tunics are tastefully embroidered and often worn back on their shoulders, topped off with a light European hat. After a visitor adjusts to what they might initially consider an unusual style of dress, they generally find it quite proper and graceful. The mestizos are notably well-built, especially the women, who are true examples of symmetrical beauty. Their hair and eyes, unlike their skin, usually remain the original jet black of their native parents, giving them the defining traits of brunettes. This group, unlike most mixed-race people, has benefited from their mixing; they are more industrious and clean than the Spaniards, show greater intelligence and refinement than [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]the Indians, and are less spiteful and vindictive than either. The men mainly work as writers, brokers, agents, and overseers, with many holding well-paying government positions, often achieving wealth and respect. The women are also hardworking and capable of significant intellectual growth; they naturally possess a graceful and easy manner and make excellent wives and mothers. However, this characterization shouldn’t be taken too broadly, as there are exceptions. Some women do degenerate and adopt the behaviors of creoles or white natives, but this tends to happen when their Indian heritage is diluted through association with whites. The portion of the population that includes Chinese and Tagalog ancestry is referred to as Chinese mestizos.
The natives are not unapt in acquiring knowledge, neither do they want industry, when efforts are made, and inducements displayed to call their powers into action. They are excellent mechanics and artisans, and, as horticulturists, their superiority over many of the Asiatics is acknowledged. They are polite and affable to strangers, but irascible, and when excited are very sanguinary; their natural bias to this revengeful and cruel character, is strengthened and rendered more intense by the ... doctrines of the Roman catholic religion as dictated to them by the designing and interested priests who reside among them. The culprit always finds a sanctuary in the nearest church, till by the payment of some pecuniary mulct, he satisfies the demands of the priests, obtains absolution, appeases the resentment of the relations of the deceased, and eludes the arm of justice; he grows hardened by impunity, repeats his offences, and again escapes as before.”
The locals are quite capable of learning, and they show a willingness to work when they’re motivated and given the right encouragement. They are skilled craftsmen and tradespeople, and their horticultural expertise is recognized as superior to that of many Asians. They are polite and friendly to newcomers, but they can be quick-tempered and, when provoked, quite violent; their natural tendency toward a vengeful and cruel temperament is amplified by the teachings of the Roman Catholic Church, as pushed by the manipulative and self-serving priests living among them. A wrongdoer often finds refuge in the nearest church until they pay a fine to satisfy the priests, receive forgiveness, calm the anger of the deceased's family, and escape the reach of the law; this lack of consequences makes them more hardened, and they continue committing offenses, managing to evade punishment each time.
A Filipino foundry.“* * * All the necessary works for a garrisoned city are within its walls; extensive magazines were erected in 1686, besides which are a hall of arms, or armory, a repository for powder, with bomb-proof vaults, and commodious quarters and barracks for the garrison. There is also a furnace and foundry here, which, although their operations were suppressed in 1805, is the most ancient in the Spanish monarchy; this establishment was founded in 1584, in the village of St. Anna, near Manila; to the latter of which places it was transferred in 1590. The first founder was a Pampango Indian, named Pandapira. When the Spaniards first arrived at Manila, in 1571, they found there a large foundry, which was accidentally burnt, in consequence of the combustibility of the building and effects, which character applies to all the houses of that period.”
A Filipino metal shop. “* * * Everything needed for a fortified city is contained within its walls; large storage facilities were built in 1686, along with an armory, a powder magazine with bomb-proof vaults, and comfortable living quarters and barracks for the troops. There’s also a furnace and foundry here, which, although it stopped operations in 1805, is the oldest in the Spanish monarchy; this facility was established in 1584 in the village of St. Anna, near Manila, and was moved to the latter in 1590. The first founder was a Pampango Indian named Pandapira. When the Spaniards arrived in Manila in 1571, they discovered a large foundry, which was accidentally burned down due to the flammability of the building and materials, a characteristic common to all houses from that time.”
Language.4“* * * Their colloquial language, like that of the natives of Java, Borneo, Sumatra, and many other islands in these seas, is a dialect of the peninsular Malay from whence it is thought they originated; and so striking is its similarity among all these islands, that the natives of each can, in a greater or less degree, understand that of all the others. The characters of their written language differ widely, and great varieties of arrangement exist among them. [533]The Tagalogs write from top to bottom on palm leaves and strips of bamboo; and many of the Moros or Mahomedans use the Arabic characters.”
Language. 4 “* * * Their everyday speech, similar to that of the people from Java, Borneo, Sumatra, and several other islands in this region, is a dialect of the Malaysian language from which they’re believed to have come. The resemblance among these islands is so strong that the locals can, to varying degrees, understand each other's dialects. However, their written languages differ significantly, and there are many different ways of presenting them. [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] The Tagalogs write vertically on palm leaves and bamboo strips, while many of the Moros or Muslims use Arabic script.”
Difference of days.5From the circumstance of the Spaniards arriving in these seas by Cape Horn, and the general route being by the Cape of Good Hope, a consequent difference in time of one day is produced in the different reckoning; the Spaniards losing, and those who steer eastward gaining, each in the proportion of half a day in completing the semi-circumference of the globe. Consequently, the time at Manila, being regulated by their own reckonings, is one day later than that of those who arrive there by steering eastward from America or Europe; as for instance, when by the accounts of the latter it is Sunday, by theirs it is only Saturday.
Day difference.5Because the Spaniards reached these waters via Cape Horn, while most others travel by the Cape of Good Hope, there’s a time difference of one day based on different methods of timekeeping. The Spaniards lose a day, while those traveling east gain a day, as each group completes half of the globe's circumference. Therefore, the time in Manila, based on the Spaniards’ reckoning, is one day ahead of those arriving from America or Europe traveling east. For example, when it's Sunday according to the latter, it’s only Saturday according to the Spaniards.
English in Manila.In the year 1762, the city of Manila was taken by the English, where, and at Cavite, immense quantities of naval and military stores, brass and iron ordnance, and several fine ships, fell into their hands. It was, however, soon delivered up to the Spaniards, on a promise of the payment to the English of four millions of dollars as a ransom, which, however, never has been paid. This breach of faith and promise has been loudly complained of by the latter, and as pertinaciously excused by the Spaniards, who complain that the British plundered the city, and committed many other excesses, contrary to the express conditions of their engagements, by which they were virtually rendered nugatory.
English in Manila.In 1762, the city of Manila was captured by the English, who seized huge amounts of naval and military supplies, along with brass and iron weapons, and several fine ships at Cavite. However, it was soon handed back to the Spaniards after they promised to pay the English four million dollars as a ransom, which has never been paid. This breach of faith has been loudly criticized by the English, while the Spaniards just as insistently defend themselves, arguing that the British looted the city and committed many other offenses that went against the explicit terms of their agreement, effectively rendering those terms useless.
Galleon trade.The inhabitants of Manila have long enjoyed the privilege of sending two annual ships to Acapulco called Galleons, Navios, or Register-Ships, with the produce of the Philippines, of China, and other parts of Asia; in return for which, they receive various articles of the production of South America; the principal of which are cochineal, merchandise of different descriptions of European origin, and silver in Spanish dollars and ingots, which compose the principal part of the value of their return cargoes, amounting annually to about three million five hundred thousand Spanish dollars. A large proportion of this property belongs to the convents in Manila, whose great revenues not only enable them to engage in extensive mercantile operations, but to lend considerable sums to the merchants on bottomry. For the indulgence in this trade, the proprietors pay a large sum of money to the crown.
Galleon shipping trade.The people of Manila have enjoyed the benefit of sending two ships each year to Acapulco known as Galleons, Navios, or Register-Ships, carrying goods from the Philippines, China, and other parts of Asia. In exchange, they receive various products from South America, mainly cochineal, different types of European merchandise, and silver in Spanish dollars and ingots, which make up most of the value of their return shipments, totaling around three million five hundred thousand Spanish dollars each year. A significant portion of this wealth belongs to the convents in Manila, whose substantial revenues allow them not only to participate in large-scale trading but also to lend considerable amounts to merchants. For the privilege of engaging in this trade, the owners pay a hefty fee to the crown.
These ships were of the burden of from twelve to fifteen hundred tons, and were numerously manned and well appointed for defense; but of late years, since the revolt of the Spanish colonies, which has rendered the navigation of the intermediate seas dangerous to these enterprises, the trade has been greatly interrupted, and instead of risking it in large bodies, private ships of smaller burden have been hired for the purpose of dividing the risk; some of these have been put under foreign colors, though formerly the galleons wore, by instruction, the royal flag, their officers were commissioned and uniformed like the officers of the navy, and the ships were under the same regulations and discipline. The object, however, [534]of the trade in smaller ships has not been obtained; for so great are the fears of the owners and agents of their being captured, and so many restrictions laid upon the commanders that they lie in port the principal part of the time; so that in September, 1819, the ships of the preceding year had not arrived at Manila; neither had any been dispatched from the latter place for Acapulco during that time. These interruptions, and in fact, the virtual suspension of this commerce, will undoubtedly, if a liberal and enlightened policy is pursued, result greatly to the advantage of these islands and the mother country. Already since the establishment of the cortes, permitting foreigners to settle permanently at Manila, great improvements have been made in the productions of the island, and important additions to the revenue. The failure of the annual remittance of dollars from South America to defray the expenses of the colonial government, of which their revenues from the islands were not adequate to meet one half, has been severely felt, and has stimulated them to make some very unusual exertions. Foreign commerce has been more countenanced in consequence of this state of things, and greater encouragement has been given to the growers and manufacturers of their staple exports; and if the affairs of these islands should in future be properly conducted, the revenue arising from the impost on the single article of coffee, will in a few years be amply sufficient to support the government, and leave a net income of the revenue arising from the imposts on all other articles, besides what would accrue from the taxes and numerous other resources. A free commerce with other nations would create a competition, and a consequent reduction in the price of imports, and their articles of export would increase, in proportion to the demand for them. In short, nothing is wanting in these beautiful islands, but ability to direct, and energy to execute the most extensive plans of agriculture and commerce, which the bounties of the soil, and its excellent climate and situation, would most certainly render completely successful; and, instead of being, as at present it is, a burden to Spain, it would become a source of great wealth to her.”
These ships were between twelve and fifteen hundred tons, well-manned and equipped for defense. However, in recent years, following the revolt of the Spanish colonies, sailing through the intermediate seas has become dangerous for these ventures, significantly disrupting trade. Instead of sending out large fleets, private ships with smaller capacities have been hired to spread out the risk; some of these ships have even sailed under foreign flags. Previously, the galleons, by regulation, flew the royal flag, and their officers were commissioned and uniformed like navy officers, operating under the same rules and discipline. However, the goal of trading with smaller ships hasn’t been achieved; the owners and agents are so worried about being captured, and there are so many restrictions on the captains, that the ships spend most of their time docked. By September 1819, the ships from the previous year hadn’t reached Manila, and none had been sent from Manila to Acapulco during that period. These interruptions, and the near halt of this trade, are likely to result in significant benefits for both these islands and the mother country if a liberal and enlightened approach is taken. Since the establishment of the cortes, which allows foreigners to settle permanently in Manila, there have been significant improvements in the island's production and notable increases in revenue. The failure to receive the annual remittance of dollars from South America to cover the colonial government's expenses, which the island's revenues couldn’t even partially meet, has been felt deeply and has pushed them to make some remarkable efforts. As a result of this situation, foreign trade has been encouraged more, and there has been greater support for growers and manufacturers of their key exports. If the governance of these islands is managed well in the future, the revenue from taxing coffee alone will soon be more than enough to sustain the government and provide a surplus from the taxes on all other goods, in addition to income from various other resources. Open trade with other nations would spark competition, leading to lower import prices, while the demand for their export products would rise. In summary, these beautiful islands lack only the ability to manage and the energy to implement extensive agricultural and commercial plans, which their fertile soil, excellent climate, and strategic location would surely ensure are successful. Instead of being a burden to Spain, they could become a significant source of wealth for her.
Spirit of independence.6“* * * It is to be hoped that the narrow and illiberal policy which has heretofore retarded the prosperity of these fine islands, will necessarily be superseded by more expanded views, and enable them to maintain the rank and importance to which their intrinsic worth entitles them. The spirit of independence which has recently diffused its influence through the Spanish colonies on the American continent, has also darted its rays across the Pacific, and beamed with enlivening lustre upon those remote regions and the sacred flames of liberty which have been kindled have in the bosom of that country, though for a period concealed from the view of regal parasites and dependents, burned clear and intense; and the time is perhaps not very remote, when it shall burst forth, and shed its joyous light upon the remotest and most inconsiderable islet of this archipelago.
Spirit of freedom.6“* * * We hope that the narrow and restrictive policies that have slowed the growth of these beautiful islands will be replaced by broader perspectives, allowing them to achieve the status and significance that their true value deserves. The spirit of independence that has recently spread through the Spanish colonies in the Americas has also reached across the Pacific, shining with life and energy on those distant areas. The sacred flames of liberty that have been ignited in that country, though hidden from the sight of royal hangers-on and dependents for a time, have burnt bright and strong; and perhaps it won't be long before they burst forth, illuminating even the smallest and most insignificant islands of this archipelago.”
[535]Opportunity for a republic.Perhaps no part of the world offers a more eligible site for an independent republic than these islands; their insular posture and distance from any rival power, combined with the intrinsic strength of a free representative government, would guarantee their safety and glory; their intermediate situation, between Asia and the American continent, their proximity to China, Japan, Borneo, the Molucca and Sunda Islands, the Malay peninsula, Cochin China, Tonquin, Siam, and the European possessions in the East, would insure them an unbounded commerce, consequently great wealth and power; and their happiness would be secured by religious toleration and liberal views of civil liberty in the government. It must be confessed, however, that the national character of the Spaniards is not suitable to produce and enjoy in perfection this most desirable state of affairs; it is to be feared that their bigotry would preclude religious toleration, their indolence continue the present system of slavery, so degrading in a particular manner to a republic, their want of energy paralyze the operations of enterprising foreigners among them. No change, however, can be for the worse, and if all the advantage, cannot be reaped by them, which the citizens of our republic would secure, it will be better for them to seize and enjoy such as their genius and talents will enable them to.”
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]Chance for a republic.There may be no place in the world more suitable for an independent republic than these islands; their isolated position and distance from any rival powers, along with the natural strength of a free representative government, would ensure their safety and prosperity. Their location between Asia and the American continent, along with their closeness to China, Japan, Borneo, the Molucca and Sunda Islands, the Malay Peninsula, Cochin China, Tonkin, Siam, and European territories in the East, would provide them with limitless trade, leading to great wealth and power. Their happiness would be supported by religious tolerance and progressive views on civil liberties in the government. However, it's important to acknowledge that the national character of the Spaniards is not ideally suited to achieve and maintain this desirable situation. There is concern that their bigotry would hinder religious tolerance, their laziness would perpetuate the current system of slavery, which is particularly degrading for a republic, and their lack of energy would stifle the initiatives of ambitious foreigners among them. Nevertheless, no change can be worse than the current situation, and while they may not reap all the benefits that citizens of our republic would enjoy, it would be better for them to embrace and benefit from whatever their abilities and talents allow them to.
Health.7“ * * * The health of the city and suburbs is proverbial, and the profession of a physician is, perhaps, of all others the least lucrative. A worthy and intelligent Scotch doctor, who had come to Manila, while I was there, to exercise his profession, and who lodged in the same house with me, was greatly annoyed at the want of practice which he experienced there, although he had his full share of patronage, and often jocosely declared that the “dom climate” would starve him; in fact he did not long remain there; I afterwards met him in the Isle of France, where he was still in pursuit of practice.”
Wellness.7“ * * * The health of the city and suburbs is well-known, and being a doctor is probably the least profitable career out there. A talented and smart Scottish doctor, who came to Manila while I was there to practice medicine and lived in the same house as me, was really frustrated by the lack of patients he encountered, even though he had his fair share of clients. He often joked that the “dom climate” would leave him broke; in fact, he didn’t stick around for long. I later ran into him in the Isle of France, where he was still trying to find patients.”
A barbarous execution.8“ * * * Impelled by a very common and, perhaps, excusable curiosity, I rode out with some friends one day to witness the execution of a mestizo soldier for murder. The parade ground of Bagumbayan was the theater of this tragic comedy, for such it may be trully called, and never did I experience such a revulsion of feeling as upon this occasion. The place was crowded with people of all descriptions, and a strong guard of soldiers, three deep, surrounded the gallows, forming a circle, the area of which was about two hundred feet in diameter. The hangman was habited in a red jacket and trousers, with a cap of the same color upon his head. This fellow had been formerly condemned to death for parricide, but was pardoned on condition of turning executioner, and becoming close prisoner for life, except when the duties of his profession occasionally called him from his dungeon for an hour. Whether his long confinement, and the ignominious estimation in which he was held, combined with despair of pardon for his heinous offense, and a natural ferocity of character, had rendered him reckless of “weal or woe,” or other impulse directed his movements, [536]I know not, but never did I see such a demoniacal visage as was presented by this miscreant; and when the trembling culprit was delivered over to his hand, he pounced eagerly upon his victim, while his countenance was suffused with a grim and ghastly smile, which reminded us of Dante’s devils. He immediately ascended the ladder, dragging his prey after him till they had nearly reached the top; he then placed the rope around the neck of the malefactor with many antic gestures and grimaces highly gratifying and amusing to the mob. To signify to the poor fellow under his fangs that he wished to whisper in his ear, to push him off the ladder, and to jump astride his neck with his heels drumming with violence upon his stomach, was but the work of an instant. We could then perceive a rope fast to each leg of the sufferer, which was pulled with violence by people under the gallows, and an additional rope, to use a sea term, a preventer, was round his neck, and secured to the gallows, to act in case of accident to the one by which the body was suspended. I had witnessed many executions in different parts of the world, but never had such a diabolical scene as this passed before my eyes.”
A gruesome execution.8“ * * * Driven by a common and perhaps understandable curiosity, I went out one day with some friends to see the execution of a mestizo soldier for murder. The parade ground of Bagumbayan was the stage for this tragic comedy, and I had never felt such a wave of disgust as I did that day. The area was packed with people from all walks of life, and a strong line of soldiers, three deep, surrounded the gallows, creating a circle roughly two hundred feet across. The hangman was dressed in a red jacket and trousers, with a matching cap on his head. This man had once been sentenced to death for killing his father but was pardoned on the condition that he would become the executioner and would be imprisoned for life, except when his duties called him out of his cell for an hour. Whether his long imprisonment, the shameful way he was regarded, a desperate hope for forgiveness for his terrible crime, or a natural brutality had made him indifferent to his fate, I can't say, but I had never seen such a demonic face as he had. When the trembling convict was handed over to him, he eagerly lunged at his victim, his face twisted into a grim and ghastly smile that reminded us of Dante’s devils. He quickly climbed the ladder, dragging his prey behind him until they were almost at the top; then he placed the rope around the neck of the condemned man, making many exaggerated gestures and grimaces that greatly entertained the crowd. To let the poor guy know he wanted to whisper in his ear, he pushed him off the ladder and jumped onto his back, his heels hitting hard against his stomach, all in an instant. We could see a rope attached to each leg of the sufferer, which was violently pulled by people beneath the gallows, and an additional rope—what sailors call a preventer—was tied around his neck and secured to the gallows, in case something went wrong with the one that was holding him up. I had witnessed many executions in different parts of the world, but I had never seen such a devilish scene as this before.”
The Peopling of the Philippines
By Dr. Rudolf Virchow
By Dr. Rudolf Virchow
(Translated by O. T. Mason; in Smithsonian Institution 1899 Report.)
(Translated by O. T. Mason; in Smithsonian Institution 1899 Report.)
Since the days when the first European navigators entered the South Sea, the dispute over the source and ethnic affiliations of the inhabitants of that extended and scattered island world has been unsettled. The most superficial glance points out a contrariety in external appearances, which leaves little doubt that here peoples of entirely different blood live near and among one another.
Since the time the first European explorers arrived in the South Sea, the debate over the origins and ethnic backgrounds of the people in that vast and dispersed island world has remained unresolved. A quick look reveals significant differences in their looks, suggesting that entirely different groups of people live close to and among each other.
“Negritos and Indios.”And this is so apparent that the pathfinder in this region, Magellan, gave expression to the contrariety in his names for tribes and islands. Since dark complexion was observed on individuals in certain tribes and in defined areas, and light complexion on others, here abundantly, there quite exceptional, writers applied Old World names to the new phenomena without further thought. The Philippines set the decisive example in this. Fernando Magellan first discovered the islands of this great archipelago in 1521, March 16. After his death the Spaniards completed the circle of his discoveries. At this time the name of Negros was fixed, which even now is called Islas de los Pintados. For years the Spaniards called the entire archipelago Islas de Poniente; gradually, after the expedition of Don Fray Garcia Jofre de Loaisa (1526), the new title of the Philippines prevailed, through Salazar.
“Negritos and Indigenous Peoples.” It's clear that the explorer Magellan had contradictory names for the tribes and islands in this region. He noticed that some tribes had dark-skinned individuals while others had light skin, and writers just reused Old World names for these new observations without thinking much about it. The Philippines is a prime example of this. Fernando Magellan first discovered the islands of this massive archipelago on March 16, 1521. After his death, the Spaniards continued to explore the areas he found. During this time, the name Negros was established, which is still known as Islas de los Pintados today. For many years, the Spaniards referred to the whole archipelago as Islas de Poniente; however, after the expedition of Don Fray Garcia Jofre de Loaisa in 1526, the new name, the Philippines, became more popular through Salazar.
The people were divided into two groups, the Little Negros or Negritos and the Indios. It is quite conceivable that involuntarily the opinion prevailed that the Negritos had close relationship with the African blacks, and the Indios with the lighter-complexioned inhabitants of India, or at least of Indonesia.
The people were divided into two groups: the Little Negros or Negritos and the Indios. It's easy to see how the prevailing opinion emerged that the Negritos were closely related to African blacks, while the Indios were associated with the lighter-skinned inhabitants of India or at least Indonesia.
[537]However, it must be said here that the theory of a truly African origin of the Negritos has been advanced but seldom, and then in a very hesitating manner. The idea that with the present configuration of the eastern island world, especially with their great distances apart, a variety of mankind that had never manifested any aptitude for maritime enterprises should have spread themselves over this vast ocean area, in order to settle down on this island and on that, is so unreasonable that it has found scarcely a defender worth naming. More and more the blacks are coming to be considered the original peoples, the “Indios” to be the intruders. For this there is a quite reasonable ground, in that on many islands the blacks dwell in the interior, difficult of access, especially in the dense and unwholesome mountain forests, while the lighter complexioned tribes have settled the coasts. To this are added linguistic proofs, which place the lighter races, of homogeneous speech, in linguistic relations with the higher races, especially the Malays. Dogmatically it has been said that originally these islands had been occupied entirely by the primitive black population, but afterwards, through intrusions from the sea, these blacks were gradually pressed away from the coast and shoved back into the interior.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]However, it should be noted that the theory of a true African origin of the Negritos has been proposed but is rarely supported, and even then, only with hesitation. The notion that, given the current layout of the eastern island world, especially with their significant distances apart, a group of people who have never shown any skill for seafaring activities could have spread themselves across this vast ocean to settle on various islands is so implausible that it has hardly any strong advocates. Increasingly, black people are being seen as the original inhabitants, while the “Indios” are viewed as later arrivals. There’s reasonable support for this, as in many islands, black communities live in hard-to-reach areas, particularly in dense and unhealthy mountain forests, while lighter-skinned tribes have occupied the coastlines. Additionally, linguistic evidence suggests that the lighter-skinned groups, who share similar languages, have linguistic ties to the more advanced populations, especially the Malays. It has been claimed assertively that these islands were initially settled entirely by the primitive black population, who were later gradually pushed away from the coast and forced back into the interior due to maritime intrusions.
Complicated Pacific problem.The problem, though it appears simple enough, has become complicated more and more through the progress of discovery, especially since Cook enlarged our knowledge of the oriental island world. A new and still more pregnant contrast then thrust itself to the front in the fact that the blacks and the lighter-colored peoples are each separated into widely differing groups. While the former hold especially the immense, almost continental, regions of Australia (New Holland) and New Guinea, and also the larger archipelagos, such as New Hebrides, Solomon Islands, Fiji (Viti) Archipelago—that is, the western areas—the north and east, Micronesia and Polynesia, were occupied by lighter-colored peoples. So the first division into Melanesia and Polynesia has in latest times come to be of value, and the dogma once fixed has remained. For the Polynesians are by many allied to the Malays, while the blacks are put together as a special ethnological race.
Complicated Pacific issue.The issue, although it seems straightforward, has become increasingly complex due to ongoing discoveries, especially since Cook expanded our understanding of the Asian island world. A new and significant contrast emerged in that the black and lighter-skinned populations are divided into distinct groups. The former predominantly occupy the vast, almost continental regions of Australia (New Holland) and New Guinea, as well as larger archipelagos like the New Hebrides, Solomon Islands, and Fiji (Viti) Archipelago—which are primarily in the western areas—while the north and east, including Micronesia and Polynesia, are inhabited by lighter-skinned peoples. Thus, the initial classification into Melanesia and Polynesia has recently become useful, and the established belief has persisted. Many consider Polynesians to be related to Malays, while black populations are categorized as a unique ethnological group.
For practical ethnology this division may suffice. But the scientific man will seek also for the blacks a genetic explanation. The answer has been furnished by one of the greatest ethnologists, Theodor Waitz, who, after he had exposed the insufficiency of the accepted formulas, came to the conclusion that the differentiation of the blacks from the lighter peoples might be an error. He denied that there had been a primitive black race in Micronesia and Polynesia; in his opinion we have here to do with a single race. The color of the Polynesians may be out and out from natural causes different, “their entire physical appearance indicates the greatest variability.” Herein the whole question of the domain of variation is sprung with imperfect satisfaction on the part of those travelers who give their attention more to transitions than to types. Among these are not a few who have returned from the South Sea with the conviction that all criteria for the diagnosis of men and of races are valueless.
For practical ethnology, this distinction may be enough. However, a scientific approach looks for a genetic explanation for the black populations as well. The answer has been provided by one of the leading ethnologists, Theodor Waitz, who, after highlighting the inadequacies of the existing theories, concluded that the differentiation of black people from lighter-skinned groups might be misguided. He argued that there was no primitive black race in Micronesia and Polynesia; in his view, we are dealing with a single race. The skin color of the Polynesians may be entirely different due to natural causes, “their overall physical appearance shows great variability.” This raises questions about the scope of variation, which remains only partially addressed by travelers who focus more on transitions than on established types. Among these are many who have returned from the South Seas convinced that all criteria for distinguishing between people and races are worthless.
Analytical anthropology has led to other and often unexpected results. It has proved that just that portion of South Sea population [538]which can apparently lay the strongest claim to be considered a homogeneous race must be separated into a collection of subvarieties. Nothing appears more likely than that the Negritos of the Philippines are the nearest relatives to the Melanesians, the Australians, the Papuans; and yet it has been proved that all these are separated one from another by well-marked characters. Whether these characters place the peoples under the head of varieties, or whether, indeed, the black tribes of the South Sea, spite of all differences, are to be traced back to one single primitive stock, that is a question of prehistory for whose answer the material is lacking. Were it possible to furnish the proof that the black populations of the South Sea were already settled in their present homes when land bridges existed between their territory and Africa, or when the much-sought Lemuria still existed, it would not be worth the trouble to hunt for the missing material. In our present knowledge we can not fill the gaps, so we must yet hold the blacks of the Orient to be separate races.
Analytical anthropology has led to various often surprising findings. It has shown that the portion of the South Sea population that can claim to be a homogeneous race must actually be divided into several subvarieties. It seems likely that the Negritos of the Philippines are the closest relatives to the Melanesians, Australians, and Papuans; yet, it has been established that these groups are each distinct from one another with clear differences. Whether these differences categorize them as varieties, or if the black tribes of the South Sea, despite their differences, can be traced back to a single primitive origin, remains a question of prehistory for which we don’t have enough evidence. If we could prove that the black populations of the South Sea were already in their current locations when land bridges connected them to Africa, or when the elusive Lemuria still existed, it wouldn’t be necessary to search for the missing evidence. Based on what we currently know, we cannot fill in the gaps, so we have to regard the blacks of the Orient as separate races.
Hair as a race index.The hair furnished the strongest character for diagnosis, in which, not alone that of the head is under consideration; the hair, therefore, occupies the foreground of interest. Its color is of the least importance, since all peoples of the South Sea have black hair. It is more the structure and appearance which furnish the observer convenient starting points for the primary classification. Generally a two-fold division satisfies. The blacks, it is said, have crisped hair, the Polynesians and light-colored peoples have smooth hair. But this declaration is erroneous in its generality. It is in no way easy to declare absolutely what hair is to be called crisp, and it is still more difficult to define in what respects the so-called crisp varieties differ one from another. For a long time the Australian hair was denominated crisp, until it was evident that it could be classed neither with that of the Africans nor with that of the Philippine blacks. Semper, one of the first travelers to furnish a somewhat complete description of the physical characters of the Negritos, describes it as an “extremely thick, brown-black, lack-luster, and crisp-woolly crown of hair.” Among these peculiarities the lack-luster is unimportant, since it is due to want of care and uncleanliness. On the contrary, the other data furnish true characters of the hair and among them the crisp-woolly peculiarity is most valuable.
Hair as a racial marker.The hair provides the most significant trait for identification, not just focusing on the hair of the head; therefore, it is the primary point of interest. Its color is of minimal importance since all the people in the South Sea have black hair. Instead, the texture and appearance offer practical starting points for initial classification. Generally, a two-part division is sufficient. It is said that Black people have tightly curled hair, while Polynesians and lighter-skinned individuals have straight hair. However, this statement is overly simplistic. It is not easy to define precisely what qualifies as ‘curled,’ and defining how the various ‘curled’ hair types differ from one another is even more challenging. For a long time, Australian hair was categorized as curly, until it became clear that it did not fit neatly with either African or Philippine Black hair. Semper, one of the first travelers to provide a fairly complete description of Negritos' physical traits, described it as an “extremely thick, brown-black, dull, and curly-woolly crown of hair.” Among these features, the dullness is insignificant, as it stems from neglect and lack of cleanliness. In contrast, the other characteristics provide genuine insight into the hair, and the curly-woolly trait is particularly valuable.
On the terms “wool” and “woolly” severe controversies, which have not yet closed, have taken place among ethnologists during the last ten years. Also the lack of care, especially the absence of the comb, has here acted as a disturbing cause in the decision. But there is yet a set of peoples, which were formerly included, that are now being gradually disassociated, especially the Australians and the Veddahs, whose hair, by means of special care, appears quite wavy if not entirely sleek and smooth. Generally it is frowzy and matted, so that its natural form is difficult to recognize. To it is wanting the chief peculiarity, which obtrudes itself in the African blacks so characteristically that the compact spiral form which it assumes from its root, the so-called “pepper-corn,” is selected as the preferable mark of the race. The peculiar nappy head has it origin in the [539]spiral “rollchen.” As to the Asiatic blacks this has been for a long time known among the Andamanese; it has lately been noticed upon the Sakai of Malacca, and it is to be found also among the Negritos of the Philippines, as I can show by specimens. Therefore, if we seek ethnic relationships for the Negritos of the Philippines, or as they are named, the Aetas (Etas, Itas), such connections obtrude themselves with the stocks named, and the more strongly since they all have brachycephalic, relatively small (nannocephalic) heads and through their small size attach themselves to the peculiar dwarf tribes.
In the past ten years, there have been intense debates among ethnologists over the terms “wool” and “woolly,” and these discussions are still ongoing. The lack of care, particularly the absence of combing, has also played a role in these debates. However, there is a group of people once included that are now being gradually separated out, especially the Australians and the Veddahs. With proper care, their hair can look wavy, if not completely sleek and smooth. Generally, though, it tends to be tangled and matted, making it hard to recognize its natural form. Lacking the defining characteristic seen so clearly in African blacks, the compact spiral shape called the “pepper-corn” is recognized as a notable trait of that race. The unique nappy hairstyle originates from the spiral “rollchen.” For Asiatic blacks, this has been known for a long time among the Andamanese; it has recently been observed in the Sakai of Malacca, and it can also be found among the Negritos of the Philippines, as I can demonstrate with specimens. Therefore, when looking for ethnic connections for the Negritos of the Philippines, or as they are also called, the Aetas (Etas, Itas), these relationships are evident with the groups mentioned, especially since they all have relatively small (nannocephalic) heads and through their short stature connect to the unique dwarf tribes.
I might here comment on the singular fact that the Andaman Islands are situated near the Nicobars in the Indian Ocean, but that the populations on both sides of them are entirely different. In my own detailed descriptions which treat of the skulls and the hair specially, it is affirmed that the typical skull shape of the Nicobarese is dolichocephalic and that “their hair stands between the straight hair of the Mongoloid and the sleek, though slightly curved or wavy, hair of the Malayan and Indian peoples;” their skin color is relatively dark, but only so much so as is peculiar to the tribes of India. With the little blacks of the Andamans there is not the slightest agreement. In this we have one of the best evidences against the theory of Waitz-Gerland that the differences in physical appearance are to be attributed to variation merely. I will, however, so as not to be misunderstood, expressly emphasize that I am not willing to declare that the two peoples have been at all times so constituted; I am now speaking of actual conditions.
I want to point out an interesting fact: the Andaman Islands are located near the Nicobars in the Indian Ocean, yet the populations on either side are completely different. In my detailed descriptions, particularly about skulls and hair, I note that the typical skull shape of the Nicobarese is dolichocephalic and that “their hair is between the straight hair of the Mongoloid and the smooth, though slightly curved or wavy, hair of the Malayan and Indian peoples;” their skin color is relatively dark, but only to the extent typical of Indian tribes. There’s no similarity with the small black populations of the Andamans. This serves as strong evidence against the Waitz-Gerland theory that differences in physical appearance are due to mere variation. However, to avoid being misunderstood, I want to clarify that I'm not claiming the two groups have always been this way; I’m simply discussing the current situation.
In the same sense I wish also my remarks concerning the Negritos to be taken. Not one fact is in evidence from which we may conclude that a single neighboring people known to us has been Negritized. We are therefore justified when we see in the Negritos a truly primitive people. As they are now, they were more than three hundred and fifty years ago when the first European navigators visited these islands. About older relationships nothing is known. All the graves from which the bones of Negritos now in possession were taken belong to recent times, and also the oldest descriptions which have been received, so far as phylogeny is concerned, must be characterized as modern.
In the same way, I want my comments about the Negritos to be understood. There isn’t any evidence that suggests a single neighboring group we know of has been influenced by the Negritos. Therefore, it's reasonable to consider the Negritos as a truly primitive people. As they exist now, they were over three hundred and fifty years ago when the first European explorers came to these islands. We don’t know anything about earlier connections. All the graves from which the bones of the Negritos in our possession were taken are from recent times, and even the oldest descriptions we've received, in terms of ancestry, should be viewed as modern.
Negritos a primitive people.The little change in the mode of life made known through these descriptions in connection with the low grade of culture on which these impoverished tribes live amply testify that we have before us here a primitive race.
Negritos, a native people.The slight changes in lifestyle highlighted in these descriptions, along with the low level of culture in which these struggling tribes exist, clearly show that we are dealing with a primitive race.
(The question whether we have to do with older, independent races in the Malay Archipelago or with mixtures is everywhere an open one.—Translator.)
(The question of whether we are dealing with older, independent races in the Malay Archipelago or with mixtures is still open everywhere.—Translator.)
Whoever would picture the present ethnic affiliations of the light-colored peoples of the Philippines will soon land in confusion on account of the great number of tribes. One of the ablest observers, Ferd. Blumentritt, mentions, besides the Negritos, the Chinese and the whites, not less than 51 such tribes. He classifies them in one group as Malays, according to the plan now customary. The division rests primarily on a linguistic foundation. But when it is noted that the identity of language among all the tribes is not [540]established and among many not at all proved, it is sufficiently shown that speech is a character of little constancy, and that a language may be imposed upon a people to the annihilation of their own by those who belong to a different linguistic stock. The Malay Sea is filled with islands on which tarry the remnants of peoples not Malay.
Whoever tries to understand the current ethnic groups of the light-skinned people in the Philippines will quickly find it confusing due to the vast number of tribes. One of the keenest observers, Ferd. Blumentritt, notes that alongside the Negritos, the Chinese, and the whites, there are at least 51 tribes. He groups them under the term Malays, following the common approach today. This classification is mainly based on language. However, it’s important to point out that the shared language among all these tribes isn’t reliably established, and for many, it hasn't been proven at all. This shows that language is not a stable characteristic, and a different group can impose their language on another, leading to the erasure of the original language. The Malay Sea is filled with islands that are home to remnants of peoples who are not Malay.
For a long time, especially since the Dutch occupation, these old populations have received the special name of Alfuros. But this ambiguous term has been used in such an arbitrary and promiscuous fashion that latterly it has been well-nigh banished from ethnological literature. It is not long ago that the Negritos were so called. But if the black peoples are eliminated, there remains on many islands at least an element to be differentiated from the Malay, chiefly through the darker skin color, greater orthocephaly, and more wavy, quite crimped hair. I have, for the different islands, furnished proof, and will here only refer to the assertion that “a broad belt of wavy and curly hair has pressed itself in between the Papuan and the Malay, a belt which in the north seems to terminate with the Veddah, in the south with the Australian.” One can not read the accounts of travelers without the increasing conviction of the existence of several different, if not perhaps related, varieties of peoples thrust on the same island.
For a long time, especially since the Dutch occupation, these old populations have been called Alfuros. However, this vague term has been used so arbitrarily that it has nearly been removed from ethnological literature. Not long ago, the Negritos were referred to by this name. If we exclude the black peoples, there remains on many islands at least one group that can be distinguished from the Malay, primarily through darker skin, a more pronounced head shape, and wavy, often tightly curled hair. I have provided evidence for this across different islands, and I will only mention the claim that “a broad belt of wavy and curly hair has emerged between the Papuan and the Malay, a belt which in the north seems to terminate with the Veddah, in the south with the Australian.” One cannot read the accounts of travelers without increasingly believing that several distinct, if not closely related, varieties of people coexist on the same island.
Theory of Negrito and three Malay invasions.From this results the natural and entirely unprejudiced conclusion, which has repeatedly been stated, that either a primitive people by later intrusions has been pressed back into the interior or that in course of time several immigrations have followed one another. At the same time it is not unreasonable to think that both processes went on at the same time, and indeed this conception is strongly brought forward. So Blumentritt assumes that there is there a primitive black people and that three separate Malay invasions have taken place. The oldest, whose branches have many traits in accord with the Dayaks of Borneo, especially the practice of head-hunting; a second, which also took place before the arrival of the Spaniards, to which the Tagals, Bisayas, Bicols, Ilocanos, and other tribes belong; the third, Islamitic, which emigrated from Borneo and might have been interrupted by the arrival of the Spaniards, and with which a contemporaneous immigration from the Moluccas went on. It must be said, however, that Blumentritt admits two periods for the first invasion. In the earliest he places the immigration of the Igorots, Apayos, Zambales—in short, all the tribes that dwelt in the interior of the country later and were pressed away from the coast, therefore, actually, the mountain tribes. To the second half he assigns the Tinguianes, Catalanganes, and Irayas, who are not head-hunters, but Semper says they appear to have a mixture of Chinese and Japanese blood.
Theory of Negrito and three Malay invasions.From this, we can naturally and fairly conclude, as has been stated before, that either a primitive group of people was pushed into the interior by later invasions or that several waves of immigration occurred over time. It's also reasonable to think that both processes happened simultaneously, and this idea is strongly supported. Blumentritt suggests that there is a primitive black population and that there have been three distinct Malay invasions. The first invasion, whose descendants share many characteristics with the Dayaks of Borneo, especially the practice of head-hunting; a second invasion, which took place before the Spaniards arrived, to which the Tagals, Bisayas, Bicols, Ilocanos, and other tribes belong; and the third, Islamic invasion from Borneo, which may have been interrupted by the arrival of the Spaniards, coinciding with a contemporary immigration from the Moluccas. It should be noted that Blumentritt divides the first invasion into two phases. In the earliest phase, he includes the Igorots, Apayos, Zambales—in short, all the tribes that later lived in the interior of the country and were pushed away from the coast, essentially the mountain tribes. In the second phase, he assigns the Tinguianes, Catalanganes, and Irayas, who are not head-hunters, but Semper claims they seem to have a mix of Chinese and Japanese ancestry.
Against this scheme many things may be said in detail, especially that, according to the apparently well-grounded assertions of Mueller-Beeck, the going of the Chinese to the Philippines was developed about the end of the fourteenth century, and chiefly after the Spaniards had gotten a foothold and were using the Mexican silver in trade. At any rate, the apprehension of Semper, which rests on somewhat superficial physiognomic ground, is not confirmed by [541]searching investigations. So the head-hunting of the mountain tribes, so far as it hints at relations with Borneo, gives no sure chronological result, since it might have been contemporaneous in them and could have come here through invasion from other islands.
Against this scheme, many points can be discussed in detail, particularly that, according to the seemingly solid claims of Mueller-Beeck, the migration of the Chinese to the Philippines began around the end of the fourteenth century, primarily after the Spaniards established their presence and started trading with Mexican silver. In any case, Semper's concerns, which are based on somewhat superficial physical traits, are not supported by [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]thorough investigations. Therefore, the head-hunting practices of the mountain tribes, as they suggest connections with Borneo, do not provide a definite chronological outcome since they could have been happening simultaneously there and could have been brought here through invasions from other islands.
The chief inquiry is this: Whether there took place other and older invasions. For this we are not only to draw upon the present tribes, but if possible upon the remains of earlier and perhaps now extinct tribes. This possibility has been brought nearer for the Philippines through certain cave deposits. We have to thank, for the first information, the traveler Jagor, whose exceptional talent as collector has placed us in the possession of rich material, especially crania. To his excellent report of his journey I have already dedicated a special chapter, in which I have presented and partially illustrated not only the cave crania, but also a series of other skulls. An extended conference upon them has been held in the Anthropological Society.
The main question is this: Were there other, older invasions? To answer this, we need to look not only at the current tribes but also, if possible, at the remains of older and possibly now-extinct tribes. This possibility has become more feasible for the Philippines thanks to certain cave deposits. We owe our first insights to the traveler Jagor, whose outstanding skills as a collector have provided us with valuable material, particularly skulls. I have already dedicated a separate chapter to his excellent report about his journey, where I present and partly illustrate not just the cave skulls but also a range of other skulls. A detailed discussion about these has taken place in the Anthropological Society.
The old Spanish chroniclers describe accurately the mortuary customs which were in vogue in their time. The dead were laid in coffins made from excavated tree trunks and covered with a well-fitting lid. They were then deposited on some elevated place, or mountain, or river bank, or seashore. Caves in the mountains were also utilized for this purpose. Jagor describes such caves on the island of Samar, west of Luzon, whose contents have recently been annihilated.
The old Spanish chroniclers accurately describe the funerary customs that were popular in their time. The dead were placed in coffins made from hollowed-out tree trunks and covered with a snug lid. They were then set on an elevated spot, like a mountain, riverbank, or seashore. Caves in the mountains were also used for this purpose. Jagor talks about such caves on the island of Samar, west of Luzon, whose contents have recently been destroyed.
The few crania from there which have been intrusted to me bear the marks of recent pedigree, as also do the additional objects. Unfortunately, Dr. Jagor did not himself visit these interesting caves, but he has brought crania thence which are of the highest interest, and which I must now mention.
The few skulls from there that have been given to me show signs of recent lineage, as do the other items. Unfortunately, Dr. Jagor did not visit these fascinating caves himself, but he has brought back skulls from there that are very significant, and I need to mention them now.
Study of a giant skull.The cave in question lies near Lanang, on the east coast of Samar, on the bank of a river, it is said. It is, as the traveler reports, celebrated in the locality “on account of its depressed gigantic crania, without sutures.” The singular statement is made clear by means of a well-preserved example, which I lay before you. The entire cranium, including the face, is covered with a thick layer of sinter, which gives it the appearance of belonging to the class of skulls with Leontiasis ossea. It is, in fact, of good size, but through the incrustation it is increased to gigantic proportions. It is true, likewise, that it has a much flattened, broad and compressed form. The cleaning of another skull has shown that artificial deformation has taken place, which obviously was completed before the incrustation was laid on by the mineral water of the cave. I will here add that on the testimony of travelers no Negritos were on Samar. The island lies in the neighborhood of the Bisayas. Although no description of the position of the skull is at hand and of the skeleton to which it apparently belonged, it must be assumed that the dead man was not laid away in a coffin, but placed on the ground; that, in fact, he belonged to an earlier “period.” How long ago that was can not be known, unfortunately, since no data are at hand; however, the bones are in a nearly fossilized condition, which allows the conclusion that they were deposited long ago.
Giant skull study.The cave in question is located near Lanang, on the east coast of Samar, along the bank of a river, or so it’s said. According to travelers, it’s famous locally “because of its depressed gigantic skulls, which lack sutures.” This unusual claim is illustrated by a well-preserved example that I present to you. The whole skull, including the face, is covered with a thick layer of sediment, which makes it look like it belongs to a class of skulls known as Leontiasis ossea. In reality, it’s quite large, but the sediment makes it appear massive. It is also true that it has a very flattened, broad, and compressed shape. Cleaning another skull has revealed that artificial deformation occurred, clearly before the sediment from the cave's mineral water formed. Additionally, based on the accounts of travelers, no Negritos were found on Samar. The island is nearby the Bisayas. Although we lack specific details about the skull's location and the skeleton it likely belonged to, it can be inferred that the deceased wasn’t buried in a coffin but instead placed on the ground; in fact, he probably belonged to an earlier “period.” How long ago that was remains unknown since we have no data, but the bones are in a nearly fossilized state, suggesting they were buried long ago.
[542]The deformation itself furnishes no clue to a chronological conclusion. In Thévenot is found the statement that, according to the account of a priest, probably in the 16th century, the custom prevails in some of the islands to press the heads of new-born babes between two boards, also to flatten the forehead, “since they believed that this form was a special mark of beauty.” A similar deformation, with more pronounced flattening and backward pressure of the forehead, is shown on the crania which Jagor produced from a cave at Caramuan in Luzon. There are modes of flattening which remind one of Peru. When they came into our hands it was indeed an immense surprise, since no knowledge of such deformation in the South Sea was at hand. First our information led to more thorough investigations; so we are aware of several examples of it from Indonesia and, indeed, from the South Sea (Mallicolo). However, this deformation furnishes no clue to the antiquity of the graves.
[__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]The deformation itself gives no indication of a timeline. In Thévenot, there’s a mention that, according to a priest's account from probably the 16th century, some islands have a tradition of pressing the heads of newborn babies between two boards to flatten the forehead, “because they believed this shape was a unique sign of beauty.” A similar deformation, with a more noticeable flattening and backward pressure on the forehead, was found in the skulls Jagor collected from a cave in Caramuan, Luzon. Some flattening techniques are reminiscent of those from Peru. When we first encountered these, it was a huge surprise, as we had no prior knowledge of such deformations in the South Seas. Initially, our findings prompted deeper investigations, leading us to discover several instances of this in Indonesia and indeed from the South Seas (Mallicolo). However, this deformation doesn't provide any clues about the age of the graves.
(Chinese and Korean pottery are said to have been found with the deformed crania. Similar deformations exist in the Celebes, New Britain, etc. Head-shaping has been universal, cf. A. B. Meyer, Ueber Kunstliche deformirte Schaedel von Borneo und Mindanao und ueber die Verbreitung der Sitte der Kunstlichen Schaedeldeformirung, 1881, 36 pp., 4.°—Translator.)
(Chinese and Korean pottery is said to have been found with the deformed skulls. Similar deformations can be seen in places like the Celebes, New Britain, and others. Head-shaping has been a widespread practice, cf. A. B. Meyer, On Artificially Deformed Skulls from Borneo and Mindanao and on the Spread of the Custom of Artificial Skull Deformation, 1881, 36 pp., 4.°—Translator.)
I have sawed one of these skulls in two along the sagittal suture. The illustration gives a good idea of the amount of compression and of the violence which this skull endured when quite young. The cranial cavity is inclined backward and lengthened, and curves out above, while the occiput is pressed downward and the region of the front fontanelle is correspondingly lacking. Likewise, a considerable thickness of the bone is to be noted, especially of the vertex. The upper jaw is slightly prognathous and the roof of the mouth unusually arched.
I have cut one of these skulls in half along the sagittal suture. The illustration shows the extent of compression and the violence this skull experienced when it was quite young. The cranial cavity is tilted backward and elongated, curving outward at the top, while the back of the head is pushed down and the area of the front fontanelle is noticeably flat. Additionally, there is a significant thickness of the bone, especially at the top. The upper jaw is slightly protruding, and the roof of the mouth is unusually arched.
For the purpose of the present study, it is unnecessary to go further into particulars. It might be mentioned that all Lanang skulls are characterized by their size and the firmness of bone, so that they depart widely from the characteristics of the other Philippine examples known to me. Similar skulls have been received only from caves, which exist in one of the little rocky islands east from Luzon. They suggest most Kanaka crania from Hawaii, and Moriori crania from Chatham islands, and they raise the question whether they do not belong to a migration period long before the time of the Malays. I have, on various occasions, mentioned this probable pre-Malayan, or at least proto-Malayan, population which stands in nearest relation to the settling of Polynesia. Here I will merely mention that the Polynesian sagas bring the progenitor from the west, and that the passage between Halmahera (Gilolo) and the Philippines is pointed out as the course of invasion.
For this study, there's no need to go into more details. It's worth noting that all Lanang skulls are distinct because of their size and the density of the bone, which makes them quite different from other Philippine examples I'm familiar with. Similar skulls have only been found in caves on one of the small rocky islands east of Luzon. They resemble many Kanaka skulls from Hawaii and Moriori skulls from the Chatham Islands, raising the question of whether they belong to a migration period that predates the Malays. I've mentioned this likely pre-Malayan or at least proto-Malayan population several times, as it's closely related to the settling of Polynesia. I will simply note that Polynesian legends tell of their ancestor coming from the west, and they indicate that the route taken was between Halmahera (Gilolo) and the Philippines.
At any rate, it is quite probable that the skulls from Lanang, Cragaray, and other Philippine Islands are the remains of a very old, if not autochthonous, prehistoric layer of population. The present mountain tribes have furnished no close analogies. As to the Igorots, which Blumentritt attributes to the first invasion, I refer to my description given on the ground of chronological investigations; according to the account given by Hans Meyer the disposal of the [543]dead in log coffins and in caves still goes on. Of the skulls themselves, none were brachycephalous; on the contrary, they exhibit platyrrhine and in part decidedly pithecoid noses. On the whole, I came to the conclusion, as did earlier Quatrefages and Hamy, that Indications of pre-Malay invasion.“they stand next in comparison with the Dayaks of Borneo,” but I hold yet the impression that they belong to a very old, probably pre-Malay, immigration.
At any rate, it’s quite likely that the skulls from Lanang, Cragaray, and other Philippine Islands are the remains of a very ancient, if not indigenous, prehistoric population. The current mountain tribes don’t provide any close comparisons. Regarding the Igorots, which Blumentritt attributes to the first wave of invasion, I refer to my description based on chronological studies; according to Hans Meyer, the practice of burying the dead in log coffins and caves is still ongoing. As for the skulls themselves, none were brachycephalous; instead, they have platyrrhine and partially distinctly primate-like noses. Overall, I concluded, as did earlier researchers Quatrefages and Hamy, that Signs of pre-Malay invasion. “they are most similar to the Dayaks of Borneo,” although I still believe they are connected to a very ancient, likely pre-Malay, migration.
When, on the 18th of March, 1897, I made a communication on the population of the Philippines, a bloody uprising had broken out everywhere against the existing Spanish rule. In this uprising a certain portion of the population, and indeed that which had the most valid claim to aboriginality, the so-called Negritos, were not involved. Their isolation, their lack of every sort of political, often indeed of village organization, also their meager numbers, render it conceivable that the greatest changes might go on among their neighbors without their taking such a practical view of them as to lead to their engaging in them. Thus it can be understood how they would take no interest in the further development of the affair.
When I spoke about the population of the Philippines on March 18, 1897, a violent uprising had erupted everywhere against the current Spanish rule. In this uprising, a certain part of the population, specifically the Negritos, who had the strongest claim to being the original inhabitants, did not participate. Their isolation, lack of any political or even community organization, and their small numbers make it likely that significant changes could happen among their neighbors without them getting involved in any practical way. This explains why they showed no interest in the ongoing developments related to the uprising.
Since then the result of the war between Spain and the Americans has been the destruction of Spanish power, and the treaty of Paris brought the entire Philippine Archipelago into the possession of the United States of America. Henceforth the principal interest is centered upon the deportment of the insurgents, who have not only outlived the great war between the powers, but are now determined to assert, or win, their independence from the conquerors. These insurgents, who for brevity are called Filipinos, belong, as I have remarked, to the light-colored race of so-called Indios, who are sharply differentiated from the Negritos. Their ethnological position is difficult to fix, since numerous mixtures have taken place with immigrant whites, especially with Spaniards, but also with people of yellow and of brown races—that is, with Mongols and Chinese. Perhaps here and there the importance of this mixture on the composite type of the Indios has been overestimated; at least in most places positive proof is not forthcoming that foreign blood has imposed itself upon the bright-colored population. Both history and tradition teach, on the contrary, as also the study of the physical peculiarities of the people that among the various tribes differences exist which suggest family traits. To this effect is the testimony of several travelers who have followed one another during a long period of time, as has been developed especially by Blumentritt.
Since then, the outcome of the war between Spain and the Americans has led to the downfall of Spanish power, and the Treaty of Paris transferred the entire Philippine Archipelago to the United States. From now on, the main focus is on the behavior of the insurgents, who not only survived the significant conflict between the powers but are also determined to claim or gain their independence from the conquerors. These insurgents, referred to simply as Filipinos, belong, as I mentioned, to the light-skinned group known as Indios, who are distinctly different from the Negritos. Their ethnic classification is tricky to determine, as there have been many intermarriages with immigrant whites, especially Spaniards, but also with people of yellow and brown races—that is, Mongols and Chinese. It’s possible that the significance of this mixing in shaping the Indios' composite type has been exaggerated; at least in most instances, there isn't strong evidence that foreign blood has significantly influenced the lighter-skinned population. On the contrary, history and tradition, along with studies of the people's physical characteristics, indicate that there are familial traits among the various tribes. This is supported by several travelers who have observed these differences over time, particularly as highlighted by Blumentritt.
All immigrations from the West.In this connection it must not be overlooked that all these immigrations, howsoever many they be supposed to have been, must have come this way from the west. Indeed, a noteworthy migration from the east is entirely barred out, if we look no farther back than the Chinese and Japanese. On the contrary, all signs point to the assumption that from of old, long before the coming of Portuguese and Spaniards, a strong movement had gone on from this region to the east, and that the great sea way which exists between Mindanao and the Sulu islands on the north and Halmahera and the Moluccas in the south was the entrance road along which those tribes, or at least those navigators whose arrival peopled the Polynesian Islands, found their way into the Pacific Ocean. But also the movement of the [544]Polynesians points to the west, and if their ancestors may have come from Indonesia there is no doubt that in their long journeys eastward they must have touched at the coasts of other islands on their way, especially the Philippines. Polynesian invasions of the Philippines are not supposed to have closed when a migration of peoples or of men passing out to the Pacific Ocean laid the foundation of a large fraction of the population of the archipelago. It is known that now and then single canoes from the Pelew or the Ladrone Islands were driven upon the east coast of Luzon, but their importance ought not to be overestimated. The migration this way from the west must henceforth remain as the point of departure for all explanations of this eastern ethnology. (These statements are well enough for working hypotheses, but actual proofs are not at hand. Ratzel, Berl. Verhandl., etc., Phil. Hist. Class, 1898, I., p. 33.—Translator.)
All immigrants from the West. In this context, it’s important to note that all these migrations, no matter how many people are believed to have moved, must have come this way from the west. In fact, any significant migration from the east is completely ruled out if we only consider the Chinese and Japanese. On the contrary, all evidence suggests that long before the arrival of the Portuguese and Spaniards, there was a strong movement from this region to the east, and the main sea route between Mindanao and the Sulu Islands to the north and Halmahera and the Moluccas to the south was the pathway that those tribes—or at least those navigators—who populated the Polynesian Islands used to enter the Pacific Ocean. Furthermore, the movement of the [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] Polynesians indicates a westward direction, and if their ancestors may have originated from Indonesia, it’s clear that during their long journeys eastward, they must have passed by the coasts of other islands, particularly the Philippines. The Polynesian incursions into the Philippines are not believed to have ended when waves of people migrated out to the Pacific Ocean, which contributed significantly to the population of the archipelago. It's known that occasionally, individual canoes from the Pelew or the Ladrone Islands washed up on the east coast of Luzon, but their significance should not be overestimated. Thus, the migration from the west must be regarded as the starting point for all explanations of this eastern ethnology. (These statements serve well as working hypotheses, but actual evidence is lacking. Ratzel, Berl. Verhandl., etc., Phil. Hist. Class, 1898, I., p. 33.—Translator.)
Now, how are the local differences of various tribes to be explained, when on the whole the place of origin was the same? Is there here a secondary variation of the type, something brought about through climate, food, circumstances? It is a large theme, which, unfortunately, is too often dominated by previously-formed theories. The importance of “environment” and mode of life upon the corporeal development of man can not be contested, but the measure of this importance is very much in doubt. Nowhere is this measure, at least in the present consideration, less known than in the Philippines. In spite of wide geological and biological differences on these islands, there exists a close anthropological agreement of the Indios in the chief characteristics, and the effort to trace back the tribal differences that have been marked to climatic and alimentary causes has not succeeded. The influence of inherited peculiarities is also more mighty here, as in most parts of the earth, than that of “milieu.”
Now, how can we explain the local differences among various tribes when they all originated from the same place? Is there a secondary variation of the type, influenced by climate, food, or circumstances? It’s a broad topic that, unfortunately, is often overshadowed by pre-existing theories. The significance of “environment” and lifestyle on human physical development cannot be disputed, but the extent of this significance is quite uncertain. Nowhere is this extent, at least in the current discussion, less understood than in the Philippines. Despite the wide geological and biological differences across these islands, there’s a strong anthropological similarity among the Indios in their main characteristics, and efforts to link the noted tribal differences to climate and dietary factors have not been successful. The impact of inherited traits is also stronger here, as it is in most parts of the world, than that of “milieu.”
If we assume, first, that the immigrants brought their peculiarities with them, which were fixed already when they came, we must also accept as self-evident that the Negritos of the Philippines do not belong to the same stock as the more powerful, bright-colored Indios. As long as these islands have been known, more than three centuries, the skin of the Negritos has been dark brown, almost black, their hair short and spirally twisted, and just as long has the skin of the Indios been brownish, in various shades, relatively clear, and the hair has been long and arranged in wavy locks. At no time, so far as known, has it been discovered that among a single family a pronounced variation from these peculiarities had taken place. On this point there is entire unanimity. In case of the Negritos there is not the least doubt; of the Indios a doubt may arise, for, in fact, the shades of skin color appear greatly varied, since the brown is at times quite blackish, at times yellowish, almost as varied as is the color of the sunburnt hair. But even then the practiced eye easily detects the descent, and if the skin alone is not sufficient the first glance at the hair completes the diagnosis. The correct explanation of individual or tribal variations is difficult only with the Indios, while no such necessity exists in the case of the Negritos. But among the Indios these individual and tribal variations are so frequent and so outspoken that one is justified in making the inquiry whether [545]there has not developed here a new type of inherited peculiarities. If this were the case, it must still be held that already the immigrant tribes had possessed them.
If we assume, first, that the immigrants brought their unique traits with them, which were already established when they arrived, we must also accept that the Negritos of the Philippines do not come from the same ancestry as the more dominant, brightly colored Indios. For over three centuries, the skin of the Negritos has been dark brown, almost black, their hair short and tightly curled, while the skin of the Indios has been various shades of brown, relatively fair, and their hair has been long and wavy. At no point, to our knowledge, has there been a significant variation from these characteristics within a single family. On this matter, there is complete agreement. In the case of the Negritos, there is no doubt; with the Indios, some uncertainty may arise, since skin tones can vary widely—sometimes appearing quite blackish or yellowish—almost as varied as sunburnt hair colors. However, even then, a trained eye can easily identify their lineage, and if the skin color alone isn't enough, a quick look at the hair confirms it. Understanding individual or tribal variations is only challenging with the Indios, while no such complexity exists with the Negritos. Among the Indios, these individual and tribal differences are so common and pronounced that it raises the question whether [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] a new type of inherited traits has developed here. If that is the case, it must still be acknowledged that the immigrant tribes had already possessed them.
Assistance from history.Now, history records that different immigrations have actually taken place. Laying aside the latest before the arrival of the Spaniards, that of the Islamites, in the fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries, there remains the older one. If ethnologists and travelers in general come to the conclusion concerning Borneo—and it is to be taken as certain—that the differences now existing among the wild tribes of this island are very old, it ought not be thought so wonderful if, according to the conditions of the tribes which have immigrated thence, there should exist on the Philippines near one another dissimilar though related peoples. This difference is not difficult to recognize in manners and customs—a side of the discussion which is further on to be treated more fully. We begin with physical characteristics.
Help from history. Now, history shows that different waves of immigration have actually happened. Setting aside the most recent one before the arrival of the Spaniards, which was the migration of the Islamites in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, there is the older wave. If ethnologists and travelers generally agree about Borneo—and it's considered a fact—that the variations among the island's wild tribes are very ancient, it shouldn't be surprising if, based on the circumstances of the tribes that migrated from there, distinct yet related groups can be found close to each other in the Philippines. This diversity is not hard to see in their behaviors and traditions—a topic that will be explored in more detail later on. We start with physical traits.
Hair differences.Among these the hair occupies the chief place. To be sure, among all the Indios it is black, but it shows not the slightest approach to the frizzled condition which is such a prominent feature in the external appearance of the Negritos and of all the Papuan tribes of the East. This frizzled condition may be called woolly, or in somewhat exaggerated refinement in the name may be attributed to the term “wool,” all sorts of meanings akin to wool; in every case there is wanting to all the Indios the crinkling of the hair from its exit out of the follicle, whereby would result wide or narrow spiral tubes and the coarse appearance of the so-called “peppercorn.” The hair of all Indios is smooth and straightened out, and when it forms curves they are only feeble, and they make the whole outward appearance wavy or, at most, curled.
Hair variations.Among these, hair is the most noticeable feature. Of course, among all the Indios, the hair is black, but it doesn’t show any signs of the frizzled texture that is a prominent characteristic of the Negritos and all the Papuan tribes of the East. This frizzled texture can be described as woolly, and in a more refined way, we might refer to it using terms related to “wool.” In every case, all the Indios lack the crinkling of the hair as it grows from the follicle, which would create wide or narrow spiral shapes and the coarse look of what is called “peppercorn.” The hair of all Indios is smooth and straight, and when it does form curves, they are very subtle, resulting in an overall appearance that is wavy or, at most, slightly curled.
But within this wavy or curled condition of the hair there are again differences. In my former communication I have attended to examinations which I made upon a large number of islands in the Malay Sea, and in which it was shown that a certain area exists which begins with the Moluccas and extends to the Sunda group, in which the hair shows a strong inclination to form wavy locks, indeed passes gradually into crinkled, if not into spiral, rolls. Such hair is found specially in the interior of the islands, where the so-called aboriginal population is purer and where for a long time the name of Alfuros has been conferred on them. On most points affinity with Negritos or Papuans is not to be recognized. Should such at any time have existed, we are a long way from the period when the direct causes therefor are to be looked for. In this connection the study of the Philippines is rich with instruction. In the limits of the almost insular, isolated Negrito enclave, mixtures between Negritos and Indios very seldom surprise one, and never the transitions that can have arisen in the post-generative time of development. (The island of Negros, on the contrary, is peopled by such crossbreeds.—Translator.)
But within the wavy or curly texture of hair, there are also differences. In my previous communication, I examined a large number of islands in the Malay Sea, showing that there is a specific area starting with the Moluccas and extending to the Sunda group, where hair tends to form wavy locks and gradually becomes crinkled, if not spiraled. This type of hair is especially found in the interior of the islands, where the so-called aboriginal population is more pure, and they have long been called Alfuros. In most cases, there is no similarity to Negritos or Papuans. If such connections existed in the past, we are far removed from the time when the direct causes can be identified. In this regard, the study of the Philippines provides a wealth of insight. Within the almost insular, isolated Negrito areas, mixtures between Negritos and Indios are rarely seen, and transitions that might have occurred during post-generative development never appear. (The island of Negros, on the other hand, is populated by such crossbreeds.—Translator.)
If there are among the bright-colored islanders of the Indian Ocean Alfuros and Malays close together there is nothing against coming upon this contrast in the Philippine population also. Among the more central peoples the tribal differences are so great that almost [546]every explorer stumbles on the question of mixture. There not only the Dayaks and the other Malays obtrude themselves, but also the Chinese and the Mongolian peoples of Farther India. Indeed, many facts are known, chiefly in the language, the religion, the domestic arts, the agriculture, the pastoral life which remind one of known conditions peculiarly Indian. The results of the ethnologists are so tangled here that one has to be cautious when one or another of them draws conclusions concerning immigrations, because of certain local or territorial specializations. Of course, when a Brahmanic custom occurs anywhere it is right to conclude that it came here from India. But before assuming that the tribe in which such a custom prevails itself comes from Hither or Farther India, the time has to be ascertained to which the custom is to be traced back. The chronological evidence leads to the confident belief that the custom and the tribe immigrated together.
If you look at the brightly colored islanders of the Indian Ocean, you'll see that Alfuros and Malays are close together, and you can find a similar contrast within the population of the Philippines. Among the central groups, the tribal differences are so pronounced that nearly every explorer encounters the issue of mixing. Here, not only the Dayaks and other Malays stand out, but also the Chinese and Mongolian peoples from further India. In fact, many details—especially in language, religion, domestic arts, agriculture, and pastoral living—echo familiar conditions that are distinctly Indian. The findings of ethnologists are so complex in this region that one must be careful when they draw conclusions about migrations, due to specific local or territorial variations. Naturally, when a Brahmanic custom appears anywhere, it’s reasonable to assume it originated from India. However, before concluding that the tribe with such a custom also comes from either Hither or Farther India, we need to determine the time when that custom originated. The chronological evidence strongly suggests that both the custom and the tribe immigrated together.
Ancestor worship.Over the whole Philippine Archipelago religious customs have changed with the progress of external relations. Christianity has in many places spread its peculiar customs, observances, and opinions, and changed entirely the direction of thought. On closer view are to be detected in the midst of Christian activities older survivals, as ingredients of belief which, in spite of that religion, have not vanished. Before Christianity, in many places, Islam flourished, and it is not surprising to witness, as on Mindanao, Christian and Mohammedan beliefs side by side. But, before Islam, ancestor worship, as has long been known, was widely prevalent. In almost every locality, every hut has its Anito with its special place, its own dwelling; there are Anito pictures and images, certain trees and, indeed, certain animals in which some Anito resides. The ancestor worship is as old as history, for the discoverers of the Philippines found it in full bloom, and rightly has Blumentritt characterized Anito worship as the ground form of Philippine religion. He has also furnished numerous examples of Anito cult surviving in Christian communities.
Ancestor veneration.Throughout the Philippine Archipelago, religious practices have evolved alongside the development of external relations. Christianity has spread its unique customs, rituals, and beliefs in many areas, significantly altering the local mindset. However, upon closer examination, remnants of older beliefs can still be found amidst Christian practices, suggesting that these elements have persisted despite the influence of Christianity. Before the arrival of Christianity, Islam was prominent in various regions, and it’s not surprising to see both Christian and Muslim beliefs coexisting, as in Mindanao. Additionally, prior to Islam, ancestor worship was widely practiced, as has been well-documented. In nearly every community, each household has its Anito, which occupies a designated place and has its own space; there are Anito images and representations, as well as specific trees and even animals believed to house some Anito. Ancestor worship is as ancient as history itself, as early explorers of the Philippines encountered it thriving, and Blumentritt accurately described Anito worship as the foundational aspect of Philippine religion. He also provided many examples of Anito practices that continue to exist within Christian communities.
Chronology has a good groundwork and it will have to observe every footprint of vanishing creeds. Only, it must not be overlooked that the beginning of the chronology of religion has not been reached, and that the origin of the generally diffused ancestor worship, at least on the Philippines, is not known. If it is borne in mind that belief in Anitos is widely diffused in Polynesia and in purely Malay areas, the drawing of certain conclusions therefrom concerning the prehistory of the Philippines is to be despaired of.
Chronology has a solid foundation, and it will need to track every trace of disappearing beliefs. However, it's important to note that we haven't yet reached the beginning of the history of religion, and the origin of the widely practiced ancestor worship, especially in the Philippines, remains unclear. Considering that the belief in Anitos is common in Polynesia and in purely Malay regions, any conclusions drawn about the prehistory of the Philippines from this information are likely to be futile.
Tattooing.Next to religious customs, among wild tribes fashions are most enduring. Little of costume is to be seen, indeed, among them. Therefore, here tattooing asserts its sway. The more it has been studied in late years the more valuable has been the information in deciding the kinship relations of tribes. Unfortunately, in the Philippines the greater part of the early tattoo designs have been lost and the art itself is also nearly eliminated. But since the journey of Carl Semper it has been known that not only Malays but also Negritos tattoo; indeed, this admirable explorer has decided that the “Negroes of the East Coast” practice a different method of tattooing from that of the Mariveles in the west, and on that account they [547]attain different results. In the one case a needle is employed to make fine holes in the skin in which to introduce the color; in the other long gashes are made. In the latter case prominent scars result; in the former a smooth pattern. But these combined patterns are on the whole the same, instead of rectilinear figures. Schadenburg has the operations commence with a sharpened bamboo on children 10 years of age. Among the wild tribes of the light-colored population tattooing is not less diffused, but the patterns are not alike in the different tribes. Isabelo de los Reyes reports that the Tinguianes, who inhabit the mountain forests of the northern cordilleras of Luzon, produce figures of stars, snakes, birds, etc., on children 7 to 9 years old. Hans Meyer describes the pattern of the Igorots. There appears to exist a great variety of symbols; for example, on the arms, straight and crooked lines crossing one another; on the breast, feather-like patterns. Least frequently he saw the so-called Burik designs, which extended in parallel bands across the breast, the back, and calves, and give to the body the appearance of a sailor’s striped jacket. It is very remarkable that the human form never occurs.
Tattoos. Next to religious customs, among wild tribes, fashion trends last the longest. There’s not much to see in terms of clothing among them. That's why tattooing has such a strong presence. The more it has been examined in recent years, the more useful the information has become in determining the relationships between tribes. Unfortunately, in the Philippines, most of the early tattoo designs have been lost and the art itself is nearly gone. However, since Carl Semper's journey, it has been recognized that not only Malays, but also Negritos, practice tattooing; indeed, this remarkable explorer has concluded that the “Negroes of the East Coast” use different tattooing methods compared to those in Mariveles in the west, resulting in different outcomes. In one method, a needle is used to create tiny holes in the skin where the ink is applied; in the other, long cuts are made. The second method produces noticeable scars, while the first results in a smooth design. Overall, these combined patterns are similar, rather than consisting of straight figures. Schadenburg notes that the process begins with a sharpened bamboo for children at around 10 years old. Among the wild tribes of lighter skin tones, tattooing is just as widespread, but the designs vary between tribes. Isabelo de los Reyes reports that the Tinguianes, who live in the mountain forests of northern Luzon, create designs of stars, snakes, and birds on children aged 7 to 9. Hans Meyer describes the tattoo patterns of the Igorots, noting a wide variety of symbols; for instance, on the arms, both straight and wavy lines intersect, while on the chest, there are feather-like designs. He saw the so-called Burik patterns the least often, which run in parallel bands across the chest, back, and calves, giving the body an appearance similar to a sailor's striped jacket. It's quite remarkable that the human form is never depicted.
What is true concerning tattooing on so many Polynesian islands holds also completely here. But reliable descriptions are so few, and especially there is such a meager number of useful drawings, that it would not repay the trouble to assemble the scattered data. At least it will suffice to discover whether among them there are genuine tribal marks or to investigate concerning the distribution of separate patterns. Those known show conclusively that in the matter of tattooing the Filipinos are not differentiated from the islanders of the Pacific; they form, moreover, an important link in the chain of knowledge which demonstrates the genetic homogeneity of the inhabitants. The tattooings of the eastern islanders are comparable only to those of African aborigines, with which last they furnish many family marks, made out and recognized. It is desirable that a trustworthy collection of all patterns be collected before the method becomes more altered or destroyed.
What is true about tattooing on many Polynesian islands is also completely true here. However, there are very few reliable descriptions, and especially a limited number of useful drawings, making it not worth the effort to gather the scattered information. At the very least, we can find out if there are authentic tribal marks among them or examine the distribution of individual patterns. The known examples clearly show that, in terms of tattooing, Filipinos are not different from the islanders of the Pacific; they also represent an important link in the chain of knowledge that proves the genetic similarity of the inhabitants. The tattoos of the eastern islanders can only be compared to those of African aborigines, with whom they share many recognizable family marks. It is important to create a reliable collection of all patterns before the method changes or disappears.
Teeth alterations.Next to the skin, among the wild tribes the teeth are modified in the most numerous artificial alterations. The preferable custom, common in Africa, of breaking out the front teeth in greater or less number has not, so far as I remember, been described among the Filipinos; I only mention that while I was making a revision of our Philippine crania, two of them turned up in which the middle upper incisors had evidently been broken out for a long time, for the alveolar border had shrunk into a small quite smooth ridge, without a trace of an aveolus. It is otherwise with the pointing of the incisors, especially the upper ones, which, also is not common. I must leave it undecided whether the sharpening is done by filing or by breaking off pieces from the sides. The latter should be in general far more frequent. In every case the otherwise broad and flat teeth are brought to such sharp points as to project like those of the carnivorous animals. I have met with this condition several times on Negrito skulls and furnished illustrations of them. On a Zambal skull, excavated by Dr. A. B. Meyer and which I lay before you, the deformation is easy to be seen. I called attention at the time to [548]the fact that among the Malays an entirely different method of modifying the teeth is in vogue, in which a horizontal filing on the front surface is practiced and the sharp lower edge is straightened and widened. Already the elder Thévenot has accented this contrast when he says:
Teeth changes. Next to the skin, among the wild tribes, teeth undergo a lot of artificial changes. A common practice in Africa is to break out the front teeth, but as far as I know, this hasn’t been noted among Filipinos. I mention that during my review of Philippine skulls, I found two where the middle upper incisors had clearly been broken out for a long time; the alveolar ridge had shrunk into a small, smooth ridge with no trace of an aveolus. The sharpening of incisors, especially the upper ones, is also rare. I can’t say for sure whether this sharpening happens by filing or by breaking off pieces from the sides, though the latter may be more common. In any case, the otherwise broad and flat teeth are sharpened into points that resemble those of carnivorous animals. I’ve seen this condition on Negrito skulls several times and have provided illustrations of them. On a Zambal skull, excavated by Dr. A. B. Meyer, which I present to you now, the deformation is clearly visible. Previously, I pointed out [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__] that among Malays, a completely different method of modifying teeth is practiced, involving horizontal filing on the front surface and straightening and widening the sharp lower edge. The older Thévenot noted this contrast when he stated:
“These cause the teeth to be equal, those file them to points, giving them the shape of a saw.”
“Some make the teeth even, while others sharpen them to points, shaping them like a saw.”
This difference appears to have held on till the present; at least no skull of an Indio is known to me with similar deformation of the teeth. This custom of the Negritos is so much more remarkable since the chipping of the corners of the teeth is widely spread among the African blacks.
This difference seems to persist to this day; at least, I'm not aware of any skull of an Indio with a similar tooth deformation. This Negrito practice is even more notable since the chipping of tooth corners is commonly found among African blacks.
Skill flattening.The other part of the body used most for deformation—the skull—is in strong contrast to the last-named custom. Deformed crania; especially from older times, are quite numerous in the Philippines; probably they belong exclusively to the Indios. If they exist among the Negritos, I do not know it; the only exception comes from the Tinguianes, of whom I. de los Reyes reports their skulls are flattened behind (por detrás oprimido). Such flattening is found, however, not seldom among tribes who have the practice of binding children on hard cradle boards—chiefly among those families who keep their infants a long time on such contrivances. A sure mark by which to discriminate accidental pressure of this sort from one intentionally produced is not at hand; it may be that in accidental deformation oblique position of the deformed spot is more frequent; at any rate, the difference in the Philippines is a very striking one, since there not so much the occiput as the front and middle portions suffer from the disfigurements, and thereby deformations are produced that have had their most perfect expression among the ancient Peruvians and other American tribes.
Skill leveling.The part of the body most commonly deformed—the skull—stands in stark contrast to the previous practice. Deformed skulls, particularly from earlier times, are quite common in the Philippines; they likely belong solely to the Indios. I don't know if they exist among the Negritos; the only exception comes from the Tinguianes, whose skulls, according to I. de los Reyes, are flattened in the back. However, this flattening can often be seen in tribes that practice binding children to hard cradle boards—mainly those families that keep their infants on these boards for an extended period. There's no clear way to tell if this pressure is accidental or intentional; it may be that accidental deformation more frequently shows oblique positioning of the deformed area. In any case, the differences in the Philippines are striking, as it is not just the back of the head but the front and middle sections that are affected, resulting in deformities that have reached their most refined form among ancient Peruvians and other American tribes.
I have discussed cranial deformation of the Americans in greater detail, where I exhibit the accidental and the artificial (intentional) deformation in their principal forms. The result is that in large sections of America scarcely any ancient skulls are found having their natural forms, but that the practice of deformation has not been general; moreover, a number of deformation centers may be differentiated which stand in no direct association with one another. The Peruvian center is far removed from that of the northwest coast, and this again from that of the Gulf States. From this it must not be said that each center may have had its own, as it were, autochthonous origin. But the method has not so spread that its course can be followed immediately. Rather is the supposition confirmed that the method is to be traced to some other time, therefore that somewhere there must have been a place of origin for it. On the Eastern Hemisphere, and especially in the region here under consideration, the relations are apparently otherwise. Here exist, so far as known, great areas entirely free from deformation; small ones, on the other hand, full of it. There are here, also, deformation centers, but only a few. Among these, with our present knowledge, the Philippines occupy the first place.
I have talked about cranial deformation in Americans in more depth, where I showcase both accidental and intentional deformation in their primary forms. The outcome is that in many parts of America, very few ancient skulls have retained their natural shapes, but the practice of deformation has not been widespread; furthermore, several centers of deformation can be identified that are not directly connected to each other. The Peruvian center is quite distant from that on the northwest coast, and that one is again separate from the Gulf States. This does not imply that each center developed its own unique origin. However, the method has not spread widely enough for its progression to be easily tracked. Instead, it supports the idea that the practice can be traced back to another time, suggesting there must have been some original place for it. In the Eastern Hemisphere, particularly in the region we are looking at, the situation appears to be different. Here, there are, as far as we know, vast areas completely free of deformation, while smaller regions are filled with it. There are also deformation centers present, but only a few. Among these, based on our current knowledge, the Philippines take the lead.
The knowledge of this, indeed, is not of long duration. Public attention was first aroused about thirty years ago concerning skulls [549]from Samar and Luzon, gathered by F. Jagor from ancient caves, to furnish the proof of their deformation. Up to that time next to nothing was known of deformed crania in the oriental island world. First through my publication the attention of J. G. Riedel, a most observant Dutch resident, was called to the fact that cranial deformation is still practiced in the Celebes, and he was so good as to send us a specimen of the compressing apparatus for delicate infants (1874). Compressed crania were also found. But the number was small and the compression of the separate specimens was only slight. In both respects what was observed in the Sunda islands did not differ from the state of the case in the Philippines. Through Jagor’s collections different places had become known where deformed crania were buried. Since then the number of localities has multiplied. I shall mention only two, on account of their peculiar locality. One is Cagraray, a small island east of Luzon, in the Pacific Ocean, at the entrance of the Bay of Albay; the other, the island of Marinduque, in the west, between Luzon and Mindoro. From the last-named island I saw, ten years ago, the first picture of one in a photograph album accidentally placed in my hands. Since then I had opportunity to examine the Schadenberg collection of crania, lately come into the possession of the Reichsmuseum, in Leyden, and to my great delight discovered in it a series of skulls which are compressed in exactly the same fashion as those of Lanang. It is said that these will soon be described in a publication.
The understanding of this is not new. Public interest was first sparked about thirty years ago regarding skulls from Samar and Luzon, collected by F. Jagor from ancient caves, which provided proof of their deformation. Before that, little was known about deformed skulls in the eastern island regions. It was through my publication that J. G. Riedel, a keen Dutch observer, noticed that cranial deformation is still practiced in the Celebes, and he kindly sent us a sample of the compression device used on fragile infants (1874). Compressed skulls were also discovered, but the quantity was low, and the compression on the individual specimens was minimal. In both aspects, what was seen in the Sunda islands was similar to the situation in the Philippines. Jagor's collections revealed various locations where deformed skulls were buried. Since then, the number of these sites has increased. I will mention just two, due to their unique locations. One is Cagraray, a small island east of Luzon in the Pacific Ocean, at the entrance of the Bay of Albay; the other is the island of Marinduque, located to the west, between Luzon and Mindoro. From Marinduque, I saw, ten years ago, the first image of one in a photo album that was accidentally handed to me. Since then, I had the chance to examine the Schadenberg collection of skulls, recently acquired by the Reichsmuseum in Leyden, and to my great delight, I found a series of skulls in it that were compressed in exactly the same way as those from Lanang. It is said that these will soon be detailed in a publication.
It is of especial interest that this method has been noted in the Philippines for more than three hundred years. In my first publication I cited a passage in Thévenot where he says, on the testimony of a priest, that the natives on some islands had the custom of compressing the head of a newborn child between two boards, so that it would be no longer round, but lengthened out; also they flattened the forehead, which they looked upon as a special mark of beauty. This is, therefore, an ancient example. It is confirmed by the circumstance that these crania are found especially in caves, from the roofs of which mineral waters have dripped, which have overlaid the bones partly with a thick layer of calcareous matter. The bones themselves have an uncommonly thick, almost ivory, fossil-like appearance. Only the outer surface is in places corroded, and on these places saturated with a greenish infiltration. It is to be assumed, therefore, that they are very old. I have the impression that they must have been placed here before the discovery of the islands and the introduction of Christianity. Their peculiar appearance, especially their angular form and the thickness of the bone, reminds one of crania from other parts of the South Sea, especially those from Chatham and Sandwich Islands. I shall not here go further into this question, but merely mention that I came to the conclusion that these people must be looked upon as proto-Malayan.
It’s particularly interesting that this practice has been observed in the Philippines for over three hundred years. In my first publication, I referenced a quote from Thévenot, where he mentions, based on a priest's account, that the locals on some islands had a tradition of shaping a newborn's head between two boards to elongate it instead of keeping it round. They also flattened the forehead, which they considered a unique beauty trait. This is, therefore, an ancient example. It’s supported by the fact that these skulls are mainly found in caves, with mineral water dripping from their ceilings, which has covered the bones with a thick layer of calcareous material. The bones themselves have an unusually thick, almost ivory-like, fossilized appearance. Only the outer surface shows some corrosion, particularly in areas saturated with a greenish seepage. It’s reasonable to assume, then, that they are quite old. I believe they must have been placed here before the islands were discovered and before Christianity was introduced. Their distinctive look, especially their angular shape and thick bones, is reminiscent of skulls from other parts of the South Sea, particularly those from Chatham and the Sandwich Islands. I won’t delve further into this topic here, but I’ll simply note that I concluded these individuals should be regarded as proto-Malayan.
Hope of Filipino and American study.The changes which will take place in the political condition of the Philippines may be of little service to scientific explorations at first; but the study of the population will be surely taken up with renewed energy. Already in America scholars have begun to occupy themselves therewith. A brief article by Dr. Brinton is to be mentioned [550]as the first sign of this. But should the ardent desire of the Filipinos be realized, that their islands should have political autonomy, it is to be hoped that, out of the patriotic enthusiasm of the population and the scientific spirit of many of their best men, new sources of information will be opened for the history and the development of oriental peoples. To this end it may be here mentioned, by the way, that the connecting links of ancient Philippine history and the customs of these islands, as well with the Melanesians as with the Polynesians of the south, are yet to be discovered.
Hope for Filipino and American study.The changes in the political situation in the Philippines may initially have little impact on scientific research; however, the study of the population will definitely be taken up with renewed enthusiasm. Scholars in America have already begun to look into this. A brief article by Dr. Brinton should be noted [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]as the first indication of this. If the passionate desire of the Filipinos for political autonomy is fulfilled, we can hope that the patriotic enthusiasm of the population, along with the scientific spirit of many of their brightest individuals, will create new opportunities for understanding the history and development of Asian peoples. It’s worth mentioning that the connections in ancient Philippine history and the traditions of these islands, as well as those with the Melanesians and Polynesians to the south, have yet to be uncovered.
As representatives of these two groups, I present, in closing, two especially well-formed crania from the Philippines. One of them, which shows the marks of antiquity that I have set forth, belongs to an “Indio.” Comparison of Indio and Negrito skulls.It has the high cranial capacity of 1,540 cubic centimeters, a horizontal circumference of 525 millimeters, and a sagitta-circumference of 386 millimeters; its form is hypsidolicho, quite on the border of mesocephaly: Index of width, 75.3; index of height, 76.3. Besides, it has the appearance of a race capable of development; only, the nose is platyrrhine (index, 52.3), as among so many Malay tribes, and in the left temple it bears a Processus frontalis squamae temporalis developed partly from an enlarged fontanelle. The other skull was one taken from a Negrito grave of Zambales by Dr. A. B. Meyer. It makes, at first glance, just as favorable an impression, but its capacity is only 1,182 cubic centimeters; therefore 358 cubic centimeters less than the other. Its form is orthobrachycephalic; breadth index, 80.2; height index, 70.6. As in single traits of development, so in the measurements, the difference and the debased character of this race obtrude themselves. Only, the nasal index is somewhat smaller; on the whole, the nose has in its separate parts a decidedly pithecoid form.
As representatives of these two groups, I conclude by presenting two particularly well-shaped skulls from the Philippines. One of them, which shows the signs of age that I've mentioned, belongs to an “Indio.” Comparison of Indio and Negrito skulls. It has a high cranial capacity of 1,540 cubic centimeters, a horizontal circumference of 525 millimeters, and a sagittal circumference of 386 millimeters; its shape is hypsidolicho, right on the edge of mesocephaly: width index, 75.3; height index, 76.3. Additionally, it appears to belong to a race that is capable of development; however, the nose is platyrrhine (index, 52.3), similar to many Malay tribes, and on the left temple, it has a Processus frontalis squamae temporalis that developed partly from an enlarged fontanelle. The other skull was taken from a Negrito grave in Zambales by Dr. A. B. Meyer. At first glance, it seems just as favorable, but its capacity is only 1,182 cubic centimeters, which is 358 cubic centimeters less than the other. Its shape is orthobrachycephalic; breadth index, 80.2; height index, 70.6. Differences and the lesser characteristics of this race are evident in both its features and measurements. The nasal index is slightly smaller; overall, the nose has a distinctly primate-like shape in its individual parts.
People and Prospects of the Philippines
Blackwood’s magazine for August, 1818, has an account of conditions in Manila and the Philippines from data given by an English merchant who left the Islands in 1798 after twenty years’ residence in which he accumulated a fortune.
Blackwood’s magazine for August 1818 features a report on the situation in Manila and the Philippines, based on information provided by an English merchant who left the Islands in 1798 after spending twenty years there and making a fortune.
“Your first question, with respect to the Spanish population, must refer to native Spaniards only; as their numerous descendants, through all the variety of half-castes, would include one third at least of the whole population of Luconia (i.e., Luzon—A. C.)
“Your first question about the Spanish population should only refer to native Spaniards; their many descendants, consisting of various mixed races, would make up at least one third of the entire population of Luconia (i.e., Luzon—A. C.)”
“Of native Spaniards, accordingly, settled in the Philippine Islands, the total number may be stated at 2,000 not military. The military, including all descriptions, men and officers, are about 2,500, out of which number the native regiments are officered [551]These last, in 1796–7, were almost entirely composed of South Americans and were reckoned at 5,000 men, making a military force of about 7,500.
“Of native Spaniards who settled in the Philippine Islands, the total number can be reported as 2,000, excluding military personnel. The military, including all types of men and officers, is about 2,500. Out of this number, the native regiments are led by officers [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]. In 1796–97, these regiments were almost entirely made up of South Americans and were estimated to consist of 5,000 men, resulting in a total military force of around 7,500.”
“The castes bearing a mixture of the Spanish blood are in Luconia alone at least 200,000. The Sangleys, or Chinese descendants, are upwards of 20,000, and Indians, who call themselves the original Tagalas, about 340,000, making a total population in that island of about 600,000 souls. What may be the respective numbers in the other Philippine Islands I never had any opportunity of learning.”
“The castes with a mix of Spanish blood number at least 200,000 in Luconia alone. The Sangleys, or Chinese descendants, are over 20,000, and the Indians, who refer to themselves as the original Tagalas, are about 340,000, bringing the total population on that island to around 600,000 people. I never had the chance to find out what the respective numbers are in the other Philippine Islands.”
(This opinion, of a day when it was not desired to disparage the people, gives an idea of the mixed blood of the Filipinos which, in the opinion of the ethnologists, like Ratzel, is a source of strength. It classes them with the English and Americans. One danger of the present appears in over-emphasizing the Malay blood, just as in Spanish times a real loss seems to have come from the contempt toward the Chinese which led to minimizing and concealing a most creditable ancestry.
(This opinion, from a time when it was not intended to belittle the people, highlights the mixed heritage of Filipinos which, according to ethnologists like Ratzel, is a source of strength. It categorizes them alongside the English and Americans. One current danger seems to be the over-emphasis on Malay ancestry, similar to how, during Spanish rule, real losses resulted from the disdain for the Chinese, which caused a minimization and concealment of a highly respectable lineage.
Prejudice in the past called all trouble makers mestizos, but today’s study is showing that trouble maker meant man who would stand up for his rights; one must not forget that mestizo was used as a reproach, that the leaders of the people were really typical of the people. By the old injustice those who were mediocre were called natives and whoever rose above his fellows was claimed as a Spaniard, but a fairer way would seem to be to consider Filipinos all born in the Philippines.—C.).
Prejudice in the past labeled all troublemakers as mestizos, but today’s research shows that troublemaker actually referred to a man who stood up for his rights; we must remember that mestizo was used as an insult, while the leaders of the people truly represented the average person. Due to past injustices, those who were mediocre were called natives, and anyone who excelled among them was described as a Spaniard. A fairer approach would be to regard all Filipinos as individuals born in the Philippines.—C.).
The Cornhill magazine in the late ’70s had a contribution by the then British Consul, Mr. Palgreave, on “Malay Life in the Philippines,” that makes more understandable the reputation of the islands, which before the opening of the Suez were a health resort for Japan, the China coast and India. It also shows a fairness to the people uncommon in the Spanish-inspired writings of his day.
The Cornhill magazine in the late '70s featured a piece by the British Consul at the time, Mr. Palgreave, titled “Malay Life in the Philippines,” which helps clarify the islands' reputation as a health retreat for Japan, the China coast, and India before the Suez Canal opened. It also demonstrates a fairness towards the people that was rare in the Spanish-influenced writings of that era.
“Dull indeed must be his soul, unsympathetic his nature who can see the forests and mountains of Luzon, Queen of the Eastern Isles, fade away into dim violet outlines on the fast receding horizon without some pang of longing regret. Not the Aegean, not the West Indian, not the Samoan, not any rival in manifold beauties of earth, sea and sky the Philippine Archipelago. Pity that for the Philippines no word limner of note exists. The chiefest, the almost exceptional spell of the Philippines, is situated, not in the lake or volcano, forest or plain, but in the races that form the bulk of the island population.
"Dull must be his soul and unsympathetic his nature if he can watch the forests and mountains of Luzon, Queen of the Eastern Isles, fade into soft violet outlines on the quickly disappearing horizon without feeling a twinge of longing regret. Not the Aegean, not the West Indian, not the Samoan, not any rival with countless beauties of earth, sea, and sky compares to the Philippine Archipelago. It's a shame there’s no notable wordsmith to capture the essence of the Philippines. The greatest, almost unique charm of the Philippines lies not in its lakes or volcanoes, forests or plains, but in the diverse cultures that make up the island's population."
“I said ‘almost exceptional’ because rarely is an intra-tropical people a satisfactory one to eye or mind. But this cannot be said of the Philippine Malays who in bodily formation and mental characteristics alike, may fairly claim a place, not among middling ones merely, but among almost the higher names inscribed on the world’s [552]national scale. A concentrated, never-absent self-respect, an habitual self-restraint in word and deed, very rarely broken except when extreme provocation induces the transitory but fatal frenzy known as ‘amok,’ and an inbred courtesy, equally diffused through all classes, high or low, unfailing decorum, prudence, caution, quiet cheerfulness, ready hospitality and a correct, though not inventive taste. His family is a pleasing sight, much subordination and little constraint, unison in gradation, liberty—not license. Orderly children, respected parents, women subject but not oppressed, men ruling but not despotic, reverence with kindness, obedience in affection, these form lovable pictures, not by any means rare in the villages of the eastern isles.” (Here again comes the necessity of combatting the popular impression that the Philippines is a tropical land peopled by Malays. The modification of climate from being an ocean archipelago suggests that these islands are really subtropical, while mixture of blood joined with three centuries of European civilization makes the term Malay misleading.—C.)
"I used the term 'almost exceptional' because it's rare for a tropical group of people to be truly impressive. However, this doesn’t apply to the Philippine Malays, who can rightfully claim a place not just among average groups, but among some of the higher names on the world’s [__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__]national stage. They exhibit a strong sense of self-respect, consistent self-control in speech and actions, which is only briefly disrupted in cases of extreme provocation leading to the temporary but intense violence known as 'amok.' They also show an ingrained politeness that is widespread among all social classes. Their demeanor is marked by decorum, prudence, caution, quiet happiness, generous hospitality, and a refined taste, though not particularly innovative. Families present a pleasant picture with a lot of respect and little coercion, harmony in hierarchy, and freedom that does not equate to chaos. The children are well-behaved, the parents are respected, women are in roles that are traditional but not oppressive, men hold authority without being tyrannical, and there’s a balance of reverence and kindness, affection and obedience. These create endearing scenes that are not uncommon in the villages of the eastern islands." (There again arises the need to counter the common belief that the Philippines is merely a tropical region inhabited by Malays. The varying climate of this oceanic archipelago indicates that these islands are actually subtropical, and the mix of ethnicities along with three centuries of European influence makes the label 'Malay' somewhat misleading.—C.)
Filipino Merchants of the Early 1890s
F. Karuth, F. R. G. S., (President of an English corporation interested in Philippine mining) about 1894, wrote:
F. Karuth, F. R. G. S., (President of an English corporation interested in Philippine mining) around 1894, wrote:
“Few outside the comparatively narrow circle who are directly interested in the commerce and resources of the Philippine Islands know anything about them. The Philippine merchants are a rather close community which only in the last decade or so has expanded its diameter a little. There are a number of very old established firms amongst them, several of them being British.... Amongst them also are firms—perhaps as far as wealth and local influence go, the most important firms—whose chiefs are partly at least of native blood.
“Few people outside the relatively small group directly involved in the trade and resources of the Philippine Islands know much about them. The local merchants form a tight-knit community that has only slightly broadened in the past decade. Among these merchants, there are several well-established firms, some of which are British.... Among them are also firms—perhaps the most significant in terms of wealth and local influence—whose leaders are at least partially of native descent.
Index
Abacá (Manila Hemp)—
Abacá, 293;
Manila hemp, 293;
abacá districts, 294;
Undetermined plant relations, 294;
Peculiar to the Philippines, 295;
Superiority of fiber, 295;
Banana varieties, 296;
Cultivation, 296;
Cutting, 297;
Prejudice against cutting after blossoming, 297;
Differences with abacá, 297;
Extracting the fiber, 298;
Lupis and bandala, 300;
Grades of lupis, 300;
Lupis fabrics, 300;
Profit, 300;
A Pre-Spanish product, 301;
Bandala fabrics, 301;
Abacá production and prospects, 304;
Export of “Manila hemp,” 305;
Large local consumption, 305;
Sisal-hemp, 305;
Varieties of sisal, 306;
Profit, 307;
Banana substitute unsatisfactory, 307;
Manila hemp, 469;
Abacá, 274.
Abacá (Manila Hemp)—
Abacá, 293;
Manila hemp, 293;
abacá districts, 294;
Undetermined plant relationships, 294;
Unique to the Philippines, 295;
Superior fiber quality, 295;
Banana varieties, 296;
Farming, 296;
Harvesting, 297;
Bias against harvesting after flowering, 297;
Differences with abacá, 297;
Extracting the fiber, 298;
Lupis and bandala, 300;
Lupis quality levels, 300;
Lupis textiles, 300;
Profit, 300;
A Pre-Spanish product, 301;
Bandala textiles, 301;
Abacá production and future prospects, 304;
Export of “Manila hemp,” 305;
High local consumption, 305;
Sisal-hemp, 305;
Sisal varieties, 306;
Profit, 307;
Banana substitutes not satisfactory, 307;
Manila hemp, 469;
Abacá, 274.
Agriculture—
Fertile fields, 42;
Java-like rice fields, 73;
A famous plantation, 65;
Sweet potatoes, 141;
A French planter, 185;
Isolation of fertile regions, 188;
A populous fertile district, 194;
The people and their crops, 199;
Rotation of crops, 199;
Locusts, 260;
Plan for their extermination, 261;
Lack of capital for large plantations, 291;
Increasing culture, 361;
Estates, 370;
Locusts, 471.
Agriculture—
Fertile fields, 42;
Rice fields like those in Java, 73;
A well-known plantation, 65;
Sweet potatoes, 141;
A French planter, 185;
Isolation of fertile areas, 188;
A densely populated fertile region, 194;
The people and their crops, 199;
Crop rotation, 199;
Locusts, 260;
Plan for their eradication, 261;
Lack of funds for large plantations, 291;
Growing agriculture, 361;
Estates, 370;
Locusts, 471.
Animals—
The carabao, 42;
Cattle and horses, 141;
Black cattle, 142;
Sheep, 142;
Swine, 143; Cattle, 187;
The flying monkey, 229;
A promise of rare animals and wild people, 230;
East Indian monkeys, 238;
Snaring swine, 269;
Scarcity of stock, 275;
Swine, 276;
Sheep and goats, 276;
Draft animals, 466.
Animals—
The carabao, 42;
Cattle and horses, 141;
Black cattle, 142;
Sheep, 142;
Pigs, 143; Cattle, 187;
The flying monkey, 229;
A promise of rare animals and wild people, 230;
East Indian monkeys, 238;
Catching pigs, 269;
Scarcity of livestock, 275;
Pigs, 276;
Sheep and goats, 276;
Draft animals, 466.
Bamboo—
Bamboo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Strength, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
Convenience, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__;
Usefulness, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__;
Bamboo raft ferry, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.
Chinese—
Spanish coins in circulation on China coast, 22;
Similarity with Chinese conditions, 118;
Chinese monopolize trade, 145;
Anti-Chinese feeling, 303;
Importance of Chinese, 329;
Early Chinese Associations, 329;
Industrial and commercial activity, 330;
Unsuccessful attempts at restriction, 330;
Early massacre of Chinese, 331;
Chinese laborers limited, 331;
Limahong and the Mandarins’ visit, 331;
Another massacre, 332;
The pirate Kog-seng, 332;
Another expulsion, 332;
Thrifty traders, 333;
Anda’s and 1819 massacres, 333;
Oppressive taxation, 334;
Expulsion of merchants from Manila, 334;
Excellent element in population, 335;
Formidable competitors, 335;
Sphere of future influence, 335;
Efficiency and reliability of Chinese labor, 336;
Chinese cleverness and industry, 337;
Chinese tax, 416.
Chinese—
Spanish coins used along the Chinese coast, 22;
Resemblance to Chinese conditions, 118;
Chinese control the trade, 145;
Anti-Chinese sentiment, 303;
Significance of the Chinese, 329;
Early Chinese Associations, 329;
Commercial and industrial activity, 330;
Failed attempts at restrictions, 330;
Early violence against Chinese, 331;
Limited Chinese laborers, 331;
Limahong and the Mandarins’ visit, 331;
Another act of violence, 332;
The pirate Kog-seng, 332;
Another expulsion, 332;
Frugal traders, 333;
Anda’s and 1819 massacres, 333;
Heavy taxation, 334;
Expulsion of merchants from Manila, 334;
Valuable members of the population, 335;
Intimidating competitors, 335;
Future sphere of influence, 335;
Efficiency and dependability of Chinese labor, 336;
Chinese resourcefulness and hard work, 337;
Chinese taxation, 416.
Commerce—
Future in American and Australian trade, 2;
Philippine Islands commercially in the New World, 3;
Slight share in world commerce, 5;
Little commerce with Spain, 5;
Former Spanish ships mainly carried foreign goods, 5;
Customhouse red tape, 9;
Antiquated restrictions on trade, 10;
Laws drove away trade, 11;
Exports taxes, 11;
Discouragements for foreign ships, 11;
Pre-Spanish foreign commerce, 12;
The 1869 reform, 12;
Bettered conditions, 12;
Early extension under Spain, 13;
Jealousy of Seville monopolists, 13;
Prohibition of China trading, 14;
Higher limit on suspension of galleon voyages, 14;
The “Philippine Company” monopoly, 15;
Subterfuges of European traders, 15;
Losses by bad management, 16;
Daraga market, 102;
Tagalog women traders, 177;
Trade, 200;
Illogical business, 258;
Disproportionate prices, 258;
Uncertain trading, 259;
No markets, 279;
Barter, 279;
Exports, 286;
Ports of entry, 286;
Customhouse data, 288;
Unbusinesslike early methods, 302;
Change to a safer basis, 303;
Money juggling, 325;
Neglected market, 363;
Ship building advantages, 367;
Internal commerce handicapped, 377;
Scanty exports, 377;
Local markets, 378;
External commerce, 379;
Business irregularities, 380;
Merchants discouraged, 381;
Capital employed in commerce, 382;
Large sums hoarded, 383;
Mercantile shipping, 385;
Royal Philippine company, 386;
Need of nautical school, 386;
Local progress under adverse conditions, 387;
Handicapped in outside trade, 388;
Profit percent to go to Spain, 390;
Need of special privileges, 390;
Spanish commerce in its infancy, 391;
Extension of monopoly urged, 400;
Slight concession to the Company, 403;
Shipping reform, 422;
Business, 461;
Commerce, 462;
Customs dues, 512;
Filipino merchants of the early 1890s, 552.
Commerce—
Future in American and Australian trade, 2;
Philippine Islands commercially in the New World, 3;
Small share in world commerce, 5;
Limited commerce with Spain, 5;
Former Spanish ships mainly transported foreign goods, 5;
Customhouse bureaucracy, 9;
Outdated restrictions on trade, 10;
Laws discouraged trade, 11;
Export taxes, 11;
Obstacles for foreign ships, 11;
Pre-Spanish foreign trade, 12;
The 1869 reform, 12;
Improved conditions, 12;
Early expansion under Spain, 13;
Jealousy of Seville monopolists, 13;
Ban on China trading, 14;
Higher limit on suspension of galleon voyages, 14;
The “Philippine Company” monopoly, 15;
Tricks of European traders, 15;
Losses due to poor management, 16;
Daraga market, 102;
Tagalog women traders, 177;
Trade, 200;
Irrational business, 258;
Disproportionate prices, 258;
Unstable trading, 259;
No markets, 279;
Barter, 279;
Exports, 286;
Ports of entry, 286;
Customhouse records, 288;
Unprofessional early methods, 302;
Transition to a more secure foundation, 303;
Financial manipulation, 325;
Ignored market, 363;
Shipbuilding advantages, 367;
Internal trade hampered, 377;
Limited exports, 377;
Local markets, 378;
External trade, 379;
Business irregularities, 380;
Merchants disheartened, 381;
Capital used in trade, 382;
Large amounts hoarded, 383;
Commercial shipping, 385;
Royal Philippine company, 386;
Need for a nautical school, 386;
Local progress under difficult conditions, 387;
Hindered in outside trade, 388;
Profit percentage sent to Spain, 390;
Need for special privileges, 390;
Spanish commerce in its early stages, 391;
Extension of monopoly proposed, 400;
Minor concession to the Company, 403;
Shipping reform, 422;
Business, 461;
Commerce, 462;
Customs fees, 512;
Filipino merchants of the early 1890s, 552.
Earthquakes—
Scanty data available, 8;
Former heavy shocks, 7;
The 1610 catastrophe, 8;
The 1863 earthquake, 6;
Destruction in walled city, Manila, 7;
Damage ill Cavite, 7;
Frequent minor disturbances, 8;
Earthquake evidences, 77;
Sorsogon earthquake, 107;
1628 Camarines earthquake, 129.
Earthquakes—
Limited data available, 8;
Previous significant shocks, 7;
The disaster of 1610, 8;
The earthquake of 1863, 6;
Destruction in the walled city of Manila, 7;
Damage in Cavite, 7;
Frequent minor disturbances, 8;
Evidence of earthquakes, 77;
Sorsogon earthquake, 107;
1628 Camarines earthquake, 129.
Filipinos—
Dreary and unprogressive life, 26;
Native distrust of Europeans, 32;
Social standing of Filipinos enhanced, 34;
Spanish-Filipino bonds of union, 34;
Initiative and individuality missing, 35;
Imitation instilled and self-respect banished, 35;
Native art-sense spoiled, 36;
Educated Filipino unnatural, 36;
Indolence from absence of incentive, 36;
Weakened character and want of dignity, 37;
Carelessness from lack of responsibility, 37;
Circumstances have favored the Filipinos, 37;
Have fared better than the Mexicans, 38;
Change from Malayan character, 46;
Filipino hospitality, 79;
A native captain, 82;
Amateur scientists, 97;
The native clergy, 123;
Family income, 149;
Woman’s work, 150;
Marriage age, 150;
Infant mortality, 151;
Imitation-mania, 152;
The sickness in Siberia, 152;
The itch, 152;
Running amuck, 153;
Sense of smell, 154;
Respect for women and aged, 200;
Sexual crimes, 203;
Native contempt for private Spaniards, 211;
Caroline Islands’ possible influence on Filipinos, 243;
A pleasing people, 262;
Debts, 279;
Public charity not accepted, 281;
Morals, 282; Great infant
mortality, 283;
Origin of race, 359;
Filipino farmers, 371;
Restriction of native ordinations recommended, 443;
Native efforts for self-defence, 446;
Native assistance, 451;
Natives, 508;
Superiority of women, 509;
People and prospects of the Philippines, 550;
Filipino merchants of the early 1890s, 552.
Filipinos—
Gloomy and stagnant life, 26;
Inherent distrust of Europeans, 32;
Social status of Filipinos improved, 34;
Spanish-Filipino connections, 34;
Missing initiative and individuality, 35;
Imitation ingrained and self-respect stripped away, 35;
Native appreciation for art diminished, 36;
Educated Filipinos seem unnatural, 36;
Laziness due to lack of motivation, 36;
Decreased character and loss of dignity, 37;
Negligence from absence of responsibility, 37;
Conditions have benefitted the Filipinos, 37;
Have fared better than Mexicans, 38;
Shift from Malayan traits, 46;
Filipino hospitality, 79;
A local leader, 82;
Amateur scientists, 97;
The local clergy, 123;
Household income, 149;
Women's work, 150;
Marriage age, 150;
Infant mortality, 151;
Imitation craze, 152;
The disease in Siberia, 152;
The itch, 152;
Going berserk, 153;
Sense of smell, 154;
Respect for women and elders, 200;
Sexual offenses, 203;
Local disdain for private Spaniards, 211;
Possible influence of the Caroline Islands on Filipinos, 243;
A charming people, 262;
Debt, 279;
Public assistance not accepted, 281;
Morals, 282; High infant mortality, 283;
Origins of the race, 359;
Filipino farmers, 371;
Restricting native ordinations suggested, 443;
Native efforts for self-defense, 446;
Local support, 451;
Natives, 508;
Women's superiority, 509;
People and future of the Philippines, 550;
Filipino merchants in the early 1890s, 552.
Food—
Basic food, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Meals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
Food costs, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Friars—
A convento and the parish priest, 60;
Unwelcome hospitality, 63;
An early friar attempt (Mr. Mayon), 88;
Priestly assistance, 111;
The priests’ importance, 112;
Franciscan friars, 112;
Young men developed by responsibility, 113;
Poor architects, 114;
Superiority over government officials, 115;
Former legal status, 116;
A scientific priest-poet, 154;
Friars an important factor, 352;
Their defects have worked out for good, 352;
Pious and charitable funds’ capital, 383;
Standing of parish priests, 434;
Friars only check on officials, 436;
Missionaries’ achievements, 436;
Curtailing priestly authority, 437;
Friars bulwark of Spanish rule, 438;
Unwise to discredit priests, 439;
Testimony in their behalf, 439;
Ecclesiatical organization, 440;
Dual supervision over friars, 441;
Allowances from treasury, 441;
Need of more European clergy, 442;
Monasteries, 482.
Friars—
A convent and the parish priest, 60;
Uninvited hospitality, 63;
An early friar effort (Mr. Mayon), 88;
Priestly support, 111;
The significance of priests, 112;
Franciscan friars, 112;
Young men shaped by responsibility, 113;
Inexperienced builders, 114;
Higher status than government officials, 115;
Previous legal position, 116;
A scientific priest-poet, 154;
Friars as a key component, 352;
Their flaws have turned out positively, 352;
Funds for pious and charitable purposes, 383;
The role of parish priests, 434;
Friars as the only check on officials, 436;
Accomplishments of missionaries, 436;
Limiting priestly power, 437;
Friars as a safeguard of Spanish authority, 438;
It’s unwise to undermine priests, 439;
Support for them, 439;
Ecclesiastical structure, 440;
Dual oversight of friars, 441;
Funding from the treasury, 441;
The need for more European clergy, 442;
Monasteries, 482.
Galleon-Trade—
Galleon story sidelight on colonial history, 17;
Chinese part in galleon trade, 18;
Division of space and character of cargo, 18;
Favoritism in allotment of cargo space, 18;
Profit in trade, 18;
Evasion of regulations, 19;
Route outward, 20;
Length of voyage, 20;
Water-supply crowded out by cargo, 20;
California landfall, 21;
Galleon’s size and armament, 21;
Speedy return voyage, 21;
Value of return freight, 22;
Philippine Company and smugglers cause change, 22;
Gambling rather than commerce, 22;
Undervaluation of galleon goods, 403;
Variations in valuations, 405;
Galleon graft, 423.
Galleon Trade—
Galleon story as a side note in colonial history, 17;
Chinese involvement in the galleon trade, 18;
Distribution of space and nature of cargo, 18;
Preference in allocation of cargo space, 18;
Profits from trade, 18;
Circumvention of regulations, 19;
Outbound route, 20;
Duration of the voyage, 20;
Water supply overcrowded by cargo, 20;
California landing, 21;
Size and armament of the galleon, 21;
Quick return voyage, 21;
Value of return cargo, 22;
Philippine Company and smugglers lead to change, 22;
Gambling instead of commerce, 22;
Underestimation of galleon goods, 403;
Fluctuations in valuations, 405;
Galleon corruption, 423.
Government—
Low taxes, 39;
Unreliability of government reports, 54;
Wine and liquor monopoly a failure, 71;
Handicapped officials, 106;
Funds diverted to Spain, 107;
Alcaldes formerly in trade, 116;
Their borrowed capital, 117;
Improvement in present appointees, 117;
Unidentified with country, 118;
Similarity with Chinese conditions, 118;
Dependence on interpreters, 119;
Fear of officials’ popularity, 120;
Different English and Dutch policy, 120;
Papal concessions to Spain, 128;
Schools, 149;
An unfortified fort, 165;
Policy of non-intercourse with heathens, 192;
A policy of peace, 194;
No protection from Government, 212;
Electing officers, 222;
Palapat Revolt, 222;
Ornamental but useless forts, 232;
Speculation with public funds, 317;
Wholesale rate higher than retail from government, 325;
Unthinking policy of greed, 344;
The feudal “encomiendas,” 345;
Extortions of encomenderos, 346;
Many minor uprisings from local grievances, 350;
Cavite 1872 mutiny, 351;
Menaces to Spanish rule, 353;
Restricted cultivation, 360;
Confiscating unused lands, 372;
Improvement in public finances 393;
Economy over Spanish-American colonial administration, 393;
Custom house, 401;
Former customs usage, 401;
Unbusinesslike customs ways, 404;
Folly of monopoly plan, 407;
Community funds, 416;
Disbursements and general expenses, 421;
Defence expenses, 422;
The navy, 424;
Objectionable office-holders, 426;
Evils from officials in trade, 427;
No check on extortion, 429;
Less complaisant laws needed, 430;
Pioneer Philippine government a theocracy, 434;
Governmental lenience, 445;
The governor-general, 473;
Government, 484;
Government, 510.
Government—
Low taxes, 39;
Unreliable government reports, 54;
Wine and liquor monopoly is a failure, 71;
Incompetent officials, 106;
Funds diverted to Spain, 107;
Mayors used to be in trade, 116;
Their borrowed capital, 117;
Improvement in current appointees, 117;
Disconnected from the country, 118;
Similarities with Chinese conditions, 118;
Reliance on interpreters, 119;
Fear of officials being popular, 120;
Different English and Dutch policies, 120;
Papal concessions to Spain, 128;
Schools, 149;
An unfortified fort, 165;
Policy of avoiding contact with heathens, 192;
A policy of peace, 194;
No protection from the government, 212;
Electing officials, 222;
Palapat Revolt, 222;
Decorative but useless forts, 232;
Speculation with public funds, 317;
Wholesale rates higher than retail from the government, 325;
Thoughtless greed-driven policies, 344;
The feudal “encomiendas,” 345;
Extortion by encomenderos, 346;
Numerous minor uprisings due to local grievances, 350;
Cavite 1872 mutiny, 351;
Threats to Spanish rule, 353;
Restricted farming practices, 360;
Confiscating unused lands, 372;
Improvements in public finances 393;
Economic benefits for Spanish-American colonial administration, 393;
Custom house, 401;
Previous customs practices, 401;
Unprofessional customs methods, 404;
Folly of the monopoly plan, 407;
Community funds, 416;
Disbursements and general expenses, 421;
Defense expenses, 422;
The navy, 424;
Unacceptable office-holders, 426;
Problems caused by officials in trade, 427;
No checks on extortion, 429;
Less lenient laws needed, 430;
Pioneer Philippine government as a theocracy, 434;
Government leniency, 445;
The governor-general, 473;
Government, 484;
Government, 510.
Industries (See also Agriculture and Fishing)—
Tapis weaving, 58;
Petaca cigar cases, 59;
Preparation of material, 59;
Costly weaving, 59;
Kupang iron-foundry, 62;
Trade in molave, 75;
Nito cigar cases, 98;
Pineapple fiber preparation, 131;
Slight industrial progress, 144;
Gold mining, 166;
Abandoned workings, 169;
Manufactures, 201;
Oil factory, 256;
Weaving, 301;
Machine-spinning, 307;
Fiber-extracting machinery, 308;
Methods of Manufacture, 361;
Manufactures, 375;
Native cloth weaving, 375;
Aptitude for, but no development of, manufacturing, 376;
Improved methods and machinery needed, 376;
Piña, 475.
Industries (See also Agriculture and Fishing)—
Tapestry weaving, 58;
Cigar cases made of petaca, 59;
Material preparation, 59;
Expensive weaving, 59;
Kupang iron foundry, 62;
Trade in molave wood, 75;
Cigar cases made of nito, 98;
Preparation of pineapple fiber, 131;
Limited industrial progress, 144;
Gold mining, 166;
Abandoned mines, 169;
Manufactured goods, 201;
Oil processing plant, 256;
Weaving, 301;
Machine spinning, 307;
Fiber-extraction machinery, 308;
Manufacturing methods, 361;
Manufactured items, 375;
Traditional cloth weaving, 375;
Potential for manufacturing, but no development, 376;
Better methods and equipment needed, 376;
Piña, 475.
Labor—
Servant subterfuges, 101;
Petty robberies, 101;
Wages, 149;
A clever pilfering servant, 163;
Unreliable excuses, 182;
The Filipino as a laborer, 185;
Forced labor, 206;
Carpentering difficulties, 215;
Losing a clever assistant, 216;
Unsatisfactory forced labor, 223;
Wages, 278;
Laborers’ work and wages, 299;
Good work for good pay, 304;
Compulsory labor, 372;
No legal obstacle to forced labor, 374;
Wages, 470.
Labor—
Cunning tactics of servants, 101;
Small thefts, 101;
Pay, 149;
A sly stealing servant, 163;
Unreliable excuses, 182;
The Filipino as a worker, 185;
Coerced labor, 206;
Challenges in carpentry, 215;
Losing a skilled assistant, 216;
Unsatisfactory forced labor, 223;
Pay, 278;
Laborers’ jobs and pay, 299;
Quality work for fair pay, 304;
Mandatory labor, 372;
No legal barriers to forced labor, 374;
Pay, 470.
Manila—
Foreign mail facilities, 5;
City’s appearance mediaeval European, 6;
Manila’s fine bay, 6;
Shelter for shipping, 9;
Few foreign vessels, 10;
Silting up of river mouth, 10;
Manila’s favorable location, 12;
British occupation inspired new wants, 15;
Manila opposition to trade innovations, 15;
Port’s importance lessened under Spain, 16;
Trade free but port charges discriminating, 16;
Entrance of foreign ships and firms, 16;
The walled city of Manila, 23;
Population, 23;
Discomforts and high cost of living, 24;
Bridges, 23;
Neglected river and canals offensive, 25;
Feminine attractiveness, 28;
The Luneta, 28;
The Angelus, 29;
Botanical garden, 29;
Frequence of fires, 56;
Commercial importance of early Manila, 348;
Manila as capital of a vast empire, 348;
Manila’s population, 359;
Port charges and duties, 402;
A Spanish oriental city, 459;
Twin piers, 460;
City of Manila, 462;
The Luneta, 477;
The cemetery, 481.
Manila—
Foreign mail services, 5;
City looks like medieval Europe, 6;
Manila’s beautiful bay, 6;
Safe harbor for ships, 9;
Few foreign vessels, 10;
River mouth getting silted, 10;
Manila’s great location, 12;
British occupation created new needs, 15;
Manila resisted trade changes, 15;
Port’s significance diminished under Spain, 16;
Trade was open but port fees were unfair, 16;
Entry of foreign ships and businesses, 16;
The walled city of Manila, 23;
Population, 23;
High living expenses and discomforts, 24;
Bridges, 23;
Neglected river and canals were a problem, 25;
Feminine beauty, 28;
The Luneta, 28;
The Angelus, 29;
Botanical garden, 29;
Frequent fires, 56;
Commercial significance of early Manila, 348;
Manila as the capital of a large empire, 348;
Manila’s population, 359;
Port fees and taxes, 402;
A Spanish-Oriental city, 459;
Twin piers, 460;
City of Manila, 462;
The Luneta, 477;
The cemetery, 481.
Minerals—
A primitive rock breaker, 167;
An arrastre, 167;
Gold-washing, 168;
The clean-up, 168;
Copper, 172;
Paying minus dividends, 172;
Unsuccessful copper-mining, 172;
Igorot-mining successful, 172;
Copper kettles attributed to Negritos, 173;
Copper-working a pre-Spanish art, 173;
The Igorots’ Method, 174;
The Smelter, 175;
Smelting, 175;
The copper “stone,” 176;
Purifying the product, 176;
Miners’ uncertain returns, 178;
Small output, 179;
Wild Cat Mining, 179;
Jasper and coal, 235;
Gold, 368;
Copper, 368;
Cinnabar, 369;
Iron, 369.
Minerals—
A basic rock breaker, 167;
An arrastre, 167;
Gold-washing, 168;
The clean-up, 168;
Copper, 172;
Paying minus dividends, 172;
Unsuccessful copper mining, 172;
Igorot mining success, 172;
Copper kettles attributed to Negritos, 173;
Copper working as a pre-Spanish art, 173;
The Igorots’ Method, 174;
The Smelter, 175;
Smelting, 175;
The copper “stone,” 176;
Purifying the product, 176;
Miners’ uncertain returns, 178;
Small output, 179;
Wild Cat Mining, 179;
Jasper and coal, 235;
Gold, 368;
Copper, 368;
Cinnabar, 369;
Iron, 369.
Mountaineers—
A negrito family, 62;
Remontados, 124;
Iriga settlements, 126;
Poison arrows, 126;
Crucifixes, 126;
Mountaineers’ arrow poison, 132;
Primitive mountaineers, 191;
Christian Mountaineers’ villages, 193;
A heathen Mountaineers’ settlement, 197;
A giant fern hedge, 198;
Simple stringed instruments, 198;
Religion, 200;
Medicine, 201;
Marriage, 202;
Farewell to mountaineers, 205;
A forest home, 268;
Mountaineers, 271;
Foreigners and wild tribes, 358;
Mountaineers, 483.
Mountaineers—
A small black family, 62;
Remontados, 124;
Iriga communities, 126;
Poison arrows, 126;
Crucifixes, 126;
Mountaineers’ arrow poison, 132;
Primitive mountaineers, 191;
Christian mountaineers’ villages, 193;
A non-Christian mountaineers’ settlement, 197;
A giant fern hedge, 198;
Simple string instruments, 198;
Religion, 200;
Medicine, 201;
Marriage, 202;
Farewell to mountaineers, 205;
A forest home, 268;
Mountaineers, 271;
Foreigners and wild tribes, 358;
Mountaineers, 483.
Mountains—
Mt. Arayat, 57;
Mt. Iriga, 126;
Another attempt at mountain climbing, 130;
Rain prevents another ascent, 132;
Mr. Isaróg, 190;
Comparison with Javan Mountain district, 195;
At the summit, 203;
The descent, 204;
Mr. Iriga, 207;
The ascent, 207;
Altitude, 208;
Ascent of Mr. Mazaraga, 209;
Altitude, 210;
Climbing Banajao, 488;
Mt. Maquiling, 492;
Mountains—
Mt. Arayat, 57;
Mt. Iriga, 126;
Another attempt at mountain climbing, 130;
Rain stops another climb, 132;
Mr. Isaróg, 190;
Comparison with the Javan Mountain area, 195;
At the peak, 203;
The descent, 204;
Mr. Iriga, 207;
The climb, 207;
Elevation, 208;
Climbing Mr. Mazaraga, 209;
Elevation, 210;
Climbing Banajao, 488;
Mt. Maquiling, 492;
Moros—
Moro pirates, 103;
Pirate rumors and robberies, 108;
Real pirates, 109;
Power of Moro pirates, 211;
Government steamer easily eluded, 213;
Steam gunboats more successful, 213;
Renegades join pirates and bandits, 214;
Pirate outrages, 222;
A pirate base, 224;
Moro depredations, 443;
Authority for war not lacking, 445;
Moro piratical craft, 446;
Growth of Moro power, 448;
Pirate craft, 502.
Moros—
Moro pirates, 103;
Pirate rumors and thefts, 108;
Real pirates, 109;
Power of Moro pirates, 211;
Government steamer easily escaped, 213;
Steam gunboats more effective, 213;
Renegades join pirates and outlaws, 214;
Pirate crimes, 222;
A pirate stronghold, 224;
Moro raids, 443;
Authority for conflict not lacking, 445;
Moro piratical vessels, 446;
Growth of Moro power, 448;
Pirate ships, 502.
Palms (Coco, nipa, bonga)—
Coco-palms, 42;
Nipa-palms, 42;
Palm brandy, 69;
Bought by government, 70;
Profit in manufacture, 70;
A pretty fan-palm, 170;
Making palm-sugar, 183;
A petition for liquors, 206;
A secret still, 269;
Coco and nipa wine monopoly, 398;
Buyo monopoly unsatisfactory, 406.
Palms (Coco, nipa, bonga)—
Coco-palms, 42;
Nipa-palms, 42;
Palm brandy, 69;
Purchased by the government, 70;
Profit from production, 70;
A beautiful fan-palm, 170;
Making palm sugar, 183;
A request for liquor, 206;
A hidden still, 269;
Coco and nipa wine monopoly, 398;
Buyo monopoly unsatisfactory, 406.
Philippines, Pre-Spanish—
Ancient Filipino civilization, 143;
Guesses at history from language, 143;
Regard for the sleeping, 154;
Prehistoric remains, 155;
Ancient Chinese jar, 156;
Used as tea canisters, 156;
Prized by Japanese, 157;
Strict search in Japan, 157;
$3,500 for a jar, 158;
A speaking jar, 158;
Found in Borneo, 158;
A consecrated jar, 159;
Tea societies, 160;
Ceremonies, 160;
Their object, 160;
Reward of valor, 161;
Superstitions, 162;
Burial caves, 244;
Objects destroyed but superstition persists, 245;
Skulls from a rock near Basey, 245;
The cavern’s contents, 246;
Impressive location of burial cave, 246;
Burial caves, 247;
Chinese dishes from a cave, 247;
Embalming, 248;
Slaves sacrificed, 249;
Suitor’s service, 282;
Superstitions, 283;
Festivals and shrines, 284;
Ancestor worship, 284;
Ancient literature, 284;
Old religion, 285;
Creation myth, 285. (See
Filipinos, Ancient.)
Philippines, Pre-Spanish—
Ancient Filipino civilization, 143;
Insights into history from language, 143;
Respect for the deceased, 154;
Prehistoric remains, 155;
Ancient Chinese jar, 156;
Used as tea containers, 156;
Valued by Japanese collectors, 157;
Intense search in Japan, 157;
$3,500 for a jar, 158;
A talking jar, 158;
Discovered in Borneo, 158;
A sacred jar, 159;
Tea societies, 160;
Ceremonies, 160;
Their purpose, 160;
Reward for bravery, 161;
Beliefs, 162;
Burial caves, 244;
Items destroyed but beliefs endure, 245;
Skulls from a rock near Basey, 245;
Contents of the cave, 246;
Remarkable site of burial cave, 246;
Burial caves, 247;
Chinese ceramics from a cave, 247;
Embalming, 248;
Slaves sacrificed, 249;
Suitor’s duty, 282;
Beliefs, 283;
Festivals and shrines, 284;
Ancestral worship, 284;
Ancient literature, 284;
Old faith, 285;
Creation myth, 285. (See Filipinos, Ancient.)
Poultry—
Poultry, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Ducks, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
Duck farms, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Philippines—
A compromise civilization, 35;
Spanish rule not benevolent, but beneficial, 37;
A land of opportunity, 38;
Fortunate factors, 39;
Labor-saving conditions, 40;
Archipelago’s great extent, 47;
Favored by position and conditions, 47;
Soil and sea alike productive, 48;
Harbors and water highways, 48;
Provinces and districts, 53;
Population, 53;
Language and dialects, 53;
Outlying islands, 54;
Importance of interpreter in Philippines, 119;
Progress under Spain, 144;
Similarity to Indian Archipelago conditions, 192;
Yap camotes from Philippines, 241;
Spain’s discovery and occupation, 342;
Numerous names, 343;
Spanish improvements, 343;
Spain and Portugal united, 348;
Phillippine history unimportant and unsatisfactory, 349;
Summing up, 352;
Powerful neighbors, 354;
Nearing predominance of the Pacific, 355;
Need of Philippine awakening, 356;
Population, 357;
Plans for progress, 371;
The undeveloped Philippines, 373;
Philippines a burden to Spain, 391;
War popular in Philippines, 451;
Importance of peace for Philippine progress, 457;
Resources, 465;
Population, 472;
Population, 511.
Philippines—
A blended culture, 35;
Spanish rule wasn’t kind, but it had its perks, 37;
A land of opportunities, 38;
Favorable factors, 39;
Conditions that save labor, 40;
The vastness of the archipelago, 47;
Benefited by its location and circumstances, 47;
Both land and sea are productive, 48;
Ports and waterways, 48;
Regions and areas, 53;
Population, 53;
Languages and dialects, 53;
Remote islands, 54;
The role of interpreters in the Philippines, 119;
Progress during Spain’s rule, 144;
Similarities with the Indian Archipelago’s conditions, 192;
Yap camotes from the Philippines, 241;
Spain’s discovery and colonization, 342;
Many names, 343;
Spanish advancements, 343;
Spain and Portugal together, 348;
Philippine history seen as unimportant and lacking, 349;
To summarize, 352;
Powerful neighboring nations, 354;
Approaching dominance in the Pacific, 355;
The need for awakening in the Philippines, 356;
Population, 357;
Plans for advancement, 371;
The still-developing Philippines, 373;
The Philippines as a burden to Spain, 391;
War favored in the Philippines, 451;
The significance of peace for progress in the Philippines, 457;
Resources, 465;
Population, 472;
Population, 511.
Products (See also Food, Coffee, Cacao, Bamboo and Palms)—
Quicksilver, 107;
A neglected product, 122;
Piña, 131;
Red lead, 166;
Edible bird’s nests, 169;
Lead and mica, 170;
Chrome-lead ore, 170;
Batatas, 199;
Molave, 231;
Ignatius bean, 253;
Strychnine, 254;
Coconuts, 255;
Getting coco oil, 256;
Sulphur, 263;
Prices, 263;
A solfatara, 264;
Danan solfatara, 265;
Balao oil, 274;
Other products, 274;
Wax, 275;
A valuable by-product, 293;
Paper-making materials, 309;
Increasing use of wood and straw, 309;
Preferability of discarded cloth, 309;
Cotton, 359;
Mulberry trees, 362;
Silk, 362;
Bees-wax, 363;
Black pepper, 363;
Cinnamon, 365;
Nutmeg, 366;
Timber, 367;
Dye and cabinet woods, 367;
Pearls, 370;
Sulphur, 370;
Tobacco belt, 395;
“Tuba,” 399;
Coco-wine, 399;
Nipa brandy, 400;
Hardships on areca-nut planters, 406;
The areca-nut, 406;
Cotton, 470;
Indigo, 471.
Products (See also Food, Coffee, Cacao, Bamboo and Palms)—
Quicksilver, 107;
A neglected product, 122;
Pineapple, 131;
Red lead, 166;
Edible bird’s nests, 169;
Lead and mica, 170;
Chrome-lead ore, 170;
Sweet potatoes, 199;
Molave, 231;
Ignatius bean, 253;
Strychnine, 254;
Coconuts, 255;
Extracting coconut oil, 256;
Sulfur, 263;
Prices, 263;
A solfatara, 264;
Danan solfatara, 265;
Balao oil, 274;
Other products, 274;
Wax, 275;
A valuable by-product, 293;
Paper-making materials, 309;
Increasing use of wood and straw, 309;
Preferable to use discarded cloth, 309;
Cotton, 359;
Mulberry trees, 362;
Silk, 362;
Beeswax, 363;
Black pepper, 363;
Cinnamon, 365;
Nutmeg, 366;
Timber, 367;
Dye and cabinet woods, 367;
Pearls, 370;
Sulfur, 370;
Tobacco belt, 395;
“Tuba,” 399;
Coconut wine, 399;
Nipa brandy, 400;
Challenges for areca-nut planters, 406;
The areca-nut, 406;
Cotton, 470;
Indigo, 471.
Rivers—
Mapon river, 73;
Sapa river, 133;
Quinali river, 136;
River highways, 188;
Many mountain water courses, 195;
A changed river and a new town, 225;
Up the river, 225;
On the Calbayot River, 227;
Numerous small streams, 235;
Down the river, 237;
Basey and its river, 249;
Up the Mañacagan, 263;
Up Mayo River, 267.
(See Pasig River.)
Rivers—
Mapon River, 73;
Sapa River, 133;
Quinali River, 136;
River highways, 188;
Many mountain streams, 195;
A changed river and a new town, 225;
Up the river, 225;
On the Calbayot River, 227;
Numerous small streams, 235;
Down the river, 237;
Basey and its river, 249;
Up the Mañacagan, 263;
Up Mayo River, 267.
(See Pasig River.)
Spaniards—
Spaniards transient, 24;
Few large landowners, 24;
Spanish officials undesirables, 33;
Spanish lack of prestige deserved, 34;
Latin races better for colonists in the tropics, 34;
Spanish-Filipino bonds of union, 34;
A worthy official, 85;
A suspicious medal, 88;
Spanish prejudice against bathing, 165;
Spanish economic backwardness, 190;
Native contempt for private Spaniards, 211;
Obliging Spanish officials, 260;
High character of early administrators, 344;
Conquerors on commission, 345;
Salcedo “most illustrious of the conquerors,” 346;
“The Cortes of the Philippines,” 347;
Undesirable emigrants from Spain, 349;
Credit due Spain, 352;
Spanish planters, 370;
Legaspi, 464;
Courteous Spanish officials, 474;
Sulu victory over Spaniards, 516.
Spaniards—
Spaniards are temporary, 24;
Few wealthy landowners, 24;
Spanish officials are unwelcome, 33;
Spain's lack of prestige is deserved, 34;
Latin races are better for colonists in the tropics, 34;
Spanish-Filipino connections, 34;
An admirable official, 85;
A questionable medal, 88;
Spanish prejudice against bathing, 165;
Spanish economic backwardness, 190;
Native disdain for private Spaniards, 211;
Helpful Spanish officials, 260;
High integrity of early administrators, 344;
Conquerors on assignment, 345;
Salcedo, “the most distinguished of the conquerors,” 346;
“The Cortes of the Philippines,” 347;
Unwelcome emigrants from Spain, 349;
Credit should go to Spain, 352;
Spanish plantation owners, 370;
Legaspi, 464;
Polite Spanish officials, 474;
Sulu's victory over Spaniards, 516.
Sulu—
Sual’s foreign trade, 287;
Jolo, 449;
Sulu, 500;
Sulu harbor, 501;
Visiting the Sultan, 503;
Treaty with United States, 504;
Interior travel prohibited, 505;
A stolen granite monument, 506;
Sulu history, 513;
Tawi-Tawi, 514;
English-Sulu treaty, 515;
Sulu victory over Spaniards, 516;
Sulu victory over English, 517;
Sulu piracies, 518;
Suppression of Sulu pirates, 519;
The Bajows, 520;
Cagayan Sulu, 521;
Balabac straits, 522;
Balambangan Island (English), 523;
Dyaks, 524;
Diwatas, 525;
Headhunting, 526;
Cremation, 527;
Advantages of Sulu (American) treaty, 528.
Sulu—
Sual’s foreign trade, 287;
Jolo, 449;
Sulu, 500;
Sulu harbor, 501;
Visiting the Sultan, 503;
Treaty with United States, 504;
Interior travel prohibited, 505;
A stolen granite monument, 506;
Sulu history, 513;
Tawi-Tawi, 514;
English-Sulu treaty, 515;
Sulu victory over Spaniards, 516;
Sulu victory over English, 517;
Sulu piracies, 518;
Suppression of Sulu pirates, 519;
The Bajows, 520;
Cagayan Sulu, 521;
Balabac straits, 522;
Balambangan Island (English), 523;
Dyaks, 524;
Diwatas, 525;
Headhunting, 526;
Cremation, 527;
Advantages of Sulu (American) treaty, 528.
Tobacco—
Buyo and cigars, 147;
Tobacco monopoly wars, 193;
Tobacco prohibition, 270;
Tobacco, 274;
Tobacco revenue, 310;
Injustice of the monopoly, 310;
Résumé of regulations, 311;
Tobacco from Mexico, 313;
High grade of Philippine product, 314;
Manila tobacco handicapped, 314;
Hampered by government restrictions, 315;
Origin of monopoly, 316;
Governor Basco’s innovations, 316;
Different usages in Bisayas and Mindanao, 318;
Changes bring improvement, 318;
Crude system of grading, 318;
Burden knowingly increased, 319;
“Killing the goose that lays the golden egg,” 320;
Gift to Spain of unusable tobacco, 320;
De La Gandara’s proposed reforms, 321;
Slight real profit from monopoly, 321;
Suffering and law-breaking thru the monopoly, 322;
Growing opposition to the monopoly, 323;
Directions for cultivating tobacco, 326;
Opposition to tobacco monopoly, 394;
Doubling of insular revenue thru tobacco, 395;
Cigar factories, 474.
Tobacco—
Buyo and cigars, 147;
Tobacco monopoly wars, 193;
Tobacco prohibition, 270;
Tobacco, 274;
Tobacco revenue, 310;
Injustice of the monopoly, 310;
Résumé of regulations, 311;
Tobacco from Mexico, 313;
High grade of Philippine product, 314;
Manila tobacco handicapped, 314;
Hampered by government restrictions, 315;
Origin of monopoly, 316;
Governor Basco’s innovations, 316;
Different usages in the Visayas and Mindanao, 318;
Changes bring improvement, 318;
Crude system of grading, 318;
Burden knowingly increased, 319;
“Killing the goose that lays the golden egg,” 320;
Gift to Spain of unusable tobacco, 320;
De La Gandara’s proposed reforms, 321;
Slight real profit from monopoly, 321;
Suffering and law-breaking through the monopoly, 322;
Growing opposition to the monopoly, 323;
Directions for cultivating tobacco, 326;
Opposition to tobacco monopoly, 394;
Doubling of insular revenue through tobacco, 395;
Cigar factories, 474.
Travel—
Pleasures of travel, 45;
Village rest houses, 45;
The familiar field for travellers, 46;
Carromata, 55;
To Calumpit by carriage, 56;
Calumpit, 57;
To Baliwag, 58;
Town of Bulacan, 55;
Arrangements for travellers, 61;
Talim island, 67;
Santa Cruz, 72;
Scenery along Lucban-Mauban road, 72;
Lucban, 73;
Hospitality of tribunal, 74;
Calauan, 76; Majaijai, 76;
Pila, 77; Mariveles, 78;
To Albay by schooner, 78;
Batangas coast, 81;
Batangas exports, 81;
An intermittent voyage, 83;
Legaspi, 84;
Sorsogon, 84;
Daraga, 85;
Bulusan, 104;
Casiguran, 107;
Batu, 121;
Nabua, 124;
Prison as hotel, 133;
Nueva Caceres, 137;
Naga, 137;
The Bicols, 138;
Land of the Bicols, 138;
Bicol language, 139;
Yamtik and Visita Bicul, 162;
Trip with Internal Revenue Collector, 164;
Rooming in a powder-magazine, 171;
Labo, 178;
Indang, 179;
On foot to San Miguel bay, 180;
Colasi, 181;
Pasacao, 186;
A beautiful coast, 187;
Cabusao and Pasacao harbors, 188;
Useful friends, 196;
A tedious but eventful voyage, 220;
Dini portage, 236;
Lauang, 220;
Paranas, 233;
Running the rapids, 234;
Hammock-traveling, 234;
Loquilocun, 234;
Along the coast, 237;
A futile sea voyage in an open boat, 243;
A portage, 250;
Tacloban to Tanauan, 261;
The height of hospitality, 262;
A country excursion, 486;
Recent elevation of coast, 252;
To Dulag, 266;
Paragua, 456;
Mindoro, 494;
San José, 496;
Caldera fort, 498;
Marongas island, 507.
Travel—
Enjoying travel, 45;
Village guesthouses, 45;
The well-known spot for travelers, 46;
Carriages, 55;
To Calumpit by carriage, 56;
Calumpit, 57;
To Baliwag, 58;
Town of Bulacan, 55;
Arrangements for travelers, 61;
Talim Island, 67;
Santa Cruz, 72;
Scenery along the Lucban-Mauban road, 72;
Lucban, 73;
Hospitality at the tribunal, 74;
Calauan, 76; Majaijai, 76;
Pila, 77; Mariveles, 78;
To Albay by schooner, 78;
Batangas coast, 81;
Batangas exports, 81;
An intermittent voyage, 83;
Legaspi, 84;
Sorsogon, 84;
Daraga, 85;
Bulusan, 104;
Casiguran, 107;
Batu, 121;
Nabua, 124;
Prison as a hotel, 133;
Nueva Caceres, 137;
Naga, 137;
The Bicol region, 138;
Land of the Bicolanos, 138;
Bicol language, 139;
Yamtik and Visita Bicul, 162;
Trip with the Internal Revenue Collector, 164;
Staying in a powder magazine, 171;
Labo, 178;
Indang, 179;
Walking to San Miguel Bay, 180;
Colasi, 181;
Pasacao, 186;
A beautiful coast, 187;
Cabusao and Pasacao harbors, 188;
Helpful friends, 196;
A long but eventful voyage, 220;
Dini portage, 236;
Lauang, 220;
Paranas, 233;
Navigating the rapids, 234;
Traveling with hammocks, 234;
Loquilocun, 234;
Along the coastline, 237;
A pointless sea voyage in an open boat, 243;
A portage, 250;
Tacloban to Tanauan, 261;
The height of hospitality, 262;
A countryside trip, 486;
Recent rise of the coast, 252;
To Dulag, 266;
Paragua, 456;
Mindoro, 494;
San José, 496;
Caldera Fort, 498;
Marongas Island, 507.
Colophon
Corrections
The following corrections have been applied to the text:
The following corrections have been made to the text:
Page | Source | Correction |
---|---|---|
17 | colonisation | colonization |
76 | geographico | geografico |
179 | abacâ | abacá |
254 | Pflauzenreichs | Pflanzenreichs |
260 | Gerstaceker | Gerstaecker |
277 | genrally | generally |
287 | eatern | eastern |
297 | consummers | consumers |
325 | authorised | authorized |
326 | govenment | government |
368 | extremley | extremely |
424 | cirumstances | circumstances |
462 | consits | consists |
488 | endeavoured | endeavored |
499 | and and | and |
522 | Balambagan | Balambangan |
535 | annnoyed | annoyed |
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