This is a modern-English version of The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals, originally written by Darwin, Charles.
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THE EXPRESSION OF THE EMOTIONS IN MAN AND ANIMALS
By Charles Darwin
With Photographic And Other Illustrations
New York
D. Appleton And Company
1899
CONTENTS
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ILLUSTRATIONS
Images
N.B.—Several of the figures in these seven Heliotype Plates have been reproduced from photographs, instead of from the original negatives; and they are in consequence somewhat indistinct. Nevertheless they are faithful copies, and are much superior for my purpose to any drawing, however carefully executed.
Note.—Some images in these seven Heliotype Plates were reproduced from photographs instead of the original negatives, which makes them somewhat unclear. However, they are accurate reproductions and serve my needs much better than any drawing, no matter how carefully done.
DETAILED CONTENTS.
CHAP. I—GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF EXPRESSION.
The three chief principles stated—The first principle—Serviceable
actions become habitual in association with certain states of the mind, and are
performed whether or not of service in each particular case—The force of
habit—Inheritance—Associated habitual movements in man—Reflex
actions—Passage of habits into reflex actions—Associated habitual
movements in the lower animals—Concluding remarks
CHAP. I—GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF EXPRESSION.
The three main principles mentioned—The first principle—Useful actions become routine when linked to certain mental states, and these actions are carried out regardless of their usefulness in each specific situation—The power of habit—Genetics—Related habitual movements in humans—Reflex actions—How habits turn into reflex actions—Related habitual movements in lower animals—Final thoughts
CHAP. II—GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF EXPRESSION.—continued.
The Principle of Antithesis—Instances in the dog and cat—Origin of
the principle—Conventional signs—The principle of antithesis has
not arisen from opposite actions being consciously performed under opposite
impulses
CHAP. II—GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF EXPRESSION.—continued.
The Principle of Antithesis—Examples in dogs and cats—Origin of
the principle—Conventional signs—The principle of antithesis has
not come from consciously performing opposite actions under opposing
impulses.
CHAP. III—GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF EXPRESSION.—concluded.
The principle of the direct action of the excited nervous system on the
body, independently of the will and in part of habit—Change of
colour in the hair—Trembling of the muscles—Modified
secretions—Perspiration—Expression of extreme pain—Of
rage, great joy, and terror—Contrast between the emotions which
cause and do not cause expressive movements—Exciting and depressing
states of the mind—Summary
CHAP. III—GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF EXPRESSION.—concluded.
The idea that the stimulated nervous system directly affects the body, regardless of will and partly due to habit—Change in hair color—Shaking of the muscles—Altered secretions—Sweating—Signs of intense pain—Of anger, great happiness, and fear—Difference between emotions that create expressive movements and those that don't—Stimulating and depressing mental states—Summary
CHAP. IV—MEANS OF EXPRESSION. IN ANIMALS.
The emission of sounds—Vocal sounds—Sounds otherwise
produced—Erection of the dermal appendages, hairs, feathers, &c.,
under the emotions of anger and terror—The drawing back of the ears as a
preparation for fighting, and as an expression of anger—Erection of the
ears and raising the head, a sign of attention
CHAP. IV—MEANS OF EXPRESSION. IN ANIMALS.
The production of sounds—Vocal sounds—Sounds created in other ways—The standing up of skin structures, like hairs and feathers, during feelings of anger and fear—The pulling back of the ears in preparation for a fight, and as a display of anger—The raising of the ears and lifting of the head, indicating alertness.
CHAP. V.—SPECIAL EXPRESSIONS OF ANIMALS.
The Dog, various expressive movements
of—Cats—Horses—Ruminants—Monkeys, their expression of
joy and affection—Of pain—Anger Astonishment and Terror
CHAP. V.—SPECIAL EXPRESSIONS OF ANIMALS.
The Dog, various expressive movements of—Cats—Horses—Ruminants—Monkeys, their expressions of joy and affection—Of pain—Anger—Astonishment—and Terror
CHAP. VI.—SPECIAL EXPRESSIONS OF MAN: SUFFERING AND WEEPING.
The screaming and weeping of infants—Form of features—Age at which
weeping commences—The effects of habitual restraint on
weeping—Sobbing—Cause of the contraction of the muscles round the
eyes during screaming—Cause of the secretion of tears
CHAP. VI.—SPECIAL EXPRESSIONS OF MAN: SUFFERING AND WEEPING.
The loud cries and tears of babies—Appearance of their faces—Age when crying starts—The impact of regular suppression on crying—Sobbing—Reason for the tightening of the muscles around the eyes during crying—Reason for tear production
CHAP. VII.—LOW SPIRITS, ANXIETY, GRIEF, DEJECTION, DESPAIR.
General effect of grief on the system—Obliquity of the eyebrows under
suffering—On the cause of the obliquity of the eyebrows—On the
depression of the corners of the mouth
CHAP. VII.—LOW SPIRITS, ANXIETY, GRIEF, DEJECTION, DESPAIR.
Overall impact of grief on the body—Tilt of the eyebrows during distress—On the reason for the tilt of the eyebrows—On the drooping of the corners of the mouth
CHAP. VIII.—JOY, HIGH SPIRITS, LOVE, TENDER FEELINGS, DEVOTION.
Laughter primarily the expression of joy—Ludicrous ideas—Movements
of the features during laughter—Nature of the sound produced—The
secretion of tears during loud laughter—Gradation from loud laughter
to gentle smiling—High spirits—The expression of love—Tender
feelings—Devotion
CHAP. VIII.—JOY, HIGH SPIRITS, LOVE, TENDER FEELINGS, DEVOTION.
Laughter is mainly a sign of joy—Funny ideas—The way our faces move when we laugh—The type of sound we make—Tears that might flow during loud laughter—The shift from loud laughter to soft smiling—Feeling upbeat—The expression of love—Deep feelings—Commitment
CHAP. IX.—REFLECTION—MEDITATION—ILL—TEMPER—SULKINESS
DETERMINATION.
The act of frowning—Reflection with an effort or with the perception of
something difficult or disagreeable—Abstracted
meditation—Ill-temper—Moroseness—Obstinacy—Sulkiness
and pouting—Decision or determination—The firm closure of the mouth
CHAP. IX.—REFLECTION—MEDITATION—ILL—TEMPER—SULKINESS
DETERMINATION.
Frowning—thinking hard or reacting to something tough or unpleasant—deep thought—bad mood—gloominess—stubbornness—sulking and pouting—resolve or determination—keeping your mouth tightly shut
CHAP. X.—HATRED AND ANGER.
Hatred—Rage, effects of on the system—Uncovering of the
teeth—Rage in the insane—Anger and indignation—As expressed
by the various races of man—Sneering and defiance—The uncovering of
the canine teeth on one side of the face
CHAP. X.—HATRED AND ANGER.
Hatred—The impact of rage on the body—Showing of the teeth—Rage in the mentally ill—Anger and indignation—As shown by different races of humanity—Mockery and defiance—The showing of the canine teeth on one side of the face
CHAP. XI.—DISDAIN—CONTEMPT—DISGUST—GUILT—PRIDE,
ETC.—HELPLESSNESS—PATIENCE—AFFIRMATION AND NEGATION.
Contempt, scorn and disdain, variously expressed—Derisive Smile—Gestures
expressive of contempt—Disgust—Guilt, deceit, pride, etc.—Helplessness
or impotence—Patience—Obstinacy—Shrugging the shoulders
common to most of the races of man—Signs of affirmation and negation
CHAP. XI.—DISDAIN—CONTEMPT—DISGUST—GUILT—PRIDE,
ETC.—HELPLESSNESS—PATIENCE—AFFIRMATION AND NEGATION.
Contempt, scorn, and disdain, shown in different ways—Sarcastic smile—Gestures that express contempt—Disgust—Guilt, deceit, pride, etc.—Helplessness or powerlessness—Patience—Stubbornness—Shoulder shrugs common to most human cultures—Signs of agreement and disagreement
CHAP. XII.—SURPRISE—ASTONISHMENT—FEAR—HORROR.
Surprise, astonishment—Elevation of the eyebrows—Opening the
mouth—Protrusion of the lips—Gestures accompanying
surprise—Admiration Fear—Terror—Erection of the
hair—Contraction of the platysma muscle—Dilatation of the
pupils—horror—Conclusion.
CHAP. XII.—SURPRISE—ASTONISHMENT—FEAR—HORROR.
Shock, amazement—Raised eyebrows—Open mouth—Pursed lips—Actions that go with surprise—Wonder Fear—Dread—Hair standing on end—Tightening of the platysma muscle—Widening of the pupils—horror—Conclusion.
CHAP. XIII.—SELF-ATTENTION—SHAME—SHYNESS—MODESTY:
BLUSHING.
Nature of a blush—Inheritance—The parts of the body most
affected—Blushing in the various races of man—Accompanying
gestures—Confusion of mind—Causes of blushing—Self-attention,
the fundamental element—Shyness—Shame, from broken moral laws and
conventional rules—Modesty—Theory of blushing—Recapitulation
CHAP. XIII.—SELF-ATTENTION—SHAME—SHYNESS—MODESTY:
BLUSHING.
Nature of a blush—Inheritance—The body parts most affected—Blushing in different races of humans—Accompanying gestures—Mental confusion—Reasons for blushing—Self-awareness, the core element—Shyness—Shame from violating moral laws and social norms—Modesty—Theory of blushing—Summary
CHAP. XIV.—CONCLUDING REMARKS AND SUMMARY.
The three leading principles which have determined the chief movements of
expression—Their inheritance—On the part which the will and
intention have played in the acquirement of various expressions—The
instinctive recognition of expression—The bearing of our subject on the
specific unity of the races of man—On the successive acquirement of
various expressions by the progenitors of man—The importance of
expression—Conclusion
CHAP. XIV.—CONCLUDING REMARKS AND SUMMARY.
The three main principles that have shaped the key movements of expression—Their inheritance—The role of will and intention in how different expressions are developed—The instinctive recognition of expression—The relevance of our topic to the distinct unity of human races—The gradual acquisition of different expressions by human ancestors—The significance of expression—Conclusion
INTRODUCTION.
Many works have been written on Expression, but a greater number on Physiognomy,—that is, on the recognition of character through the study of the permanent form of the features. With this latter subject I am not here concerned. The older treatises,[1] which I have consulted, have been of little or no service to me. The famous ‘Conférences’[2] of the painter Le Brun, published in 1667, is the best known ancient work, and contains some good remarks. Another somewhat old essay, namely, the ‘Discours,’ delivered 1774-1782, by the well-known Dutch anatomist Camper,[3] can hardly be considered as having made any marked advance in the subject. The following works, on the contrary, deserve the fullest consideration.
Many works have been written about Expression, but even more have been written about Physiognomy—that is, identifying character through studying the enduring shape of facial features. I'm not focusing on that topic here. The older texts, [1] that I looked into, haven't been very helpful to me. The famous ‘Conférences’[2] by the painter Le Brun, published in 1667, is the most well-known ancient work and includes some valuable insights. Another somewhat older essay, the ‘Discours,’ presented from 1774 to 1782 by the well-known Dutch anatomist Camper, [3] can barely be thought of as having made any significant progress in the field. In contrast, the following works truly deserve thorough consideration.
Sir Charles Bell, so illustrious for his discoveries in physiology, published in 1806 the first edition, and in the third edition of his ‘Anatomy and Philosophy of Expression.’[4] He may with justice be said, not only to have laid the foundations of the subject as a branch of science, but to have built up a noble structure. His work is in every way deeply interesting; it includes graphic descriptions of the various emotions, and is admirably illustrated. It is generally admitted that his service consists chiefly in having shown the intimate relation which exists between the movements of expression and those of respiration. One of the most important points, small as it may at first appear, is that the muscles round the eyes are involuntarily contracted during violent expiratory efforts, in order to protect these delicate organs from the pressure of the blood. This fact, which has been fully investigated for me with the greatest kindness by Professors Donders of Utrecht, throws, as we shall hereafter see, a flood of light on several of the most important expressions of the human countenance. The merits of Sir C. Bell’s work have been undervalued or quite ignored by several foreign writers, but have been fully admitted by some, for instance by M. Lemoine,[5] who with great justice says:—“Le livre de Ch. Bell devrait être médité par quiconque essaye de faire parler le visage de l’homme, par les philosophes aussi bien que par les artistes, car, sous une apparence plus légère et sous le prétexte de l’esthétique, c’est un des plus beaux monuments de la science des rapports du physique et du moral.”
Sir Charles Bell, well-known for his discoveries in physiology, published the first edition of his ‘Anatomy and Philosophy of Expression’ in 1806 and the third edition later on. He can rightly be credited not only with laying the groundwork for this field as a science but also for creating an impressive body of work. His book is fascinating in every way; it contains vivid descriptions of various emotions and is beautifully illustrated. It is widely recognized that his major contribution lies in demonstrating the close connection between expressions and breathing. An important, though seemingly minor, detail is that the muscles around the eyes are involuntarily contracted during intense exhalation to protect these sensitive organs from blood pressure. This aspect, which Professor Donders from Utrecht has kindly explored in great depth for me, illuminates several crucial facial expressions that we will discuss later. While some foreign writers have downplayed or completely overlooked Sir C. Bell's achievements, others, like M. Lemoine, have acknowledged them. He rightly states: “Le livre de Ch. Bell devrait être médité par quiconque essaye de faire parler le visage de l’homme, par les philosophes aussi bien que par les artistes, car, sous une apparence plus légère et sous le prétexte de l’esthétique, c’est un des plus beaux monuments de la science des rapports du physique et du moral.”
From reasons which will presently be assigned, Sir C. Bell did not attempt to follow out his views as far as they might have been carried. He does not try to explain why different muscles are brought into action under different emotions; why, for instance, the inner ends of the eyebrows are raised, and the corners of the mouth depressed, by a person suffering from grief or anxiety.
Due to reasons that will soon be explained, Sir C. Bell didn't try to fully explore his ideas. He doesn't attempt to clarify why different muscles are activated during different emotions; for example, why the inner ends of the eyebrows are raised and the corners of the mouth are turned down in someone experiencing grief or anxiety.
In 1807 M. Moreau edited an edition of Lavater on Physiognomy,[6] in which he incorporated several of his own essays, containing excellent descriptions of the movements of the facial muscles, together with many valuable remarks. He throws, however, very little light on the philosophy of the subject. For instance, M. Moreau, in speaking of the act of frowning, that is, of the contraction of the muscle called by French writers the soucilier (corrigator supercilii), remarks with truth:—“Cette action des sourciliers est un des symptômes les plus tranchés de l’expression des affections pénibles ou concentrées.” He then adds that these muscles, from their attachment and position, are fitted “à resserrer, à concentrer les principaux traits de la face, comme il convient dans toutes ces passions vraiment oppressives ou profondes, dans ces affections dont le sentiment semble porter l’organisation à revenir sur elle-même, à se contracter et à s’amoindrir, comme pour offrir moins de prise et de surface à des impressions redoutables ou importunes.” He who thinks that remarks of this kind throw any light on the meaning or origin of the different expressions, takes a very different view of the subject to what I do.
In 1807, M. Moreau published an edition of Lavater on Physiognomy, [6] in which he included several of his own essays that feature excellent descriptions of how facial muscles move, along with many valuable observations. However, he sheds very little light on the philosophy behind the topic. For example, M. Moreau, while discussing frowning, which involves the contraction of the muscle that French writers call the soucilier (corrigator supercilii), accurately notes: “This action of the eyebrows is one of the most distinct indicators of expressions related to painful or intense feelings.” He goes on to say that these muscles, because of their attachment and position, are designed “to tighten and concentrate the main features of the face, as is appropriate for all truly oppressive or deep passions, in those feelings where the sensation seems to force the organization to turn inward, contract, and shrink, as if to present less area and surface to terrifying or unwelcome impressions.” Anyone who believes that observations like these provide insight into the meaning or origin of various expressions sees the topic quite differently than I do.
In the above passage there is but a slight, if any, advance in the philosophy of the subject, beyond that reached by the painter Le Brun, who, in 1667, in describing the expression of fright, says:—“Le sourcil qui est abaissé d’un côté et élevé de l’autre, fait voir que la partie élevée semble le vouloir joindre au cerveau pour le garantir du mal que l’âme aperçoit, et le côté qui est abaissé et qui paraît enflé,—nous fait trouver dans cet état par les esprits qui viennent du cerveau en abondance, comme polir couvrir l’âme et la défendre du mal qu’elle craint; la bouche fort ouverte fait voir le saisissement du cœur, par le sang qui se retire vers lui, ce qui l’oblige, voulant respirer, à faire un effort qui est cause que la bouche s’ouvre extrêmement, et qui, lorsqu’il passe par les organes de la voix, forme un son qui n’est point articulé; que si les muscles et les veines paraissent enflés, ce n’est que par les esprits que le cerveau envoie en ces parties-là.” I have thought the foregoing sentences worth quoting, as specimens of the surprising nonsense which has been written on the subject.
In the passage above, there's only a slight, if any, advancement in the philosophy of the topic, compared to what painter Le Brun stated in 1667 when he described the expression of fear: “The eyebrow that's lowered on one side and raised on the other shows that the raised side seems to want to connect to the brain to protect it from the harm that the soul perceives, and the side that's lowered and appears swollen—shows that we find in this state an abundance of spirits coming from the brain, as if to shield and defend the soul from the harm it fears; the mouth wide open indicates the shock of the heart, as the blood retreats towards it, forcing it to gasp for air and causing the mouth to open very wide, which, when it passes through the vocal cords, produces a sound that isn’t articulated. And if the muscles and veins appear swollen, it’s only because of the spirits that the brain sends to those areas.” I thought these sentences were worth quoting as examples of the surprising nonsense that has been written on the subject.
‘The Physiology or Mechanism of Blushing,’ by Dr. Burgess, appeared in 1839, and to this work I shall frequently refer in my thirteenth Chapter.
‘The Physiology or Mechanism of Blushing,’ by Dr. Burgess, came out in 1839, and I will often reference this work in my thirteenth Chapter.
In 1862 Dr. Duchenne published two editions, in folio and octavo, of his ‘Mécanisme de la Physionomie Humaine,’ in which he analyses by means of electricity, and illustrates by magnificent photographs, the movements of the facial muscles. He has generously permitted me to copy as many of his photographs as I desired. His works have been spoken lightly of, or quite passed over, by some of his countrymen. It is possible that Dr. Duchenne may have exaggerated the importance of the contraction of single muscles in giving expression; for, owing to the intimate manner in which the muscles are connected, as may be seen in Henle’s anatomical drawings[7]—the best I believe ever published it is difficult to believe in their separate action. Nevertheless, it is manifest that Dr. Duchenne clearly apprehended this and other sources of error, and as it is known that he was eminently successful in elucidating the physiology of the muscles of the hand by the aid of electricity, it is probable that he is generally in the right about the muscles of the face. In my opinion, Dr. Duchenne has greatly advanced the subject by his treatment of it. No one has more carefully studied the contraction of each separate muscle, and the consequent furrows produced on the skin. He has also, and this is a very important service, shown which muscles are least under the separate control of the will. He enters very little into theoretical considerations, and seldom attempts to explain why certain muscles and not others contract under the influence of certain emotions.
In 1862, Dr. Duchenne published two editions, one in folio and the other in octavo, of his ‘Mécanisme de la Physionomie Humaine,’ where he analyzes the movements of facial muscles using electricity and illustrates them with stunning photographs. He has kindly allowed me to copy as many of his photos as I wanted. Some of his fellow countrymen have brushed off or completely overlooked his work. It’s possible that Dr. Duchenne may have overstated the importance of the contraction of individual muscles in creating expressions; given the close connections between the muscles, as seen in Henle’s anatomical drawings—one of the best ever published—it’s hard to believe they act separately. However, it’s clear that Dr. Duchenne understood this and other potential errors, and since he was highly successful in explaining the physiology of the hand muscles using electricity, he’s likely correct about the facial muscles too. In my view, Dr. Duchenne has significantly advanced the topic with his research. No one has studied the contraction of each individual muscle and the resulting furrows on the skin as carefully as he has. He has also, very importantly, identified which muscles are least controllable by the will. He spends little time on theoretical discussions and rarely tries to explain why certain muscles, and not others, contract in response to specific emotions.
A distinguished French anatomist, Pierre Gratiolet, gave a course of lectures on Expression at the Sorbonne, and his notes were published (1865) after his death, under the title of ‘De la Physionomie et des Mouvements d’Expression.’ This is a very interesting work, full of valuable observations. His theory is rather complex, and, as far as it can be given in a single sentence (p. 65), is as follows:—“Il résulte, de tous les faits que j’ai rappelés, que les sens, l’imagination et la pensée elle-même, si élevée, si abstraite qu’on la suppose, ne peuvent s’exercer sans éveiller un sentiment corrélatif, et que ce sentiment se traduit directement, sympathiquement, symboliquement ou métaphoriquement, dans toutes les sphères des organs extérieurs, qui la racontent tous, suivant leur mode d’action propre, comme si chacun d’eux avait été directement affecté.”
A distinguished French anatomist, Pierre Gratiolet, gave a series of lectures on Expression at the Sorbonne, and his notes were published (1865) after his death under the title ‘De la Physionomie et des Mouvements d’Expression.’ This is a very interesting work, full of valuable observations. His theory is quite complex, and, if it can be summed up in a single sentence (p. 65), it is as follows:—“It results from all the facts I've mentioned that the senses, imagination, and even thought—no matter how high or abstract one might consider it—cannot operate without triggering a related feeling, and that this feeling is expressed directly, empathetically, symbolically, or metaphorically in all the outer organs, each narrating it in their own unique way, as if each were directly affected.”
Gratiolet appears to overlook inherited habit, and even to some extent habit in the individual; and therefore he fails, as it seems to me, to give the right explanation, or any explanation at all, of many gestures and expressions. As an illustration of what he calls symbolic movements, I will quote his remarks (p. 37), taken from M. Chevreul, on a man playing at billiards. “Si une bille dévie légèrement de la direction que le joueur prétend lui imprimer, ne l’avez-vous pas vu cent fois la pousser du regard, de la tête et même des épaules, comme si ces mouvements, purement symboliques, pouvaient rectifier son trajet? Des mouvements non moins significatifs se produisent quand la bille manque d’une impulsion suffisante. Et cliez les joueurs novices, ils sont quelquefois accusés au point d’éveiller le sourire sur les lèvres des spectateurs.” Such movements, as it appeirs to me, may be attributed simply to habit. As often as a man has wished to move an object to one side, he has always pushed it to that side when forwards, he has pushed it forwards; and if he has wished to arrest it, he has pulled backwards. Therefore, when a man sees his ball travelling in a wrong direction, and he intensely wishes it to go in another direction, he cannot avoid, from long habit, unconsciously performing movements which in other cases he has found effectual.
Gratiolet seems to ignore inherited behavior and, to some degree, individual habits; as a result, he doesn't provide a proper explanation, or any explanation at all, for many gestures and expressions. To illustrate what he refers to as symbolic movements, I’ll quote his remarks (p. 37), taken from M. Chevreul, about a man playing billiards. “If a ball slightly deviates from the direction the player intends to give it, haven’t you seen a hundred times how he pushes it with his gaze, head, and even shoulders, as if those purely symbolic movements could correct its path? No less significant movements occur when the ball lacks sufficient force. And among novice players, they are sometimes so animated that they bring smiles to the faces of onlookers.” Such movements, it seems to me, can simply be attributed to habit. Whenever a person has wanted to move an object to one side, they’ve always pushed it that way when moving forward; they’ve pushed it forward when they wanted it to go that way. If they want to stop it, they pull it back. Therefore, when someone sees their ball moving in the wrong direction and intensely wants it to go another way, they can’t help but unconsciously perform movements that have worked for them in other situations, due to long-standing habits.
As an instance of sympathetic movements Gratiolet gives (p. 212) the following case:—“un jeune chien à oreilles droites, auquel son maître présente de loin quelque viande appétissante, fixe avec ardeur ses yeux sur cet objet dont il suit tous les mouvements, et pendant que les yeux regardent, les deux oreilles se portent en avant comme si cet objet pouvait être entendu.” Here, instead of speaking of sympathy between the ears and eyes, it appears to me more simple to believe, that as dogs during many generations have, whilst intently looking at any object, pricked their ears in order to perceive any sound; and conversely have looked intently in the direction of a sound to which they may have listened, the movements of these organs have become firmly associated together through long-continued habit.
As an example of sympathetic movements, Gratiolet gives (p. 212) the following case: “a young dog with upright ears, to whom his master presents some appetizing meat from a distance, eagerly fixes his eyes on this object, following all its movements, and while his eyes are watching, his ears perk up as if the object could be heard.” Here, instead of discussing sympathy between the ears and eyes, I think it’s simpler to believe that, over many generations, dogs have naturally pricked their ears while intently looking at something in order to catch any sound; and conversely, they have looked in the direction of a sound they are trying to hear. As a result, the movements of these organs have become strongly linked together through long-standing habit.
Dr. Piderit published in 1859 an essay on Expression, which I have not seen, but in which, as he states, he forestalled Gratiolet in many of his views. In 1867 he published his ‘Wissenschaftliches System der Mimik und Physiognomik.’ It is hardly possible to give in a few sentences a fair notion of his views; perhaps the two following sentences will tell as much as can be briefly told: “the muscular movements of expression are in part related to imaginary objects, and in part to imaginary sensorial impressions. In this proposition lies the key to the comprehension of all expressive muscular movements.” (s. 25) Again, “Expressive movements manifest themselves chiefly in the numerous and mobile muscles of the face, partly because the nerves by which they are set into motion originate in the most immediate vicinity of the mind-organ, but partly also because these muscles serve to support the organs of sense.” (s. 26.) If Dr. Piderit had studied Sir C. Bell’s work, he would probably not have said (s. 101) that violent laughter causes a frown from partaking of the nature of pain; or that with infants (s. 103) the tears irritate the eyes, and thus excite the contraction of the surrounding in muscles. Many good remarks are scattered throughout this volume, to which I shall hereafter refer.
Dr. Piderit published an essay on expression in 1859, which I haven't seen, but he claims he anticipated Gratiolet in many of his ideas. In 1867, he released his ‘Scientific System of Mimicry and Physiognomy.’ It's difficult to summarize his ideas in just a few sentences, but here are two that capture some key points: “The muscular movements of expression are partially related to imagined objects and partially to imagined sensory impressions. This statement holds the key to understanding all expressive muscular movements.” (s. 25) Additionally, “Expressive movements primarily occur in the numerous and agile muscles of the face, partly because the nerves that activate them are located very close to the mind-organ, but also because these muscles help support the sensory organs.” (s. 26) If Dr. Piderit had studied Sir C. Bell’s work, he likely wouldn’t have stated (s. 101) that intense laughter results in a frown, resembling pain; or that for infants (s. 103), tears irritate the eyes and stimulate the contraction of the surrounding muscles. There are many valuable observations scattered throughout this volume, which I will refer to later.
Short discussions on Expression may be found in various works, which need not here be particularised. Mr. Bain, however, in two of his works has treated the subject at some length. He says,[8] “I look upon the expression so-called as part and parcel of the feeling. I believe it to be a general law of the mind that along with the fact of inward feeling or consciousness, there is a diffusive action or excitement over the bodily members.” In another place he adds, “A very considerable number of the facts may be brought under the following principle: namely, that states of pleasure are connected with an increase, and states of pain with an abatement, of some, or all, of the vital functions.” But the above law of the diffusive action of feelings seems too general to throw much light on special expressions.
Short discussions on Expression can be found in various works, but we don’t need to list them here. However, Mr. Bain has addressed the subject in detail in two of his works. He says, [8] “I consider expression to be an integral part of the feeling. I believe it's a basic principle of the mind that whenever we have an inward feeling or awareness, there is a spreading action or excitement across the body.” In another instance, he adds, “Many of the facts can be summarized by the following principle: states of pleasure are linked to an increase, while states of pain are linked to a decrease, in some or all of the vital functions.” However, this general principle about the spread of feelings seems too broad to provide much insight into specific expressions.
Mr. Herbert Spencer, in treating of the Feelings in his ‘Principles of Psychology’ (1855), makes the following remarks:—“Fear, when strong, expresses itself in cries, in efforts to hide or escape, in palpitations and tremblings; and these are just the manifestations that would accompany an actual experience of the evil feared. The destructive passions are shown in a general tension of the muscular system, in gnashing of the teeth and protrusion of the claws, in dilated eyes and nostrils in growls; and these are weaker forms of the actions that accompany the killing of prey.” Here we have, as I believe, the true theory of a large number of expressions; but the chief interest and difficulty of the subject lies in following out the wonderfully complex results. I infer that some one (but who he is I have not been able to ascertain) formerly advanced a nearly similar view, for Sir C. Bell says,[9] “It has been maintained that what are called the external signs of passion, are only the concomitants of those voluntary movements which the structure renders necessary.” Mr. Spencer has also published[10] a valuable essay on the physiology of Laughter, in which he insists on “the general law that feeling passing a certain pitch, habitually vents itself in bodily action,” and that “an overflow of nerve-force undirected by any motive, will manifestly take first the most habitual routes; and if these do not suffice, will next overflow into the less habitual ones.” This law I believe to be of the highest importance in throwing light on our subject.’[11]
Mr. Herbert Spencer, in discussing feelings in his ‘Principles of Psychology’ (1855), makes the following comments: “Strong fear shows itself through cries, attempts to hide or escape, and feelings of palpitations and trembling; these are exactly the signs that would accompany actually experiencing the feared threat. Destructive emotions are reflected in a general tension of the muscles, in grinding teeth and extending claws, in wide eyes and flared nostrils, and in growls; these are weaker forms of the actions involved in killing prey.” Here we find, as I believe, the correct theory for many expressions; however, the main intrigue and challenge of the topic lie in unraveling its wonderfully complex results. I gather that someone (though I haven’t been able to identify who) previously proposed a similar idea, as Sir C. Bell states, “It has been argued that what are known as the external signs of passion are merely the accompanying factors of those voluntary movements that the structure necessitates.” Mr. Spencer has also published a valuable essay on the physiology of laughter, where he emphasizes “the general law that feeling, once it surpasses a certain threshold, tends to express itself through physical action,” and that “an overflow of nerve energy, without any specific motive, will first take the most common paths; and if those are not enough, it will then spill over into less common ones.” I believe this law is extremely significant in shedding light on our topic.
All the authors who have written on Expression, with the exception of Mr. Spencer—the great expounder of the principle of Evolution—appear to have been firmly convinced that species, man of course included, came into existence in their present condition. Sir C. Bell, being thus convinced, maintains that many of our facial muscles are “purely instrumental in expression;” or are “a special provision” for this sole object.[12] But the simple fact that the anthropoid apes possess the same facial muscles as we do,[13] renders it very improbable that these muscles in our case serve exclusively for expression; for no one, I presume, would be inclined to admit that monkeys have been endowed with special muscles solely for exhibiting their hideous grimaces. Distinct uses, independently of expression, can indeed be assigned with much probability for almost all the facial muscles.
All the authors who have written about expression, except for Mr. Spencer—the great advocate of the principle of evolution—seem to be firmly convinced that species, including humans, came into being in their current form. Sir C. Bell, believing this, asserts that many of our facial muscles are “purely instrumental in expression” or are “a special provision” for this sole purpose.[12] However, the simple fact that anthropoid apes have the same facial muscles as we do,[13] makes it very unlikely that these muscles in our case are solely for expression; no one, I assume, would think that monkeys have been given special muscles just to show their grotesque faces. In fact, distinct uses, separate from expression, can probably be identified for nearly all the facial muscles.
Sir C. Bell evidently wished to draw as broad a distinction as possible between man and the lower animals; and he consequently asserts that with “the lower creatures there is no expression but what may be referred, more or less plainly, to their acts of volition or necessary instincts.” He further maintains that their faces “seem chiefly capable of expressing rage and fear.”[14] But man himself cannot express love and humility by external signs, so plainly as does a dog, when with drooping ears, hanging lips, flexuous body, and wagging tail, he meets his beloved master. Nor can these movements in the dog be explained by acts of volition or necessary instincts, any more than the beaming eyes and smiling cheeks of a man when he meets an old friend. If Sir C. Bell had been questioned about the expression of affection in the dog, he would no doubt have answered that this animal had been created with special instincts, adapting him for association with man, and that all further enquiry on the subject was superfluous.
Sir C. Bell clearly wanted to emphasize a strong difference between humans and lower animals. He claims that "the lower creatures have no expression that can be related, more or less clearly, to their acts of will or necessary instincts." He also argues that their faces "seem mainly capable of showing anger and fear."[14] However, humans can't express love and humility through outward signs as clearly as a dog can, when with drooping ears, hanging lips, a flexible body, and a wagging tail, it greets its beloved owner. These movements in dogs can't be explained by acts of will or necessary instincts, just like the shining eyes and smiling faces of a person when reconnecting with an old friend. If Sir C. Bell had been asked about a dog's expression of affection, he would probably have said that this animal was created with unique instincts that allow it to connect with humans, and that any further inquiry into the topic was unnecessary.
Although Gratiolet emphatically denies[15] that any muscle has been developed solely for the sake of expression, he seems never to have reflected on the principle of evolution. He apparently looks at each species as a separate creation. So it is with the other writers on Expression. For instance, Dr. Duchenne, after speaking of the movements of the limbs, refers to those which give expression to the face, and remarks:[16] “Le créateur n’a donc pas eu à se préoccuper ici des besoins de la mécanique; il a pu, selon sa sagesse, ou—que l’on me pardonne cette manière de parler—par une divine fantaisie, mettre en action tel ou tel muscle, un seul ou plusieurs muscles à la fois, lorsqu’il a voulu que les signes caractéristiques des passions, même les plus fugaces, fussent écrits passagèrement sur la face de l’homme. Ce langage de la physionomie une fois créé, il lui a suffi, pour le rendre universel et immuable, de donner à tout être humain la faculté instinctive d’exprimer toujours ses sendments par la contraction des mêmes muscles.”
Although Gratiolet strongly denies[15] that any muscle has developed solely for the sake of expression, he doesn't seem to have considered the principle of evolution. He appears to view each species as a distinct creation. The same goes for other writers on Expression. For example, Dr. Duchenne, after discussing the movements of the limbs, mentions those that express emotions on the face, and notes:[16] “The creator did not need to worry about the mechanical requirements here; he could, in his wisdom, or—please forgive me for putting it this way—through a divine whim, activate this or that muscle, one or several muscles at once, when he wanted the characteristic signs of emotions, even the briefest ones, to be briefly displayed on a person's face. Once this language of facial expression was created, it was enough for him to give every human the instinctive ability to express their feelings through the contraction of the same muscles.”
Many writers consider the whole subject of Expression as inexplicable. Thus the illustrious physiologist Müller, says,[17] “The completely different expression of the features in different passions shows that, according to the kind of feeling excited, entirely different groups of the fibres of the facial nerve are acted on. Of the cause of this we are quite ignorant.”
Many writers find the whole topic of Expression really confusing. The famous physiologist Müller says,[17] “The completely different expressions on people's faces during different emotions show that, depending on the type of feeling triggered, entirely different groups of the facial nerve fibers are affected. We have no idea why this happens.”
No doubt as long as man and all other animals are viewed as independent creations, an effectual stop is put to our natural desire to investigate as far as possible the causes of Expression. By this doctrine, anything and everything can be equally well explained; and it has proved as pernicious with respect to Expression as to every other branch of natural history. With mankind some expressions, such as the bristling of the hair under the influence of extreme terror, or the uncovering of the teeth under that of furious rage, can hardly be understood, except on the belief that man once existed in a much lower and animal-like condition. The community of certain expressions in distinct though allied species, as in the movements of the same facial muscles during laughter by man and by various monkeys, is rendered somewhat more intelligible, if we believe in their descent from a common progenitor. He who admits on general grounds that the structure and habits of all animals have been gradually evolved, will look at the whole subject of Expression in a new and interesting light.
As long as humans and all other animals are seen as separate creations, it really limits our natural curiosity to explore the causes of expression. This belief makes it easy to explain anything and everything, and it has been just as harmful for understanding expression as it has been for every other area of natural history. With humans, some expressions—like hair standing on end from intense fear or baring teeth in rage—can’t be fully understood unless we accept that humans once existed in a much more primitive, animal-like state. The similarity of certain expressions across different but related species, like the movements of the same facial muscles during laughter in humans and various monkeys, makes more sense if we believe they share a common ancestor. Those who generally accept that the structure and behaviors of all animals have evolved over time will view the entire topic of expression in a new and engaging way.
The study of Expression is difficult, owing to the movements being often extremely slight, and of a fleeting nature. A difference may be clearly perceived, and yet it may be impossible, at least I have found it so, to state in what the difference consists. When we witness any deep emotion, our sympathy is so strongly excited, that close observation is forgotten or rendered almost impossible; of which fact I have had many curious proofs. Our imagination is another and still more serious source of error; for if from the nature of the circumstances we expect to see any expression, we readily imagine its presence. Notwithstanding Dr. Duchenne’s great experience, he for a long time fancied, as he states, that several muscles contracted under certain emotions, whereas he ultimately convinced himself that the movement was confined to a single muscle.
The study of Expression is challenging because the movements are often very subtle and fleeting. A difference can be clearly seen, yet it may be impossible—at least I’ve found this to be true—to explain exactly what that difference is. When we witness strong emotions, our empathy is stirred so deeply that close observation becomes difficult or nearly impossible; I have found this to be the case in many instances. Our imagination is another serious source of confusion; when we expect to see a certain expression due to the circumstances, we easily convince ourselves that it’s there. Despite Dr. Duchenne’s extensive experience, he spent a long time believing, as he mentioned, that several muscles contracted with certain emotions, only to eventually realize that the movement was actually limited to a single muscle.
In order to acquire as good a foundation as possible, and to ascertain, independently of common opinion, how far particular movements of the features and gestures are really expressive of certain states of the mind, I have found the following means the most serviceable. In the first place, to observe infants; for they exhibit many emotions, as Sir C. Bell remarks, “with extraordinary force;” whereas, in after life, some of our expressions “cease to have the pure and simple source from which they spring in infancy.”[18]
To build a solid foundation and to figure out, apart from popular belief, how much specific facial movements and gestures genuinely reflect particular mental states, I have found the following methods to be the most helpful. First, observing infants is key; they display many emotions, as Sir C. Bell points out, “with extraordinary force,” while later in life, some of our expressions “lose the pure and simple origin they have in infancy.”[18]
In the second place, it occurred to me that the insane ought to be studied, as they are liable to the strongest passions, and give uncontrolled vent to them. I had, myself, no opportunity of doing this, so I applied to Dr. Maudsley and received from him an introduction to Dr. J. Crichton Browne, who has charge of an immense asylum near Wakefield, and who, as I found, had already attended to the subject. This excellent observer has with unwearied kindness sent me copious notes and descriptions, with valuable suggestions on many points; and I can hardly over-estimate the value of his assistance. I owe also, to the kindness of Mr. Patrick Nicol, of the Sussex Lunatic Asylum, interesting statements on two or three points.
In the second place, it struck me that we should study people with mental illnesses since they experience intense emotions and express them without restraint. I didn’t have the chance to do this myself, so I reached out to Dr. Maudsley and got an introduction to Dr. J. Crichton Browne, who oversees a large asylum near Wakefield and had already looked into this topic. This amazing observer has generously sent me extensive notes and descriptions, along with valuable suggestions on various points; I truly can’t overstate how helpful his support has been. I also appreciate the kindness of Mr. Patrick Nicol from the Sussex Lunatic Asylum, who provided intriguing insights on a couple of points.
Thirdly Dr. Duchenne galvanized, as we have already seen, certain muscles in the face of an old man, whose skin was little sensitive, and thus produced various expressions which were photographed on a large scale. It fortunately occurred to me to show several of the best plates, without a word of explanation, to above twenty educated persons of various ages and both sexes, asking them, in each case, by what emotion or feeling the old man was supposed to be agitated; and I recorded their answers in the words which they used. Several of the expressions were instantly recognised by almost everyone, though described in not exactly the same terms; and these may, I think, be relied on as truthful, and will hereafter be specified. On the other hand, the most widely different judgments were pronounced in regard to some of them. This exhibition was of use in another way, by convincing me how easily we may be misguided by our imagination; for when I first looked through Dr. Duchenne’s photographs, reading at the same time the text, and thus learning what was intended, I was struck with admiration at the truthfulness of all, with only a few exceptions. Nevertheless, if I had examined them without any explanation, no doubt I should have been as much perplexed, in some cases, as other persons have been.
Thirdly, Dr. Duchenne stimulated certain muscles in the face of an elderly man, whose skin was less sensitive, resulting in a variety of expressions that were photographed on a large scale. It occurred to me to show several of the best images, without any explanation, to over twenty educated individuals of different ages and both genders, asking them what emotion or feeling they thought the old man was experiencing. I recorded their responses using their exact words. Many of the expressions were quickly recognized by almost everyone, though described in slightly different ways; these can be considered reliable and will be detailed later. On the flip side, there were vastly different opinions on some of the expressions. This exercise also served another purpose, as it showed me how easily our imagination can lead us astray. When I first looked at Dr. Duchenne’s photographs while reading the accompanying text and understanding the intended emotions, I was genuinely impressed by their accuracy, with only a few exceptions. However, had I viewed them without any context, I would likely have been as confused by some of them as others have been.
Fourthly, I had hoped to derive much aid from the great masters in painting and sculpture, who are such close observers. Accordingly, I have looked at photographs and engravings of many well-known works; but, with a few exceptions, have not thus profited. The reason no doubt is, that in works of art, beauty is the chief object; and strongly contracted facial muscles destroy beauty.[19] The story of the composition is generally told with wonderful force and truth by skilfully given accessories.
Fourthly, I had hoped to gain a lot of insight from the great masters of painting and sculpture, who are such keen observers. So, I have examined photographs and engravings of many famous works; however, with a few exceptions, I haven't benefited much from this. The reason is likely that in works of art, beauty is the main focus, and tightly contracted facial muscles take away from that beauty. [19] The narrative of the composition is usually conveyed with incredible strength and accuracy through well-chosen accessories.
Fifthly, it seemed to me highly important to ascertain whether the same expressions and gestures prevail, as has often been asserted without much evidence, with all the races of mankind, especially with those who have associated but little with Europeans. Whenever the same movements of the features or body express the same emotions in several distinct races of man, we may infer with much probability, that such expressions are true ones,—that is, are innate or instinctive. Conventional expressions or gestures, acquired by the individual during early life, would probably have differed in the different races, in the same manner as do their languages. Accordingly I circulated, early in the year 1867, the following printed queries with a request, which has been fully responded to, that actual observations, and not memory, might be trusted. These queries were written after a considerable interval of time, during which my attention had been otherwise directed, and I can now see that they might have been greatly improved. To some of the later copies, I appended, in manuscript, a few additional remarks:—
Fifthly, I thought it was really important to find out if the same expressions and gestures are found across all human races, which has often been claimed without much proof, especially among those who haven’t interacted much with Europeans. When the same facial or body movements convey the same emotions in different races, we can reasonably conclude that these expressions are genuine—meaning they are innate or instinctive. Learned expressions or gestures, picked up by individuals in early life, would likely differ among races, just like their languages do. So, I distributed the following printed questions early in 1867, asking for actual observations instead of relying on memory, and I received a lot of responses. These questions were written after quite a bit of time had passed, during which my focus had been elsewhere, and I now realize they could have been greatly improved. For some of the later copies, I added a few comments by hand:—
(1.) Is astonishment expressed by the eyes and mouth being opened wide, and by the eyebrows being raised?
(1.) Is surprise shown by wide-open eyes and mouth, and raised eyebrows?
(2.) Does shame excite a blush when the colour of the skin allows it to be visible? and especially how low down the body does the blush extend?
(2.) Does shame cause a blush when the skin's color makes it visible? And how far down the body does the blush spread?
(3.) When a man is indignant or defiant does he frown, hold his body and head erect, square his shoulders and clench his fists?
(3.) When a man is angry or rebellious, does he frown, keep his body and head upright, square his shoulders, and clench his fists?
(4) When considering deeply on any subject, or trying to understand any puzzle, does he frown, or wrinkle the skin beneath the lower eyelids?
(4) When thinking hard about any topic or trying to solve any puzzle, does he frown or wrinkle the skin under his lower eyelids?
(5.) When in low spirits, are the corners of the mouth depressed, and the inner corner of the eyebrows raised by that muscle which the French call the “Grief muscle”? The eyebrow in this state becomes slightly oblique, with a little swelling at the Inner end; and the forehead is transversely wrinkled in the middle part, but not across the whole breadth, as when the eyebrows are raised in surprise.
(5.) When feeling down, are the corners of the mouth turned down, and is the inner corner of the eyebrows lifted by that muscle the French refer to as the “Grief muscle”? In this state, the eyebrow becomes slightly slanted, with some swelling at the inner end; and the forehead has transverse wrinkles in the middle section, but not across its entire width, as it does when the eyebrows are raised in surprise.
(6.) When in good spirits do the eyes sparkle, with the skin a little wrinkled round and under them, and with the mouth a little drawn back at the corners?
(6.) When someone is in good spirits, their eyes sparkle, with a few wrinkles around and beneath them, and their mouth has a slight upward curve at the corners.
(7.) When a man sneers or snarls at another, is the corner of the upper lip over the canine or eye tooth raised on the side facing the man whom he addresses?
(7.) When a man sneers or snarls at another, is the corner of his upper lip over the canine or eye tooth lifted on the side facing the person he’s addressing?
(8) Can a dogged or obstinate expression be recognized, which is chiefly shown by the mouth being firmly closed, a lowering brow and a slight frown?
(8) Can we recognize a stubborn or determined expression, mainly shown by a tightly closed mouth, furrowed brow, and a slight frown?
(9.) Is contempt expressed by a slight protrusion of the lips and by turning up the nose, and with a slight expiration?
(9.) Is contempt shown by a slight puckering of the lips, a lifted nose, and a slight exhale?
(10) Is disgust shown by the lower lip being turned down, the upper lip slightly raised, with a sudden expiration, something like incipient vomiting, or like something spit out of the mouth?
(10) Is disgust shown by the lower lip turning down, the upper lip slightly raised, followed by a sudden exhale, similar to the beginning of vomiting, or like something being spat out of the mouth?
(11.) Is extreme fear expressed in the same general manner as with Europeans?
(11.) Is extreme fear expressed in the same way as it is among Europeans?
(12.) Is laughter ever carried to such an extreme as to bring tears into the eyes?
(12.) Is laughter ever so intense that it brings tears to your eyes?
(13.) When a man wishes to show that he cannot prevent something being done, or cannot himself do something, does he shrug his shoulders, turn inwards his elbows, extend outwards his hands and open the palms; with the eyebrows raised?
(13.) When a man wants to show that he can't stop something from happening or can't do something himself, does he shrug his shoulders, pull his elbows in, stretch out his hands, and open his palms, with his eyebrows raised?
(14) Do the children when sulky, pout or greatly protrude the lips?
(14) Do the kids, when they're upset, pout or stick their lips out a lot?
(15.) Can guilty, or sly, or jealous expressions be recognized? though I know not how these can be defined.
(15.) Can we recognize guilty, sly, or jealous expressions? Although I’m not sure how these can be defined.
(16.) Is the head nodded vertically in affirmation, and shaken laterally in negation?
(16.) Is the head nodded up and down for yes, and shaken side to side for no?
Observations on natives who have had little communication with Europeans would be of course the most valuable, though those made on any natives would be of much interest to me. General remarks on expression are of comparatively little value; and memory is so deceptive that I earnestly beg it may not be trusted. A definite description of the countenance under any emotion or frame of mind, with a statement of the circumstances under which it occurred, would possess much value.
Observations on indigenous people who have had minimal interaction with Europeans would undoubtedly be the most valuable, although I would find any insights on other indigenous groups to be quite interesting. General comments about expressions are not particularly useful; and memory can be misleading, so I sincerely ask that it not be relied upon. A clear description of a person's face during any emotion or state of mind, along with an explanation of the circumstances in which it happened, would be extremely valuable.
To these queries I have received thirty-six answers from different observers, several of them missionaries or protectors of the aborigines, to all of whom I am deeply indebted for the great trouble which they have taken, and for the valuable aid thus received. I will specify their names, &c., towards the close of this chapter, so as not to interrupt my present remarks. The answers relate to several of the most distinct and savage races of man. In many instances, the circumstances have been recorded under which each expression was observed, and the expression itself described. In such cases, much confidence may be placed in the answers. When the answers have been simply yes or no, I have always received them with caution. It follows, from the information thus acquired, that the same state of mind is expressed throughout the world with remarkable uniformity; and this fact is in itself interesting as evidence of the close similarity in bodily structure and mental disposition of all the races, of mankind.
I’ve received thirty-six responses to these questions from various observers, many of whom are missionaries or advocates for indigenous people. I’m really grateful for the effort they put in and the valuable help they provided. I’ll list their names and details at the end of this chapter so it doesn’t disrupt my current discussion. The responses cover some of the most distinct and primitive human races. In many cases, I’ve noted the circumstances under which each observation was made, along with a description of the expression itself. In these situations, the responses can be trusted. When I’ve only received simple yes or no answers, I’ve approached them with caution. The information I've gathered suggests that the same emotional states are expressed around the world with remarkable consistency; this is interesting as it shows the close similarity in both physical structure and mental traits among all human races.
Sixthly, and lastly, I have attended as closely as I could, to the expression of the several passions in some of the commoner animals; and this I believe to be of paramount importance, not of course for deciding how far in man certain expressions are characteristic of certain states of mind, but as affording the safest basis for generalisation on the causes, or origin, of the various movements of Expression. In observing animals, we are not so likely to be biassed by our imagination; and we may feel safe that their expressions are not conventional.
Sixth and finally, I've paid as much attention as I could to how different emotions are expressed in some common animals. I think this is extremely important—not necessarily to determine how much certain expressions in humans reflect specific mental states, but because it provides a solid foundation for understanding the causes or origins of various expressions. When we observe animals, we’re less likely to let our imagination interfere, and we can be confident that their expressions are not just learned behaviors.
From the reasons above assigned, namely, the fleeting nature of some expressions (the changes in the features being often extremely slight); our sympathy being easily aroused when we behold any strong emotion, and our attention thus distracted; our imagination deceiving us, from knowing in a vague manner what to expect, though certainly few of us know what the exact changes in the countenance are; and lastly, even our long familiarity with the subject,—from all these causes combined, the observation of Expression is by no means easy, as many persons, whom I have asked to observe certain points, have soon discovered. Hence it is difficult to determine, with certainty, what are the movements of the features and of the body, which commonly characterize certain states of the mind. Nevertheless, some of the doubts and difficulties have, as I hope, been cleared away by the observation of infants,—of the insane,—of the different races of man,—of works of art,—and lastly, of the facial muscles under the action of galvanism, as effected by Dr. Duchenne.
From the reasons mentioned above—like the quick nature of some expressions (the changes in features are often very subtle); how easily we feel sympathy when we see strong emotions, which distracts us; how our imagination can mislead us since we have a rough idea of what to expect, even though few of us really know the exact changes in a person's face; and finally, our long familiarity with the subject—combined, these factors make it quite challenging to observe expressions, as many people I've asked to watch certain points have quickly found out. As a result, it's tough to determine with certainty which movements of the face and body typically represent certain mental states. However, I hope that some of the uncertainties and challenges have been resolved through the observation of infants, the insane, different human races, works of art, and also through the study of facial muscles reacting to galvanism as demonstrated by Dr. Duchenne.
But there remains the much greater difficulty of understanding the cause or origin of the several expressions, and of judging whether any theoretical explanation is trustworthy. Besides, judging as well as we can by our reason, without the aid of any rules, which of two or more explanations is the most satisfactory, or are quite unsatisfactory, I see only one way of testing our conclusions. This is to observe whether the same principle by which one expression can, as it appears, be explained, is applicable in other allied cases; and especially, whether the same general principles can be applied with satisfactory results, both to man and the lower animals. This latter method, I am inclined to think, is the most serviceable of all. The difficulty of judging of the truth of any theoretical explanation, and of testing it by some distinct line of investigation, is the great drawback to that interest which the study seems well fitted to excite.
But the much bigger challenge is understanding the cause or origin of the various expressions and figuring out if any theoretical explanation is reliable. Additionally, when we try to judge using our reasoning, without any specific rules, which of several explanations is the most satisfactory or just not satisfactory at all, I see only one way to test our conclusions. This is to see if the same principle that seems to explain one expression can be applied to other related cases; and especially, if the same general principles work well for both humans and lower animals. I believe this last method is the most helpful of all. The difficulty of determining the truth of any theoretical explanation and testing it with a clear line of investigation is a significant drawback to the interest that this study seems to inspire.
Finally, with respect to my own observations, I may state that they were commenced in the year 1838; and from that time to the present day, I have occasionally attended to the subject. At the above date, I was already inclined to believe in the principle of evolution, or of the derivation of species from other and lower forms. Consequently, when I read Sir C. Bell’s great work, his view, that man had been created with certain muscles specially adapted for the expression of his feelings, struck me as unsatisfactory. It seemed probable that the habit of expressing our feelings by certain movements, though now rendered innate, had been in some manner gradually acquired. But to discover how such habits had been acquired was perplexing in no small degree. The whole subject had to be viewed under a new aspect, and each expression demanded a rational explanation. This belief led me to attempt the present work, however imperfectly it may have been executed.
Finally, regarding my own observations, I can say that I began them in 1838; and since then, I've occasionally focused on the topic. At that time, I was already inclined to believe in evolution, or that species come from other, simpler forms. So, when I read Sir C. Bell’s influential work, his idea that humans were created with specific muscles for expressing emotions felt unsatisfactory to me. It seemed likely that the way we express our emotions through certain movements, though now instinctive, had been gradually learned over time. But figuring out how these habits developed was quite confusing. The whole topic needed to be seen from a new perspective, and each expression required a logical explanation. This belief motivated me to undertake this work, however imperfectly it may have turned out.
I will now give the names of the gentlemen to whom, as I have said, I am deeply indebted for information in regard to the expressions exhibited by various races of man, and I will specify some of the circumstances under which the observations were in each case made. Owing to the great kindness and powerful influence of Mr. Wilson, of Hayes Place, Kent, I have received from Australia no less than thirteen sets of answers to my queries. This has been particularly fortunate, as the Australian aborigines rank amongst the most distinct of all the races of man. It will be seen that the observations have been chiefly made in the south, in the outlying parts of the colony of Victoria; but some excellent answers have been received from the north.
I will now list the names of the gentlemen to whom, as I mentioned, I am very grateful for information about the expressions shown by different races of people, and I will outline some of the circumstances under which the observations were made in each case. Thanks to the great kindness and significant influence of Mr. Wilson from Hayes Place, Kent, I have received thirteen sets of answers to my questions from Australia. This has been especially fortunate, as the Australian aborigines are among the most distinct races in the world. You will see that the observations have mainly been made in the southern region, in the remote areas of the colony of Victoria; however, I have also received some excellent responses from the north.
Mr. Dyson Lacy has given me in detail some valuable observations, made several hundred miles in the interior of Queensland. To Mr. R. Brough Smyth, of Melbourne, I am much indebted for observations made by himself, and for sending me several of the following letters, namely:—From the Rev. Mr. Hagenauer, of Lake Wellington, a missionary in Gippsland, Victoria, who has had much experience with the natives. From Mr. Samuel Wilson, a landowner, residing at Langerenong, Wimmera, Victoria. From the Rev. George Taplin, superintendent of the native Industrial Settlement at Port Macleay. From Mr. Archibald G. Lang, of Coranderik, Victoria, a teacher at a school where aborigines, old and young, are collected from all parts of the colony. From Mr. H. B. Lane, of Belfast, Victoria, a police magistrate and warden, whose observations, as I am assured, are highly trustworthy. From Mr. Templeton Bunnett, of Echuca, whose station is on the borders of the colony of Victoria, and who has thus been able to observe many aborigines who have had little intercourse with white men. He compared his observations with those made by two other gentlemen long resident in the neighbourhood. Also from Mr. J. Bulmer, a missionary in a remote part of Gippsland, Victoria.
Mr. Dyson Lacy has given me some valuable insights from his experiences several hundred miles into the interior of Queensland. I am very grateful to Mr. R. Brough Smyth from Melbourne for his own observations and for sending me several letters, including: From Rev. Mr. Hagenauer, a missionary in Gippsland, Victoria, who has a lot of experience with the locals. From Mr. Samuel Wilson, a landowner living in Langerenong, Wimmera, Victoria. From Rev. George Taplin, who oversees the native Industrial Settlement at Port Macleay. From Mr. Archibald G. Lang in Coranderik, Victoria, a teacher at a school where Aboriginal people of all ages come from all over the colony. From Mr. H. B. Lane in Belfast, Victoria, a police magistrate and warden, whose insights are, as I've been told, very reliable. From Mr. Templeton Bunnett in Echuca, who runs a station on the edge of Victoria and has been able to observe many Aboriginal people who have had little contact with white settlers. He compared his observations with those from two other gentlemen who have lived in the area for a long time. Also, from Mr. J. Bulmer, a missionary in a remote part of Gippsland, Victoria.
I am also indebted to the distinguished botanist, Dr. Ferdinand Müller, of Victoria, for some observations made by himself, and for sending me others made by Mrs. Green, as well as for some of the foregoing letters.
I also owe thanks to the esteemed botanist, Dr. Ferdinand Müller, from Victoria, for some of his own observations, for sending me additional ones made by Mrs. Green, as well as for some of the earlier letters.
In regard to the Maoris of New Zealand, the Rev. J. W. Stack has answered only a few of my queries; but the answers have been remarkably full, clear, and distinct, with the circumstances recorded under which the observations were made.
Concerning the Maoris of New Zealand, Rev. J. W. Stack has responded to only a few of my questions; however, his answers have been impressively detailed, clear, and precise, along with the context in which the observations were made.
The Rajah Brooke has given me some information with respect to the Dyaks of Borneo.
The Rajah Brooke has shared some details with me about the Dyaks of Borneo.
Respecting the Malays, I have been highly successful; for Mr. F. Geach (to whom I was introduced by Mr. Wallace), during his residence as a mining engineer in the interior of Malacca, observed many natives, who had never before associated with white men. He wrote me two long letters with admirable and detailed observations on their expression. He likewise observed the Chinese immigrants in the Malay archipelago.
Respecting the Malays, I've had great success; Mr. F. Geach (who I was introduced to by Mr. Wallace), while working as a mining engineer in the interior of Malacca, noticed many locals who had never interacted with white people before. He sent me two long letters with excellent and detailed observations about their expressions. He also observed the Chinese immigrants in the Malay archipelago.
The well-known naturalist, H. M. Consul, Mr. Swinhoe, also observed for me the Chinese in their native country; and he made inquiries from others whom he could trust.
The famous naturalist, H. M. Consul, Mr. Swinhoe, also observed the Chinese people in their homeland for me; and he asked others he could rely on.
In India Mr. H. Erskine, whilst residing in his official capacity in the Admednugur District in the Bombay Presidency, attended to the expression of the inhabitants, but found much difficulty in arriving at any safe conclusions, owing to their habitual concealment of all emotions in the presence of Europeans. He also obtained information for me from Mr. West, the Judge in Canara, and he consulted some intelligent native gentlemen on certain points. In Calcutta Mr. J. Scott, curator of the Botanic Gardens, carefully observed the various tribes of men therein employed during a considerable period, and no one has sent me such full and valuable details. The habit of accurate observation, gained by his botanical studies, has been brought to bear on our present subject. For Ceylon I am much indebted to the Rev. S. O. Glenie for answers to some of my queries.
In India, Mr. H. Erskine, while serving in his official role in the Admednugur District of the Bombay Presidency, listened to the concerns of the local people but found it challenging to reach any reliable conclusions because they often hid their feelings around Europeans. He also gathered information from Mr. West, the Judge in Canara, and consulted some knowledgeable local gentlemen on specific issues. In Calcutta, Mr. J. Scott, the curator of the Botanic Gardens, closely observed the various groups of workers there for an extended period, and no one has provided me with such thorough and valuable information. His habit of keen observation, developed through his botanical studies, has been applied to our current topic. I am very grateful to Rev. S. O. Glenie for responding to some of my questions regarding Ceylon.
Turning to Africa, I have been unfortunate with respect to the negroes, though Mr. Winwood Reade aided me as far as lay in his power. It would have been comparatively easy to have obtained information in regard to the negro slaves in America; but as they have long associated with white men, such observations would have possessed little value. In the southern parts of the continent Mrs. Barber observed the Kafirs and Fingoes, and sent me many distinct answers. Mr. J. P. Mansel Weale also made some observations on the natives, and procured for me a curious document, namely, the opinion, written in English, of Christian Gaika, brother of the Chief Sandilli, on the expressions of his fellow-countrymen. In the northern regions of Africa Captain Speedy, who long resided with the Abyssinians, answered my queries partly from memory and partly from observations made on the son of King Theodore, who was then under his charge. Professor and Mrs. Asa Gray attended to some points in the expressions of the natives, as observed by them whilst ascending the Nile.
Looking at Africa, I've had bad luck with the black communities, although Mr. Winwood Reade helped me as much as he could. It would have been relatively easy to gather information about the black slaves in America; however, since they’ve been interacting with white people for a long time, that information wouldn't have been very valuable. In the southern region of the continent, Mrs. Barber studied the Kafirs and Fingoes and sent me many clear responses. Mr. J. P. Mansel Weale also made some observations about the locals and obtained for me an interesting document, which was the opinion, written in English, of Christian Gaika, brother of Chief Sandilli, regarding the views of his fellow countrymen. In the northern parts of Africa, Captain Speedy, who lived with the Abyssinians for a long time, answered my questions partly from memory and partly from what he observed about the son of King Theodore, who was then in his care. Professor and Mrs. Asa Gray noted some aspects of the locals' expressions as they traveled up the Nile.
On the great American continent Mr. Bridges, a catechist residing with the Fuegians, answered some few questions about their expression, addressed to him many years ago. In the northern half of the continent Dr. Rothrock attended to the expressions of the wild Atnah and Espyox tribes on the Nasse River, in North-Western America. Mr. Washington Matthews Assistant-Surgeon in the United States Army, also observed with special care (after having seen my queries, as printed in the ‘Smithsonian Report’) some of the wildest tribes in the Western parts of the United States, namely, the Tetons, Grosventres, Mandans, and Assinaboines; and his answers have proved of the highest value.
On the vast American continent, Mr. Bridges, a catechist living with the Fuegians, answered a few questions about their expressions that were directed at him many years ago. In the northern part of the continent, Dr. Rothrock studied the expressions of the wild Atnah and Espyox tribes along the Nasse River in Northwestern America. Mr. Washington Matthews, an Assistant Surgeon in the United States Army, also carefully observed some of the wildest tribes in the western United States—namely, the Tetons, Grosventres, Mandans, and Assinaboines—after seeing my inquiries published in the 'Smithsonian Report'; his responses have proven to be extremely valuable.
Lastly, besides these special sources of information, I have collected some few facts incidentally given in books of travels.——
Lastly, in addition to these unique sources of information, I've gathered a few facts that are mentioned in travel books.——


As I shall often have to refer, more especially in the latter part of this volume, to the muscles of the human face, I have had a diagram (fig. 1) copied and reduced from Sir C. Bell’s work, and two others, with more accurate details (figs. 2 and 3), from Herde’s well-known ‘Handbuch der Systematischen Anatomie des Menschen.’ The same letters refer to the same muscles in all three figures, but the names are given of only the more important ones to which I shall have to allude. The facial muscles blend much together, and, as I am informed, hardly appear on a dissected face so distinct as they are here represented. Some writers consider that these muscles consist of nineteen pairs, with one unpaired;[20] but others make the number much larger, amounting even to fifty-five, according to Moreau. They are, as is admitted by everyone who has written on the subject, very variable in structure; and Moreau remarks that they are hardly alike in half-a-dozen subjects.[21] They are also variable in function. Thus the power of uncovering the canine tooth on one side differs much in different persons. The power of raising the wings of the nostrils is also, according to Dr. Piderit,[22] variable in a remarkable degree; and other such cases could be given.
As I will often need to reference, especially in the latter part of this volume, the muscles of the human face, I've included a diagram (fig. 1) that I copied and reduced from Sir C. Bell’s work, along with two others with more accurate details (figs. 2 and 3) from Herde’s well-known ‘Handbook of Systematic Anatomy of Humans.’ The same letters indicate the same muscles in all three figures, but only the more significant ones that I'll mention are labeled. The facial muscles intertwine quite a bit, and I’ve been told they hardly appear as distinctly in a dissected face as they do here. Some writers think these muscles consist of nineteen pairs, plus one unpaired;[20] but others claim there are many more, totaling up to fifty-five, according to Moreau. It's widely agreed by everyone who’s studied the topic that they can vary in structure; Moreau notes that they are hardly identical across even half a dozen individuals.[21] They're also variable in function. For example, the ability to expose the canine tooth on one side varies significantly among different people. The ability to lift the nostrils is also, according to Dr. Piderit,[22] remarkably variable, and there are more such instances that could be noted.
Finally, I must have the pleasure of expressing my obligations to Mr. Rejlander for the trouble which he has taken in photographing for me various expressions and gestures. I am also indebted to Herr Kindermann, of Hamburg, for the loan of some excellent negatives of crying infants; and to Dr. Wallich for a charming one of a smiling girl. I have already expressed my obligations to Dr. Duchenne for generously permitting me to have some of his large photographs copied and reduced. All these photographs have been printed by the Heliotype process, and the accuracy of the copy is thus guaranteed. These plates are referred to by Roman numerals.
Finally, I want to express my gratitude to Mr. Rejlander for the effort he put into photographing various expressions and gestures for me. I'm also thankful to Herr Kindermann from Hamburg for lending me some excellent negatives of crying babies and to Dr. Wallich for a lovely one of a smiling girl. I've already mentioned my appreciation to Dr. Duchenne for generously allowing me to have some of his large photographs copied and resized. All these photographs have been printed using the Heliotype process, which ensures their accuracy. These plates are referenced by Roman numerals.
I am also greatly indebted to Mr. T. W. Wood for the extreme pains which he has taken in drawing from life the expressions of various animals. A distinguished artist, Mr. Riviere, has had the kindness to give me two drawings of dogs—one in a hostile and the other in a humble and caressing frame of mind. Mr. A. May has also given me two similar sketches of dogs. Mr. Cooper has taken much care in cutting the blocks. Some of the photographs and drawings, namely, those by Mr. May, and those by Mr. Wolf of the Cynopithecus, were first reproduced by Mr. Cooper on wood by means of photography, and then engraved: by this means almost complete fidelity is ensured.
I am also very grateful to Mr. T. W. Wood for the great effort he has put into capturing the expressions of various animals from life. A talented artist, Mr. Riviere, has kindly shared two drawings of dogs with me—one showing a hostile demeanor and the other displaying a humble and affectionate attitude. Mr. A. May has also provided me with two similar sketches of dogs. Mr. Cooper has put a lot of care into carving the blocks. Some of the photographs and drawings, specifically those by Mr. May and those by Mr. Wolf of the Cynopithecus, were first reproduced by Mr. Cooper on wood using photography, and then engraved: this method ensures almost complete accuracy.
CHAPTER I.
GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF EXPRESSION.
The three chief principles stated—The first principle—Serviceable actions become habitual in association with certain states of the mind, and are performed whether or not of service in each particular case—The force of habit—Inheritance—Associated habitual movements in man—Reflex actions—Passage of habits into reflex actions—Associated habitual movements in the lower animals—Concluding remarks.
The three main principles stated—The first principle—Useful actions become habits linked to certain mental states and are done regardless of their usefulness in each specific instance—The power of habit—Inheritance—Linked habitual movements in humans—Reflex actions—The transition of habits into reflex actions—Linked habitual movements in lower animals—Final thoughts.
I will begin by giving the three Principles, which appear to me to account for most of the expressions and gestures involuntarily used by man and the lower animals, under the influence of various emotions and sensations.[101] I arrived, however, at these three Principles only at the close of my observations. They will be discussed in the present and two following chapters in a general manner. Facts observed both with man and the lower animals will here be made use of; but the latter facts are preferable, as less likely to deceive us. In the fourth and fifth chapters, I will describe the special expressions of some of the lower animals; and in the succeeding chapters those of man. Everyone will thus be able to judge for himself, how far my three principles throw light on the theory of the subject. It appears to me that so many expressions are thus explained in a fairly satisfactory manner, that probably all will hereafter be found to come under the same or closely analogous heads. I need hardly premise that movements or changes in any part of the body,—as the wagging of a dog’s tail, the drawing back of a horse’s ears, the shrugging of a man’s shoulders, or the dilatation of the capillary vessels of the skin,—may all equally well serve for expression. The three Principles are as follows.
I’ll start by outlining the three Principles that I believe explain most of the involuntary expressions and gestures used by humans and lower animals in response to various emotions and sensations.[101] However, I only reached these three Principles after completing my observations. They will be discussed in this chapter and the next two in a general way. I will reference facts observed in both humans and lower animals, but the latter are preferable, as they are less likely to mislead us. In chapters four and five, I will describe the specific expressions of some lower animals, and in the subsequent chapters, I will cover those of humans. This way, everyone can judge for themselves how much my three principles illuminate the theory of this subject. It seems to me that many expressions are explained in a reasonably satisfactory way, and likely all will eventually fall under the same or very similar categories. I should note that movements or changes in any part of the body—like a dog's wagging tail, a horse's flattened ears, a man's shoulder shrug, or the expansion of the skin's capillary vessels—can all serve as expressions equally well. The three Principles are as follows.
I. The principle of serviceable associated Habits.—Certain complex actions are of direct or indirect service under certain states of the mind, in order to relieve or gratify certain sensations, desires, &c.; and whenever the same state of mind is induced, however feebly, there is a tendency through the force of habit and association for the same movements to be performed, though they may not then be of the least use. Some actions ordinarily associated through habit with certain states of the mind may be partially repressed through the will, and in such cases the muscles which are least under the separate control of the will are the most liable still to act, causing movements which we recognize as expressive. In certain other cases the checking of one habitual movement requires other slight movements; and these are likewise expressive.
I. The principle of serviceable associated habits.—Certain complex actions serve a purpose, either directly or indirectly, when triggered by certain mental states to relieve or satisfy specific sensations and desires. Whenever the same mental state occurs, even if it's weak, there's a tendency, due to habit and association, for those same movements to happen, even if they aren't useful at that moment. Some actions that are typically linked by habit to certain mental states can be somewhat controlled by the will. In these situations, the muscles that are less controlled by the will are more likely to act, leading to movements we recognize as expressive. In other cases, stopping one habitual movement requires other minor movements, which are also expressive.
II. The principle of Antithesis.—Certain states of the mind lead to certain habitual actions, which are of service, as under our first principle. Now when a directly opposite state of mind is induced, there is a strong and involuntary tendency to the performance of movements of a directly opposite nature, though these are of no use; and such movements are in some cases highly expressive.
II. The principle of Antithesis.—Certain mental states lead to certain habitual actions that are useful, as mentioned in our first principle. When a directly opposite mental state is triggered, there is a strong and involuntary urge to carry out movements that are directly opposite in nature, even if these movements are not beneficial; and in some cases, these movements are highly expressive.
III. The principle of actions due to the constitution of the Nervous System, independently from the first of the Will, and independently to a certain extent of Habit.—When the sensorium is strongly excited, nerve-force is generated in excess, and is transmitted in certain definite directions, depending on the connection of the nerve-cells, and partly on habit: or the supply of nerve-force may, as it appears, be interrupted. Effects are thus produced which we recognize as expressive. This third principle may, for the sake of brevity, be called that of the direct action of the nervous system.
III. The principle of actions based on the constitution of the Nervous System, independent of the Will and somewhat independent of Habit.—When the sensory system is intensely stimulated, excess nerve energy is generated and transmitted in specific directions, depending on how the nerve cells are connected, and partly on habit. Alternatively, the flow of nerve energy may seem to be interrupted. This results in effects that we recognize as expressive. For simplicity, we can refer to this third principle as the direct action of the nervous system.
With respect to our first Principle, it is notorious how powerful is the force of habit. The most complex and difficult movements can in time be performed without the least effort or consciousness. It is not positively known how it comes that habit is so efficient in facilitating complex movements; but physiologists admit[102] “that the conducting power of the nervous fibres increases with the frequency of their excitement.” This applies to the nerves of motion and sensation, as well as to those connected with the act of thinking. That some physical change is produced in the nerve-cells or nerves which are habitually used can hardly be doubted, for otherwise it is impossible to understand how the tendency to certain acquired movements is inherited. That they are inherited we see with horses in certain transmitted paces, such as cantering and ambling, which are not natural to them,—in the pointing of young pointers and the setting of young setters—in the peculiar manner of flight of certain breeds of the pigeon, &c. We have analogous cases with mankind in the inheritance of tricks or unusual gestures, to which we shall presently recur. To those who admit the gradual evolution of species, a most striking instance of the perfection with which the most difficult consensual movements can be transmitted, is afforded by the humming-bird Sphinx-moth (Macroglossa); for this moth, shortly after its emergence from the cocoon, as shown by the bloom on its unruffled scales, may be seen poised stationary in the air, with its long hair-like proboscis uncurled and inserted into the minute orifices of flowers; and no one, I believe, has ever seen this moth learning to perform its difficult task, which requires such unerring aim.
With regard to our first Principle, it’s widely known how strong the power of habit is. The most complex and challenging movements can, over time, be done with little effort or awareness. It’s unclear exactly why habit is so effective at making complex movements easier, but physiologists agree[102] “that the conducting power of the nervous fibers increases with how often they are stimulated.” This applies to the nerves involved in both motion and sensation, as well as those associated with thinking. It’s hard to dispute that some physical change occurs in the nerve cells or nerves that are regularly used; otherwise, it would be difficult to explain how we inherit the tendency toward certain learned movements. We can see this in horses with specific inherited gaits, like cantering and ambling, which aren’t natural to them—also in the pointing of young pointers and the setting of young setters—in the unique flight patterns of certain pigeon breeds, etc. We have similar examples in humans with the inheritance of tricks or unusual gestures, which we’ll address shortly. For those who accept the gradual evolution of species, a striking example of how well complex coordinated movements can be passed down is seen in the hummingbird Sphinx-moth (Macroglossa); this moth, soon after emerging from its cocoon, as evidenced by the shine on its smooth scales, can be seen hovering in the air, with its long, hair-like proboscis uncoiled and inserted into the tiny openings of flowers. I don’t think anyone has ever witnessed this moth learning to perform its challenging task, which requires such precise aim.
When there exists an inherited or instinctive tendency to the performance of an action, or an inherited taste for certain kinds of food, some degree of habit in the individual is often or generally requisite. We find this in the paces of the horse, and to a certain extent in the pointing of dogs; although some young dogs point excellently the first time they are taken out, yet they often associate the proper inherited attitude with a wrong odour, and even with eyesight. I have heard it asserted that if a calf be allowed to suck its mother only once, it is much more difficult afterwards to rear it by hand.[103] Caterpillars which have been fed on the leaves of one kind of tree, have been known to perish from hunger rather than to eat the leaves of another tree, although this afforded them their proper food, under a state of nature;[104] and so it is in many other cases.
When there’s an inherited or instinctive tendency to perform an action, or a natural preference for certain types of food, some level of habit in the individual is usually needed. We see this in the movements of horses and, to some extent, in the way dogs point; even though some young dogs point perfectly the first time they're taken out, they often link the right inherited posture with the wrong scent or even with sight. I’ve heard it said that if a calf is allowed to suckle its mother just once, it becomes much harder to raise it by hand afterward. Caterpillars that have been fed only the leaves of one type of tree have been known to starve rather than eat the leaves of another tree, even though those leaves would normally be the right food in nature; and this is true in many other situations.
The power of Association is admitted by everyone. Mr. Bain remarks, that “actions, sensations and states of feeling, occurring together or in close succession, tend to grow together, or cohere, in such a way that when any one of them is afterwards presented to the mind, the others are apt to be brought up in idea.”[105] It is so important for our purpose fully to recognize that actions readily become associated with other actions and with various states of the mind, that I will give a good many instances, in the first place relating to man, and afterwards to the lower animals. Some of the instances are of a very trifling nature, but they are as good for our purpose as more important habits. It is known to everyone how difficult, or even impossible it is, without repeated trials, to move the limbs in certain opposed directions which have never been practised. Analogous cases occur with sensations, as in the common experiment of rolling a marble beneath the tips of two crossed fingers, when it feels exactly like two marbles. Everyone protects himself when falling to the ground by extending his arms, and as Professor Alison has remarked, few can resist acting thus, when voluntarily falling on a soft bed. A man when going out of doors puts on his gloves quite unconsciously; and this may seem an extremely simple operation, but he who has taught a child to put on gloves, knows that this is by no means the case.
The power of Association is recognized by everyone. Mr. Bain states that “actions, sensations, and emotional states that happen together or in quick succession tend to connect or bond in such a way that when any one of them is later presented to the mind, the others are likely to come to mind.”[105] It's crucial for our purpose to fully understand that actions easily become linked with other actions and various mental states, so I will provide several examples, first relating to humans and then to lower animals. Some of these examples may seem trivial, but they are just as useful for our purposes as more significant habits. It is well-known how challenging, or even impossible, it is to move limbs in certain opposite directions without repeated practice. Similar examples occur with sensations, as seen in the common test of rolling a marble under the tips of two crossed fingers, where it feels like two marbles. Everyone instinctively extends their arms when falling to the ground, and as Professor Alison noted, few can help but do this even when voluntarily falling onto a soft bed. When leaving the house, a person will often put on their gloves without thinking about it; this may seem like a very simple task, but anyone who has taught a child to put on gloves knows that it’s not at all straightforward.
When our minds are much affected, so are the movements of our bodies; but here another principle besides habit, namely the undirected overflow of nerve-force, partially comes into play. Norfolk, in speaking of Cardinal Wolsey, says—
When our minds are heavily influenced, our bodies react too; but here another factor besides habit, specifically the uncontrolled surge of nerve energy, also comes into play. Norfolk, in discussing Cardinal Wolsey, says—
“Some strange commotion
Is in his brain; he bites his lip and starts;
Stops on a sudden, looks upon the ground,
Then, lays his finger on his temple: straight,
Springs out into fast gait; then, stops again,
Strikes his breast hard; and anon, he casts
His eye against the moon: in most strange postures
We have seen him set himself.”—Hen. VIII., act iii, sc. 2.
“Something weird is going on in his head; he bites his lip and starts; Stops suddenly, looks down at the ground, Then puts his finger on his temple: right away, He jumps into a quick walk; then, stops again, Hits his chest hard; and soon after, he looks Up at the moon: in the most unusual positions We’ve seen him set himself.” —Hen. VIII., act iii, sc. 2.
A vulgar man often scratches his head when perplexed in mind; and I believe that he acts thus from habit, as if he experienced a slightly uncomfortable bodily sensation, namely, the itching of his head, to which he is particularly liable, and which he thus relieves. Another man rubs his eyes when perplexed, or gives a little cough when embarrassed, acting in either case as if he felt a slightly uncomfortable sensation in his eyes or windpipe.[106]
A crude person often scratches his head when he's confused; I think he does this out of habit, as if he's experiencing a minor physical discomfort, like an itch on his head, which he tries to relieve. Another person might rub his eyes when he's puzzled or cough a bit when he's embarrassed, treating it like he feels a slight discomfort in his eyes or throat.[106]
From the continued use of the eyes, these organs are especially liable to be acted on through association under various states of the mind, although there is manifestly nothing to be seen. A man, as Gratiolet remarks, who vehemently rejects a proposition, will almost certainly shut his eyes or turn away his face; but if he accepts the proposition, he will nod his head in affirmation and open his eyes widely. The man acts in this latter case as if he clearly saw the thing, and in the former case as if he did not or would not see it. I have noticed that persons in describing a horrid sight often shut their eyes momentarily and firmly, or shake their heads, as if not to see or to drive away something disagreeable; and I have caught myself, when thinking in the dark of a horrid spectacle, closing my eyes firmly. In looking suddenly at any object, or in looking all around, everyone raises his eyebrows, so that the eyes may be quickly and widely opened; and Duchenne remarks that[107] a person in trying to remember something often raises his eyebrows, as if to see it. A Hindoo gentleman made exactly the same remark to Mr. Erskine in regard to his countrymen. I noticed a young lady earnestly trying to recollect a painter’s name, and she first looked to one corner of the ceiling and then to the opposite corner, arching the one eyebrow on that side; although, of course, there was nothing to be seen there.
From the ongoing use of the eyes, these organs are particularly susceptible to being influenced through association under different mental states, even when there’s clearly nothing to observe. A person, as Gratiolet notes, who strongly rejects a statement will almost certainly shut his eyes or turn his face away; however, if he accepts the statement, he will nod his head in agreement and open his eyes wide. In the latter instance, the person behaves as if he clearly sees the matter, while in the former, he acts as if he does not or will not acknowledge it. I've noticed that people, when describing a gruesome sight, often momentarily and firmly shut their eyes or shake their heads, as if to avoid seeing or to push away something unpleasant; I’ve even caught myself closing my eyes tightly when recalling a horrifying scene in the dark. When suddenly looking at an object or scanning the area, everyone raises their eyebrows to ensure their eyes can open quickly and widely; Duchenne observes that a person trying to remember something often raises his eyebrows, as if to visualize it. A Hindu gentleman made a similar observation to Mr. Erskine regarding his fellow countrymen. I saw a young woman earnestly trying to recall a painter’s name; she first looked at one corner of the ceiling and then at the opposite corner, raising the eyebrow on that side even though, of course, there was nothing to see there.
In most of the foregoing cases, we can understand how the associated movements were acquired through habit; but with some individuals, certain strange gestures or tricks have arisen in association with certain states of the mind, owing to wholly inexplicable causes, and are undoubtedly inherited. I have elsewhere given one instance from my own observation of an extraordinary and complex gesture, associated with pleasurable feelings, which was transmitted from a father to his daughter, as well as some other analogous facts.[108] Another curious instance of an odd inherited movement, associated with the wish to obtain an object, will be given in the course of this volume.
In most of the cases mentioned earlier, it's understandable how the related movements were learned through habit; however, with some people, certain unusual gestures or quirks have developed in connection with specific mental states, due to completely unknown reasons, and are clearly inherited. I have previously shared an example from my personal observations of an extraordinary and complex gesture linked to enjoyable feelings, which was passed down from a father to his daughter, along with some other similar examples.[108] Another interesting example of a strange inherited movement associated with the desire to acquire something will be presented later in this book.
There are other actions which are commonly performed under certain circumstances, independently of habit, and which seem to be due to imitation or some sort of sympathy. Thus persons cutting anything with a pair of scissors may be seen to move their jaws simultaneously with the blades of the scissors. Children learning to write often twist about their tongues as their fingers move, in a ridiculous fashion. When a public singer suddenly becomes a little hoarse, many of those present may be heard, as I have been assured by a gentleman on whom I can rely, to clear their throats; but here habit probably comes into play, as we clear our own throats under similar circumstances. I have also been told that at leaping matches, as the performer makes his spring, many of the spectators, generally men and boys, move their feet; but here again habit probably comes into play, for it is very doubtful whether women would thus act.
There are other actions that people commonly do in specific situations, regardless of habit, which seem to be a result of imitation or some kind of empathy. For example, people cutting something with scissors may find themselves moving their jaws in sync with the blades of the scissors. Kids learning to write often twist their tongues in a funny way as their fingers move. When a public singer suddenly gets a little hoarse, many people in the audience might be heard clearing their throats; although, as I've been told by someone I trust, this could also be a habit, as we tend to clear our throats in similar situations. I've also heard that at jumping competitions, when a performer takes off, many spectators, usually men and boys, move their feet; but again, this is likely influenced by habit, as it's questionable whether women would do the same.
Reflex actions—Reflex actions, in the strict sense of the term, are due to the excitement of a peripheral nerve, which transmits its influence to certain nerve-cells, and these in their turn excite certain muscles or glands into action; and all this may take place without any sensation or consciousness on our part, though often thus accompanied. As many reflex actions are highly expressive, the subject must here be noticed at some little length. We shall also see that some of them graduate into, and can hardly be distinguished from actions which have arisen through habit?[109] Coughing and sneezing are familiar instances of reflex actions. With infants the first act of respiration is often a sneeze, although this requires the co-ordinated movement of numerous muscles. Respiration is partly voluntary, but mainly reflex, and is performed in the most natural and best manner without the interference of the will. A vast number of complex movements are reflex. As good an instance as can be given is the often-quoted one of a decapitated frog, which cannot of course feel, and cannot consciously perform, any movement. Yet if a drop of acid be placed on the lower surface of the thigh of a frog in this state, it will rub off the drop with the upper surface of the foot of the same leg. If this foot be cut off, it cannot thus act. “After some fruitless efforts, therefore, it gives up trying in that way, seems restless, as though, says Pflüger, it was seeking some other way, and at last it makes use of the foot of the other leg and succeeds in rubbing off the acid. Notably we have here not merely contractions of muscles, but combined and harmonized contractions in due sequence for a special purpose. These are actions that have all the appearance of being guided by intelligence and instigated by will in an animal, the recognized organ of whose intelligence and will has been removed.”[110]
Reflex actions—Reflex actions, in the strict sense, happen when a peripheral nerve is stimulated, sending signals to certain nerve cells, which then activate specific muscles or glands; and all this can occur without any awareness or sensation from us, though it often is accompanied by them. Since many reflex actions are quite expressive, this topic deserves some elaboration. We'll also see that some of them transition into actions that are hard to distinguish from those that have developed through habit. Coughing and sneezing are common examples of reflex actions. In infants, the first breath often comes as a sneeze, even though it requires coordinated movement from many muscles. Breathing is partly voluntary but mostly reflexive, and it's done naturally and effectively without conscious control. A significant number of complex movements are reflexive. A well-known example is that of a decapitated frog, which obviously cannot feel or consciously move. However, if acid is placed on the underside of its thigh, it will wipe the acid away using the upper surface of the foot on the same leg. If the foot is removed, it can no longer perform this action. “After some unsuccessful attempts, it then seems to give up trying in that way, appears restless, as if, according to Pflüger, it is looking for an alternative approach, and eventually uses the foot from the other leg to successfully rub off the acid. Here, we observe not just muscle contractions, but coordinated and sequential contractions aimed at a specific goal. These actions seem to be guided by intelligence and driven by will, even though the recognized organ of intelligence and will has been removed from the animal.”
We see the difference between reflex and voluntary movements in very young children not being able to perform, as I am informed by Sir Henry Holland, certain acts somewhat analogous to those of sneezing and coughing, namely, in their not being able to blow their noses (i.e. to compress the nose and blow violently through the passage), and in their not being able to clear their throats of phlegm. They have to learn to perform these acts, yet they are performed by us, when a little older, almost as easily as reflex actions. Sneezing and coughing, however, can be controlled by the will only partially or not at all; whilst the clearing the throat and blowing the nose are completely under our command.
We can see the difference between reflex and voluntary movements in very young children who can't do certain things, as Sir Henry Holland informs me. For example, they can't blow their noses (meaning to pinch the nose and forcefully blow through it) or clear their throats of phlegm. They have to learn how to do these actions, but as we get a bit older, we perform them almost as easily as reflex actions. However, sneezing and coughing can only be somewhat controlled by our will, while clearing the throat and blowing the nose are fully under our control.
When we are conscious of the presence of an irritating particle in our nostrils or windpipe—that is, when the same sensory nerve-cells are excited, as in the case of sneezing and coughing—we can voluntarily expel the particle by forcibly driving air through these passages; but we cannot do this with nearly the same force, rapidity, and precision, as by a reflex action. In this latter case the sensory nerve-cells apparently excite the motor nerve-cells without any waste of power by first communicating with the cerebral hemispheres—the seat of our consciousness and volition. In all cases there seems to exist a profound antagonism between the same movements, as directed by the will and by a reflex stimulant, in the force with which they are performed and in the facility with which they are excited. As Claude Bernard asserts, “L’influence du cerveau tend donc à entraver les mouvements réflexes, à limiter leur force et leur étendue.”[111]
When we notice something irritating in our nose or throat—like when we sneeze or cough—we can forcefully blow it out by pushing air through those passages. However, we can't do it with nearly the same strength, speed, or accuracy as with a reflex action. In reflex actions, the sensory nerve cells seem to trigger the motor nerve cells directly, without wasting energy by first sending signals to the brain, which is where our awareness and control come from. There seems to be a significant contrast between the movements initiated by our will and those triggered reflexively, both in the power they generate and how easily they happen. As Claude Bernard states, “L’influence du cerveau tend donc à entraver les mouvements réflexes, à limiter leur force et leur étendue.”[111]
The conscious wish to perform a reflex action sometimes stops or interrupts its performance, though the proper sensory nerves may be stimulated. For instance, many years ago I laid a small wager with a dozen young men that they would not sneeze if they took snuff, although they all declared that they invariably did so; accordingly they all took a pinch, but from wishing much to succeed, not one sneezed, though their eyes watered, and all, without exception, had to pay me the wager. Sir H. Holland remarks[112] that attention paid to the act of swallowing interferes with the proper movements; from which it probably follows, at least in part, that some persons find it so difficult to swallow a pill.
The conscious desire to perform a reflex action can sometimes stop or interrupt it, even if the relevant sensory nerves are triggered. For example, many years ago, I made a small bet with a dozen young men that they wouldn’t sneeze if they snorted snuff, even though they all insisted that they always did. So, they all took a pinch, but really wanting to succeed, not a single one of them sneezed, even though their eyes watered, and all of them, without exception, had to pay me the bet. Sir H. Holland notes[112] that focusing on the act of swallowing disrupts the correct movements, which probably explains why some people find it so difficult to swallow a pill.
Another familiar instance of a reflex action is the involuntary closing of the eyelids when the surface of the eye is touched. A similar winking movement is caused when a blow is directed towards the face; but this is an habitual and not a strictly reflex action, as the stimulus is conveyed through the mind and not by the excitement of a peripheral nerve. The whole body and head are generally at the same time drawn suddenly backwards. These latter movements, however, can be prevented, if the danger does not appear to the imagination imminent; but our reason telling us that there is no danger does not suffice. I may mention a trifling fact, illustrating this point, and which at the time amused me. I put my face close to the thick glass-plate in front of a puff-adder in the Zoological Gardens, with the firm determination of not starting back if the snake struck at me; but, as soon as the blow was struck, my resolution went for nothing, and I jumped a yard or two backwards with astonishing rapidity. My will and reason were powerless against the imagination of a danger which had never been experienced.
Another well-known example of a reflex action is the automatic closing of the eyelids when the surface of the eye is touched. A similar winking reaction happens when a blow is aimed at the face; however, this is a habitual response rather than a purely reflex action, as the stimulus goes through the mind instead of being triggered by a peripheral nerve. Usually, the entire body and head also jerk backward at the same time. These latter movements can be controlled if the perceived danger doesn’t seem immediate, but just knowing there’s no real danger isn’t enough. I can share a minor incident that illustrates this point and amused me at the time. I leaned my face close to the thick glass panel in front of a puff-adder at the Zoological Gardens, determined not to flinch if the snake lunged at me; but as soon as it struck, my resolve fell apart, and I jumped a yard or two backward with surprising speed. My will and reason were powerless against the fear of a danger I had never actually faced.
The violence of a start seems to depend partly on the vividness of the imagination, and partly on the condition, either habitual or temporary, of the nervous system. He who will attend to the starting of his horse, when tired and fresh, will perceive how perfect is the gradation from a mere glance at some unexpected object, with a momentary doubt whether it is dangerous, to a jump so rapid and violent, that the animal probably could not voluntarily whirl round in so rapid a manner. The nervous system of a fresh and highly-fed horse sends its order to the motory system so quickly, that no time is allowed for him to consider whether or not the danger is real. After one violent start, when he is excited and the blood flows freely through his brain, he is very apt to start again; and so it is, as I have noticed, with young infants.
The intensity of a sudden reaction seems to depend partly on the strength of the imagination and partly on the current state of the nervous system, whether that’s usual or temporary. If you watch how a horse reacts when it's tired versus when it's fresh, you'll see a clear progression from just a quick glance at something unexpected, where there's a brief hesitation about its danger, to a leap so fast and forceful that the animal likely couldn’t turn around that quickly on purpose. The nervous system of a fresh, well-fed horse sends signals to its motor system so fast that there’s no time for it to think about whether the danger is real. After a sudden shock, when it’s fired up and blood is pumping through its brain, it’s very likely to jump again; I’ve noticed the same tendency in young babies.
A start from a sudden noise, when the stimulus is conveyed through the auditory nerves, is always accompanied in grown-up persons by the winking of the eyelids.[113] I observed, however, that though my infants started at sudden sounds, when under a fortnight old, they certainly did not always wink their eyes, and I believe never did so. The start of an older infant apparently represents a vague catching hold of something to prevent falling. I shook a pasteboard box close before the eyes of one of my infants, when 114 days old, and it did not in the least wink; but when I put a few comfits into the box, holding it in the same position as before, and rattled them, the child blinked its eyes violently every time, and started a little. It was obviously impossible that a carefully-guarded infant could have learnt by experience that a rattling sound near its eyes indicated danger to them. But such experience will have been slowly gained at a later age during a long series of generations; and from what we know of inheritance, there is nothing improbable in the transmission of a habit to the offspring at an earlier age than that at which it was first acquired by the parents.
A start from a sudden noise, when the sound is transmitted through the auditory nerves, is always accompanied in adults by the blinking of the eyelids. I noticed, however, that although my infants would start at sudden sounds when they were under two weeks old, they definitely did not always blink their eyes, and I believe they never did. The start of an older infant seems to suggest a vague attempt to grab onto something to prevent falling. I shook a cardboard box in front of one of my infants, who was 114 days old, and it didn’t blink at all; but when I put a few candies into the box, holding it in the same position as before and rattled them, the child blinked its eyes sharply every time and jumped a little. It was clearly impossible for a well-cared-for infant to have learned from experience that a rattling sound near its eyes indicated danger. But that kind of experience would have been slowly acquired at a later age over many generations; and based on what we know about inheritance, it’s not unlikely for a habit to be passed down to offspring at an earlier age than when it was first learned by the parents.
From the foregoing remarks it seems probable that some actions, which were at first performed consciously, have become through habit and association converted into reflex actions, and are now so firmly fixed and inherited, that they are performed, even when not of the least use,[114] as often as the same causes arise, which originally excited them in us through the volition. In such cases the sensory nerve-cells excite the motor cells, without first communicating with those cells on which our consciousness and volition depend. It is probable that sneezing and coughing were originally acquired by the habit of expelling, as violently as possible, any irritating particle from the sensitive air-passages. As far as time is concerned, there has been more than enough for these habits to have become innate or converted into reflex actions; for they are common to most or all of the higher quadrupeds, and must therefore have been first acquired at a very remote period. Why the act of clearing the throat is not a reflex action, and has to be learnt by our children, I cannot pretend to say; but we can see why blowing the nose on a handkerchief has to be learnt.
From the previous comments, it seems likely that some actions, which were initially done consciously, have turned into reflex actions through habit and association. These actions are now so ingrained and inherited that they happen even when they aren't useful, as often as the same triggers arise that first caused them through our will. In these instances, the sensory nerve cells activate the motor cells without first connecting with the cells that our consciousness and will depend on. It's likely that sneezing and coughing were originally learned behaviors intended to forcefully expel any irritating particles from the sensitive airways. There's been more than enough time for these habits to become innate or change into reflex actions since they are common to most or all higher mammals and must have originated a long time ago. As for why clearing the throat isn't a reflex action and has to be taught to our kids, I can't say for sure; however, it's clear why blowing the nose into a handkerchief needs to be learned.
It is scarcely credible that the movements of a headless frog, when it wipes off a drop of acid or other object from its thigh, and which movements are so well coordinated for a special purpose, were not at first performed voluntarily, being afterwards rendered easy through long-continued habit so as at last to be performed unconsciously, or independently of the cerebral hemispheres.
It’s hard to believe that a headless frog’s movements, like when it wipes a drop of acid or another object off its thigh, which are so well-coordinated for a specific purpose, weren’t initially done voluntarily. Over time, these actions became easier through repeated practice and ended up being done unconsciously, without relying on the brain’s hemispheres.
So again it appears probable that starting was originally acquired by the habit of jumping away as quickly as possible from danger, whenever any of our senses gave us warning. Starting, as we have seen, is accompanied by the blinking of the eyelids so as to protect the eyes, the most tender and sensitive organs of the body; and it is, I believe, always accompanied by a sudden and forcible inspiration, which is the natural preparation for any violent effort. But when a man or horse starts, his heart beats wildly against his ribs, and here it may be truly said we have an organ which has never been under the control of the will, partaking in the general reflex movements of the body. To this point, however, I shall return in a future chapter.
So it seems likely that starting was originally developed as a way to quickly jump away from danger whenever our senses alerted us. As we've seen, starting comes with blinking our eyes to protect them, since they are the most delicate and sensitive parts of our body; and I believe it always involves a sudden deep breath, which prepares us for any intense physical effort. But when a person or a horse starts, their heart races against their ribs, and here we notice an organ that has never been under our conscious control, participating in the body's automatic reactions. I'll revisit this point in a later chapter.
The contraction of the iris, when the retina is stimulated by a bright light, is another instance of a movement, which it appears cannot possibly have been at first voluntarily performed and then fixed by habit; for the iris is not known to be under the conscious control of the will in any animal. In such cases some explanation, quite distinct from habit, will have to be discovered. The radiation of nerve-force from strongly-excited nerve-cells to other connected cells, as in the case of a bright light on the retina causing a sneeze, may perhaps aid us in understanding how some reflex actions originated. A radiation of nerve-force of this kind, if it caused a movement tending to lessen the primary irritation, as in the case of the contraction of the iris preventing too much light from falling on the retina, might afterwards have been taken advantage of and modified for this special purpose.
The iris contracts in response to bright light hitting the retina, which is a movement that likely wasn't initially performed voluntarily and then learned through habit; the iris isn't known to be consciously controlled by any animal's will. In these situations, we need a different explanation beyond habit. The transfer of nerve signals from highly stimulated nerve cells to other related cells, like when bright light on the retina triggers a sneeze, might help us understand how certain reflex actions started. If this kind of nerve signal transfer led to movements that reduced the initial irritation, like the iris contracting to block excess light from reaching the retina, it could have been adapted and refined for this specific purpose over time.
It further deserves notice that reflex actions are in all probability liable to slight variations, as are all corporeal structures and instincts; and any variations which were beneficial and of sufficient importance, would tend to be preserved and inherited. Thus reflex actions, when once gained for one purpose, might afterwards be modified independently of the will or habit, so as to serve for some distinct purpose. Such cases would be parallel with those which, as we have every reason to believe, have occurred with many instincts; for although some instincts have been developed simply through long-continued and inherited habit, other highly complex ones have been developed through the preservation of variations of pre-existing instincts—that is, through natural selection.
It’s also worth noting that reflex actions are probably subject to slight variations, just like all physical structures and instincts. Any variations that were beneficial and significant would likely be preserved and passed down. Therefore, reflex actions, once developed for one purpose, might later be modified independently of the will or habit to serve a different purpose. These cases would be similar to those we have strong reason to believe have happened with many instincts; while some instincts have simply developed through long-standing and inherited habits, others have become complex through the preservation of variations in existing instincts—that is, through natural selection.
I have discussed at some little length, though as I am well aware, in a very imperfect manner, the acquirement of reflex actions, because they are often brought into play in connection with movements expressive of our emotions; and it was necessary to show that at least some of them might have been first acquired through the will in order to satisfy a desire, or to relieve a disagreeable sensation.
I've talked about, albeit not very thoroughly, how reflex actions are learned because they're often involved in movements that express our emotions. It was important to demonstrate that at least some of these actions might have initially been learned through willpower to satisfy a desire or to alleviate an unpleasant feeling.
Associated habitual movements in the lower animals.—I have already given in the case of Man several instances of movements associated with various states of the mind or body, which are now purposeless, but which were originally of use, and are still of use under certain circumstances. As this subject is very important for us, I will here give a considerable number of analogous facts, with reference to animals; although many of them are of a very trifling nature. My object is to show that certain movements were originally performed for a definite end, and that, under nearly the same circumstances, they are still pertinaciously performed through habit when not of the least use. That the tendency in most of the following cases is inherited, we may infer from such actions being performed in the same manner by all the individuals, young and old, of the same species. We shall also see that they are excited by the most diversified, often circuitous, and sometimes mistaken associations.
Associated habitual movements in lower animals.—I've already provided several examples in humans of movements linked to different states of mind or body that are now pointless but were originally useful and still can be under certain circumstances. Since this topic is very important, I will present many similar examples related to animals, even though many are quite trivial. My aim is to demonstrate that certain movements were originally done for a specific purpose and that, under nearly the same circumstances, they continue to be performed out of habit when they serve no real purpose. The inherited tendency in most of the following cases is evident from the fact that all individuals, young and old, of the same species perform these actions in the same way. We will also see that these actions are triggered by a wide variety of often indirect and sometimes incorrect associations.
Dogs, when they wish to go to sleep on a carpet or other hard surface, generally turn round and round and scratch the ground with their fore-paws in a senseless manner, as if they intended to trample down the grass and scoop out a hollow, as no doubt their wild parents did, when they lived on open grassy plains or in the woods. Jackals, fennecs, and other allied animals in the Zoological Gardens, treat their straw in this manner; but it is a rather odd circumstance that the keepers, after observing for some months, have never seen the wolves thus behave. A semi-idiotic dog—and an animal in this condition would be particularly liable to follow a senseless habit—was observed by a friend to turn completely round on a carpet thirteen times before going to sleep.
Dogs, when they want to sleep on a carpet or other hard surface, usually turn around and scratch at the ground with their front paws in a silly way, as if they're trying to flatten the grass and create a dip, just like their wild ancestors did when they lived on open grassy fields or in the woods. Jackals, fennecs, and other related animals in the zoo do this with their straw; however, it's strange that the keepers, after watching for a few months, have never seen the wolves do the same. A semi-idiotic dog—and a dog in this condition would be especially prone to follow a pointless habit—was seen by a friend turning completely around on a carpet thirteen times before falling asleep.
Many carnivorous animals, as they crawl towards their prey and prepare to rush or spring on it, lower their heads and crouch, partly, as it would appear, to hide themselves, and partly to get ready for their rush; and this habit in an exaggerated form has become hereditary in our pointers and setters. Now I have noticed scores of times that when two strange dogs meet on an open road, the one which first sees the other, though at the distance of one or two hundred yards, after the first glance always lowers its bead, generally crouches a little, or even lies down; that is, he takes the proper attitude for concealing himself and for making a rush or spring although the road is quite open and the distance great. Again, dogs of all kinds when intently watching and slowly approaching their prey, frequently keep one of their fore-legs doubled up for a long time, ready for the next cautious step; and this is eminently characteristic of the pointer. But from habit they behave in exactly the same manner whenever their attention is aroused (fig. 4). I have seen a dog at the foot of a high wall, listening attentively to a sound on the opposite side, with one leg doubled up; and in this case there could have been no intention of making a cautious approach.
Many carnivorous animals, as they crawl toward their prey and prepare to rush at it, lower their heads and crouch. This seems to serve two purposes: to hide themselves and to get ready to pounce. This behavior, in an exaggerated form, has become a trait in our pointers and setters. I've noticed numerous times that when two unfamiliar dogs meet on an open road, the one that spots the other first, even at a distance of one or two hundred yards, consistently lowers its head, usually crouches a little, or even lies down. That is, it takes the right position to conceal itself and to prepare for a sprint, even though the road is completely open and the distance is significant. Additionally, dogs of all kinds, when intently watching and slowly approaching their prey, frequently keep one of their front legs bent for quite a while, ready for the next cautious step; this is particularly characteristic of the pointer. However, out of habit, they act exactly the same way whenever their attention is drawn (fig. 4). I've seen a dog at the foot of a tall wall, listening carefully to a sound on the other side, with one leg bent; in this case, there was no intention of making a cautious approach.

{illust. caption = for making a rush or FIG. 4.—Small dog watching a cat on a table. From a photograph taken by Mr. Rejlander.}
{illust. caption = for making a rush or FIG. 4.—Small dog watching a cat on a table. From a photograph taken by Mr. Rejlander.}
Dogs after voiding their excrement often make with all four feet a few scratches backwards, even on a bare stone pavement, as if for the purpose of covering up their excrement with earth, in nearly the same manner as do cats. Wolves and jackals behave in the Zoological Gardens in exactly the same manner, yet, as I am assured by the keepers, neither wolves, jackals, nor foxes, when they have the means of doing so, ever cover up their excrement, any more than do dogs. All these animals, however, bury superfluous food. Hence, if we rightly understand the meaning of the above cat-like habit, of which there can be little doubt, we have a purposeless remnant of an habitual movement, which was originally followed by some remote progenitor of the dog-genus for a definite purpose, and which has been retained for a prodigious length of time.
Dogs often scratch backwards with all four feet after they go to the bathroom, even on bare stone sidewalks, as if trying to cover their waste with dirt, similar to how cats do. Wolves and jackals in Zoos act the same way, but the keepers tell me that neither wolves, jackals, nor foxes, when they can, ever cover their waste, just like dogs. However, all these animals do bury extra food. So, if we understand the meaning of this cat-like behavior, which is quite clear, we see it as a leftover action from an ancestor of dogs that originally served a specific purpose but has been retained for an incredibly long time.
Dogs and jackals[115] take much pleasure in rolling and rubbing their necks and backs on carrion. The odour seems delightful to them, though dogs at least do not eat carrion. Mr. Bartlett has observed wolves for me, and has given them carrion, but has never seen them roll on it. I have heard it remarked, and I believe it to be true, that the larger dogs, which are probably descended from wolves, do not so often roll in carrion as do smaller dogs, which are probably descended from jackals. When a piece of brown biscuit is offered to a terrier of mine and she is not hungry (and I have heard of similar instances), she first tosses it about and worries it, as if it were a rat or other prey; she then repeatedly rolls on it precisely as if it were a piece of carrion, and at last eats it. It would appear that an imaginary relish has to be given to the distasteful morsel; and to effect this the dog acts in his habitual manner, as if the biscuit was a live animal or smelt like carrion, though he knows better than we do that this is not the case. I have seen this same terrier act in the same manner after killing a little bird or mouse.
Dogs and jackals take great pleasure in rolling and rubbing their necks and backs on dead animals. The smell seems delightful to them, although dogs, at least, don't actually eat carrion. Mr. Bartlett has observed wolves for me and has given them carrion, but he has never seen them roll in it. I've heard it said, and I believe it to be true, that larger dogs, which likely descended from wolves, don’t roll in carrion as much as smaller dogs, which probably come from jackals. When a piece of brown biscuit is offered to my terrier and she isn’t hungry (and I've heard of similar cases), she first tosses it around and plays with it, as if it were a rat or other prey; then she rolls on it just like it’s a piece of carrion, and finally, she eats it. It seems that an imagined appeal has to be added to the unpleasant morsel; to achieve this, the dog behaves in its usual way, as if the biscuit were a live animal or smelled like carrion, even though it knows better than we do that this isn’t true. I've seen this same terrier act the same way after catching a small bird or mouse.
Dogs scratch themselves by a rapid movement of one of their hind-feet; and when their backs are rubbed with a stick, so strong is the habit, that they cannot help rapidly scratching the air or the ground in a useless and ludicrous manner. The terrier just alluded to, when thus scratched with a stick, will sometimes show her delight by another habitual movement, namely, by licking the air as if it were my hand.
Dogs scratch themselves by quickly moving one of their back feet; and when their backs are rubbed with a stick, the habit is so strong that they can't help but scratch the air or the ground rapidly in a funny and pointless way. The terrier mentioned earlier, when scratched with a stick, will sometimes express her pleasure by another habitual action, which is licking the air as if it were my hand.
Horses scratch themselves by nibbling those parts of their bodies which they can reach with their teeth; but more commonly one horse shows another where he wants to be scratched, and they then nibble each other. A friend whose attention I had called to the subject, observed that when he rubbed his horse’s neck, the animal protruded his head, uncovered his teeth, and moved his jaws, exactly as if nibbling another horse’s neck, for he could never have nibbled his own neck. If a horse is much tickled, as when curry-combed, his wish to bite something becomes so intolerably strong, that he will clatter his teeth together, and though not vicious, bite his groom. At the same time from habit he closely depresses his ears, so as to protect them from being bitten, as if he were fighting with another horse.
Horses scratch themselves by nibbling on the parts of their bodies they can reach with their teeth; but more often, one horse will show another where it wants to be scratched, and they then nibble each other. A friend I told about this noticed that when he rubbed his horse’s neck, the animal leaned its head forward, bared its teeth, and moved its jaw, just like it was nibbling another horse’s neck, since it couldn't nibble its own neck. If a horse is really tickled, like during a curry combing, its urge to bite something becomes so strong that it will clack its teeth together and, even though it’s not aggressive, might bite its groom. At the same time, out of habit, it will flatten its ears closely to protect them from being bitten, as if it were in a fight with another horse.
A horse when eager to start on a journey makes the nearest approach which he can to the habitual movement of progression by pawing the ground. Now when horses in their stalls are about to be fed and are eager for their corn, they paw the pavement or the straw. Two of my horses thus behave when they see or hear the corn given to their neighbours. But here we have what may almost be called a true expression, as pawing the ground is universally recognized as a sign of eagerness.
A horse that's excited to begin a journey tries to mimic the usual movement of going forward by pawing at the ground. When horses are in their stalls and getting ready to be fed, they often paw at the pavement or the straw when they're eager for their corn. Two of my horses behave this way when they see or hear the corn being given to the horses next to them. This is a clear expression of eagerness since pawing at the ground is widely recognized as a sign of anticipation.
Cats cover up their excrements of both kinds with earth; and my grandfather[116] saw a kitten scraping ashes over a spoonful of pure water spilt on the hearth; so that here an habitual or instinctive action was falsely excited, not by a previous act or by odour, but by eyesight. It is well known that cats dislike wetting their feet, owing, it is probable, to their having aboriginally inhabited the dry country of Egypt; and when they wet their feet they shake them violently. My daughter poured some water into a glass close to the head of a kitten; and it immediately shook its feet in the usual manner; so that here we have an habitual movement falsely excited by an associated sound instead of by the sense of touch.
Cats bury their waste with dirt, and my grandfather saw a kitten trying to cover a spill of clean water with ashes on the hearth. Here, a habitual or instinctive behavior was triggered not by a previous action or smell, but by sight. It’s well known that cats don’t like getting their feet wet, likely because they originally lived in the dry climate of Egypt. When they do get their feet wet, they shake them off vigorously. My daughter poured some water into a glass near a kitten's head, and it immediately shook its feet as usual; so here we see a habitual action triggered by an associated sound rather than by touch.
Kittens, puppies, young pigs and probably many other young animals, alternately push with their forefeet against the mammary glands of their mothers, to excite a freer secretion of milk, or to make it flow. Now it is very common with young cats, and not at all rare with old cats of the common and Persian breeds (believed by some naturalists to be specifically extinct), when comfortably lying on a warm shawl or other soft substance, to pound it quietly and alternately with their fore-feet; their toes being spread out and claws slightly protruded, precisely as when sucking their mother. That it is the same movement is clearly shown by their often at the same time taking a bit of the shawl into their mouths and sucking it; generally closing their eyes and purring from delight. This curious movement is commonly excited only in association with the sensation of a warm soft surface; but I have seen an old cat, when pleased by having its back scratched, pounding the air with its feet in the same manner; so that this action has almost become the expression of a pleasurable sensation.
Kittens, puppies, young pigs, and probably many other baby animals alternately push with their front paws against their mothers' bellies to encourage more milk to flow. It's really common with young cats, and not at all rare with older cats from common and Persian breeds (which some naturalists believe are specifically extinct), when they're comfortably lying on a warm blanket or something soft, to gently pound it with their front paws. Their toes spread out and claws slightly extend, just like when they're nursing. This is clearly the same movement because they often take a bit of the blanket in their mouths and suck on it, usually closing their eyes and purring with delight. This behavior usually happens when they're on a warm, soft surface; however, I've seen an old cat that, when happy from getting its back scratched, pounded the air with its paws in the same way. So, this action has almost become a sign of feeling good.
Having referred to the act of sucking, I may add that this complex movement, as well as the alternate protrusion of the fore-feet, are reflex actions; for they are performed if a finger moistened with milk is placed in the mouth of a puppy, the front part of whose brain has been removed.[117] It has recently been stated in France, that the action of sucking is excited solely through the sense of smell, so that if the olfactory nerves of a puppy are destroyed, it never sucks. In like manner the wonderful power which a chicken possesses only a few hours after being hatched, of picking up small particles of food, seems to be started into action through the sense of hearing; for with chickens hatched by artificial heat, a good observer found that “making a noise with the finger-nail against a board, in imitation of the hen-mother, first taught them to peck at their meat.”[118]
Having mentioned sucking, I should add that this complex movement, along with the back-and-forth motion of the fore-feet, are reflex actions. They occur even if a finger moistened with milk is placed in the mouth of a puppy whose frontal brain has been removed.[117] Recently, it was reported in France that the act of sucking is triggered solely by the sense of smell, meaning if a puppy's olfactory nerves are damaged, it won't suck. Similarly, the amazing ability a chick has just a few hours after hatching to pick up small bits of food seems to be activated by hearing; for with chicks hatched under artificial heat, a keen observer discovered that “making a noise with the fingernail against a board, mimicking the hen-mother, first taught them to peck at their food.”[118]
I will give only one other instance of an habitual and purposeless movement. The Sheldrake (Tadorna) feeds on the sands left uncovered by the tide, and when a worm-cast is discovered, “it begins patting the ground with its feet, dancing as it were, over the hole;” and this makes the worm come to the surface. Now Mr. St. John says, that when his tame Sheldrakes “came to ask for food, they patted the ground in an impatient and rapid manner.”[119] This therefore may almost be considered as their expression of hunger. Mr. Bartlett informs me that the Flamingo and the Kagu (Rhinochetus jubatus) when anxious to be fed, beat the ground with their feet in the same odd manner. So again Kingfishers, when they catch a fish, always beat it until it is killed; and in the Zoological Gardens they always beat the raw meat, with which they are sometimes fed, before devouring it.
I’ll share one more example of a repetitive and aimless behavior. The Sheldrake (Tadorna) forages on the sands uncovered by the tide, and when it finds a worm cast, “it starts tapping the ground with its feet, almost dancing over the hole;” this causes the worm to come up. Mr. St. John notes that when his pet Sheldrakes “came to ask for food, they tapped the ground impatiently and quickly.”[119] So, this can almost be seen as their way of showing hunger. Mr. Bartlett told me that the Flamingo and the Kagu (Rhinochetus jubatus) show the same strange behavior when they're hungry. Also, Kingfishers always beat a fish until it’s dead after catching it; and at the Zoological Gardens, they always hit the raw meat they get fed sometimes before eating it.
We have now, I think, sufficiently shown the truth of our first Principle, namely, that when any sensation, desire, dislike, &c., has led during a long series of generations to some voluntary movement, then a tendency to the performance of a similar movement will almost certainly be excited, whenever the same, or any analogous or associated sensation &c., although very weak, is experienced; notwithstanding that the movement in this case may not be of the least use. Such habitual movements are often, or generally inherited; and they then differ but little from reflex actions. When we treat of the special expressions of man, the latter part of our first Principle, as given at the commencement of this chapter, will be seen to hold good; namely, that when movements, associated through habit with certain states of the mind, are partially repressed by the will, the strictly involuntary muscles, as well as those which are least under the separate control of the will, are liable still to act; and their action is often highly expressive. Conversely, when the will is temporarily or permanently weakened, the voluntary muscles fail before the involuntary. It is a fact familiar to pathologists, as Sir C. Bell remarks,[120] “that when debility arises from affection of the brain, the influence is greatest on those muscles which are, in their natural condition, most under the command of the will.” We shall, also, in our future chapters, consider another proposition included in our first Principle; namely, that the checking of one habitual movement sometimes requires other slight movements; these latter serving as a means of expression.
We have now, I believe, shown enough evidence for our first principle, which is that when any sensation, desire, dislike, etc., has led to a voluntary movement over many generations, there will almost certainly be a tendency to perform a similar movement whenever the same or any related sensation, even if very weak, is felt; even if that movement is not useful at all. These habitual movements are often inherited and they don't differ much from reflex actions. When we discuss specific expressions of humans, the latter part of our first principle mentioned at the beginning of this chapter will hold true, specifically that when movements associated with certain mental states are partly suppressed by the will, the completely involuntary muscles, as well as those that are less under conscious control, can still act; and their actions are often very expressive. On the other hand, when willpower is temporarily or permanently weakened, the voluntary muscles fail before the involuntary ones. It's a well-known fact to pathologists, as Sir C. Bell points out, “that when weakness occurs due to brain issues, the effect is strongest on those muscles that are typically most under the control of the will.” In our upcoming chapters, we will also explore another idea included in our first principle; namely, that stopping one habitual movement sometimes requires other minor movements, which serve as a means of expression.
CHAPTER II.
GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF EXPRESSION—continued.
The Principle of Antithesis—Instances in the dog and cat—Origin of the principle—Conventional signs—The principle of antithesis has not arisen from opposite actions being consciously performed under opposite impulses.
The Principle of Antithesis—Examples in the dog and cat—Origin of the principle—Conventional signs—The principle of antithesis hasn't come from intentionally performing opposite actions based on opposing impulses.
We will now consider our second Principle, that of Antithesis. Certain states of the mind lead, as we have seen in the last chapter, to certain habitual movements which were primarily, or may still be, of service; and we shall find that when a directly opposite state of mind is induced, there is a strong and involuntary tendency to the performance of movements of a directly opposite nature, though these have never been of any service. A few striking instances of antithesis will be given, when we treat of the special expressions of man; but as, in these cases, we are particularly liable to confound conventional or artificial gestures and expressions with those which are innate or universal, and which alone deserve to rank as true expressions, I will in the present chapter almost confine myself to the lower animals.
We will now look at our second principle, which is Antithesis. Certain mental states, as we discussed in the last chapter, lead to specific habitual movements that were originally useful, or might still be. We will find that when an opposite mental state is created, there is a strong and involuntary tendency to perform movements that are completely opposite in nature, even though these never had any usefulness. A few compelling examples of antithesis will be provided when we discuss the specific expressions of humans; however, since in these instances we can easily confuse learned or artificial gestures and expressions with those that are innate or universal, which truly deserve to be called expressions, I will focus mainly on lower animals in this chapter.



When a dog approaches a strange dog or man in a savage or hostile frame of mind be walks upright and very stiffly; his head is slightly raised, or not much lowered; the tail is held erect, and quite rigid; the hairs bristle, especially along the neck and back; the pricked ears are directed forwards, and the eyes have a fixed stare: (see figs. 5 and 7). These actions, as will hereafter be explained, follow from the dog’s intention to attack his enemy, and are thus to a large extent intelligible. As he prepares to spring with a savage growl on his enemy, the canine teeth are uncovered, and the ears are pressed close backwards on the head; but with these latter actions, we are not here concerned. Let us now suppose that the dog suddenly discovers that the man he is approaching, is not a stranger, but his master; and let it be observed how completely and instantaneously his whole bearing is reversed. Instead of walking upright, the body sinks downwards or even crouches, and is thrown into flexuous movements; his tail, instead of being held stiff and upright, is lowered and wagged from side to side; his hair instantly becomes smooth; his ears are depressed and drawn backwards, but not closely to the head; and his lips hang loosely. From the drawing back of the ears, the eyelids become elongated, and the eyes no longer appear round and staring. It should be added that the animal is at such times in an excited condition from joy; and nerve-force will be generated in excess, which naturally leads to action of some kind. Not one of the above movements, so clearly expressive of affection, are of the least direct service to the animal. They are explicable, as far as I can see, solely from being in complete opposition or antithesis to the attitude and movements which, from intelligible causes, are assumed when a dog intends to fight, and which consequently are expressive of anger. I request the reader to look at the four accompanying sketches, which have been given in order to recall vividly the appearance of a dog under these two states of mind. It is, however, not a little difficult to represent affection in a dog, whilst caressing his master and wagging his tail, as the essence of the expression lies in the continuous flexuous movements.
When a dog approaches a strange dog or person with a hostile attitude, it walks upright and very stiffly; its head is slightly raised or not too lowered; the tail is held high and rigid; the fur stands on end, especially along the neck and back; the ears are pointed forward, and the eyes are fixed in a stare: (see figs. 5 and 7). These actions, as will be explained later, stem from the dog's intention to attack its enemy, and are largely understandable. As it prepares to pounce with a fierce growl, the canine teeth are bared, and the ears are pushed back against the head; but we aren't focusing on those actions right now. Now, let's imagine that the dog suddenly realizes the person it's approaching is not a stranger, but its owner; notice how completely and instantly its whole demeanor changes. Instead of walking upright, its body lowers or even crouches, moving in a fluid manner; its tail, instead of being stiff and upright, is lowered and wagged side to side; its fur smooths down; its ears droop and are pulled back, but not pressed tightly to the head; and its lips hang loosely. As the ears move back, the eyelids stretch out, and the eyes lose their round and staring appearance. It should be noted that at these times, the animal is excited with joy; extra nerve energy builds up, leading to some form of action. None of the movements mentioned above, clearly showing affection, serve the animal directly. They can be understood, as far as I can see, only as a complete contrast to the posture and movements that indicate a dog is ready to fight, which express anger. I ask the reader to look at the four accompanying sketches, which have been provided to vividly recall the appearance of a dog in these two emotional states. However, it is somewhat challenging to capture affection in a dog while it's greeting its owner and wagging its tail, as the essence of this expression lies in the continuous fluid movements.

We will now turn to the cat. When this animal is threatened by a dog, it arches its back in a surprising manner, erects its hair, opens its mouth and spits. But we are not here concerned with this well-known attitude, expressive of terror combined with anger; we are concerned only with that of rage or anger. This is not often seen, but may be observed when two cats are fighting together; and I have seen it well exhibited by a savage cat whilst plagued by a boy. The attitude is almost exactly the same as that of a tiger disturbed and growling over its food, which every one must have beheld in menageries. The animal assumes a crouching position, with the body extended; and the whole tail, or the tip alone, is lashed or curled from side to side. The hair is not in the least erect. Thus far, the attitude and movements are nearly the same as when the animal is prepared to spring on its prey, and when, no doubt, it feels savage. But when preparing to fight, there is this difference, that the ears are closely pressed backwards; the mouth is partially opened, showing the teeth; the fore feet are occasionally struck out with protruded claws; and the animal occasionally utters a fierce growl. (See figs. 9 and 10.) All, or almost all these actions naturally follow (as hereafter to be explained), from the cat’s manner and intention of attacking its enemy.
We will now talk about the cat. When this animal feels threatened by a dog, it arches its back in a surprising way, raises its fur, opens its mouth, and hisses. However, we’re not focusing on this well-known reaction, which shows a mix of fear and anger; instead, we’re only looking at its expression of pure rage or anger. This isn't often seen, but can be observed when two cats are fighting; I’ve witnessed it clearly in a feral cat being bothered by a boy. The stance is almost exactly like that of a tiger that’s been disturbed and growls over its food, which everyone must have seen in zoos. The cat crouches with its body extended, and its whole tail or just the tip lashes or curls from side to side. Its fur is not raised at all. So far, the position and movements are nearly the same as when the cat is ready to pounce on its prey, and it likely feels fierce. But when getting ready to fight, there’s a difference: the ears are pinned back, the mouth is slightly open, revealing the teeth, the front paws are sometimes thrust forward with extended claws, and the cat occasionally lets out a fierce growl. (See figs. 9 and 10.) All or nearly all of these actions naturally occur (as will be explained later) from the cat's way of preparing to attack its opponent.


Let us now look at a cat in a directly opposite frame of mind, whilst feeling affectionate and caressing her master; and mark how opposite is her attitude in every respect. She now stands upright with her back slightly arched, which makes the hair appear rather rough, but it does not bristle; her tail, instead of being extended and lashed from side to side, is held quite still and perpendicularly upwards; her ears are erect and pointed; her mouth is closed; and she rubs against her master with a purr instead of a growl. Let it further be observed how widely different is the whole bearing of an affectionate cat from that of a dog, when with his body crouching and flexuous, his tail lowered and wagging, and ears depressed, he caresses his master. This contrast in the attitudes and movements of these two carnivorous animals, under the same pleased and affectionate frame of mind, can be explained, as it appears to me, solely by their movements standing in complete antithesis to those which are naturally assumed, when these animals feel savage and are prepared either to fight or to seize their prey.
Let’s now observe a cat in a completely different mood, being loving and nuzzling her owner, and notice how different her demeanor is in every way. She stands upright with her back slightly arched, making her fur look a bit rough, but it’s not standing on end; her tail, instead of being held out and swishing side to side, is held still and upright; her ears are perked up and pointed; her mouth is closed; and she rubs against her owner while purring instead of growling. It’s also worth noting how vastly different the overall behavior of a loving cat is from that of a dog, which, with its body hunched and curled, tail down and wagging, and ears drooping, shows affection to its owner. This contrast in the positions and movements of these two carnivorous animals, while both are in a happy and loving mood, can be explained, in my view, solely by their movements being the complete opposite of those they display when they feel aggressive and are ready to either fight or capture their prey.
In these cases of the dog and cat, there is every reason to believe that the gestures both of hostility and affection are innate or inherited; for they are almost identically the same in the different races of the species, and in all the individuals of the same race, both young and old.
In the cases of the dog and cat, there's every reason to think that the gestures of hostility and affection are innate or inherited; they are almost exactly the same across different breeds of the species, and in all individuals of the same breed, both young and old.
I will here give one other instance of antithesis in expression. I formerly possessed a large dog, who, like every other dog, was much pleased to go out walking. He showed his pleasure by trotting gravely before me with high steps, head much raised, moderately erected ears, and tail carried aloft but not stiffly. Not far from my house a path branches off to the right, leading to the hot-house, which I used often to visit for a few moments, to look at my experimental plants. This was always a great disappointment to the dog, as he did not know whether I should continue my walk; and the instantaneous and complete change of expression which came over him as soon as my body swerved in the least towards the path (and I sometimes tried this as an experiment) was laughable. His look of dejection was known to every member of the family, and was called his hot-house face. This consisted in the head drooping much, the whole body sinking a little and remaining motionless; the ears and tail falling suddenly down, but the tail was by no means wagged. With the falling of the ears and of his great chaps, the eyes became much changed in appearance, and I fancied that they looked less bright. His aspect was that of piteous, hopeless dejection; and it was, as I have said, laughable, as the cause was so slight. Every detail in his attitude was in complete opposition to his former joyful yet dignified bearing; and can be explained, as it appears to me, in no other way, except through the principle of antithesis. Had not the change been so instantaneous, I should have attributed it to his lowered spirits affecting, as in the case of man, the nervous system and circulation, and consequently the tone of his whole muscular frame; and this may have been in part the cause.
I’ll share another example of contrast in expression. I once had a large dog who, like any other dog, loved going for walks. He showed his excitement by trotting seriously ahead of me with high steps, head held high, ears perked up, and tail held high but not stiff. Not far from my house, a path branches off to the right, leading to the greenhouse, which I would often visit for a few moments to check on my experimental plants. This always disappointed the dog since he didn’t know if I would keep walking; the sudden and complete change in his expression the moment I veered even slightly toward the path (which I sometimes tried as a test) was hilarious. His look of sadness was recognized by everyone in the family and was called his greenhouse face. This included his head drooping significantly, his whole body sinking a little and staying still; his ears and tail drooping suddenly, but his tail wasn’t wagging at all. As his ears and big jowls fell, his eyes appeared different, and I thought they looked less bright. He looked pitiful and hopelessly sad; and as I mentioned, it was funny because the reason was so minor. Every detail of his posture was in complete contrast to his earlier joyful yet dignified demeanor, and I think this can only be explained by the principle of contrast. If the change hadn’t been so immediate, I would have thought it was due to his low spirits affecting, as in the case of humans, the nervous system and circulation, and thus the tone of his entire muscular structure; and this may have contributed to it in part.
We will now consider how the principle of antithesis in expression has arisen. With social animals, the power of intercommunication between the members of the same community,—and with other species, between the opposite sexes, as well as between the young and the old,—is of the highest importance to them. This is generally effected by means of the voice, but it is certain that gestures and expressions are to a certain extent mutually intelligible. Man not only uses inarticulate cries, gestures, and expressions, but has invented articulate language; if, indeed, the word INVENTED can be applied to a process, completed by innumerable steps, half-consciously made. Any one who has watched monkeys will not doubt that they perfectly understand each other’s gestures and expression, and to a large extent, as Rengger asserts,[201] those of man. An animal when going to attack another, or when afraid of another, often makes itself appear terrible, by erecting its hair, thus increasing the apparent bulk of its body, by showing its teeth, or brandishing its horns, or by uttering fierce sounds.
We will now look at how the principle of opposites in expression has developed. In social animals, the ability to communicate within their community—and in other species, between males and females, as well as between the young and the old—is extremely important. This is mostly done through sounds, but it's clear that gestures and expressions are somewhat understandable to one another as well. Humans not only use vague sounds, gestures, and facial expressions but have also created specific languages; if we can even call it INVENTED, given that it's a process achieved through countless steps, often subconsciously taken. Anyone who has observed monkeys will agree that they completely understand each other's gestures and expressions, and to a significant extent, as Rengger suggests, those of humans. An animal about to attack another, or feeling threatened, often tries to appear more intimidating by raising its fur, which makes its body seem larger, by baring its teeth, or swinging its horns, or by making aggressive sounds.
As the power of intercommunication is certainly of high service to many animals, there is no à priori improbability in the supposition, that gestures manifestly of an opposite nature to those by which certain feelings are already expressed, should at first have been voluntarily employed under the influence of an opposite state of feeling. The fact of the gestures being now innate, would be no valid objection to the belief that they were at first intentional; for if practised during many generations, they would probably at last be inherited. Nevertheless it is more than doubtful, as we shall immediately see, whether any of the cases which come under our present head of antithesis, have thus originated.
As the ability to communicate is clearly very useful for many animals, there's no inherent unlikelihood in the idea that gestures, which are clearly opposite to those used to express certain feelings, might have originally been used intentionally when influenced by a contrasting emotional state. The fact that these gestures are now instinctive doesn’t necessarily contradict the belief that they began as deliberate actions; if they were practiced over many generations, they would likely become inherited traits. However, it is more than uncertain, as we will see shortly, whether any of the examples we’re discussing now, which fall under the concept of oppositeness, actually originated this way.
With conventional signs which are not innate, such as those used by the deaf and dumb and by savages, the principle of opposition or antithesis has been partially brought into play. The Cistercian monks thought it sinful to speak, and as they could not avoid holding some communication, they invented a gesture language, in which the principle of opposition seems to have been employed.[202] Dr. Scott, of the Exeter Deaf and Dumb Institution, writes to me that “opposites are greatly used in teaching the deaf and dumb, who have a lively sense of them.” Nevertheless I have been surprised how few unequivocal instances can be adduced. This depends partly on all the signs having commonly had some natural origin; and partly on the practice of the deaf and dumb and of savages to contract their signs as much as possible for the sake of rapidity.[203] Hence their natural source or origin often becomes doubtful or is completely lost; as is likewise the case with articulate language.
With conventional signs that aren’t innate, like those used by the deaf and mute and by primitive cultures, the principle of opposition or contrast has been somewhat utilized. The Cistercian monks believed it was sinful to speak, and since they couldn’t completely avoid communicating, they created a gesture language that seems to incorporate the principle of opposition. Dr. Scott from the Exeter Deaf and Dumb Institution told me that “opposites are heavily used in teaching the deaf and mute, who have a strong understanding of them.” However, I’ve been surprised by how few clear examples can be found. This is partly because most signs have some natural origin and partly due to the deaf and mute and primitive cultures shortening their signs for quicker communication. Thus, their natural source or origin often becomes unclear or is completely lost, similar to what happens with spoken language.
Many signs, moreover, which plainly stand in opposition to each other, appear to have had on both sides a significant origin. This seems to hold good with the signs used by the deal and dumb for light and darkness, for strength and weakness, &c. In a future chapter I shall endeavour to show that the opposite gestures of affirmation and negation, namely, vertically nodding and laterally shaking the head, have both probably had a natural beginning. The waving of the hand from right to left, which is used as a negative by some savages, may have been invented in imitation of shaking the head; but whether the opposite movement of waving the hand in a straight line from the face, which is used in affirmation, has arisen through antithesis or in some quite distinct manner, is doubtful.
Many signs that clearly contradict each other seem to have significant origins on both sides. This is especially true for the signs used by the deaf and mute to represent light and darkness, strength and weakness, etc. In a future chapter, I will try to demonstrate that the opposite gestures for affirmation and negation—nodding up and down and shaking the head side to side—likely both have a natural origin. The gesture of waving a hand from right to left, which some primitive cultures use as a negative, may have been created by mimicking head shaking; however, it's uncertain whether the opposite gesture of waving a hand straight out from the face, used to indicate affirmation, developed from contrast or some completely different origin.
If we now turn to the gestures which are innate or common to all the individuals of the same species, and which come under the present head of antithesis, it is extremely doubtful, whether any of them were at first deliberately invented and consciously performed. With mankind the best instance of a gesture standing in direct opposition to other movements, naturally assumed under an opposite frame of mind, is that of shrugging the shoulders. This expresses impotence or an apology,—something which cannot be done, or cannot be avoided. The gesture is sometimes used consciously and voluntarily, but it is extremely improbable that it was at first deliberately invented, and afterwards fixed by habit; for not only do young children sometimes shrug their shoulders under the above states of mind, but the movement is accompanied, as will be shown in a future chapter, by various subordinate movements, which not one man in a thousand is aware of, unless he has specially attended to the subject.
If we now look at the gestures that are natural or common to everyone in the same species, and that fall under this category of contrast, it's very uncertain whether any of them were originally created intentionally and performed with awareness. For humans, the clearest example of a gesture that directly opposes other movements, which occur naturally with a different mindset, is shrugging the shoulders. This conveys a sense of powerlessness or an apology—something that can’t be done or avoided. Sometimes, people use this gesture intentionally and voluntarily, but it’s very unlikely that it was initially invented on purpose and then established through habit. Not only do young children sometimes shrug their shoulders in those situations, but this movement is also linked to various subtle actions, which most people are unaware of unless they’ve specifically studied the topic, as will be discussed in a future chapter.
Dogs when approaching a strange dog, may find it useful to show by their movements that they are friendly, and do not wish to fight. When two young dogs in play are growling and biting each other’s faces and legs, it is obvious that they mutually understand each other’s gestures and manners. There seems, indeed, some degree of instinctive knowledge in puppies and kittens, that they must not use their sharp little teeth or claws too freely in their play, though this sometimes happens and a squeal is the result; otherwise they would often injure each other’s eyes. When my terrier bites my hand in play, often snarling at the same time, if he bites too hard and I say GENTLY, GENTLY, he goes on biting, but answers me by a few wags of the tail, which seems to say “Never mind, it is all fun.” Although dogs do thus express, and may wish to express, to other dogs and to man, that they are in a friendly state of mind, it is incredible that they could ever have deliberately thought of drawing back and depressing their ears, instead of holding them erect,—of lowering and wagging their tails, instead of keeping them stiff and upright, &c., because they knew that these movements stood in direct opposition to those assumed under an opposite and savage frame of mind.
When dogs approach a strange dog, they might find it helpful to show through their movements that they’re friendly and don’t want to fight. When two young dogs are playing and growling while nipping at each other’s faces and legs, it’s clear they understand each other’s signals and behavior. There does seem to be some instinctive awareness in puppies and kittens that they shouldn’t use their sharp little teeth or claws too much during play, even though it sometimes happens and results in a squeal; otherwise, they could easily hurt each other’s eyes. When my terrier playfully bites my hand while snarling, if he bites too hard and I say GENTLY, GENTLY, he keeps on biting but responds with a few tail wags, as if to say, “Don’t worry, it’s all in good fun.” Although dogs express and may want to convey to other dogs and humans that they’re feeling friendly, it’s hard to believe they’ve ever consciously thought about pulling back and lowering their ears instead of keeping them upright—lowering and wagging their tails instead of holding them stiff and erect, etc., because they knew these actions directly opposed those of a more aggressive or hostile state of mind.
Again, when a cat, or rather when some early progenitor of the species, from feeling affectionate first slightly arched its back, held its tail perpendicularly upwards and pricked its ears, can it be believed that the animal consciously wished thus to show that its frame of mind was directly the reverse of that, when from being ready to fight or to spring on its prey, it assumed a crouching attitude, curled its tail from side to side and depressed its ears? Even still less can I believe that my dog voluntarily put on his dejected attitude and “hot-house face,” which formed so complete a contrast to his previous cheerful attitude and whole bearing. It cannot be supposed that he knew that I should understand his expression, and that he could thus soften my heart and make me give up visiting the hot-house.
Again, when a cat, or really an early ancestor of the species, felt affectionate, it first slightly arched its back, held its tail straight up, and perked its ears. Can we really believe that the animal was consciously trying to show that its mood was the complete opposite of when it was ready to fight or pounce on its prey? In those moments, it would crouch down, curl its tail from side to side, and flatten its ears. Even less can I believe that my dog purposely adopted his sad demeanor and “hot-house face,” which was such a stark contrast to his earlier cheerful attitude and overall behavior. It’s hard to think he knew I would understand his expression and that he could sway my heart to make me skip visiting the hot-house.
Hence for the development of the movements which come under the present head, some other principle, distinct from the will and consciousness, must have intervened. This principle appears to be that every movement which we have voluntarily performed throughout our lives has required the action of certain muscles; and when we have performed a directly opposite movement, an opposite set of muscles has been habitually brought into play,—as in turning to the right or to the left, in pushing away or pulling an object towards us, and in lifting or lowering a weight. So strongly are our intentions and movements associated together, that if we eagerly wish an object to move in any direction, we can hardly avoid moving our bodies in the same direction, although we may be perfectly aware that this can have no influence. A good illustration of this fact has already been given in the Introduction, namely, in the grotesque movements of a young and eager billiard-player, whilst watching the course of his ball. A man or child in a passion, if he tells any one in a loud voice to begone, generally moves his arm as if to push him away, although the offender may not be standing near, and although there may be not the least need to explain by a gesture what is meant. On the other hand, if we eagerly desire some one to approach us closely, we act as if pulling him towards us; and so in innumerable other instances.
Therefore, for the development of the movements discussed here, there must be some other principle, separate from will and awareness, that has played a role. This principle seems to be that every movement we have voluntarily made throughout our lives has required certain muscles to be engaged; and when we perform an opposite movement, a different set of muscles is usually activated—like when we turn right or left, push something away or pull it towards us, and lift or lower a weight. Our intentions and movements are so closely linked that if we strongly wish for an object to move in a certain direction, we almost can't help but move our bodies in that same direction, even if we know it won’t make a difference. A good example of this was mentioned in the Introduction, specifically in the exaggerated movements of a young and eager billiard player watching his ball. A person, whether an adult or a child, in an angry outburst, if he loudly tells someone to go away, usually moves his arm as if to push them away, even if the person isn’t nearby, and even if there's no need to gesture to make the point clear. Conversely, if we really want someone to come closer, we act as if we’re pulling them towards us, and this applies to countless other situations.
As the performance of ordinary movements of an opposite kind, under opposite impulses of the will, has become habitual in us and in the lower animals, so when actions of one kind have become firmly associated with any sensation or emotion, it appears natural that actions of a directly opposite kind, though of no use, should be unconsciously performed through habit and association, under the influence of a directly opposite sensation or emotion. On this principle alone can I understand how the gestures and expressions which come under the present head of antithesis have originated. If indeed they are serviceable to man or to any other animal, in aid of inarticulate cries or language, they will likewise be voluntarily employed, and the habit will thus be strengthened. But whether or not of service as a means of communication, the tendency to perform opposite movements under opposite sensations or emotions would, if we may judge by analogy, become hereditary through long practice; and there cannot be a doubt that several expressive movements due to the principle of antithesis are inherited.
As we get used to doing ordinary actions that are opposites of each other based on different impulses of our will, it seems natural that when certain actions are strongly linked to specific sensations or emotions, people will unconsciously perform the opposite actions, even if they are not useful, simply out of habit and association with the opposite sensation or emotion. This is how I can understand the origins of gestures and expressions related to antithesis. If these gestures are helpful to humans or other animals in conveying non-verbal sounds or language, they will be used voluntarily, which will reinforce the habit. Regardless of whether they serve as a means of communication, the tendency to carry out opposite movements in reaction to opposite sensations or emotions would, based on analogy, likely become inherited over time. It's certainly true that many expressive movements resulting from the principle of antithesis are passed down through generations.
CHAPTER III.
GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF EXPRESSION—concluded.
The principle of direct action of the excited nervous system on the body, independently of the will and in part of habit—Change of colour in the hair—Trembling of the muscles—Modified secretions—Perspiration—Expression of extreme pain—Of rage, great joy, and terror—Contrast between the emotions which cause and do not cause expressive movements—Exciting and depressing states of the mind—Summary.
The principle of the direct influence of the active nervous system on the body, regardless of will and partly due to habit—Change in hair color—Muscle trembling—Altered secretions—Sweating—Expressions of intense pain—Of rage, great joy, and fear—Contrast between emotions that lead to expressive movements and those that don't—Exciting and depressing mental states—Summary.
We now come to our third Principle, namely, that certain actions which we recognize as expressive of certain states of the mind, are the direct result of the constitution of the nervous system, and have been from the first independent of the will, and, to a large extent, of habit. When the sensorium is strongly excited nerve-force is generated in excess, and is transmitted in certain directions, dependent on the connection of the nerve-cells, and, as far as the muscular system is concerned, on the nature of the movements which have been habitually practised. Or the supply of nerve-force may, as it appears, be interrupted. Of course every movement which we make is determined by the constitution of the nervous system; but actions performed in obedience to the will, or through habit, or through the principle of antithesis, are here as far as possible excluded. Our present subject is very obscure, but, from its importance, must be discussed at some little length; and it is always advisable to perceive clearly our ignorance.
We now arrive at our third principle, which is that certain actions we recognize as reflecting specific mental states are directly caused by the structure of the nervous system. These actions have always occurred independently of will and largely of habit. When the senses are intensely stimulated, excess nerve energy is produced and directed along specific pathways, depending on how the nerve cells are connected and, regarding the muscular system, on the types of movements that have been practiced regularly. Alternatively, the supply of nerve energy can, it seems, be interrupted. Every action we take is influenced by the structure of the nervous system; however, actions performed by will, habit, or the principle of opposites are largely set aside in this discussion. Our current topic is quite complex, but due to its significance, it needs to be explored in some depth. It's always useful to recognize our own lack of understanding.
The most striking case, though a rare and abnormal one, which can be adduced of the direct influence of the nervous system, when strongly affected, on the body, is the loss of colour in the hair, which has occasionally been observed after extreme terror or grief. One authentic instance has been recorded, in the case of a man brought out for execution in India, in which the change of colour was so rapid that it was perceptible to the eye.[301]
The most striking example, though rare and unusual, of the direct impact of the nervous system when it’s severely affected on the body is the loss of color in hair, which has sometimes been noticed after intense fear or sadness. One verified case has been reported about a man who was taken out for execution in India, where the color change occurred so quickly that it was noticeable to the eye.[301]
Another good case is that of the trembling of the muscles, which is common to man and to many, or most, of the lower animals. Trembling is of no service, often of much disservice, and cannot have been at first acquired through the will, and then rendered habitual in association with any emotion. I am assured by an eminent authority that young children do not tremble, but go into convulsions under the circumstances which would induce excessive trembling in adults. Trembling is excited in different individuals in very different degrees and by the most diversified causes,—by cold to the surface, before fever-fits, although the temperature of the body is then above the normal standard; in blood-poisoning, delirium tremens, and other diseases; by general failure of power in old age; by exhaustion after excessive fatigue; locally from severe injuries, such as burns; and, in an especial manner, by the passage of a catheter. Of all emotions, fear notoriously is the most apt to induce trembling; but so do occasionally great anger and joy. I remember once seeing a boy who had just shot his first snipe on the wing, and his hands trembled to such a degree from delight, that he could not for some time reload his gun; and I have heard of an exactly similar case with an Australian savage, to whom a gun had been lent. Fine music, from the vague emotions thus excited, causes a shiver to run down the backs of some persons. There seems to be very little in common in the above several physical causes and emotions to account for trembling; and Sir J. Paget, to whom I am indebted for several of the above statements, informs me that the subject is a very obscure one. As trembling is sometimes caused by rage, long before exhaustion can have set in, and as it sometimes accompanies great joy, it would appear that any strong excitement of the nervous system interrupts the steady flow of nerve-force to the muscles.[302]
Another good example is muscle trembling, which is common in humans and many, if not most, lower animals. Trembling doesn’t serve a purpose, often causing more harm than good, and likely wasn’t initially developed through willpower but became habitual in connection with certain emotions. An expert has assured me that young children don’t tremble; instead, they go into convulsions in situations that would cause adults to tremble excessively. Trembling can be triggered in different individuals to varying degrees by many different factors — like cold on the surface, before fever symptoms, even when body temperature is above normal; in cases of blood poisoning, delirium tremens, and other illnesses; from overall weakness in old age; after extreme fatigue; locally from serious injuries like burns; and especially from using a catheter. Of all emotions, fear is known to trigger trembling the most, but intense anger and joy can also do so. I remember seeing a boy who had just shot his first snipe in the air; his hands shook so much from excitement that he couldn't reload his gun for a while. I’ve heard of a similar situation with an Australian native who was given a gun. Beautiful music can also evoke vague emotions that make some people shiver. There doesn't seem to be much in common among the various physical causes and emotions that lead to trembling; Sir J. Paget, who I thank for several of these insights, tells me that the topic is quite unclear. Since trembling can sometimes be caused by rage, even before exhaustion sets in, and can accompany great joy, it appears that any strong excitement of the nervous system disrupts the steady flow of nerve energy to the muscles. [302]
The manner in which the secretions of the alimentary canal and of certain glands—as the liver, kidneys, or mammæ are affected by strong emotions, is another excellent instance of the direct action of the sensorium on these organs, independently of the will or of any serviceable associated habit. There is the greatest difference in different persons in the parts which are thus affected, and in the degree of their affection.
The way strong emotions impact the secretions of the digestive system and certain glands, like the liver, kidneys, or breasts, is another clear example of how the mind directly affects these organs, without any influence from willpower or learned behaviors. There's a significant variation among individuals regarding which parts are affected and how intensely they are impacted.
The heart, which goes on uninterruptedly beating night and day in so wonderful a manner, is extremely sensitive to external stimulants. The great physiologist, Claude Bernard,[303] has shown how the least excitement of a sensitive nerve reacts on the heart; even when a nerve is touched so slightly that no pain can possibly be felt by the animal under experiment. Hence when the mind is strongly excited, we might expect that it would instantly affect in a direct manner the heart; and this is universally acknowledged and felt to be the case. Claude Bernard also repeatedly insists, and this deserves especial notice, that when the heart is affected it reacts on the brain; and the state of the brain again reacts through the pneumo-gastric nerve on the heart; so that under any excitement there will be much mutual action and reaction between these, the two most important organs of the body.
The heart, which continues to beat continuously day and night in such an amazing way, is highly responsive to external stimuli. The renowned physiologist, Claude Bernard, has demonstrated how even the slightest stimulation of a sensitive nerve impacts the heart; this occurs even when a nerve is touched so lightly that the animal being tested feels no pain. Therefore, when the mind is intensely stimulated, it's reasonable to assume that it would immediately influence the heart directly; this is widely recognized and felt. Claude Bernard also repeatedly emphasizes, and this is particularly noteworthy, that when the heart is affected, it influences the brain; and the state of the brain then reacts through the vagus nerve back to the heart, leading to a significant mutual interaction between these two vital organs of the body under any form of excitement.
The vaso-motor system, which regulates the diameter of the small arteries, is directly acted on by the sensorium, as we see when a man blushes from shame; but in this latter case the checked transmission of nerve-force to the vessels of the face can, I think, be partly explained in a curious manner through habit. We shall also be able to throw some light, though very little, on the involuntary erection of the hair under the emotions of terror and rage. The secretion of tears depends, no doubt, on the connection of certain nerve-cells; but here again we can trace some few of the steps by which the flow of nerve-force through the requisite channels has become habitual under certain emotions.
The vaso-motor system, which controls the size of small arteries, is influenced directly by the brain, as we see when someone blushes out of shame. However, in that situation, the limited flow of nerve signals to the blood vessels in the face can, I believe, be partially explained in an interesting way through habit. We can also provide some insight, although very little, into why hair stands on end during feelings of fear and anger. The production of tears is definitely linked to specific nerve cells; but once again, we can identify a few steps by which the flow of nerve signals through the necessary pathways has become a habit in response to certain emotions.
A brief consideration of the outward signs of some of the stronger sensations and emotions will best serve to show us, although vaguely, in how complex a manner the principle under consideration of the direct action of the excited nervous system of the body, is combined with the principle of habitually associated, serviceable movements.
A quick look at the visible signs of some of the stronger feelings and emotions will help us see, even if it's not very clear, how complicatedly the principle we're discussing— the direct influence of the activated nervous system in the body— connects with the principle of usually linked, useful movements.
When animals suffer from an agony of pain, they generally writhe about with frightful contortions; and those which habitually use their voices utter piercing cries or groans. Almost every muscle of the body is brought into strong action. With man the mouth may be closely compressed, or more commonly the lips are retracted, with the teeth clenched or ground together. There is said to be “gnashing of teeth” in hell; and I have plainly heard the grinding of the molar teeth of a cow which was suffering acutely from inflammation of the bowels. The female hippopotamus in the Zoological Gardens, when she produced her young, suffered greatly; she incessantly walked about, or rolled on her sides, opening and closing her jaws, and clattering her teeth together.[304] With man the eyes stare wildly as in horrified astonishment, or the brows are heavily contracted. Perspiration bathes the body, and drops trickle down the face. The circulation and respiration are much affected. Hence the nostrils are generally dilated and often quiver; or the breath may be held until the blood stagnates in the purple face. If the agony be severe and prolonged, these signs all change; utter prostration follows, with fainting or convulsions.
When animals experience intense pain, they typically thrash around with terrible movements, and those that can vocalize make sharp cries or groans. Almost every muscle in their bodies tenses up. For humans, the mouth might be tightly shut, or more often, the lips are pulled back and the teeth are clenched. There's a saying about “gnashing of teeth” in hell; I’ve vividly heard a cow grinding her molars in pain from severe intestinal inflammation. The female hippopotamus in the zoo suffered a lot when giving birth; she constantly paced or rolled onto her sides, opening and closing her mouth and clattering her teeth together. With humans, the eyes can go wide, looking shocked, or the brows furrow deeply. Sweat covers the body, and drops slide down the face. Both heart rate and breathing are significantly affected, so the nostrils usually flare and may even quiver; or someone might hold their breath until their face turns purple from lack of oxygen. If the pain is intense and lasts too long, these signs shift; total exhaustion sets in, leading to fainting or convulsions.
A sensitive nerve when irritated transmits some influence to the nerve-cell, whence it proceeds; and this transmits its influence, first to the corresponding nerve-cell on the opposite side of the body, and then upwards and downwards along the cerebro-spinal column to other nerve-cells, to a greater or less extent, according to the strength of the excitement; so that, ultimately, the whole nervous system maybe affected.[305] This involuntary transmission of nerve-force may or may not be accompanied by consciousness. Why the irritation of a nerve-cell should generate or liberate nerve-force is not known; but that this is the case seems to be the conclusion arrived at by all the greatest physiologists, such as Müller, Virchow, Bernard, &c.[306] As Mr. Herbert Spencer remarks, it may be received as an “unquestionable truth that, at any moment, the existing quantity of liberated nerve-force, which in an inscrutable way produces in us the state we call feeling, MUST expend itself in some direction—MUST generate an equivalent manifestation of force somewhere;” so that, when the cerebro-spinal system is highly excited and nerve-force is liberated in excess, it may be expended in intense sensations, active thought, violent movements, or increased activity of the glands.[307] Mr. Spencer further maintains that an “overflow of nerve-force, undirected by any motive, will manifestly take the most habitual routes; and, if these do not suffice, will next overflow into the less habitual ones.” Consequently the facial and respiratory muscles, which are the most used, will be apt to be first brought into action; then those of the upper extremities, next those of the lower, and finally those of the whole body.[308]
A sensitive nerve, when irritated, sends signals to the nerve cell it comes from, which then passes the signals to the corresponding nerve cell on the opposite side of the body. From there, the signals move up and down the spinal cord to other nerve cells, depending on the intensity of the stimulation; as a result, the entire nervous system can potentially be affected. This involuntary transfer of nerve energy may or may not be experienced consciously. The reason why irritation of a nerve cell generates or releases nerve energy isn't known, but this seems to be the conclusion reached by the greatest physiologists, such as Müller, Virchow, Bernard, etc. As Mr. Herbert Spencer points out, it's a "well-established fact that, at any moment, the total amount of released nerve energy, which in a mysterious way creates what we call feelings, MUST be expressed in some way—MUST generate a corresponding manifestation of energy somewhere;" so when the spinal system is highly stimulated and nerve energy is released in excess, it might lead to strong sensations, active thinking, intense movements, or increased gland activity. Mr. Spencer further argues that an “excess of nerve energy, lacking direction from any intent, will obviously take the most familiar pathways; and, if those aren’t enough, will overflow into less familiar ones.” Consequently, the facial and respiratory muscles, which are the most frequently used, will likely be the first to react; followed by those in the upper limbs, then the lower limbs, and finally those throughout the entire body.
An emotion may be very strong, but it will have little tendency to induce movements of any kind, if it has not commonly led to voluntary action for its relief or gratification; and when movements are excited, their nature is, to a large extent, determined by those which have often and voluntarily been performed for some definite end under the same emotion. Great pain urges all animals, and has urged them during endless generations, to make the most violent and diversified efforts to escape from the cause of suffering. Even when a limb or other separate part of the body is hurt, we often see a tendency to shake it, as if to shake off the cause, though this may obviously be impossible. Thus a habit of exerting with the utmost force all the muscles will have been established, whenever great suffering is experienced. As the muscles of the chest and vocal organs are habitually used, these will be particularly liable to be acted on, and loud, harsh screams or cries will be uttered. But the advantage derived from outcries has here probably come into play in an important manner; for the young of most animals, when in distress or danger, call loudly to their parents for aid, as do the members of the same community for mutual aid.
An emotion can be very strong, but it doesn’t really lead to any kind of action unless it has usually resulted in voluntary behaviors to relieve or satisfy that emotion. When actions are triggered, their nature is largely shaped by those actions that have been frequently and willingly performed for a specific purpose while feeling the same emotion. Intense pain drives all animals to make the most extreme and varied efforts to escape whatever is causing their suffering, and this has been true for countless generations. Even when a specific limb or part of the body is injured, we often notice a tendency to shake it as if to get rid of the source of the pain, even though that might clearly be impossible. This results in a habit of using all the muscles with maximum effort whenever great suffering is felt. Since the muscles in the chest and vocal cords are used frequently, these areas are notably more responsive, leading to loud, harsh screams or cries. However, the benefits of shouting probably play a significant role here; for young animals, when in distress or danger, will call out loudly for their parents' help, just as members of the same group will seek help from one another.
Another principle, namely, the internal consciousness that the power or capacity of the nervous system is limited, will have strengthened, though in a subordinate degree, the tendency to violent action under extreme suffering. A man cannot think deeply and exert his utmost muscular force. As Hippocrates long ago observed, if two pains are felt at the same time, the severer one dulls the other. Martyrs, in the ecstasy of their religious fervour have often, as it would appear, been insensible to the most horrid tortures. Sailors who are going to be flogged sometimes take a piece of lead into their mouths, in order to bite it with their utmost force, and thus to bear the pain. Parturient women prepare to exert their muscles to the utmost in order to relieve their sufferings.
Another principle is that the awareness that the power or capacity of the nervous system is limited will have, though to a lesser extent, increased the tendency for violent actions during extreme suffering. A person can't think deeply and use all their muscular strength at the same time. As Hippocrates noted long ago, when two pains are felt simultaneously, the more intense one dulls the other. Martyrs, in the heights of their religious fervor, have often appeared to be unaffected by the most terrible tortures. Sailors about to be flogged sometimes bite down on a piece of lead, using their maximum strength to help endure the pain. Women in labor prepare to push their muscles as hard as they can to relieve their suffering.
We thus see that the undirected radiation of nerve-force from the nerve-cells which are first affected—the long-continued habit of attempting by struggling to escape from the cause of suffering—and the consciousness that voluntary muscular exertion relieves pain, have all probably concurred in giving a tendency to the most violent, almost convulsive, movements under extreme suffering; and such movements, including those of the vocal organs, are universally recognized as highly expressive of this condition.
We can see that the way nerve-force spreads from the initially affected nerve cells, the long-standing habit of trying to escape from pain through struggle, and the awareness that voluntary muscle activity can lessen discomfort have all likely contributed to the tendency for intense, nearly convulsive movements during extreme suffering. These movements, including those of the vocal cords, are widely understood to be very expressive of this state.
As the mere touching of a sensitive nerve reacts in a direct manner on the heart, severe pain will obviously react on it in like manner, but far more energetically. Nevertheless, even in this case, we must not overlook the indirect effects of habit on the heart, as we shall see when we consider the signs of rage.
As simply touching a sensitive nerve has a direct effect on the heart, it's clear that severe pain will similarly affect it, but in a much stronger way. However, we shouldn't ignore the indirect effects of habit on the heart, which we will explore when we look at the signs of rage.
When a man suffers from an agony of pain, the perspiration often trickles down his face; and I have been assured by a veterinary surgeon that he has frequently seen drops falling from the belly and running down the inside of the thighs of horses, and from the bodies of cattle, when thus suffering. He has observed this, when there has been no struggling which would account for the perspiration. The whole body of the female hippopotamus, before alluded to, was covered with red-coloured perspiration whilst giving birth to her young. So it is with extreme fear; the same veterinary has often seen horses sweating from this cause; as has Mr. Bartlett with the rhinoceros; and with man it is a well-known symptom. The cause of perspiration bursting forth in these cases is quite obscure; but it is thought by some physiologists to be connected with the failing power of the capillary circulation; and we know that the vasomotor system, which regulates the capillary circulation, is much influenced by the mind. With respect to the movements of certain muscles of the face under great suffering, as well as from other emotions, these will be best considered when we treat of the special expressions of man and of the lower animals.
When a person is in intense pain, sweat often runs down their face; a vet has told me that he frequently sees drops falling from the belly and sliding down the inner thighs of horses, as well as from cattle, when they are in pain. He’s noticed this even when there hasn't been any struggle to explain the sweating. The entire body of a female hippopotamus, mentioned earlier, was covered in reddish sweat while giving birth. The same goes for extreme fear; this vet has often observed horses sweating because of it, as has Mr. Bartlett with rhinos, and it’s a well-known symptom in humans. The reason for the sweating in these situations isn’t completely clear, but some physiologists think it has to do with the diminishing strength of the capillary circulation; and we know that the vasomotor system, which controls the capillary flow, is heavily influenced by the mind. Regarding the movements of certain facial muscles during severe pain, as well as other emotions, those will be better addressed when we discuss the specific expressions of both humans and lower animals.
We will now turn to the characteristic symptoms of Rage. Under this powerful emotion the action of the heart is much accelerated,[309] or it may be much disturbed. The face reddens, or it becomes purple from the impeded return of the blood, or may turn deadly pale. The respiration is laboured, the chest heaves, and the dilated nostrils quiver. The whole body often trembles. The voice is affected. The teeth are clenched or ground together, and the muscular system is commonly stimulated to violent, almost frantic action. But the gestures of a man in this state usually differ from the purposeless writhings and struggles of one suffering from an agony of pain; for they represent more or less plainly the act of striking or fighting with an enemy.
We will now look at the typical symptoms of Rage. During this intense emotion, the heart beats much faster, or it may become irregular. The face might turn red or even purple from blood flow issues, or it can become extremely pale. Breathing is difficult, the chest rises and falls, and the flared nostrils shake. The entire body often shivers. The voice changes. The teeth are gritted or ground together, and the muscles are often pushed into violent, almost frenzied action. However, the movements of a person in this state usually differ from the aimless thrashing and struggles of someone in severe pain; instead, they more clearly represent the act of hitting or fighting an opponent.
All these signs of rage are probably in large part, and some of them appear to be wholly, due to the direct action of the excited sensorium. But animals of all kinds, and their progenitors before them, when attacked or threatened by an enemy, have exerted their utmost powers in fighting and in defending themselves. Unless an animal does thus act, or has the intention, or at least the desire, to attack its enemy, it cannot properly be said to be enraged. An inherited habit of muscular exertion will thus have been gained in association with rage; and this will directly or indirectly affect various organs, in nearly the same manner as does great bodily suffering.
All these signs of anger are likely mostly, and some of them seem entirely, caused by the direct effects of the excited nervous system. However, animals of all kinds, along with their ancestors, have always used their full strength to fight and defend themselves when they are attacked or threatened. If an animal does not act this way, or does not have the intention, or at least the desire, to confront its enemy, it can't truly be considered to be angry. An inherited tendency for physical exertion would thus develop in connection with anger; and this will directly or indirectly impact various organs, much like severe physical pain does.
The heart no doubt will likewise be affected in a direct manner; but it will also in all probability be affected through habit; and all the more so from not being under the control of the will. We know that any great exertion which we voluntarily make, affects the heart, through mechanical and other principles which need not here be considered; and it was shown in the first chapter that nerve-force flows readily through habitually used channels,—through the nerves of voluntary or involuntary movement, and through those of sensation. Thus even a moderate amount of exertion will tend to act on the heart; and on the principle of association, of which so many instances have been given, we may feel nearly sure that any sensation or emotion, as great pain or rage, which has habitually led to much muscular action, will immediately influence the flow of nerve-force to the heart, although there may not be at the time any muscular exertion.
The heart will definitely be affected directly; but it will probably also be influenced by habit, especially since it’s not under the control of our will. We know that any significant effort we make intentionally impacts the heart, based on mechanical and other principles that we won’t discuss here. It was demonstrated in the first chapter that nerve energy flows easily through channels that we use regularly—through the nerves of voluntary or involuntary movement, and through those of sensation. Therefore, even a moderate amount of effort will likely affect the heart. Based on the principle of association, which has many examples, we can almost be certain that any sensation or emotion, like intense pain or anger, that has consistently triggered a lot of physical activity will immediately affect the flow of nerve energy to the heart, even if there’s no physical exertion happening at that moment.
The heart, as I have said, will be all the more readily affected through habitual associations, as it is not under the control of the will. A man when moderately angry, or even when enraged, may command the movements of his body, but he cannot prevent his heart from beating rapidly. His chest will perhaps give a few heaves, and his nostrils just quiver, for the movements of respiration are only in part voluntary. In like manner those muscles of the face which are least obedient to the will, will sometimes alone betray a slight and passing emotion. The glands again are wholly independent of the will, and a man suffering from grief may command his features, but cannot always prevent the tears from coming into his eyes. A hungry man, if tempting food is placed before him, may not show his hunger by any outward gesture, but he cannot check the secretion of saliva.
The heart, as I've mentioned, is more easily influenced by habitual associations since it's not controlled by the will. A person who is moderately angry or even furious can manage their body movements, but they can't stop their heart from racing. Their chest might heave a little, and their nostrils might tremble, because breathing is only partially voluntary. Similarly, the facial muscles that are least under the will can sometimes give away a fleeting emotion. The glands are completely independent of the will, so someone in grief can control their facial expressions but might still struggle to hold back tears. A hungry person, when tempting food is in front of them, may not show their hunger with any outward sign, but they can't stop their mouth from watering.
Under a transport of Joy or of vivid Pleasure, there is a strong tendency to various purposeless movements, and to the utterance of various sounds. We see this in our young children, in their loud laughter, clapping of hands, and jumping for joy; in the bounding and barking of a dog when going out to walk with his master; and in the frisking of a horse when turned out into an open field. Joy quickens the circulation, and this stimulates the brain, which again reacts on the whole body. The above purposeless movements and increased heart-action may be attributed in chief part to the excited state of the sensorium,[310] and to the consequent undirected overflow, as Mr. Herbert Spencer insists, of nerve-force. It deserves notice, that it is chiefly the anticipation of a pleasure, and not its actual enjoyment, which leads to purposeless and extravagant movements of the body, and to the utterance of various sounds. We see this in our children when they expect any great pleasure or treat; and dogs, which have been bounding about at the sight of a plate of food, when they get it do not show their delight by any outward sign, not even by wagging their tails. Now with animals of all kinds, the acquirement of almost all their pleasures, with the exception of those of warmth and rest, are associated, and have long been associated with active movements, as in the hunting or search for food, and in their courtship. Moreover, the mere exertion of the muscles after long rest or confinement is in itself a pleasure, as we ourselves feel, and as we see in the play of young animals. Therefore on this latter principle alone we might perhaps expect, that vivid pleasure would be apt to show itself conversely in muscular movements.
When we experience intense joy or pleasure, we often can't help but move around randomly and make sounds. We see this in young children with their loud laughter, clapping, and jumping for joy; in a dog bounding and barking when it's time for a walk with its owner; and in a horse frolicking when let out into an open field. Joy increases our heart rate, which stimulates the brain, leading to reactions throughout the body. These random movements and the quicker heartbeat are mainly due to the heightened state of the nervous system and the resulting overflow of nerve energy, as Mr. Herbert Spencer points out. It's especially interesting to note that this tendency for purposeless and exaggerated movements stems more from the anticipation of pleasure rather than the pleasure itself. We can observe this in children when they look forward to something exciting or special; dogs that bounce around at the sight of food often do not show their happiness once they receive it, not even wagging their tails. Furthermore, for animals in general, most of their pleasures—except for warmth and rest—are linked to active efforts, such as hunting for food or courting. Additionally, simply stretching their muscles after a long period of rest or confinement brings joy, as we can relate to and as we see in young animals playing. For this reason alone, we might expect that intense pleasure would also manifest in muscle movements.
With all or almost all animals, even with birds, Terror causes the body to tremble. The skin becomes pale, sweat breaks out, and the hair bristles. The secretions of the alimentary canal and of the kidneys are increased, and they are involuntarily voided, owing to the relaxation of the sphincter muscles, as is known to be the case with man, and as I have seen with cattle, dogs, cats, and monkeys. The breathing is hurried. The heart beats quickly, wildly, and violently; but whether it pumps the blood more efficiently through the body may be doubted, for the surface seems bloodless and the strength of the muscles soon fails. In a frightened horse I have felt through the saddle the beating of the heart so plainly that I could have counted the beats. The mental faculties are much disturbed. Utter prostration soon follows, and even fainting. A terrified canary-bird has been seen not only to tremble and to turn white about the base of the bill, but to faint;[311] and I once caught a robin in a room, which fainted so completely, that for a time I thought it dead.
With almost all animals, even birds, fear makes their bodies shake. Their skin turns pale, they sweat, and their fur stands on end. The digestive system and kidneys work overtime, and they uncontrollably release waste because the sphincter muscles relax, similar to what happens in humans. I've observed this with cattle, dogs, cats, and monkeys. Breathing becomes quickened. The heart races rapidly and erratically; however, it's questionable whether it pumps blood more effectively, as the surface appears bloodless and the muscles quickly lose strength. I once felt a horse's heartbeat through the saddle so clearly that I could have counted the beats. Their mental state is greatly affected. Utter exhaustion follows shortly after, and even fainting can occur. A scared canary has been seen not just trembling and turning pale around its beak, but actually fainting;[311] and I once caught a robin in a room that fainted so completely I thought it was dead for a moment.
Most of these symptoms are probably the direct result, independently of habit, of the disturbed state of the sensorium; but it is doubtful whether they ought to be wholly thus accounted for. When an animal is alarmed it almost always stands motionless for a moment, in order to collect its senses and to ascertain the source of danger, and sometimes for the sake of escaping detection. But headlong flight soon follows, with no husbanding of the strength as in fighting, and the animal continues to fly as long as the danger lasts, until utter prostration, with failing respiration and circulation, with all the muscles quivering and profuse sweating, renders further flight impossible. Hence it does not seem improbable that the principle of associated habit may in part account for, or at least augment, some of the above-named characteristic symptoms of extreme terror.
Most of these symptoms are probably directly caused, regardless of habits, by the disturbed state of the mind; however, it’s uncertain whether they should be entirely attributed to that. When an animal is frightened, it almost always freezes for a moment to gather its senses and identify the source of danger, sometimes to avoid being noticed. But a frantic escape usually follows, without conserving energy like in a fight, and the animal keeps running as long as the threat remains, until complete exhaustion occurs, with shallow breathing and a weak heartbeat, as all its muscles shake and it sweats heavily, making further escape impossible. Therefore, it doesn't seem unlikely that the principle of learned behavior might partly explain, or at least intensify, some of the previously mentioned signs of extreme fear.
That the principle of associated habit has played an important part in causing the movements expressive of the foregoing several strong emotions and sensations, we may, I think, conclude from considering firstly, some other strong emotions which do not ordinarily require for their relief or gratification any voluntary movement; and secondly the contrast in nature between the so-called exciting and depressing states of the mind. No emotion is stronger than maternal love; but a mother may feel the deepest love for her helpless infant, and yet not show it by any outward sign; or only by slight caressing movements, with a gentle smile and tender eyes. But let any one intentionally injure her infant, and see what a change! how she starts up with threatening aspect, how her eyes sparkle and her face reddens, how her bosom heaves, nostrils dilate, and heart beats; for anger, and not maternal love, has habitually led to action. The love between the opposite sexes is widely different from maternal love; and when lovers meet, we know that their hearts beat quickly, their breathing is hurried, and their faces flush; for this love is not inactive like that of a mother for her infant.
The principle of associated habit has significantly influenced the movements that express several strong emotions and sensations. We can conclude this by looking at a couple of things: first, some strong emotions that usually don’t need any voluntary movement for relief or satisfaction, and second, the difference between what we call exciting and depressing mental states. No emotion is stronger than a mother's love; yet a mother can feel profound love for her helpless baby without showing it outwardly, or only with gentle touches, a soft smile, and loving eyes. But if someone intentionally hurts her baby, just watch the change! She’ll jump up with a fierce look, her eyes will shine, her face will become red, her chest will rise, her nostrils will flare, and her heart will pound; it’s anger, not maternal love, that typically drives her to act. The love between men and women is quite different from maternal love; when lovers are together, we see their hearts racing, their breathing quickening, and their faces flushing because this kind of love isn’t as passive as a mother’s love for her child.
A man may have his mind filled with the blackest hatred or suspicion, or be corroded with envy or jealousy, but as these feelings do not at once lead to action, and as they commonly last for some time, they are not shown by any outward sign, excepting that a man in this state assuredly does not appear cheerful or good-tempered. If indeed these feelings break out into overt acts, rage takes their place, and will be plainly exhibited. Painters can hardly portray suspicion, jealousy, envy, &c., except by the aid of accessories which tell the tale; and poets use such vague and fanciful expressions as “green-eyed jealousy.” Spenser describes suspicion as “Foul, ill-favoured, and grim, under his eyebrows looking still askance,” &c.; Shakespeare speaks of envy “as lean-faced in her loathsome case;” and in another place he says, “no black envy shall make my grave;” and again as “above pale envy’s threatening reach.”
A man might be filled with deep hatred or suspicion, or consumed by envy or jealousy, but since these feelings don’t instantly lead to action and often linger for a while, they don’t show on the outside—other than the fact that a person in this state definitely doesn’t seem cheerful or good-natured. If these feelings do turn into actions, then rage takes over and becomes obvious. Artists struggle to capture emotions like suspicion, jealousy, and envy without props that tell the story; poets resort to vague and imaginative phrases like “green-eyed jealousy.” Spenser describes suspicion as “Foul, ill-favored, and grim, always looking askance under his eyebrows,” and Shakespeare talks about envy as “lean-faced in her loathsome state;” and at another point he says, “no black envy shall make my grave;” and again, “above pale envy’s threatening reach.”
Emotions and sensations have often been classed as exciting or depressing. When all the organs of the body and mind,—those of voluntary and involuntary movement, of perception, sensation, thought, &c.,—perform their functions more energetically and rapidly than usual, a man or animal may be said to be excited, and, under an opposite state, to be depressed. Anger and joy are from the first exciting emotions, and they naturally lead, more especially the former, to energetic movements, which react on the heart and this again on the brain. A physician once remarked to me as a proof of the exciting nature of anger, that a man when excessively jaded will sometimes invent imaginary offences and put himself into a passion, unconsciously for the sake of reinvigorating himself; and since hearing this remark, I have occasionally recognized its full truth.
Emotions and sensations are often categorized as either exciting or depressing. When all the organs of the body and mind—those involved in voluntary and involuntary movement, perception, sensation, thought, etc.—function more energetically and quickly than usual, a person or animal can be described as excited, while a state of reduced energy is referred to as depressed. Anger and joy are among the primary exciting emotions, and they tend to lead to vigorous movements, especially anger, which impacts the heart and subsequently the brain. A doctor once told me that a clear example of the stimulating nature of anger is when a person, feeling very fatigued, might create imaginary offenses and get worked up, unconsciously to re-energize themselves; since hearing this, I have often recognized its complete truth.
Several other states of mind appear to be at first exciting, but soon become depressing to an extreme degree. When a mother suddenly loses her child, sometimes she is frantic with grief, and must be considered to be in an excited state; she walks wildly about, tears her hair or clothes, and wrings her hands. This latter action is perhaps due to the principle of antithesis, betraying an inward sense of helplessness and that nothing can be done. The other wild and violent movements may be in part explained by the relief experienced through muscular exertion, and in part by the undirected overflow of nerve-force from the excited sensorium. But under the sudden loss of a beloved person, one of the first and commonest thoughts which occurs, is that something more might have been done to save the lost one. An excellent observer,[312] in describing the behaviour of a girl at the sudden death of her father, says she “went about the house wringing her hands like a creature demented, saying ‘It was her fault;’ ‘I should never have left him;’ ‘If I had only sat up with him,’” &c. With such ideas vividly present before the mind, there would arise, through the principle of associated habit, the strongest tendency to energetic action of some kind.
Several other mental states can seem exciting at first, but quickly turn extremely depressing. When a mother suddenly loses her child, she may be overwhelmed with grief and appear to be in an excited state; she walks around erratically, tears her hair or clothes, and wrings her hands. This last action might be linked to a sense of helplessness, indicating that she feels there’s nothing that can be done. The other wild and frantic movements can be partly explained by the relief that comes from physical exertion, and partly by the uncontrolled overflow of energy from the highly excited nervous system. However, when faced with the sudden loss of a loved one, one of the first and most common thoughts is that more could have been done to save that person. An insightful observer, [312], describes the behavior of a girl after her father's sudden death, noting that she “went about the house wringing her hands like a madwoman, saying ‘It was her fault;’ ‘I should never have left him;’ ‘If I had only stayed up with him,’” etc. With such thoughts vividly in mind, there would be a strong tendency to take some kind of vigorous action due to the principle of associated habit.
As soon as the sufferer is fully conscious that nothing can be done, despair or deep sorrow takes the place of frantic grief. The sufferer sits motionless, or gently rocks to and fro; the circulation becomes languid; respiration is almost forgotten, and deep sighs are drawn. All this reacts on the brain, and prostration soon follows with collapsed muscles and dulled eyes. As associated habit no longer prompts the sufferer to action, he is urged by his friends to voluntary exertion, and not to give way to silent, motionless grief. Exertion stimulates the hear, and this reacts on the brain, and aids the mind to bear its heavy load.
As soon as the person in pain realizes that nothing can be done, despair or deep sorrow replaces frantic grief. They sit still or gently rock back and forth; their circulation slows down, breathing nearly stops, and they let out deep sighs. All of this affects the brain, leading to exhaustion, weak muscles, and dull eyes. Since habitual actions no longer push them to move, their friends encourage them to take action and not to succumb to silent, motionless grief. Taking action energizes the heart, which in turn helps the brain and makes it easier for the mind to cope with its heavy burden.
Pain, if severe, soon induces extreme depression or prostration; but it is at first a stimulant and excites to action, as we see when we whip a horse, and as is shown by the horrid tortures inflicted in foreign lands on exhausted dray-bullocks, to rouse them to renewed exertion. Fear again is the most depressing of all the emotions; and it soon induces utter, helpless prostration, as if in consequence of, or in association with, the most violent and prolonged attempts to escape from the danger, though no such attempts have actually been made. Nevertheless, even extreme fear often acts at first as a powerful stimulant. A man or animal driven through terror to desperation, is endowed with wonderful strength, and is notoriously dangerous in the highest degree.
Pain, when it's intense, quickly leads to severe depression or exhaustion; however, initially it serves as a stimulant and triggers action, like when we whip a horse, or as shown by the horrific tortures inflicted on overworked oxen in distant lands to get them to work harder. Fear, on the other hand, is the most debilitating of all emotions, often leading to complete, helpless collapse, as if it were due to or linked with intense and prolonged efforts to escape danger, even when no such efforts have been made. Still, extreme fear can often act as a powerful motivator at first. A person or animal pushed to desperation by fear can display astonishing strength and is notoriously very dangerous.
On the whole we may conclude that the principle of the direct action of the sensorium on the body, due to the constitution of the nervous system, and from the first independent of the will, has been highly influential in determining many expressions. Good instances are afforded by the trembling of the muscles, the sweating of the skin, the modified secretions of the alimentary canal and glands, under various emotions and sensations. But actions of this kind are often combined with others, which follow from our first principle, namely, that actions which have often been of direct or indirect service, under certain states of the mind, in order to gratify or relieve certain sensations, desires, &c., are still performed under analogous circumstances through mere habit although of no service. We have combinations of this kind, at least in part, in the frantic gestures of rage and in the writhings of extreme pain; and, perhaps, in the increased action of the heart and of the respiratory organs. Even when these and other emotions or sensations are aroused in a very feeble manner, there will still be a tendency to similar actions, owing to the force of long-associated habit; and those actions which are least under voluntary control will generally be longest retained. Our second principle of antithesis has likewise occasionally come into play.
Overall, we can conclude that the principle of the direct influence of the senses on the body, due to the structure of the nervous system and initially independent of the will, has significantly impacted many expressions. Good examples include muscle trembling, skin sweating, and changes in the secretions of the digestive system and glands under various emotions and sensations. However, these types of actions often combine with others that stem from our first principle, which suggests that actions that have been directly or indirectly beneficial under certain mental states to satisfy or ease specific sensations and desires are still performed in similar situations out of habit, even when they are no longer useful. We see these combinations partially in the wild gestures of anger and in the contortions of extreme pain; and possibly in the increased beating of the heart and the activity of the respiratory system. Even when these emotions or sensations are triggered weakly, there is still a tendency to similar actions due to the strength of long-established habits; and those actions least under voluntary control will typically be the most enduring. Our second principle of contrast has also sometimes been relevant.
Finally, so many expressive movements can be explained, as I trust will be seen in the course of this volume, through the three principles which have now been discussed, that we may hope hereafter to see all thus explained, or by closely analogous principles. It is, however, often impossible to decide how much weight ought to be attributed, in each particular case, to one of our principles, and how much to another; and very many points in the theory of Expression remain inexplicable.
Finally, many expressive movements can be explained, as I believe will be demonstrated throughout this volume, through the three principles we've just discussed. We can hope to see everything explained in this way or through closely related principles. However, it's often difficult to determine how much importance should be given to each principle in specific cases, and many aspects of the theory of Expression remain unexplainable.
CHAPTER IV.
MEANS OF EXPRESSION IN ANIMALS.
The emission of Sounds—Vocal sounds—Sounds otherwise produced—Erection of the dermal appendages, hairs, feathers, &c., under the emotions of anger and terror—The drawing back of the ears as a preparation for fighting, and as an expression of anger—Erection of the ears and raising the head, a sign of attention.
The production of sounds—vocal sounds—sounds created in other ways—raising of the skin appendages, like hairs and feathers, when feeling anger and fear—pulling back the ears as a way to prepare for a fight and to show anger—raising the ears and lifting the head, a sign of being attentive.
In this and the following chapter I will describe, but only in sufficient detail to illustrate my subject, the expressive movements, under different states of the mind, of some few well-known animals. But before considering them in due succession, it will save much useless repetition to discuss certain means of expression common to most of them.
In this chapter and the next, I’ll describe, but only enough to illustrate my point, the expressive movements of a few well-known animals in different mental states. Before going through them one by one, it makes sense to discuss some common ways of expressing feelings that most of them share to avoid repeating myself too much.
The emission of Sounds.—With many kinds of animals, man included, the vocal organs are efficient in the highest degree as a means of expression. We have seen, in the last chapter, that when the sensorium is strongly excited, the muscles of the body are generally thrown into violent action; and as a consequence, loud sounds are uttered, however silent the animal may generally be, and although the sounds may be of no use. Hares and rabbits for instance, never, I believe, use their vocal organs except in the extremity of suffering; as, when a wounded hare is killed by the sportsman, or when a young rabbit is caught by a stoat. Cattle and horses suffer great pain in silence; but when this is excessive, and especially when associated with terror, they utter fearful sounds. I have often recognized, from a distance on the Pampas, the agonized death-bellow of the cattle, when caught by the lasso and hamstrung. It is said that horses, when attacked by wolves, utter loud and peculiar screams of distress.
The Emission of Sounds.—For many types of animals, including humans, the vocal organs are very effective as a means of expression. As we discussed in the last chapter, when the mind is highly stimulated, the body's muscles often go into intense action; as a result, loud sounds are made, even if the animal is usually quiet, and even if those sounds serve no purpose. For example, hares and rabbits typically only use their vocal cords in extreme suffering, such as when a wounded hare is killed by a hunter or when a young rabbit is caught by a stoat. Cattle and horses can endure significant pain in silence, but when the pain becomes too much, especially if they are also afraid, they make terrifying sounds. I have often recognized from a distance on the Pampas the agonizing death bellow of cattle caught by the lasso and hamstrung. It's said that horses, when attacked by wolves, let out loud and distinctive cries of distress.
Involuntary and purposeless contractions of the muscles of the chest and glottis, excited in the above manner, may have first given rise to the emission of vocal sounds. But the voice is now largely used by many animals for various purposes; and habit seems to have played an important part in its employment under other circumstances. Naturalists have remarked, I believe with truth, that social animals, from habitually using their vocal organs as a means of intercommunication, use them on other occasions much more freely than other animals. But there are marked exceptions to this rule, for instance, with the rabbit. The principle, also, of association, which is so widely extended in its power, has likewise played its part. Hence it follows that the voice, from having been habitually employed as a serviceable aid under certain conditions, inducing pleasure, pain, rage, &c., is commonly used whenever the same sensations or emotions are excited, under quite different conditions, or in a lesser degree.
Involuntary and random muscle contractions in the chest and throat, triggered as mentioned above, may have originally led to the production of vocal sounds. However, many animals now use their voices for various purposes, and it seems that habit has played a significant role in how they use it in different situations. Naturalists have observed, I believe correctly, that social animals, by regularly using their vocal cords to communicate, tend to use them more freely in other instances compared to other animals. Still, there are notable exceptions to this, such as with rabbits. Additionally, the principle of association, which is widely influential, has also contributed to this. As a result, the voice, having been regularly used as a helpful tool in certain situations that evoke pleasure, pain, anger, etc., is often used whenever those same feelings or emotions arise, even in different contexts or to a lesser extent.
The sexes of many animals incessantly call for each other during the breeding-season; and in not a few cases, the male endeavours thus to charm or excite the female. This, indeed, seems to have been the primeval use and means of development of the voice, as I have attempted to show in my ‘Descent of Man.’ Thus the use of the vocal organs will have become associated with the anticipation of the strongest pleasure which animals are capable of feeling. Animals which live in society often call to each other when separated, and evidently feel much joy at meeting; as we see with a horse, on the return of his companion, for whom he has been neighing. The mother calls incessantly for her lost young ones; for instance, a cow for her calf; and the young of many animals call for their mothers. When a flock of sheep is scattered, the ewes bleat incessantly for their lambs, and their mutual pleasure at coming together is manifest. Woe betide the man who meddles with the young of the larger and fiercer quadrupeds, if they hear the cry of distress from their young. Rage leads to the violent exertion of all the muscles, including those of the voice; and some animals, when enraged, endeavour to strike terror into their enemies by its power and harshness, as the lion does by roaring, and the dog by growling. I infer that their object is to strike terror, because the lion at the same time erects the hair of its mane, and the dog the hair along its back, and thus they make themselves appear as large and terrible as possible. Rival males try to excel and challenge each other by their voices, and this leads to deadly contests. Thus the use of the voice will have become associated with the emotion of anger, however it may be aroused. We have also seen that intense pain, like rage, leads to violent outcries, and the exertion of screaming by itself gives some relief; and thus the use of the voice will have become associated with suffering of any kind.
During the breeding season, many animals constantly call out to each other, and in some cases, the male tries to attract or excite the female. This seems to have been the original purpose and way of developing vocal abilities, as I've discussed in my 'Descent of Man.' Using their vocal cords has become linked to the anticipation of the greatest pleasure animals can experience. Social animals often call out to one another when they are apart and clearly feel a lot of joy when they reunite, like a horse that neighs for its companion's return. Mothers constantly call out for their lost young ones, such as a cow searching for her calf, and many young animals cry for their mothers. When a flock of sheep gets scattered, the ewes bleat repeatedly for their lambs, and their shared joy at reuniting is evident. Woe unto anyone who interferes with the young of larger and fiercer animals when they hear cries of distress from their young. Anger leads to the intense use of all muscles, including those needed for vocalization; some animals, when angered, try to intimidate their foes with their loud and harsh sounds, like the lion's roar or the dog's growl. I believe their goal is to instill fear because the lion also raises the hair on its mane, and the dog raises the fur along its back, making themselves appear larger and more fearsome. Rival males compete to outdo each other with their voices, leading to deadly confrontations. Thus, using their voices has become connected to feelings of anger, no matter how it's stirred up. We've also observed that intense pain, much like anger, leads to loud cries, and simply screaming can provide some relief, so the use of voice is also tied to suffering of any kind.
The cause of widely different sounds being uttered under different emotions and sensations is a very obscure subject. Nor does the rule always hold good that there is any marked difference. For instance with the dog, the bark of anger and that of joy do not differ much, though they can be distinguished. It is not probable that any precise explanation of the cause or source of each particular sound, under different states of the mind, will ever be given. We know that some animals, after being domesticated, have acquired the habit of uttering sounds which were not natural to them.[401] Thus domestic dogs, and even tamed jackals, have learnt to bark, which is a noise not proper to any species of the genus, with the exception of the Canis latrans of North America, which is said to bark. Some breeds, also, of the domestic pigeon have learnt to coo in a new and quite peculiar manner.
The reason why different sounds are made based on various emotions and sensations is a complicated topic. It’s not always true that these sounds are noticeably different. For example, a dog's bark when it's angry and one when it's happy don't differ much, though you can tell them apart. It’s unlikely that we will ever have a clear explanation for why each specific sound is made in different mental states. We do know that some animals, once domesticated, have picked up the habit of making sounds that aren't natural to them. For instance, domestic dogs and even tamed jackals have learned to bark, a sound not typically made by other species in this genus, except for the Canis latrans in North America, which is known to bark. Additionally, certain breeds of domestic pigeons have learned to coo in a new and unique way.
The character of the human voice, under the influence of various emotions, has been discussed by Mr. Herbert Spencer[402] in his interesting essay on Music. He clearly shows that the voice alters much under different conditions, in loudness and in quality, that is, in resonance and timbre, in pitch and intervals. No one can listen to an eloquent orator or preacher, or to a man calling angrily to another, or to one expressing astonishment, without being struck with the truth of Mr. Spencer’s remarks. It is curious how early in life the modulation of the voice becomes expressive. With one of my children, under the age of two years, I clearly perceived that his humph of assent was rendered by a slight modulation strongly emphatic; and that by a peculiar whine his negative expressed obstinate determination. Mr. Spencer further shows that emotional speech, in all the above respects is intimately related to vocal music, and consequently to instrumental music; and he attempts to explain the characteristic qualities of both on physiological grounds—namely, on “the general law that a feeling is a stimulus to muscular action.” It may be admitted that the voice is affected through this law; but the explanation appears to me too general and vague to throw much light on the various differences, with the exception of that of loudness, between ordinary speech and emotional speech, or singing.
The character of the human voice, influenced by various emotions, has been discussed by Mr. Herbert Spencer in his engaging essay on Music. He clearly shows that the voice changes a lot depending on the situation, including loudness and quality, meaning resonance and timbre, pitch, and intervals. Anyone can observe the truth of Mr. Spencer’s comments when listening to a passionate speaker or preacher, someone angrily calling out to another, or someone expressing surprise. It’s interesting how early in life the modulation of the voice becomes expressive. With one of my children, under the age of two, I could clearly see that his hum of agreement carried a slight but impactful modulation; and that his unique whine for a negative response showed stubborn determination. Mr. Spencer also points out that emotional speech, in all these ways, is closely linked to vocal music, and thus to instrumental music as well. He attempts to explain the distinctive qualities of both based on physiological principles—specifically, “the general law that a feeling is a stimulus to muscular action.” While it can be acknowledged that the voice is influenced by this law, the explanation seems too broad and vague to shed much light on the various differences, except for loudness, between ordinary speech and emotional speech or singing.
This remark holds good, whether we believe that the various qualities of the voice originated in speaking under the excitement of strong feelings, and that these qualities have subsequently been transferred to vocal music; or whether we believe, as I maintain, that the habit of uttering musical sounds was first developed, as a means of courtship, in the early progenitors of man, and thus became associated with the strongest emotions of which they were capable,—namely, ardent love, rivalry and triumph. That animals utter musical notes is familiar to every one, as we may daily hear in the singing of birds. It is a more remarkable fact that an ape, one of the Gibbons, produces an exact octave of musical sounds, ascending and descending the scale by halftones; so that this monkey “alone of brute mammals may be said to sing.”[403] From this fact, and from the analogy of other animals, I have been led to infer that the progenitors of man probably uttered musical tones, before they had acquired the power of articulate speech; and that consequently, when the voice is used under any strong emotion, it tends to assume, through the principle of association, a musical character. We can plainly perceive, with some of the lower animals, that the males employ their voices to please the females, and that they themselves take pleasure in their own vocal utterances; but why particular sounds are uttered, and why these give pleasure cannot at present be explained.
This idea applies whether we think that the different qualities of the voice came from speaking when feeling strong emotions, which were then carried over into vocal music, or whether we believe, as I do, that the practice of making musical sounds first emerged as a way of courting in early human ancestors, and thus became linked to the strongest emotions they experienced—namely, intense love, rivalry, and triumph. It's well known that animals produce musical sounds, as we can hear every day in the singing of birds. Even more surprisingly, a type of ape called the Gibbon can create exact musical octaves, ascending and descending the scale by half steps, so you could say this monkey “alone of brute mammals may sing.” From this information, and by comparing with other animals, I've come to think that human ancestors probably produced musical sounds before they could speak clearly, and therefore, when the voice is used while feeling strong emotions, it tends to take on a musical quality due to the principle of association. We can clearly see, with some lower animals, that males use their voices to attract females and that they enjoy their own vocal sounds; however, the reasons behind the specific sounds they make and why these sounds are pleasurable can't currently be explained.
That the pitch of the voice bears some relation to certain states of feeling is tolerably clear. A person gently complaining of ill-treatment, or slightly suffering, almost always speaks in a high-pitched voice. Dogs, when a little impatient, often make a high piping note through their noses, which at once strikes us as plaintive;[404] but how difficult it is to know whether the sound is essentially plaintive, or only appears so in this particular case, from our having learnt by experience what it means! Rengger, states[405] that the monkeys (Cebus azaræ), which he kept in Paraguay, expressed astonishment by a half-piping, half-snarling noise; anger or impatience, by repeating the sound hu hu in a deeper, grunting voice; and fright or pain, by shrill screams. On the other hand, with mankind, deep groans and high piercing screams equally express an agony of pain. Laughter maybe either high or low; so that, with adult men, as Haller long ago remarked,[406] the sound partakes of the character of the vowels (as pronounced in German) O and A; whilst with children and women, it has more of the character of E and I; and these latter vowel-sounds naturally have, as Helmholtz has shown, a higher pitch than the former; yet both tones of laughter equally express enjoyment or amusement.
It's pretty clear that the pitch of a voice is linked to certain feelings. When someone is gently complaining about being mistreated or is feeling a bit unwell, they usually speak in a higher-pitched voice. Dogs, when they're a little impatient, often make a high-pitched sound through their noses that we recognize as plaintive;[404] but it’s challenging to determine if that sound is genuinely plaintive or if we interpret it that way because we’ve learned from experience what it means! Rengger states[405] that the monkeys (Cebus azaræ) he had in Paraguay expressed surprise with a mix of a piping and snarling noise; showed anger or impatience by repeating the sound hu hu in a deeper, grunting voice; and displayed fear or pain through sharp screams. For humans, deep groans and high-pitched screams can both show intense pain. Laughter can be high or low; so, as Haller noted long ago,[406] with adult men, the sound resembles the vowels (as pronounced in German) O and A; while with children and women, it tends to resemble E and I; and these latter vowel sounds, as Helmholtz demonstrated, generally have a higher pitch than the former; yet both types of laughter express joy or amusement equally.
In considering the mode in which vocal utterances express emotion, we are naturally led to inquire into the cause of what is called “expression” in music. Upon this point Mr. Litchfield, who has long attended to the subject of music, has been so kind as to give me the following remarks:—“The question, what is the essence of musical ‘expression’ involves a number of obscure points, which, so far as I am aware, are as yet unsolved enigmas. Up to a certain point, however, any law which is found to hold as to the expression of the emotions by simple sounds must apply to the more developed mode of expression in song, which may be taken as the primary type of all music. A great part of the emotional effect of a song depends on the character of the action by which the sounds are produced. In songs, for instance, which express great vehemence of passion, the effect often chiefly depends on the forcible utterance of some one or two characteristic passages which demand great exertion of vocal force; and it will be frequently noticed that a song of this character fails of its proper effect when sung by a voice of sufficient power and range to give the characteristic passages without much exertion. This is, no doubt, the secret of the loss of effect so often produced by the transposition of a song from one key to another. The effect is thus seen to depend not merely on the actual sounds, but also in part on the nature of the action which produces the sounds. Indeed it is obvious that whenever we feel the ‘expression’ of a song to be due to its quickness or slowness of movement—to smoothness of flow, loudness of utterance, and so on—we are, in fact, interpreting the muscular actions which produce sound, in the same way in which we interpret muscular action generally. But this leaves unexplained the more subtle and more specific effect which we call the musical expression of the song—the delight given by its melody, or even by the separate sounds which make up the melody. This is an effect indefinable in language—one which, so far as I am aware, no one has been able to analyse, and which the ingenious speculation of Mr. Herbert Spencer as to the origin of music leaves quite unexplained. For it is certain that the melodic effect of a series of sounds does not depend in the least on their loudness or softness, or on their absolute pitch. A tune is always the same tune, whether it is sung loudly or softly, by a child or a man; whether it is played on a flute or on a trombone. The purely musical effect of any sound depends on its place in what is technically called a ‘scale;’ the same sound producing absolutely different effects on the ear, according as it is heard in connection with one or another series of sounds.
When we think about how vocal sounds express emotion, we naturally start to wonder about the cause of what we call “expression” in music. Mr. Litchfield, who has studied this topic for a long time, kindly shared the following thoughts with me: “The question of what defines musical ‘expression’ involves several complex issues that, as far as I know, remain unsolved mysteries. However, we can say that any rule about how emotions are expressed through simple sounds likely applies to the more complex form of expression in singing, which can be considered the foundation of all music. A lot of the emotional impact of a song hinges on how the sounds are produced. For example, in songs that convey intense passion, the emotional effect often relies heavily on the powerful delivery of one or two key phrases that require significant vocal effort. It’s frequently noted that a song of this nature falls flat when sung by a voice that has enough power and range to deliver those phrases without much effort. This is likely why changing the key of a song often diminishes its impact. We can see that the effect depends not just on the actual sounds but also on the nature of the action producing those sounds. It's clear that whenever we feel a song’s ‘expression’ relates to its tempo, smoothness, loudness, and so on, we are interpreting the physical actions that create sound, similar to how we interpret physical actions in general. Yet, this doesn’t explain the more subtle and specific impact that we refer to as the musical expression of a song—the joy derived from its melody or even from the individual sounds that make up that melody. This is an effect that's hard to define in words—one that, as far as I know, no one has been able to break down, and which Mr. Herbert Spencer's intriguing theories about the origin of music leave completely unanswered. It’s clear that the melodic effect of a sequence of sounds does not rely at all on their loudness or softness, or their absolute pitch. A melody is still the same melody, whether it's sung softly or loudly, by a child or an adult, and whether it's played on a flute or a trombone. The purely musical effect of any sound is determined by its position in what’s technically known as a ‘scale’; the same sound can produce entirely different effects on the ear depending on what other sounds it’s accompanied by.”
“It is on this relative association of the sounds that all the essentially characteristic effects which are summed up in the phrase ‘musical expression,’ depend. But why certain associations of sounds have such-and-such effects, is a problem which yet remains to be solved. These effects must indeed, in some way or other, be connected with the well-known arithmetical relations between the rates of vibration of the sounds which form a musical scale. And it is possible—but this is merely a suggestion—that the greater or less mechanical facility with which the vibrating apparatus of the human larynx passes from one state of vibration to another, may have been a primary cause of the greater or less pleasure produced by various sequences of sounds.”
“It is on this relative relationship of sounds that all the key effects summed up in the phrase ‘musical expression’ depend. However, why certain combinations of sounds create specific effects is a problem that still needs to be figured out. These effects must be linked in some way to the well-known mathematical relationships between the vibration rates of the sounds that make up a musical scale. It’s possible—but this is just a suggestion—that the ease or difficulty with which the vibrating mechanism of the human vocal cords shifts from one vibration state to another may have been a primary reason for the varying pleasure produced by different sequences of sounds.”
But leaving aside these complex questions and confining ourselves to the simpler sounds, we can, at least, see some reasons for the association of certain kinds of sounds with certain states of mind. A scream, for instance, uttered by a young animal, or by one of the members of a community, as a call for assistance, will naturally be loud, prolonged, and high, so as to penetrate to a distance. For Helmholtz has shown[407] that, owing to the shape of the internal cavity of the human ear and its consequent power of resonance, high notes produce a particularly strong impression. When male animals utter sounds in order to please the females, they would naturally employ those which are sweet to the ears of the species; and it appears that the same sounds are often pleasing to widely different animals, owing to the similarity of their nervous systems, as we ourselves perceive in the singing of birds and even in the chirping of certain tree-frogs giving us pleasure. On the other hand, sounds produced in order to strike terror into an enemy, would naturally be harsh or displeasing.
But putting aside these complicated questions and focusing on the simpler sounds, we can at least understand some reasons why certain types of sounds are linked to specific states of mind. A scream, for example, made by a young animal or by someone in a community calling for help, will understandably be loud, long, and high-pitched, so it can be heard over a distance. Helmholtz has demonstrated[407]that, because of the shape of the internal cavity of the human ear and its ability to resonate, high notes create a particularly strong impact. When male animals make sounds to attract females, they naturally use sounds that are pleasing to their kind; and it seems that these same sounds often appeal to very different animals, due to similarities in their nervous systems, as we notice in the songs of birds and even in the chirping of certain tree frogs, which we find enjoyable. On the other hand, sounds meant to instill fear in an enemy would likely be harsh or unpleasant.
Whether the principle of antithesis has come into play with sounds, as might perhaps have been expected, is doubtful. The interrupted, laughing or tittering sounds made by man and by various kinds of monkeys when pleased, are as different as possible from the prolonged screams of these animals when distressed. The deep grunt of satisfaction uttered by a pig, when pleased with its food, is widely different from its harsh scream of pain or terror. But with the dog, as lately remarked, the bark of anger and that of joy are sounds which by no means stand in opposition to each other; and so it is in some other cases.
Whether the principle of contrast applies to sounds, as might have been expected, is uncertain. The interrupted, laughing, or giggling sounds made by humans and various types of monkeys when happy are completely different from the long screams of these animals when they are upset. The deep grunt of satisfaction from a pig when it enjoys its food is very different from its harsh scream of pain or fear. However, with dogs, as mentioned recently, the bark of anger and the bark of joy are sounds that do not oppose each other, and this is also true in some other cases.
There is another obscure point, namely, whether the sounds which are produced under various states of the mind determine the shape of the mouth, or whether its shape is not determined by independent causes, and the sound thus modified. When young infants cry they open their mouths widely, and this, no doubt, is necessary for pouring forth a full volume of sound; but the mouth then assumes, from a quite distinct cause, an almost quadrangular shape, depending, as will hereafter be explained, on the firm closing of the eyelids, and consequent drawing up of the upper lip. How far this square shape of the mouth modifies the wailing or crying sound, I am not prepared to say; but we know from the researches of Helmholtz and others that the form of the cavity of the mouth and lips determines the nature and pitch of the vowel sounds which are produced.
There's another unclear point: do the sounds produced during different mental states shape the mouth, or is its shape influenced by other factors, resulting in modified sounds? When young babies cry, they open their mouths wide, which is likely necessary for producing a strong sound. However, at that moment, the mouth takes on an almost square shape due to a different cause, which will be explained later, related to the tight closing of the eyelids and the pulling up of the upper lip. I'm not sure how much this square shape affects the sound of crying, but research by Helmholtz and others shows that the shape of the mouth and lips influences the nature and pitch of vowel sounds.
It will also be shown in a future chapter that, under the feeling of contempt or disgust, there is a tendency, from intelligible causes, to blow out of the mouth or nostrils, and this produces sounds like pooh or pish. When any one is startled or suddenly astonished, there is an instantaneous tendency, likewise from an intelligible cause, namely, to be ready for prolonged exertion, to open the mouth widely, so as to draw a deep and rapid inspiration. When the next full expiration follows, the mouth is slightly closed, and the lips, from causes hereafter to be discussed, are somewhat protruded; and this form of the mouth, if the voice be at all exerted, produces, according to Helmholtz, the sound of the vowel O. Certainly a deep sound of a prolonged Oh! may be heard from a whole crowd of people immediately after witnessing any astonishing spectacle. If, together with surprise, pain be felt, there is a tendency to contract all the muscles of the body, including those of the face, and the lips will then be drawn back; and this will perhaps account for the sound becoming higher and assuming the character of Ah! or Ach! As fear causes all the muscles of the body to tremble, the voice naturally becomes tremulous, and at the same time husky from the dryness of the mouth, owing to the salivary glands failing to act. Why the laughter of man and the tittering of monkeys should be a rapidly reiterated sound, cannot be explained. During the utterance of these sounds, the mouth is transversely elongated by the corners being drawn backwards and upwards; and of this fact an explanation will be attempted in a future chapter. But the whole subject of the differences of the sounds produced under different states of the mind is so obscure, that I have succeeded in throwing hardly any light on it; and the remarks which I have made, have but little significance.
It will also be shown in a future chapter that, when feeling contempt or disgust, there's a tendency, for understandable reasons, to exhale forcefully through the mouth or nostrils, creating sounds like "pooh" or "pish." When someone is startled or suddenly amazed, there's an immediate urge, also for understandable reasons, to prepare for prolonged effort, which leads to opening the mouth wide to take a deep and quick breath. When the next full exhale happens, the mouth is slightly closed, and the lips, for reasons discussed later, are somewhat pushed out; this mouth shape, if the voice is used, produces, according to Helmholtz, the sound of the vowel O. For sure, a deep sound of a prolonged Oh! can be heard from a crowd right after witnessing an incredible sight. If someone feels pain along with surprise, there's a tendency to tense all body muscles, including those in the face, causing the lips to retract; this might explain why the sound becomes higher pitched and takes on the quality of Ah! or Ach!. As fear makes all the body's muscles shake, the voice tends to tremble, becoming hoarse and dry due to the salivary glands not functioning. The reason why human laughter and monkey tittering are rapid, repetitive sounds remains unexplained. When these sounds are made, the mouth is stretched sideways as the corners are pulled back and up; an explanation for this will be attempted in a future chapter. However, the entire topic of how different mental states affect sound production is so unclear that I've hardly shed any light on it, and my comments have little significance.

All the sounds hitherto noticed depend on the respiratory organs; but sounds produced by wholly different means are likewise expressive. Rabbits stamp loudly on the ground as a signal to their comrades; and if a man knows how to do so properly, he may on a quiet evening hear the rabbits answering him all around. These animals, as well as some others, also stamp on the ground when made angry. Porcupines rattle their quills and vibrate their tails when angered; and one behaved in this manner when a live snake was placed in its compartment. The quills on the tail are very different from those on the body: they are short, hollow, thin like a goose-quill, with their ends transversely truncated, so that they are open; they are supported on long, thin, elastic foot-stalks. Now, when the tail is rapidly shaken, these hollow quills strike against each other and produce, as I heard in the presence of Mr. Bartlett, a peculiar continuous sound. We can, I think, understand why porcupines have been provided, through the modification of their protective spines, with this special sound-producing instrument. They are nocturnal animals, and if they scented or heard a prowling beast of prey, it would be a great advantage to them in the dark to give warning to their enemy what they were, and that they were furnished with dangerous spines. They would thus escape being attacked. They are, as I may add, so fully conscious of the power of their weapons, that when enraged they will charge backwards with their spines erected, yet still inclined backwards.
All the sounds we've talked about so far come from the respiratory system, but sounds made in entirely different ways can also convey meaning. Rabbits thump loudly on the ground as a signal to each other; if someone knows how to do it right, they might catch the rabbits responding to them on a quiet evening. These animals, along with a few others, also thump on the ground when they’re angry. Porcupines rattle their quills and shake their tails when upset; one even did this when a live snake was put in its space. The quills on their tails are quite different from those on their bodies: they are short, hollow, and thin like goose quills, with ends cut across so they are open; they rest on long, thin, flexible stalks. When the tail is shaken quickly, these hollow quills hit each other and create a distinctive continuous sound, as I heard in the presence of Mr. Bartlett. I believe we can understand why porcupines have evolved these special sound-making features through the alteration of their protective spines. They are nocturnal creatures, and if they smell or hear a lurking predator, it would be really beneficial in the dark to warn the threat of what they are and that they have dangerous spines. This way, they can avoid being attacked. They are, I should add, so aware of the effectiveness of their defenses that when they feel threatened, they will charge backward with their spines raised, still angled back.
Many birds during their courtship produce diversified sounds by means of specially adapted feathers. Storks, when excited, make a loud clattering noise with their beaks. Some snakes produce a grating or rattling noise. Many insects stridulate by rubbing together specially modified parts of their hard integuments. This stridulation generally serves as a sexual charm or call; but it is likewise used to express different emotions.[408] Every one who has attended to bees knows that their humming changes when they are angry; and this serves as a warning that there is danger of being stung. I have made these few remarks because some writers have laid so much stress on the vocal and respiratory organs as having been specially adapted for expression, that it was advisable to show that sounds otherwise produced serve equally well for the same purpose.
Many birds create a variety of sounds during their courtship thanks to specially adapted feathers. Storks, when excited, make a loud clattering noise with their beaks. Some snakes produce a grating or rattling sound. Many insects make noise by rubbing together specially modified parts of their hard exoskeletons. This noise usually serves as a sexual call or attraction; however, it is also used to convey different emotions. [408] Anyone who has observed bees knows that their humming changes when they're angry, which serves as a warning of the risk of getting stung. I mention these points because some writers have emphasized the vocal and respiratory organs as being specially adapted for expression, so it's important to show that sounds made in other ways can serve the same purpose just as well.
Erection of the dermal appendages.—Hardly any expressive movement is so general as the involuntary erection of the hairs, feathers and other dermal appendages; for it is common throughout three of the great vertebrate classes. These appendages are erected under the excitement of anger or terror; more especially when these emotions are combined, or quickly succeed each other. The action serves to make the animal appear larger and more frightful to its enemies or rivals, and is generally accompanied by various voluntary movements adapted for the same purpose, and by the utterance of savage sounds. Mr. Bartlett, who has had such wide experience with animals of all kinds, does not doubt that this is the case; but it is a different question whether the power of erection was primarily acquired for this special purpose.
Erection of the dermal appendages.—Few expressive movements are as common as the involuntary erection of hairs, feathers, and other skin appendages; this occurs in three major classes of vertebrates. These appendages stand up when an animal feels anger or fear, especially when these feelings happen together or in quick succession. This action helps the animal look bigger and more intimidating to threats or competitors, and it typically comes with various purposeful movements and aggressive sounds. Mr. Bartlett, who has extensive experience with different animals, believes this to be true; however, it's a separate question whether the ability to erect these appendages was originally developed for this specific reason.
I will first give a considerable body of facts showing how general this action is with mammals, birds and reptiles; retaining what I have to say in regard to man for a future chapter. Mr. Sutton, the intelligent keeper in the Zoological Gardens, carefully observed for me the Chimpanzee and Orang; and he states that when they are suddenly frightened, as by a thunderstorm, or when they are made angry, as by being teased, their hair becomes erect. I saw a chimpanzee who was alarmed at the sight of a black coalheaver, and the hair rose all over his body; he made little starts forward as if to attack the man, without any real intention of doing so, but with the hope, as the keeper remarked, of frightening him. The Gorilla, when enraged, is described by Mr. Ford[409] as having his crest of hair “erect and projecting forward, his nostrils dilated, and his under lip thrown down; at the same time uttering his characteristic yell, designed, it would seem, to terrify his antagonists.” I saw the hair on the Anubis baboon, when angered bristling along the back, from the neck to the loins, but not on the rump or other parts of the body. I took a stuffed snake into the monkey-house, and the hair on several of the species instantly became erect; especially on their tails, as I particularly noticed with the Cereopithecus nictitans. Brehm states[410] that the Midas œdipus (belonging to the American division) when excited erects its mane, in order, as he adds, to make itself as frightful as possible.
I will first present a significant amount of information demonstrating how common this behavior is among mammals, birds, and reptiles, saving what I have to say about humans for a future chapter. Mr. Sutton, the knowledgeable keeper at the Zoological Gardens, closely observed the Chimpanzee and Orangutan for me. He noted that when they are suddenly scared, like during a thunderstorm, or when they get angry from being teased, their hair stands up. I saw a chimpanzee who got scared at the sight of a black coal worker, and its hair bristled all over its body; it made little movements as if to confront the man, not intending to actually attack, but hoping, as the keeper pointed out, to scare him off. Mr. Ford describes the Gorilla when it's angry as having its crest of hair “standing up and leaning forward, its nostrils flared, and its lower lip dropped; at the same time, it lets out its distinctive yell, seemingly aimed at intimidating its opponents.” I observed the hair on the Anubis baboon standing up along its back, from the neck to the lower back, but not on its rear or other body parts. I brought a stuffed snake into the monkey house, and the hair on several species immediately stood up, especially on their tails, as I noticed particularly with the Cereopithecus nictitans. Brehm states[410] that the Midas œdipus (from the American group) raises its mane when excited, aiming, as he adds, to appear as terrifying as possible.
With the Carnivora the erection of the hair seems to be almost universal, often accompanied by threatening movements, the uncovering of the teeth and the utterance of savage growls. In the Herpestes, I have seen the hair on end over nearly the whole body, including the tail; and the dorsal crest is erected in a conspicuous manner by the Hyaena and Proteles. The enraged lion erects his mane. The bristling of the hair along the neck and back of the dog, and over the whole body of the cat, especially on the tail, is familiar to every one. With the cat it apparently occurs only under fear; with the dog, under anger and fear; but not, as far as I have observed, under abject fear, as when a dog is going to be flogged by a severe gamekeeper. If, however, the dog shows fight, as sometimes happens, up goes his hair. I have often noticed that the hair of a dog is particularly liable to rise, if he is half angry and half afraid, as on beholding some object only indistinctly seen in the dusk.
With carnivores, hair standing up seems to be almost universal, often along with threatening movements, baring of teeth, and fierce growls. In the Herpestes, I've seen the hair on end across nearly the whole body, including the tail; and both the hyena and Proteles prominently raise their dorsal crest. An angry lion raises his mane. The bristling of hair along the neck and back of a dog, as well as all over a cat's body, especially on the tail, is familiar to everyone. With cats, this seems to happen only when they are scared; with dogs, it happens out of anger and fear, but not, from what I've seen, in complete submission, like when a dog is about to be punished by a harsh gamekeeper. However, if a dog decides to fight, his hair will stand up. I've often noticed that a dog's hair is particularly likely to rise if he is both angry and scared, like when seeing something barely visible in the twilight.
I have been assured by a veterinary surgeon that he has often seen the hair erected on horses and cattle, on which he had operated and was again going to operate. When I showed a stuffed snake to a Peccary, the hair rose in a wonderful manner along its back; and so it does with the boar when enraged. An Elk which gored a man to death in the United States, is described as first brandishing his antlers, squealing with rage and stamping on the ground; “at length his hair was seen to rise and stand on end,” and then he plunged forward to the attack.[411] The hair likewise becomes erect on goats, and, as I hear from Mr. Blyth, on some Indian antelopes. I have seen it erected on the hairy Ant-eater; and on the Agouti, one of the Rodents. A female Bat,[412] which reared her young under confinement, when any one looked into the cage “erected the fur on her back, and bit viciously at intruding fingers.”
I’ve been told by a vet that he’s seen the hair stand up on horses and cattle he’s operated on, and also on ones he was about to operate on again. When I showed a stuffed snake to a peccary, its hair stood up remarkably along its back; the same happens with wild boars when they're angry. An elk that killed a man in the United States was described as first thrashing its antlers, squealing with rage, and stomping on the ground; “eventually, its hair was seen to rise and stand on end,” and then it charged forward to attack.[411] The hair also stands up on goats, and according to Mr. Blyth, on some Indian antelopes as well. I’ve seen it happen with the hairy anteater and with the agouti, which is a type of rodent. A female bat,[412] who raised her young while confined, would "raise the fur on her back and bite viciously at anyone’s fingers that intruded."
Birds belonging to all the chief Orders ruffle their feathers when angry or frightened. Every one must have seen two cocks, even quite young birds, preparing to fight with erected neck-hackles; nor can these feathers when erected serve as a means of defence, for cock-fighters have found by experience that it is advantageous to trim them. The male Ruff (Machetes pugnæ) likewise erects its collar of feathers when fighting. When a dog approaches a common hen with her chickens, she spreads out her wings, raises her tail, ruffles all her feathers, and looking as ferocious as possible, dashes at the intruder. The tail is not always held in exactly the same position; it is sometimes so much erected, that the central feathers, as in the accompanying drawing, almost touch the back. Swans, when angered, likewise raise their wings and tail, and erect their feathers. They open their beaks, and make by paddling little rapid starts forwards, against any one who approaches the water’s edge too closely. Tropic birds[413] when disturbed on their nests are said not to fly away, but “merely to stick out their feathers and scream.” The Barn-owl, when approached “instantly swells out its plumage, extends its wings and tail, hisses and clacks its mandibles with force and rapidity.”[414] So do other kinds of owls. Hawks, as I am informed by Mr. Jenner Weir, likewise ruffle their feathers, and spread out their wings and tail under similar circumstances. Some kinds of parrots erect their feathers; and I have seen this action in the Cassowary, when angered at the sight of an Ant-eater. Young cuckoos in the nest, raise their feathers, open their mouths widely, and make themselves as frightful as possible.
Birds from all the main groups fluff up their feathers when they're angry or scared. Everyone has probably seen two roosters, even if they’re young, getting ready to fight by standing tall with their neck feathers raised. Those feathers, when fluffed up, don’t actually help in defense since cockfighters have found it helpful to trim them. The male Ruff (Machetes pugnæ) also raises its feather collar when it’s getting ready to battle. When a dog gets too close to a hen with her chicks, she spreads her wings, lifts her tail, fluffs up all her feathers, and charges at the intruder, looking as fierce as she can. The tail isn’t always held the same way; sometimes it’s raised so high that the middle feathers, like in the drawing, nearly touch her back. Swans also puff up their wings and tails when they’re mad. They open their beaks and quickly paddle toward anyone who comes too close to the water's edge. Tropic birds[413] are said not to fly away when disturbed on their nests, but instead just puff up their feathers and scream. The Barn-owl, when approached, “instantly swells out its plumage, extends its wings and tail, hisses and clacks its mandibles with force and rapidity.”[414] Other types of owls do the same. Hawks, as Mr. Jenner Weir tells me, also fluff up their feathers and spread their wings and tails in similar situations. Some parrots raise their feathers, and I’ve seen this behavior in Cassowaries when they’re angered by the sight of an anteater. Young cuckoos in the nest fluff up their feathers, open their mouths wide, and try to look as scary as possible.

{illust. caption = FIG. 12—Hen driving away a dog from her chickens. Drawn from life by Mr. Wood.}
{illust. caption = FIG. 12—Hen driving away a dog from her chickens. Drawn from life by Mr. Wood.}

{illust. caption = FIG. 13.—Swan driving away an intruder. Drawn from life by Mr. Wood.}
{illust. caption = FIG. 13.—Swan chasing away an intruder. Drawn from life by Mr. Wood.}
Small birds, also, as I hear from Mr. Weir, such as various finches, buntings and warblers, when angry, ruffle all their feathers, or only those round the neck; or they spread out their wings and tail-feathers. With their plumage in this state, they rush at each other with open beaks and threatening gestures. Mr. Weir concludes from his large experience that the erection of the feathers is caused much more by anger than by fear. He gives as an instance a hybrid goldfinch of a most irascible disposition, which when approached too closely by a servant, instantly assumes the appearance of a ball of ruffled feathers. He believes that birds when frightened, as a general rule, closely adpress all their feathers, and their consequently diminished size is often astonishing. As soon as they recover from their fear or surprise, the first thing which they do is to shake out their feathers. The best instances of this adpression of the feathers and apparent shrinking of the body from fear, which Mr. Weir has noticed, has been in the quail and grass-parrakeet.[415] The habit is intelligible in these birds from their being accustomed, when in danger, either to squat on the ground or to sit motionless on a branch, so as to escape detection. Though, with birds, anger may be the chief and commonest cause of the erection of the feathers, it is probable that young cuckoos when looked at in the nest, and a hen with her chickens when approached by a dog, feel at least some terror. Mr. Tegetmeier informs me that with game-cocks, the erection of the feathers on the head has long been recognized in the cock-pit as a sign of cowardice.
Small birds, as I've heard from Mr. Weir, like various finches, buntings, and warblers, when they get angry, fluff up all their feathers, or just the ones around their necks; or they spread out their wings and tail feathers. Looking like this, they charge at each other with open beaks and aggressive postures. Mr. Weir, with his extensive experience, concludes that the puffing up of feathers is usually more about anger than fear. He mentions a hybrid goldfinch known for its feisty nature, which instantly turns into a ball of ruffled feathers when a servant gets too close. He believes that birds, in general, press their feathers close to their bodies when scared, making them appear surprisingly smaller. Once they calm down or recover from their shock, the first thing they do is shake out their feathers. The best examples of this feather flattening and apparent shrinking in size due to fear that Mr. Weir has observed are in quails and grass-parakeets.[415] This behavior makes sense for these birds since they’re used to squatting on the ground or sitting still on a branch to avoid being noticed when they’re in danger. Although anger is the primary and most common reason for birds to fluff up their feathers, young cuckoos might feel some fear when looked at in the nest, and a hen with her chicks could also be frightened when approached by a dog. Mr. Tegetmeier tells me that with gamecocks, the puffing up of feathers on the head has long been seen in the cockpits as a sign of cowardice.
The males of some lizards, when fighting together during their courtship, expand their throat pouches or frills, and erect their dorsal crests.[416] But Dr. Günther does not believe that they can erect their separate spines or scales.
The males of some lizards, when competing during their courtship, puff up their throat pouches or frills and raise their dorsal crests.[416] But Dr. Günther doesn't think they can raise their individual spines or scales.
We thus see how generally throughout the two higher vertebrate classes, and with some reptiles, the dermal appendages are erected under the influence of anger and fear. The movement is effected, as we know from Kolliker’s interesting discovery, by the contraction of minute, unstriped, involuntary muscles,[417] often called arrectores pili, which are attached to the capsules of the separate hairs, feathers, &c. By the contraction of these muscles the hairs can be instantly erected, as we see in a dog, being at the same time drawn a little out of their sockets; they are afterwards quickly depressed. The vast number of these minute muscles over the whole body of a hairy quadruped is astonishing. The erection of the hair is, however, aided in some cases, as with that on the head of a man, by the striped and voluntary muscles of the underlying panniculus carnosus. It is by the action of these latter muscles, that the hedgehog erects its spines. It appears, also, from the researches of Leydig[418] and others, that striped fibres extend from the panniculus to some of the larger hairs, such as the vibrissae of certain quadrupeds. The arrectores pili contract not only under the above emotions, but from the application of cold to the surface. I remember that my mules and dogs, brought from a lower and warmer country, after spending a night on the bleak Cordillera, had the hair all over their bodies as erect as under the greatest terror. We see the same action in our own goose-skin during the chill before a fever-fit. Mr. Lister has also found,[419] that tickling a neighbouring part of the skin causes the erection and protrusion of the hairs.
We can see that in both higher vertebrate classes and some reptiles, the skin appendages stand up due to anger and fear. This happens because, as Kolliker discovered, tiny, involuntary muscles called arrectores pili contract. These muscles are connected to the bases of individual hairs, feathers, etc. When these muscles contract, the hairs stand up instantly, like we observe in dogs, and they’re pulled slightly out of their follicles; they then quickly go back down. It’s amazing how many of these tiny muscles are spread across a furry animal's body. In some cases, like with the hair on a human's head, the rise of the hair is also supported by the striped, voluntary muscles of the underlying panniculus carnosus. These same muscles help a hedgehog to raise its spines. Research by Leydig and others shows that striped fibers extend from the panniculus to some of the larger hairs, like the whiskers on certain animals. The arrectores pili contract not only from these emotions but also when cold touches the skin. I remember that my mules and dogs, which I brought from a warmer region, had their hair standing up all over after spending a night in the cold Cordillera, just as if they were extremely scared. We see this same reaction in our own goosebumps before the chills of a fever. Mr. Lister has also discovered that tickling a nearby area of skin can cause the hairs to stand up and stick out.
From these facts it is manifest that the erection of the dermal appendages is a reflex action, independent of the will; and this action must be looked at, when, occurring under the influence of anger or fear, not as a power acquired for the sake of some advantage, but as an incidental result, at least to a large extent, of the sensorium being affected. The result, in as far as it is incidental, may be compared with the profuse sweating from an agony of pain or terror. Nevertheless, it is remarkable how slight an excitement often suffices to cause the hair to become erect; as when two dogs pretend to fight together in play. We have, also, seen in a large number of animals, belonging to widely distinct classes, that the erection of the hair or feathers is almost always accompanied by various voluntary movements—by threatening gestures, opening the mouth, uncovering the teeth, spreading out of the wings and tail by birds, and by the utterance of harsh sounds; and the purpose of these voluntary movements is unmistakable. Therefore it seems hardly credible that the co-ordinated erection of the dermal appendages, by which the animal is made to appear larger and more terrible to its enemies or rivals, should be altogether an incidental and purposeless result of the disturbance of the sensorium. This seems almost as incredible as that the erection by the hedgehog of its spines, or of the quills by the porcupine, or of the ornamental plumes by many birds during their courtship, should all be purposeless actions.
From these facts, it’s clear that the growth of skin appendages is a reflex action, not controlled by the will; and this action should be seen, especially when triggered by anger or fear, not as a power gained for an advantage, but rather as a secondary result of the sensory system being affected. This incidental outcome can be likened to the excessive sweating that occurs during pain or terror. However, it's interesting how even a slight provocation can cause the hair to stand up, like when two dogs pretend to fight during play. We have also observed in many animals from vastly different groups that the erection of hair or feathers is almost always accompanied by various voluntary movements—such as threatening gestures, opening the mouth, baring teeth, and birds spreading their wings and tails, along with producing harsh sounds; and the purpose of these voluntary movements is clear. Therefore, it’s hard to believe that the coordinated raising of skin appendages, which makes the animal appear larger and more intimidating to its enemies or rivals, is entirely an incidental and pointless result of sensory disturbance. This seems almost as unbelievable as the idea that the hedgehog raising its spines, the porcupine’s quills, or the plumes of many birds during courtship, could all be purposeless actions.
We here encounter a great difficulty. How can the contraction of the unstriped and involuntary arrectores pili have been co-ordinated with that of various voluntary muscles for the same special purpose? If we could believe that the arrectores primordially had been voluntary muscles, and had since lost their stripes and become involuntary, the case would be comparatively simple. I am not, however, aware that there is any evidence in favour of this view; although the reversed transition would not have presented any great difficulty, as the voluntary muscles are in an unstriped condition in the embryos of the higher animals, and in the larvae of some crustaceans. Moreover in the deeper layers of the skin of adult birds, the muscular network is, according to Leydig,[420] in a transitional condition; the fibres exhibiting only indications of transverse striation.
We face a significant challenge here. How can the contraction of the unstriped and involuntary arrectores pili be coordinated with that of various voluntary muscles for the same specific purpose? If we could believe that the arrectores were originally voluntary muscles and then lost their stripes to become involuntary, the situation would be much simpler. However, I'm not aware of any evidence supporting this idea; although the opposite transition wouldn't be too difficult since voluntary muscles are unstriped in the embryos of higher animals and in the larvae of some crustaceans. Furthermore, in the deeper layers of the skin of adult birds, the muscular network is, according to Leydig,[420] in a transitional state, with the fibers showing only signs of transverse striation.
Another explanation seems possible. We may admit that originally the arrectores pili were slightly acted on in a direct manner, under the influence of rage and terror, by the disturbance of the nervous system; as is undoubtedly the case with our so-called goose-skin before a fever-fit. Animals have been repeatedly excited by rage and terror during many generations; and consequently the direct effects of the disturbed nervous system on the dermal appendages will almost certainly have been increased through habit and through the tendency of nerve-force to pass readily along accustomed channels. We shall find this view of the force of habit strikingly confirmed in a future chapter, where it will be shown that the hair of the insane is affected in an extraordinary manner, owing to their repeated accesses of fury and terror. As soon as with animals the power of erection had thus been strengthened or increased, they must often have seen the hairs or feathers erected in rival and enraged males, and the bulk of their bodies thus increased. In this case it appears possible that they might have wished to make themselves appear larger and more terrible to their enemies, by voluntarily assuming a threatening attitude and uttering harsh cries; such attitudes and utterances after a time becoming through habit instinctive. In this manner actions performed by the contraction of voluntary muscles might have been combined for the same special purpose with those effected by involuntary muscles. It is even possible that animals, when excited and dimly conscious of some change in the state of their hair, might act on it by repeated exertions of their attention and will; for we have reason to believe that the will is able to influence in an obscure manner the action of some unstriped or involuntary muscles, as in the period of the peristaltic movements of the intestines, and in the contraction of the bladder. Nor must we overlook the part which variation and natural selection may have played; for the males which succeeded in making themselves appear the most terrible to their rivals, or to their other enemies, if not of overwhelming power, will on an average have left more offspring to inherit their characteristic qualities, whatever these may be and however first acquired, than have other males.
Another explanation seems possible. We can acknowledge that originally the arrectores pili were somewhat directly influenced by rage and terror due to disturbances in the nervous system; this is certainly the case with what we call goosebumps before a fever hits. Animals have been repeatedly stirred by rage and fear over many generations; as a result, the direct effects of a disturbed nervous system on the skin’s appendages would likely have increased through habit and the tendency for nerve impulses to travel along familiar pathways. We will find this idea about the power of habit clearly supported in a future chapter, where it will show that the hair of those with mental illnesses is impacted in an unusual way because of their repeated episodes of rage and fear. Once animals had developed this ability for hair to stand up, they would have often seen the hairs or feathers of competing and furious males raised, thereby appearing bulkier. In this case, it seems possible that they might have wanted to seem larger and more intimidating to their foes by intentionally taking on a threatening stance and making harsh sounds; such positions and sounds eventually becoming instinctive through repetition. In this way, actions performed by the contraction of voluntary muscles could have been combined with those done by involuntary muscles for the same specific goal. It's even possible that animals, when excited and vaguely aware of any changes in their hair, might influence it through focused effort and will; because we have reason to believe that willpower can subtly affect the actions of some involuntary muscles, like during intestinal contractions or bladder control. We should not ignore the role that variation and natural selection could have played; since males that managed to make themselves appear most terrifying to their rivals, or other enemies, if not overwhelmingly powerful, would generally leave more offspring to pass down their characteristic traits, however those traits were first formed.
The inflation of the body, and other means of exciting fear in an enemy.—Certain Amphibians and Reptiles, which either have no spines to erect, or no muscles by which they can be erected, enlarge themselves when alarmed or angry by inhaling air. This is well known to be the case with toads and frogs. The latter animal is made, in AEsop’s fable of the ‘Ox and the Frog,’ to blow itself up from vanity and envy until it burst. This action must have been observed during the most ancient times, as, according to Mr. Hensleigh Wedgwood,[421] the word toad expresses in all the languages of Europe the habit of swelling. It has been observed with some of the exotic species in the Zoological Gardens; and Dr. Günther believes that it is general throughout the group. Judging from analogy, the primary purpose probably was to make the body appear as large and frightful as possible to an enemy; but another, and perhaps more important secondary advantage is thus gained. When frogs are seized by snakes, which are their chief enemies, they enlarge themselves wonderfully; so that if the snake be of small size, as Dr. Günther informs me, it cannot swallow the frog, which thus escapes being devoured.
The inflation of the body, and other ways to scare an enemy.—Some Amphibians and Reptiles, which either don’t have spines to raise or the muscles to do so, puff themselves up when they’re scared or angry by taking in air. This is well-known in toads and frogs. The latter is depicted in Aesop’s fable of the ‘Ox and the Frog,’ where it inflates out of pride and jealousy until it bursts. This behavior must have been observed since ancient times, as Mr. Hensleigh Wedgwood notes that the word toad in all European languages reflects the habit of swelling. It’s also been seen in some exotic species at the Zoological Gardens, and Dr. Günther believes this behavior is common across the group. Based on similarities, the main purpose was likely to make the body look as large and intimidating as possible to a predator; however, there’s another, possibly more significant secondary benefit. When frogs are caught by snakes, their main predators, they can inflate significantly; meaning if the snake is small, as Dr. Günther tells me, it can’t swallow the frog, allowing it to escape.
Chameleons and some other lizards inflate themselves when angry. Thus a species inhabiting Oregon, the Tapaya Douglasii, is slow in its movements and does not bite, but has a ferocious aspect; “when irritated it springs in a most threatening manner at anything pointed at it, at the same time opening its mouth wide and hissing audibly, after which it inflates its body, and shows other marks of anger.”[422]
Chameleons and some other lizards puff themselves up when they’re angry. For example, a species found in Oregon, the Tapaya Douglasii, moves slowly and doesn’t bite, but it looks fierce; “when it’s provoked, it lunges in a very aggressive way at anything pointed at it, all while opening its mouth wide and hissing loudly. After that, it puffs up its body and displays other signs of anger.”[422]
Several kinds of snakes likewise inflate themselves when irritated. The puff-adder (Clotho arietans) is remarkable in this respect; but I believe, after carefully watching these animals, that they do not act thus for the sake of increasing their apparent bulk, but simply for inhaling a large supply of air, so as to produce their surprisingly loud, harsh, and prolonged hissing sound. The Cobras-de-capello, when irritated, enlarge themselves a little, and hiss moderately; but, at the same time they lift their heads aloft, and dilate by means of their elongated anterior ribs, the skin on each side of the neck into a large flat disk,—the so-called hood. With their widely opened mouths, they then assume a terrific aspect. The benefit thus derived ought to be considerable, in order to compensate for the somewhat lessened rapidity (though this is still great) with which, when dilated, they can strike at their enemies or prey; on the same principle that a broad, thin piece of wood cannot be moved through the air so quickly as a small round stick. An innocuous snake, the Trovidonotus macrophthalmus, an inhabitant of India, likewise dilates its neck when irritated; and consequently is often mistaken for its compatriot, the deadly Cobra.[423] This resemblance perhaps serves as some protection to the Tropidonotus. Another innocuous species, the Dasypeltis of South Africa, blows itself out, distends its neck, hisses and darts at an intruder.[424] Many other snakes hiss under similar circumstances. They also rapidly vibrate their protruded tongues; and this may aid in increasing their terrific appearance.
Several types of snakes also puff themselves up when they feel threatened. The puff adder (Clotho arietans) is particularly notable for this behavior; however, after closely observing these creatures, I believe they don't do this just to look bigger, but mainly to take in a lot of air to produce their surprisingly loud, harsh, and prolonged hissing sound. Cobras, when provoked, slightly inflate themselves and hiss moderately; at the same time, they raise their heads and expand their neck skin into a large flat disk, known as a hood, by using their elongated front ribs. With their mouths wide open, they look quite intimidating. The advantage of this display must be significant to make up for the slight decrease in their striking speed (even though it's still quite fast) when they are expanded, similar to how a wide, flat piece of wood can't move through the air as quickly as a small round stick. A harmless snake, Trovidonotus macrophthalmus, found in India, also expands its neck when threatened and is often confused with its dangerous relative, the Cobra. This similarity may offer some protection to the Tropidonotus. Another non-venomous species, Dasypeltis from South Africa, puffs itself up, expands its neck, hisses, and lunges at an intruder. Many other snakes also hiss in similar situations. They quickly flick their extended tongues, which may help enhance their scary appearance.
Snakes possess other means of producing sounds besides hissing. Many years ago I observed in South America that a venomous Trigonocephalus, when disturbed, rapidly vibrated the end of its tail, which striking against the dry grass and twigs produced a rattling noise that could be distinctly heard at the distance of six feet.[425] The deadly and fierce Echis carinata of India produces “a curious prolonged, almost hissing sound in a very different manner, namely by rubbing the sides of the folds of its body against each other,” whilst the head remains in almost the same position. The scales on the sides, and not on other parts of the body, are strongly keeled, with the keels toothed like a saw; and as the coiled-up animal rubs its sides together, these grate against each other.[426] Lastly, we have the well-known case of the Rattle-snake. He who has merely shaken the rattle of a dead snake, can form no just idea of the sound produced by the living animal. Professor Shaler states that it is indistinguishable from that made by the male of a large Cicada (an Homopterous insect), which inhabits the same district.[427] In the Zoological Gardens, when the rattle-snakes and puff-adders were greatly excited at the same time, I was much struck at the similarity of the sound produced by them; and although that made by the rattle-snake is louder and shriller than the hissing of the puff-adder, yet when standing at some yards distance I could scarcely distinguish the two. For whatever purpose the sound is produced by the one species, I can hardly doubt that it serves for the same purpose in the other species; and I conclude from the threatening gestures made at the same time by many snakes, that their hissing,—the rattling of the rattle-snake and of the tail of the Trigonocephalus,—the grating of the scales of the Echis,—and the dilatation of the hood of the Cobra,—all subserve the same end, namely, to make them appear terrible to their enemies.[428]
Snakes have other ways of making sounds besides hissing. Many years ago in South America, I saw a venomous Trigonocephalus shake the tip of its tail rapidly, which hit the dry grass and twigs and created a rattling noise that could be clearly heard from six feet away.[425] The deadly and fierce Echis carinata from India creates "a curious prolonged, almost hissing sound in a very different way, by rubbing the sides of its body against each other" while keeping its head almost still. The scales on the sides are sharply keeled, with teeth like a saw; when the curled-up snake rubs its sides together, they grind against each other.[426] Finally, there's the well-known rattlesnake. Anyone who has only shaken the rattle of a dead snake can't truly understand the sound made by a living one. Professor Shaler points out that its sound is indistinguishable from that made by the male of a large cicada (a type of homopterous insect) living in the same area.[427] At the Zoological Gardens, when both the rattlesnakes and puff-adders were agitated at the same time, I was struck by how similar their sounds were; while the rattlesnake's sound is louder and sharper than the puff-adder's hissing, I could hardly tell them apart from a few yards away. Whatever purpose the sound serves for one species, I have little doubt it serves the same purpose for the other. I conclude from the threatening movements made simultaneously by many snakes that their hissing—the rattling of the rattlesnake and the tail of the Trigonocephalus—the grinding of the scales of the Echis—and the expansion of the hood of the cobra—are all meant to make them seem frightening to their foes.[428]
It seems at first a probable conclusion that venomous snakes, such as the foregoing, from being already so well defended by their poison-fangs, would never be attacked by any enemy; and consequently would have no need to excite additional terror. But this is far from being the case, for they are largely preyed on in all quarters of the world by many animals. It is well known that pigs are employed in the United States to clear districts infested with rattle-snakes, which they do most effectually.[429] In England the hedgehog attacks and devours the viper. In India, as I hear from Dr. Jerdon, several kinds of hawks, and at least one mammal, the Herpestes, kill cobras and other venomous species;[430] and so it is in South Africa. Therefore it is by no means improbable that any sounds or signs by which the venomous species could instantly make themselves recognized as dangerous, would be of more service to them than to the innocuous species which would not be able, if attacked, to inflict any real injury.
At first glance, it seems reasonable to think that venomous snakes, like the ones mentioned earlier, wouldn’t have any enemies because they’re already protected by their poison fangs and wouldn’t need to create additional fear. However, this isn’t true at all, as they are often preyed upon by various animals all over the world. It’s well known that in the United States, pigs are used to clear areas that have rattlesnakes, which they do very effectively.[429] In England, hedgehogs attack and eat vipers. In India, as Dr. Jerdon reports, several types of hawks and at least one mammal, the Herpestes, hunt down cobras and other venomous snakes; [430] and the same happens in South Africa. Therefore, it’s quite likely that any sounds or signals venomous species could use to quickly identify themselves as dangerous would be more beneficial to them than to non-venomous species that couldn’t cause real harm if attacked.
Having said thus much about snakes, I am tempted to add a few remarks on the means by which the rattle of the rattle-snake was probably developed. Various animals, including some lizards, either curl or vibrate their tails when excited. This is the case with many kinds of snakes.[431] In the Zoological Gardens, an innocuous species, the Coronella Sayi, vibrates its tail so rapidly that it becomes almost invisible. The Trigonocephalus, before alluded to, has the same habit; and the extremity of its tail is a little enlarged, or ends in a bead. In the Lachesis, which is so closely allied to the rattle-snake that it was placed by Linnaeus in the same genus, the tail ends in a single, large, lancet-shaped point or scale. With some snakes the skin, as Professor Shaler remarks, “is more imperfectly detached from the region about the tail than at other parts of the body.” Now if we suppose that the end of the tail of some ancient American species was enlarged, and was covered by a single large scale, this could hardly have been cast off at the successive moults. In this case it would have been permanently retained, and at each period of growth, as the snake grew larger, a new scale, larger than the last, would have been formed above it, and would likewise have been retained. The foundation for the development of a rattle would thus have been laid; and it would have been habitually used, if the species, like so many others, vibrated its tail whenever it was irritated. That the rattle has since been specially developed to serve as an efficient sound-producing instrument, there can hardly be a doubt; for even the vertebrae included within the extremity of the tail have been altered in shape and cohere. But there is no greater improbability in various structures, such as the rattle of the rattle-snake,—the lateral scales of the Echis,—the neck with the included ribs of the Cobra,—and the whole body of the puff-adder,—having been modified for the sake of warning and frightening away their enemies, than in a bird, namely, the wonderful Secretary-hawk (Gypogeranus) having had its whole frame modified for the sake of killing snakes with impunity. It is highly probable, judging from what we have before seen, that this bird would ruffle its feathers whenever it attacked a snake; and it is certain that the Herpestes, when it eagerly rushes to attack a snake, erects the hair all over its body, and especially that on its tail.[432] We have also seen that some porcupines, when angered or alarmed at the sight of a snake, rapidly vibrate their tails, thus producing a peculiar sound by the striking together of the hollow quills. So that here both the attackers and the attacked endeavour to make themselves as dreadful as possible to each other; and both possess for this purpose specialised means, which, oddly enough, are nearly the same in some of these cases. Finally we can see that if, on the one hand, those individual snakes, which were best able to frighten away their enemies, escaped best from being devoured; and if, on the other hand, those individuals of the attacking enemy survived in larger numbers which were the best fitted for the dangerous task of killing and devouring venomous snakes;—then in the one case as in the other, beneficial variations, supposing the characters in question to vary, would commonly have been preserved through the survival of the fittest.
Having said all this about snakes, I want to add a few thoughts on how the rattle of the rattlesnake likely came to be. Various animals, including some lizards, either curl or shake their tails when they get excited. This is true for many types of snakes. In the Zoological Gardens, a harmless species, the Coronella Sayi, shakes its tail so quickly that it almost becomes invisible. The Trigonocephalus, mentioned earlier, has the same behavior, and its tail tip is a bit enlarged or ends in a bead. In the Lachesis, which is closely related to the rattlesnake and was classified by Linnaeus in the same genus, the tail ends in a single large, lancet-shaped scale. As Professor Shaler notes, in some snakes the skin is “more loosely attached near the tail than in other parts of the body.” If we assume that the tail end of some ancient American species was larger and covered by a single large scale, it likely wouldn’t have been shed during successive molts. Instead, it would have been retained, and as the snake grew, a new, larger scale would form over it and would also be kept. This would lay the groundwork for the development of a rattle, which would be regularly used if the species, like many others, shook its tail when disturbed. There’s little doubt that the rattle has since evolved to function as an effective sound-making device; even the vertebrae at the tail’s tip have changed shape and fused together. It’s no more improbable that various structures, like the rattlesnake's rattle, the lateral scales of the Echis, the neck and ribs of the Cobra, and the entire body of the puff-adder, have been adapted to warn off and scare away their enemies than it is for the Secretary-hawk (Gypogeranus) to have modified its entire body to hunt snakes without danger. It’s very likely, as we’ve seen, that this bird fluffs its feathers when attacking a snake; and it's certain that the Herpestes, when it rushes to attack a snake, raises the hair on its body, especially on its tail. We’ve also seen that some porcupines, when angry or frightened by a snake, rapidly vibrate their tails, creating a unique sound from their hollow quills clacking together. So, in this case, both the attackers and the attacked try to appear as fearsome as possible to each other, and they both have specialized methods for doing so, which, interestingly enough, are quite similar in some instances. Ultimately, we can see that if those individual snakes that were best at scaring off their enemies were able to escape being eaten, and if those attacking predators that survived best were the ones most capable of killing and eating venomous snakes—then in each case, advantageous variations, assuming such traits do vary, would typically have been preserved through the survival of the fittest.
The Drawing back and pressure of the Ears to the Head.—The ears through their movements are highly expressive in many animals; but in some, such as man, the higher apes, and many ruminants, they fail in this respect. A slight difference in position serves to express in the plainest manner a different state of mind, as we may daily see in the dog; but we are here concerned only with the ears being drawn closely backwards and pressed to the head. A savage frame of mind is thus shown, but only in the case of those animals which fight with their teeth; and the care which they take to prevent their ears being seized by their antagonists, accounts for this position. Consequently, through habit and association, whenever they feel slightly savage, or pretend in their play to be savage, their ears are drawn back. That this is the true explanation may be inferred from the relation which exists in very many animals between their manner of fighting and the retraction of their ears.
The Drawing back and pressure of the Ears to the Head.—The ears of many animals are very expressive through their movements; however, in some species, like humans, higher apes, and many ruminants, this expressiveness is limited. Even a small change in position can clearly indicate a different emotional state, as we can observe daily with dogs. Here, we focus specifically on the ears being pulled back tightly against the head. This position suggests an aggressive state of mind, but it's primarily observed in animals that use their teeth to fight. They instinctively try to keep their ears out of reach of their opponents, which explains this ear position. Thus, due to habit and association, whenever they feel a bit aggressive or pretend to be aggressive in play, their ears are pulled back. The true reason for this can be inferred from the strong connection between their fighting style and the way they retract their ears.
All the Carnivora fight with their canine teeth, and all, as far as I have observed, draw their ears back when feeling savage. This may be continually seen with dogs when fighting in earnest, and with puppies fighting in play. The movement is different from the falling down and slight drawing back of the ears, when a dog feels pleased and is caressed by his master. The retraction of the ears may likewise be seen in kittens fighting together in their play, and in full-grown cats when really savage, as before illustrated in fig. 9 (p. 58). Although their ears are thus to a large extent protected, yet they often get much torn in old male cats during their mutual battles. The same movement is very striking in tigers, leopards, &c., whilst growling over their food in menageries. The lynx has remarkably long ears; and their retraction, when one of these animals is approached in its cage, is very conspicuous, and is eminently expressive of its savage disposition. Even one of the Eared Seals, the Otariapusilla, which has very small ears, draws them backwards, when it makes a savage rush at the legs of its keeper.
All meat-eaters use their canine teeth to fight, and from what I’ve seen, they all pull their ears back when feeling aggressive. You can see this frequently with dogs when they are seriously fighting and with puppies when they are playing. This movement is different from when a dog’s ears droop slightly and move back a bit when it feels happy and is being petted by its owner. You can also see the ear retraction in kittens playing together and in adult cats when they are truly angry, as shown in fig. 9 (p. 58). Even though their ears are largely protected, they often get torn during fights, especially in older male cats. This same action is very noticeable in tigers, leopards, etc., when they growl over their food in zoos. The lynx has particularly long ears, and you can clearly see them pull back when someone approaches it in its cage, which strongly indicates its aggressive nature. Even one of the Eared Seals, the Otariapusilla, which has very small ears, pulls them back when it lunges aggressively at its keeper’s legs.
When horses fight together they use their incisors for biting, and their fore-legs for striking, much more than they do their hind-legs for kicking backwards. This has been observed when stallions have broken loose and have fought together, and may likewise be inferred from the kind of wounds which they inflict on each other. Every one recognizes the vicious appearance which the drawing back of the ears gives to a horse. This movement is very different from that of listening to a sound behind. If an ill-tempered horse in a stall is inclined to kick backwards, his ears are retracted from habit, though he has no intention or power to bite. But when a horse throws up both hind-legs in play, as when entering an open field, or when just touched by the whip, he does not generally depress his ears, for he does not then feel vicious. Guanacoes fight savagely with their teeth; and they must do so frequently, for I found the hides of several which I shot in Patagonia deeply scored. So do camels; and both these animals, when savage, draw their ears closely backwards. Guanacoes, as I have noticed, when not intending to bite, but merely to spit their offensive saliva from a distance at an intruder, retract their ears. Even the hippopotamus, when threatening with its widely-open enormous mouth a comrade, draws back its small ears, just like a horse.
When horses fight, they mainly use their incisors to bite and their front legs to strike, rather than kicking backwards with their hind legs. This has been observed when stallions break free and fight, and it can also be inferred from the types of wounds they inflict on each other. Everyone can see the aggressive look a horse gets when it pulls back its ears. This is very different from the posture a horse takes when listening to a sound behind it. If a bad-tempered horse in a stall tends to kick backwards, it might pull back its ears out of habit, even if it has no intention or ability to bite. However, when a horse kicks up both hind legs playfully, like when it enters an open field or is lightly touched by a whip, it usually doesn’t lower its ears, as it’s not feeling aggressive at that moment. Guanacos fight fiercely with their teeth; they must do so often, as I’ve found the hides of several I shot in Patagonia deeply scarred. Camels also fight that way, and both animals pull their ears back tightly when they’re aggressive. I’ve noticed that guanacos, when they don’t intend to bite but just want to spit their unpleasant saliva at an intruder, also pull their ears back. Even the hippopotamus, when threatening a companion with its huge open mouth, pulls back its small ears, just like a horse.
Now what a contrast is presented between the foregoing animals and cattle, sheep, or goats, which never use their teeth in fighting, and never draw back their ears when enraged! Although sheep and goats appear such placid animals, the males often join in furious contests. As deer form a closely related family, and as I did not know that they ever fought with their teeth, I was much surprised at the account given by Major Ross King of the Moose-deer in Canada. He says, when“two males chance to meet, laying back their ears and gnashing their teeth together, they rush at each other with appalling fury.”[433] But Mr. Bartlett informs me that some species of deer fight savagely with their teeth, so that the drawing back of the ears by the moose accords with our rule. Several kinds of kangaroos, kept in the Zoological Gardens, fight by scratching with their fore-feet and by kicking with their hind-legs; but they never bite each other, and the keepers have never seen them draw back their ears when angered. Rabbits fight chiefly by kicking and scratching, but they likewise bite each other; and I have known one to bite off half the tail of its antagonist. At the commencement of their battles they lay back their ears, but afterwards, as they bound over and kick each other, they keep their ears erect, or move them much about.
Now, there's quite a contrast between the animals mentioned earlier and cattle, sheep, or goats, which never use their teeth to fight and don't lay back their ears when they're angry! Even though sheep and goats seem so calm, the males often engage in intense battles. Since deer are closely related, I was surprised to hear from Major Ross King about the Moose-deer in Canada. He says that when “two males happen to meet, they lay back their ears and gnash their teeth together, then rush at each other with incredible fury.”[433] However, Mr. Bartlett tells me that some species of deer do fight fiercely with their teeth, so the moose laying back their ears fits our pattern. Several types of kangaroos at the Zoological Gardens fight by scratching with their front paws and kicking with their back legs, but they never bite each other, and the keepers haven't observed them laying back their ears when they're provoked. Rabbits primarily fight by kicking and scratching, but they also bite each other; I've seen one bite off half the tail of its opponent. At the start of their fights, they lay back their ears, but later, as they jump around and kick each other, they keep their ears up or move them around a lot.
Mr. Bartlett watched a wild boar quarrelling rather savagely with his sow; and both had their mouths open and their ears drawn backwards. But this does not appear to be a common action with domestic pigs when quarrelling. Boars fight together by striking upwards with their tusks; and Mr. Bartlett doubts whether they then draw back their ears. Elephants, which in like manner fight with their tusks, do not retract their ears, but, on the contrary, erect them when rushing at each other or at an enemy.
Mr. Bartlett observed a wild boar aggressively arguing with his sow, both with their mouths open and ears pulled back. However, it doesn't seem like this is typical behavior for domestic pigs when they fight. Boars usually spar by thrusting upward with their tusks, and Mr. Bartlett wonders if they also pull back their ears during that. Elephants, which similarly use their tusks in fights, don't pull back their ears; instead, they lift them up when charging at each other or towards an enemy.
The rhinoceroses in the Zoological Gardens fight with their nasal horns, and have never been seen to attempt biting each other except in play; and the keepers are convinced that they do not draw back their ears, like horses and dogs, when feeling savage. The following statement, therefore, by Sir S. Baker[434] is inexplicable, namely, that a rhinoceros, which he shot in North Africa, “had no ears; they had been bitten off close to the head by another of the same species while fighting; and this mutilation is by no means uncommon.”
The rhinoceroses in the Zoo fight with their horns and have only been seen playfully biting each other. The keepers believe that they don’t pull back their ears like horses and dogs do when they’re angry. Therefore, Sir S. Baker’s statement[434] is puzzling. He said that a rhinoceros he shot in North Africa “had no ears; they had been bitten off close to the head by another one of the same species during a fight, and this kind of injury is not uncommon.”
Lastly, with respect to monkeys. Some kinds, which have moveable ears, and which fight with their teeth—for instance the Cereopithecus ruber—draw back their ears when irritated just like dogs; and they then have a very spiteful appearance. Other kinds, as the Inuus ecaudatus, apparently do not thus act. Again, other kinds—and this is a great anomaly in comparison with most other animals—retract their ears, show their teeth, and jabber, when they are pleased by being caressed. I observed this in two or three species of Macacus, and in the Cynopithecus niger. This expression, owing to our familiarity with dogs, would never be recognized as one of joy or pleasure by those unacquainted with monkeys.
Lastly, regarding monkeys. Some species, like the Cereopithecus ruber, which have movable ears and fight with their teeth, pull back their ears when annoyed, similar to dogs; this gives them a very hostile look. Other species, such as the Inuus ecaudatus, do not behave this way. Additionally, some species—this is quite unusual compared to most other animals—retract their ears, show their teeth, and chatter when they enjoy being petted. I noticed this in two or three species of Macacus and in the Cynopithecus niger. Because of our familiarity with dogs, this expression would not be recognized as one of joy or pleasure by those unfamiliar with monkeys.
Erection of the Ears.—This movement requires hardly any notice. All animals which have the power of freely moving their ears, when they are startled, or when they closely observe any object, direct their ears to the point towards which they are looking, in order to hear any sound from this quarter. At the same time they generally raise their heads, as all their organs of sense are there situated, and some of the smaller animals rise on their hind-legs. Even those kinds which squat on the ground or instantly flee away to avoid danger, generally act momentarily in this manner, in order to ascertain the source and nature of the danger. The head being raised, with erected ears and eyes directed forwards, gives an unmistakable expression of close attention to any animal.
Erection of the Ears.—This action hardly needs any explanation. All animals that can move their ears freely will direct them towards something that startles them or when they are closely observing an object, allowing them to pick up sounds from that direction. Typically, they also raise their heads since all their sensory organs are located there, and some smaller animals even stand on their hind legs. Even those that crouch close to the ground or quickly run away to escape danger usually pause briefly to figure out where the threat is coming from and what it is. A raised head, along with pointed ears and eyes focused forward, clearly shows that an animal is paying close attention.
CHAPTER V.
SPECIAL EXPRESSIONS OF ANIMALS.
The Dog, various expressive movements of—Cats—Horses—Ruminants—Monkeys, their expression of joy and affection—Of pain—Anger—Astonishment and Terror.
The Dog, various expressive movements of—Cats—Horses—Ruminants—Monkeys, their expression of joy and affection—Of pain—Anger—Astonishment and Terror.
The Dog.—I have already described (figs. 5 and 7) the appearance of a dog approaching another dog with hostile intentions, namely, with erected ears, eyes intently directed forwards, hair on the neck and back bristling, gait remarkably stiff, with the tail upright and rigid. So familiar is this appearance to us, that an angry man is sometimes said “to have his back up.” Of the above points, the stiff gait and upright tail alone require further discussion. Sir C. Bell remarks[501] that, when a tiger or wolf is struck by its keeper and is suddenly roused to ferocity, every muscle is in tension, and the limbs are in an attitude of strained exertion, prepared to spring. This tension of the muscles and consequent stiff gait may be accounted for on the principle of associated habit, for anger has continually led to fierce struggles, and consequently to all the muscles of the body having been violently exerted. There is also reason to suspect that the muscular system requires some short preparation, or some degree of innervation, before being brought into strong action. My own sensations lead me to this inference; but I cannot discover that it is a conclusion admitted by physiologists. Sir J. Paget, however, informs me that when muscles are suddenly contracted with the greatest force, without any preparation, they are liable to be ruptured, as when a man slips unexpectedly; but that this rarely occurs when an action, however violent, is deliberately performed.
The Dog.—I've already described (figs. 5 and 7) what a dog looks like when it's approaching another dog with aggressive intentions: ears up, eyes focused straight ahead, fur on the neck and back standing on end, a very stiff walk, and a tail that is held high and rigid. This look is so familiar to us that we sometimes say an angry person “has their back up.” Of the points mentioned, only the stiff walk and upright tail need more explanation. Sir C. Bell notes[501]that when a tiger or wolf is struck by its keeper and suddenly becomes ferocious, every muscle is tense, and the limbs are posed for intense effort, ready to leap. This muscle tension and resulting stiff walk might be explained by the idea of associated habit, as anger has frequently led to fierce struggles, causing all the muscles in the body to be forcefully engaged. There’s also reason to think that the muscular system needs a brief moment of preparation or some level of nerve activation before it can engage in strong action. My own feelings lead me to this conclusion, but I can't find that it’s a widely accepted view among physiologists. Sir J. Paget, however, tells me that when muscles are suddenly contracted with maximum force, without any preparation, they can easily get injured, like when a person slips unexpectedly; this rarely happens when an action, no matter how violent, is performed with intention.
With respect to the upright position of the tail, it seems to depend (but whether this is really the case I know not) on the elevator muscles being more powerful than the depressors, so that when all the muscles of the hinder part of the body are in a state of tension, the tail is raised. A dog in cheerful spirits, and trotting before his master with high, elastic steps, generally carries his tail aloft, though it is not held nearly so stiffly as when he is angered. A horse when first turned out into an open field, may be seen to trot with long elastic strides, the head and tail being held high aloft. Even cows when they frisk about from pleasure, throw up their tails in a ridiculous fashion. So it is with various animals in the Zoological Gardens. The position of the tail, however, in certain cases, is determined by special circumstances; thus as soon as a horse breaks into a gallop, at full speed, he always lowers his tail, so that as little resistance as possible may be offered to the air.
Regarding the position of the tail, it seems to depend (though I’m not sure if this is actually true) on the elevator muscles being stronger than the depressors. So, when all the muscles in the back part of the body are tense, the tail goes up. A happy dog, trotting ahead of its owner with lively steps, usually carries its tail high, although it’s not held as stiffly as when it’s angry. A horse, when first let loose in an open field, can be seen trotting with long, bouncy strides, holding its head and tail high. Even cows, when they play around out of joy, raise their tails in a funny way. The same goes for various animals in the Zoo. However, the position of the tail in certain cases is influenced by specific factors; for instance, as soon as a horse gallops at full speed, it always lowers its tail to minimize resistance against the air.
When a dog is on the point of springing on his antagonist, he utters a savage growl; the ears are pressed closely backwards, and the upper lip (fig. 14) is retracted out of the way of his teeth, especially of his canines. These movements may be observed with dogs and puppies in their play. But if a dog gets really savage in his play, his expression immediately changes. This, however, is simply due to the lips and ears being drawn back with much greater energy. If a dog only snarls at another, the lip is generally retracted on one side alone, namely towards his enemy.
When a dog is about to pounce on his opponent, he lets out a fierce growl; his ears are flattened back, and his upper lip (fig. 14) pulls back to expose his teeth, especially his canines. You can see these behaviors in dogs and puppies when they play. But if a dog gets seriously aggressive during play, his expression changes right away. This change is simply because his lips and ears are pulled back with much more force. If a dog just growls at another, the lip is usually pulled back on only one side, specifically towards his foe.

{illust. caption = FIG. 14.—Head of snarling Dog. From life, by Mr. Wood.
{illust. caption = FIG. 14.—Head of a snarling Dog. From life, by Mr. Wood.
The movements of a dog whilst exhibiting affection towards his master were described (figs. 6 and 8) in our second chapter. These consist in the head and whole body being lowered and thrown into flexuous movements, with the tail extended and wagged from side to side. The ears fall down and are drawn somewhat backwards, which causes the eyelids to be elongated, and alters the whole appearance of the face. The lips hang loosely, and the hair remains smooth. All these movements or gestures are explicable, as I believe, from their standing in complete antithesis to those naturally assumed by a savage dog under a directly opposite state of mind. When a man merely speaks to, or just notices, his dog, we see the last vestige of these movements in a slight wag of the tail, without any other movement of the body, and without even the ears being lowered. Dogs also exhibit their affection by desiring to rub against their masters, and to be rubbed or patted by them.
The ways a dog shows affection towards its owner were described (figs. 6 and 8) in our second chapter. This includes lowering its head and body while moving in a flexible manner, with the tail extended and wagging side to side. The ears droop and pull slightly back, which makes the eyelids appear longer and changes the overall look of the face. The lips hang loosely, and the fur stays smooth. All these movements or gestures can be understood, as I think, because they contrast entirely with the behaviors displayed by a wild dog in a completely opposite emotional state. When a person simply speaks to or acknowledges their dog, we see the last remnants of these gestures in a slight wag of the tail, without any other body movement, and without the ears drooping. Dogs also show their affection by wanting to lean against their owners and to be rubbed or petted by them.
Gratiolet explains the above gestures of affection in the following manner: and the reader can judge whether the explanation appears satisfactory. Speaking of animals in general, including the dog, he says,[502] “C’est toujours la partie la plus sensible de leurs corps qui recherche les caresses ou les donne. Lorsque toute la longueur des flancs et du corps est sensible, l’animal serpente et rampe sous les caresses; et ces ondulations se propageant le long des muscles analogues des segments jusqu’aux extrémités de la colonne vertébrale, la queue se ploie et s’agite.” Further on, he adds, that dogs, when feeling affectionate, lower their ears in order to exclude all sounds, so that their whole attention may be concentrated on the caresses of their master!
Gratiolet explains the gestures of affection mentioned above like this, and the reader can decide if the explanation is satisfactory. Talking about animals in general, including dogs, he says, [502] “It’s always the most sensitive parts of their bodies that seek out or give affection. When the entire length of their sides and body is sensitive, the animal weaves and crawls under the caresses, and these ripples travel along the similar muscles of their segments to the ends of their spine, causing their tail to bend and wave.” Later, he notes that when dogs feel affection, they lower their ears to block out all sounds, so they can focus entirely on their owner’s caresses!
Dogs have another and striking way of exhibiting their affection, namely, by licking the hands or faces of their masters. They sometimes lick other dogs, and then it is always their chops. I have also seen dogs licking cats with whom they were friends. This habit probably originated in the females carefully licking their puppies—the dearest object of their love—for the sake of cleansing them. They also often give their puppies, after a short absence, a few cursory licks, apparently from affection. Thus the habit will have become associated with the emotion of love, however it may afterwards be aroused. It is now so firmly inherited or innate, that it is transmitted equally to both sexes. A female terrier of mine lately had her puppies destroyed, and though at all times a very affectionate creature, I was much struck with the manner in which she then tried to satisfy her instinctive maternal love by expending it on me; and her desire to lick my hands rose to an insatiable passion.
Dogs have a noticeable way of showing their affection by licking their owners' hands or faces. They also lick other dogs, usually around their mouths. I've even seen dogs lick friendly cats. This behavior likely started with mother dogs licking their puppies—the ones they loved the most—to clean them. After being apart for a little while, they often give their puppies a few quick licks, seemingly out of affection. Over time, this behavior has become tied to the feeling of love, no matter how it is later expressed. It's now so deeply ingrained that it's passed down equally to both genders. Recently, my female terrier had her puppies taken away, and even though she was always very affectionate, I was amazed by how she tried to channel her instinctive maternal love towards me; her urge to lick my hands became an overwhelming need.
The same principle probably explains why dogs, when feeling affectionate, like rubbing against their masters and being rubbed or patted by them, for from the nursing of their puppies, contact with a beloved object has become firmly associated in their minds with the emotion of love.
The same principle likely explains why dogs, when they feel affectionate, enjoy rubbing against their owners and being stroked or petted by them. From the time they nurse their puppies, they've strongly linked physical contact with someone they love to the feeling of love itself.
The feeling of affection of a dog towards his master is combined with a strong sense of submission, which is akin to fear. Hence dogs not only lower their bodies and crouch a little as they approach their masters, but sometimes throw themselves on the ground with their bellies upwards. This is a movement as completely opposite as is possible to any show of resistance. I formerly possessed a large dog who was not at all afraid to fight with other dogs; but a wolf-like shepherd-dog in the neighbourhood, though not ferocious and not so powerful as my dog, had a strange influence over him. When they met on the road, my dog used to run to meet him, with his tail partly tucked in between his legs and hair not erected; and then he would throw himself on the ground, belly upwards. By this action he seemed to say more plainly than by words, “Behold, I am your slave.”
The affection a dog has for its owner combines a deep sense of submission, which is similar to fear. Because of this, dogs not only lower their bodies and crouch a bit as they approach their owners, but sometimes they even throw themselves on the ground with their bellies facing up. This action is the exact opposite of any sign of resistance. I used to have a big dog who wasn't afraid to fight with other dogs; however, a wolf-like shepherd nearby, though not fierce and not as strong as my dog, had a strange effect on him. Whenever they met on the road, my dog would run to greet him, his tail partly tucked between his legs and his fur not standing on end; then he would throw himself on the ground, belly up. By doing this, he seemed to say even more clearly than words, “Look, I am your servant.”
A pleasurable and excited state of mind, associated with affection, is exhibited by some dogs in a very peculiar manner, namely, by grinning. This was noticed long ago by Somerville, who says,
A pleasurable and excited state of mind, associated with affection, is shown by some dogs in a very unique way, specifically by grinning. This was observed long ago by Somerville, who says,
“And with a courtly grin, the fawning hound
Salutes thee cow’ring, his wide op’ning nose
Upward he curls, and his large sloe-back eyes
Melt in soft blandishments, and humble joy.”
The Chase, book i.
“And with a polite smile, the eager dog
Greets you, cowering, his wide-open nose
Curled up, and his big dark eyes
Melt into gentle flattery and humble happiness.”
The Chase, book i.
Sir W. Scott’s famous Scotch greyhound, Maida, had this habit, and it is common with terriers. I have also seen it in a Spitz and in a sheep-dog. Mr. Riviere, who has particularly attended to this expression, informs me that it is rarely displayed in a perfect manner, but is quite common in a lesser degree. The upper lip during the act of grinning is retracted, as in snarling, so that the canines are exposed, and the ears are drawn backwards; but the general appearance of the animal clearly shows that anger is not felt. Sir C. Bell[503] remarks “Dogs, in their expression of fondness, have a slight eversion of the lips, and grin and sniff amidst their gambols, in a way that resembles laughter.” Some persons speak of the grin as a smile, but if it had been really a smile, we should see a similar, though more pronounced, movement of the lips and ears, when dogs utter their bark of joy; but this is not the case, although a bark of joy often follows a grin. On the other hand, dogs, when playing with their comrades or masters, almost always pretend to bite each other; and they then retract, though not energetically, their lips and ears. Hence I suspect that there is a tendency in some dogs, whenever they feel lively pleasure combined with affection, to act through habit and association on the same muscles, as in playfully biting each other, or their masters’ hands.
Sir W. Scott’s well-known Scottish greyhound, Maida, had this habit, and it's also common among terriers. I've seen it in a Spitz and a sheepdog as well. Mr. Riviere, who has looked into this expression closely, tells me that it's rarely shown perfectly, but it's quite common in a lesser form. When dogs grin, their upper lip pulls back, similar to when they snarl, exposing their canine teeth, and their ears are pulled back. However, the overall look of the dog clearly indicates that it's not angry. Sir C. Bell remarks, “Dogs, when they show affection, have a slight curling of the lips, along with grinning and sniffing while they play, which resembles laughter.” Some people refer to the grin as a smile, but if it were truly a smile, we would notice a similar, though more pronounced, movement of the lips and ears when dogs bark joyfully; however, that’s not the case, even though a joyful bark often follows a grin. On the flip side, when dogs play with each other or their humans, they almost always pretend to bite, which causes them to pull back their lips and ears, though not very strongly. So, I suspect that some dogs have a tendency to engage the same muscles out of habit and association whenever they feel playful joy mixed with affection, like when they playfully "bite" each other or their owners' hands.
I have described, in the second chapter, the gait and appearance of a dog when cheerful, and the marked antithesis presented by the same animal when dejected and disappointed, with his head, ears, body, tail, and chops drooping, and eyes dull. Under the expectation of any great pleasure, dogs bound and jump about in an extravagant manner, and bark for joy. The tendency to bark under this state of mind is inherited, or runs in the breed: greyhounds rarely bark, whilst the Spitz-dog barks so incessantly on starting for a walk with his master that he becomes a nuisance.
In the second chapter, I talked about how a dog looks and moves when happy, and the stark contrast with how the same dog appears when it's sad and let down, with its head, ears, body, tail, and mouth all drooping, and its eyes dull. When dogs expect something exciting, they bounce around energetically and bark with joy. The tendency to bark in this state of mind is inherited, varying by breed: greyhounds hardly ever bark, while the Spitz dog barks so much when heading out for a walk with its owner that it can become a nuisance.
An agony of pain is expressed by dogs in nearly the same way as by many other animals, namely, by howling writhing, and contortions of the whole body.
Dogs express pain in nearly the same way as many other animals, through howling, writhing, and twisting their entire bodies.
Attention is shown by the head being raised, with the ears erected, and eyes intently directed towards the object or quarter under observation. If it be a sound and the source is not known, the head is often turned obliquely from side to side in a most significant manner, apparently in order to judge with more exactness from what point the sound proceeds. But I have seen a dog greatly surprised at a new noise, turning, his head to one side through habit, though he clearly perceived the source of the noise. Dogs, as formerly remarked, when their attention is in any way aroused, whilst watching some object, or attending to some sound, often lift up one paw (fig. 4) and keep it doubled up, as if to make a slow and stealthy approach.
Attention is shown by raising the head, with the ears perked up and eyes focused on the object or area being observed. If it's a sound and the source isn't known, the head often moves side to side in a very noticeable way, seemingly to better determine where the sound is coming from. However, I've seen a dog startled by a new noise, tilting his head to one side out of habit, even though he clearly recognized where the noise was coming from. As mentioned before, when dogs’ attention is drawn, whether they are watching something or listening to a sound, they often lift one paw (fig. 4) and keep it bent, as if preparing to approach quietly and cautiously.
A dog under extreme terror will throw himself down, howl, and void his excretions; but the hair, I believe, does not become erect unless some anger is felt. I have seen a dog much terrified at a band of musicians who were playing loudly outside the house, with every muscle of his body trembling, with his heart palpitating so quickly that the beats could hardly be counted, and panting for breath with widely open mouth, in the same manner as a terrified man does. Yet this dog had not exerted himself; he had only wandered slowly and restlessly about the room, and the day was cold.
A dog in extreme fear will drop to the ground, howl, and relieve himself; however, I believe its fur doesn’t stand on end unless it feels some anger. I've seen a dog that's really scared by a loud band of musicians playing outside the house, its entire body shaking, its heart racing so fast that you could barely count the beats, and panting with its mouth wide open, just like a frightened person would. Still, this dog hadn’t been running around; it had just been moving slowly and anxiously around the room, and it was a cold day.
Even a very slight degree of fear is invariably shown by the tail being tucked in between the legs. This tucking in of the fail is accompanied by the ears being drawn backwards; but they are not pressed closely to the head, as in snarling, and they are not lowered, as when a dog is pleased or affectionate. When two young dogs chase each other in play, the one that runs away always keeps his tail tucked inwards. So it is when a dog, in the highest spirits, careers like a mad creature round and round his master in circles, or in figures of eight. He then acts as if another dog were chasing him. This curious kind of play, which must be familiar to every one who has attended to dogs, is particularly apt to be excited, after the animal has been a little startled or frightened, as by his master suddenly jumping out on him in the dusk. In this case, as well as when two young dogs are chasing each other in play, it appears as if the one that runs away was afraid of the other catching him by the tail; but as far as I can find out, dogs very rarely catch each other in this manner. I asked a gentleman, who had kept foxhounds all his life, and he applied to other experienced sportsmen, whether they had ever seen hounds thus seize a fox; but they never had. It appears that when a dog is chased, or when in danger of being struck behind, or of anything falling on him, in all these cases he wishes to withdraw as quickly as possible his whole hind-quarters, and that from some sympathy or connection between the muscles, the tail is then drawn closely inwards.
Even a small amount of fear is always shown by the tail being tucked between the legs. This tail-tucking is accompanied by the ears being pulled back; however, they aren’t pressed tightly against the head, like when a dog is snarling, nor are they lowered, as when a dog is happy or affectionate. When two young dogs playfully chase each other, the one that runs away always keeps its tail tucked in. The same goes for a dog who, in high spirits, runs around its owner in circles or figures of eight. It behaves as if another dog were chasing it. This playful behavior, which everyone who has noticed dogs will recognize, tends to happen especially after the dog has been slightly startled or frightened, like when its owner suddenly pops out at it in the evening light. In this situation, as well as when two young dogs are chasing one another, it looks like the one that’s running away is scared of the other catching it by the tail; however, as far as I can tell, dogs very rarely catch each other this way. I asked a gentleman who had kept foxhounds his entire life, and he consulted other experienced hunters, but none of them had ever seen hounds catch a fox in this manner. It seems that when a dog is being chased, or when it fears something is going to strike it from behind or something might fall on it, in all these cases, it wants to quickly pull its hindquarters away. Due to some connection between the muscles, the tail is then drawn in closely.
A similarly connected movement between the hind-quarters and the tail may be observed in the hyaena. Mr. Bartlett informs me that when two of these animals fight together, they are mutually conscious of the wonderful power of each other’s jaws, and are extremely cautious. They well know that if one of their legs were seized, the bone would instantly be crushed into atoms; hence they approach each other kneeling, with their legs turned as much as possible inwards, and with their whole bodies bowed, so as not to present any salient point; the tail at the same time being closely tucked in between the legs. In this attitude they approach each other sideways, or even partly backwards. So again with deer, several of the species, when savage and fighting, tuck in their tails. When one horse in a field tries to bite the hind-quarters of another in play, or when a rough boy strikes a donkey from behind, the hind-quarters and the tail are drawn in, though it does not appear as if this were done merely to save the tail from being injured. We have also seen the reverse of these movements; for when an animal trots with high elastic steps, the tail is almost always carried aloft.
A similar linked movement between the back end and the tail can be seen in hyenas. Mr. Bartlett tells me that when two of these animals fight, they are very aware of the incredible strength of each other’s jaws and are extremely cautious. They know that if one of their legs gets grabbed, the bone would be crushed instantly; so they approach each other on their knees, with their legs turned as much as possible inward and their bodies bowed to avoid any exposed areas, with their tails tucked tightly between their legs. In this position, they move towards each other sideways or even partly backward. The same goes for deer; several species, when aggressive and fighting, also tuck in their tails. When one horse in a field tries to bite another's back end playfully, or when a rough kid hits a donkey from behind, both the hindquarters and the tail are drawn in, though it doesn’t seem like it’s just to protect the tail from getting hurt. We’ve also seen the opposite of these movements; when an animal trots with high, bouncy steps, the tail is almost always held high.
As I have said, when a dog is chased and runs away, he keeps his ears directed backwards but still open; and this is clearly done for the sake of hearing the footsteps of his pursuer. From habit the ears are often held in this same position, and the tail tucked in, when the danger is obviously in front. I have repeatedly noticed, with a timid terrier of mine, that when she is afraid of some object in front, the nature of which she perfectly knows and does not need to reconnoitre, yet she will for a long time hold her ears and tail in this position, looking the image of discomfort. Discomfort, without any fear, is similarly expressed: thus, one day I went out of doors, just at the time when this same dog knew that her dinner would be brought. I did not call her, but she wished much to accompany me, and at the same time she wished much for her dinner; and there she stood, first looking one way and then the other, with her tail tucked in and ears drawn back, presenting an unmistakable appearance of perplexed discomfort.
As I mentioned, when a dog is being chased and runs away, it keeps its ears pulled back but still open; it does this so it can hear the footsteps of its pursuer. Out of habit, the ears are often held in that same position, with the tail tucked in, even when the danger is clearly in front. I've noticed repeatedly with my timid terrier that when she's afraid of something in front of her, something she already knows and doesn't need to investigate, she will hold her ears and tail in that position for a long time, looking very uncomfortable. Discomfort can be expressed without fear as well: one day I stepped outside just when this same dog knew her dinner was coming. I didn't call her, but she really wanted to come with me and was also eager for her dinner. So she stood there, first looking one way and then the other, with her tail tucked in and ears back, showing an unmistakable look of confused discomfort.
Almost all the expressive movements now described, with the exception of the grinning from joy, are innate or instinctive, for they are common to all the individuals, young and old, of all the breeds. Most of them are likewise common to the aboriginal parents of the dog, namely the wolf and jackal; and some of them to other species of the same group. Tamed wolves and jackals, when caressed by their masters, jump about for joy, wag their tails, lower their ears, lick their master’s hands, crouch down, and even throw themselves on the ground belly upwards.[504] I have seen a rather fox-like African jackal, from the Gaboon, depress its ears when caressed. Wolves and jackals, when frightened, certainly tuck in their tails; and a tamed jackal has been described as careering round his master in circles and figures of eight, like a dog, with his tail between his legs.
Almost all the expressive movements described here, except for grinning with joy, are natural or instinctive because they are shared by individuals of all ages and breeds. Most of these movements are also found in the wild ancestors of dogs, like wolves and jackals, and some are present in other species within the same group. Tamed wolves and jackals, when petted by their owners, will jump for joy, wag their tails, lower their ears, lick their owner’s hands, crouch down, and even roll over onto their backs. I once saw a somewhat fox-like African jackal from the Gaboon lower its ears when petted. Wolves and jackals will definitely tuck in their tails when scared; there’s a recorded instance of a tamed jackal racing around its owner in circles and figure eights, like a dog, with its tail tucked between its legs.[504]
It has been stated[505] that foxes, however tame, never display any of the above expressive movements; but this is not strictly accurate. Many years ago I observed in the Zoological Gardens, and recorded the fact at the time, that a very tame English fox, When caressed by the keeper, wagged its tail, depressed its ears, and then threw itself on the ground, belly upwards. The black fox of North America likewise depressed its ears in a slight degree. But I believe that foxes never lick the hands of their masters, and I have been assured that when frightened they never tuck in their tails. If the explanation which I have given of the expression of affection in dogs be admitted, then it would appear that animals which have never been domesticated—namely wolves, jackals, and even foxes—have nevertheless acquired, through the principle of antithesis, certain expressive gestures; for it is not probable that these animals, confined in cages, should have learnt them by imitating dogs.
It has been stated[505] that foxes, no matter how tame, never show any of the expressive movements mentioned above; however, this isn't entirely accurate. Many years ago, I noticed in the Zoological Gardens, and noted at the time, that a very tame English fox, when petted by the keeper, wagged its tail, lowered its ears, and then rolled onto its back, exposing its belly. The black fox from North America also slightly lowered its ears. However, I believe that foxes never lick their owners' hands, and I've been told that when they are scared, they don't tuck their tails in. If we accept my explanation of how dogs express affection, it seems that animals that have never been domesticated—like wolves, jackals, and even foxes—have still developed certain expressive gestures through the principle of antithesis; it’s unlikely that these animals, kept in cages, learned these behaviors by mimicking dogs.
Cats.—I have already described the actions of a cat (fig. 9), when feeling savage and not terrified. She assumes a crouching attitude and occasionally protrudes her fore-feet, with the claws exserted ready for striking. The tail is extended, being curled or lashed from side to side. The hair is not erected—at least it was not so in the few cases observed by me. The ears are drawn closely backwards and the teeth are shown. Low savage growls are uttered. We can understand why the attitude assumed by a cat when preparing to fight with another cat, or in any way greatly irritated, is so widely different from that of a dog approaching another dog with hostile intentions; for the cat uses her fore-feet for striking, and this renders a crouching position convenient or necessary. She is also much more accustomed than a dog to lie concealed and suddenly spring on her prey. No cause can be assigned with certainty for the tail being lashed or curled from side to side. This habit is common to many other animals—for instance, to the puma, when prepared to spring;[506] but it is not common to dogs, or to foxes, as I infer from Mr. St. John’s account of a fox lying in wait and seizing a hare. We have already seen that some kinds of lizards and various snakes, when excited, rapidly vibrate the tips of their tails. It would appear as if, under strong excitement, there existed an uncontrollable desire for movement of some kind, owing to nerve-force being freely liberated from the excited sensorium; and that as the tail is left free, and as its movement does not disturb the general position of the body, it is curled or lashed about.
Cats.—I have already described a cat's behavior (fig. 9) when it's feeling aggressive and not scared. The cat crouches down and occasionally stretches out its front paws, claws extended, ready to strike. The tail is straightened out, swinging from side to side. The fur isn’t standing on end—at least, it wasn’t in the few cases I observed. The ears are pulled back tightly and the teeth are bared. The cat emits low, fierce growls. It’s easy to see why a cat's stance when getting ready to fight another cat or when greatly irritated is so different from a dog’s posture when approaching another dog with aggressive intent; a cat uses its front paws to hit, which makes a crouched position practical or necessary. Cats are also more accustomed than dogs to hiding and then pouncing on their prey. There isn’t a definite reason why the tail moves side to side or curls. This behavior is seen in many other animals, like the puma when it's about to leap; [506] but it’s not observed in dogs or foxes, as inferred from Mr. St. John’s account of a fox lying in wait to catch a hare. We’ve also noted that some lizards and various snakes vibrate their tail tips rapidly when excited. It seems that during intense excitement, there’s an uncontrollable urge to move somehow, due to nerve energy being released from the highly stimulated nervous system; and since the tail is free to move without disrupting the overall body position, it curls or sways around.
All the movements of a cat, when feeling affectionate, are in complete antithesis to those just described. She now stands upright, with slightly arched back, tail perpendicularly raised, and ears erected; and she rubs her cheeks and flanks against her master or mistress. The desire to rub something is so strong in cats under this state of mind, that they may often be seen rubbing themselves against the legs of chairs or tables, or against door-posts. This manner of expressing affection probably originated through association, as in the case of dogs, from the mother nursing and fondling her young; and perhaps from the young themselves loving each other and playing together. Another and very different gesture, expressive of pleasure, has already been described, namely, the curious manner in which young and even old cats, when pleased, alternately protrude their fore-feet, with separated toes, as if pushing against and sucking their mother’s teats. This habit is so far analogous to that of rubbing against something, that both apparently are derived from actions performed during the nursing period. Why cats should show affection by rubbing so much more than do dogs, though the latter delight in contact with their masters, and why cats only occasionally lick the hands of their friends, whilst dogs always do so, I cannot say. Cats cleanse themselves by licking their own coats more regularly than do dogs. On the other hand, their tongues seem less well fitted for the work than the longer and more flexible tongues of dogs.
All the ways a cat shows affection are totally different from what was just described. She stands straight up, with a slightly curved back, her tail held high, and her ears perked up; then she rubs her face and sides against her owner. The urge to rub against something is so strong in cats when they feel this way that they can often be seen rubbing against chair or table legs, or door frames. This way of showing affection probably comes from the bond formed during nursing, similar to what happens with dogs, when a mother cares for her young; and maybe it also comes from young cats liking to play and bond with each other. Another totally different way they express pleasure, already mentioned, is how both young and even older cats stretch out their front paws, spreading their toes, like they’re pushing against and suckling from their mother’s teats. This behavior is somewhat similar to rubbing against things, as both seem to come from actions during the nursing stage. I can't explain why cats prefer to rub against things more than dogs do, even though dogs enjoy being close to their owners, or why cats only sometimes lick their friends' hands while dogs do it all the time. Cats groom themselves by licking their own fur more consistently than dogs do. However, their tongues seem less suited for cleaning than the longer and more flexible tongues of dogs.

Cats, when terrified, stand at full height, and arch their backs in a well-known and ridiculous fashion. They spit, hiss, or growl. The hair over the whole body, and especially on the tail, becomes erect. In the instances observed by me the basal part of the tail was held upright, the terminal part being thrown on one side; but sometimes the tail (see fig. 15) is only a little raised, and is bent almost from the base to one side. The ears are drawn back, and the teeth exposed. When two kittens are playing together, the one often thus tries to frighten the other. From what we have seen in former chapters, all the above points of expression are intelligible, except the extreme arching of the back. I am inclined to believe that, in the same manner as many birds, whilst they ruffle their feathers, spread out their wings and tail, to make themselves look as big as possible, so cats stand upright at their full height, arch their backs, often raise the basal part of the tail, and erect their hair, for the same purpose. The lynx, when attacked, is said to arch its back, and is thus figured by Brehm. But the keepers in the Zoological Gardens have never seen any tendency to this action in the larger feline animals, such as tigers, lions, &c.; and these have little cause to be afraid of any other animal.
Cats, when scared, stand tall and arch their backs in a familiar and somewhat silly way. They spit, hiss, or growl. The fur all over their body, especially on their tail, stands up. In the cases I've observed, the base of the tail was held upright while the tip was thrown to one side; sometimes the tail (see fig. 15) is only slightly raised and bent almost from the base to one side. Their ears pull back and their teeth show. When two kittens are playing, one often tries to scare the other in this way. From what we've previously discussed, all the expressions mentioned are understandable, except for the extreme arching of the back. I suspect that similar to many birds, which fluff their feathers and spread their wings and tail to appear larger, cats stand tall, arch their backs, often raise the base of their tails, and fluff up their fur for the same reason. It's said that lynxes arch their backs when threatened, as illustrated by Brehm. However, keepers at the Zoological Gardens have never noticed this behavior in larger cats like tigers and lions, as they usually have little reason to fear other animals.
Cats use their voices much as a means of expression, and they utter, under various emotions and desires, at least six or seven different sounds. The purr of satisfaction, which is made during both inspiration and expiration, is one of the most curious. The puma, cheetah, and ocelot likewise purr; but the tiger, when pleased, “emits a peculiar short snuffle, accompanied by the closure of the eyelids.”[507] It is said that the lion, jaguar, and leopard, do not purr.
Cats use their voices as a way to express themselves, and they make at least six or seven different sounds based on their emotions and desires. The purr of satisfaction, which occurs during both inhaling and exhaling, is particularly interesting. The puma, cheetah, and ocelot also purr; however, the tiger, when happy, “makes a distinct short snuffle, along with closing its eyelids.” [507] It’s said that lions, jaguars, and leopards do not purr.
Horses.—Horses when savage draw their ears closely back, protrude their heads, and partially uncover their incisor teeth, ready for biting. When inclined to kick behind, they generally, through habit, draw back their ears; and their eyes are turned backwards in a peculiar manner.[508] When pleased, as when some coveted food is brought to them in the stable, they raise and draw in their heads, prick their ears, and looking intently towards their friend, often whinny. Impatience is expressed by pawing the ground.
Horses.—When horses are agitated, they pull their ears back, stick out their heads, and partially show their front teeth, ready to bite. When they're about to kick, they usually pull back their ears out of habit, and their eyes look backward in a distinctive way.[508] When they’re happy, like when they see some favorite food brought to them in the stable, they lift and pull in their heads, perk up their ears, and often whinny while staring eagerly at their companion. They show impatience by stomping the ground.
The actions of a horse when much startled are highly expressive. One day my horse was much frightened at a drilling machine, covered by a tarpaulin, and lying on an open field. He raised his head so high, that his neck became almost perpendicular; and this he did from habit, for the machine lay on a slope below, and could not have been seen with more distinctness through the raising of the head; nor if any sound had proceeded from it, could the sound have been more distinctly heard. His eyes and ears were directed intently forwards; and I could feel through the saddle the palpitations of his heart. With red dilated nostrils he snorted violently, and whirling round, would have dashed off at full speed, had I not prevented him. The distension of the nostrils is not for the sake of scenting the source of danger, for when a horse smells carefully at any object and is not alarmed, he does not dilate his nostrils. Owing to the presence of a valve in the throat, a horse when panting does not breathe through his open mouth, but through his nostrils; and these consequently have become endowed with great powers of expansion. This expansion of the nostrils, as well as the snorting, and the palpitations of the heart, are actions which have become firmly associated during a long series of generations with the emotion of terror; for terror has habitually led the horse to the most violent exertion in dashing away at full speed from the cause of danger.
The behavior of a horse when it's really startled is quite telling. One day, my horse was extremely frightened by a drilling machine covered with a tarp, lying in an open field. He lifted his head so high that his neck was nearly vertical; he did this out of instinct, as the machine was on a slope below and raising his head wouldn’t help him see it any better. Plus, if there had been any noise coming from it, he wouldn't have heard it any clearer. His eyes and ears were focused straight ahead, and I could feel his heart racing through the saddle. With his nostrils flared, he snorted loudly, and if I hadn’t stopped him, he would have bolted away at full speed. The flaring of the nostrils isn’t to smell out the danger; when a horse examines something closely and isn’t scared, it doesn't flare its nostrils. Because of a valve in the throat, a horse breathes through its nostrils when it's panting instead of through its mouth; as a result, those nostrils can expand significantly. This flaring of the nostrils, along with the snorting and the racing heartbeat, are actions that have been strongly linked to the feeling of fear over many generations, since fear usually drives the horse to sprint away quickly from whatever is threatening.
Ruminants.—Cattle and sheep are remarkable from displaying in so slight a degree their emotions or sensations, excepting that of extreme pain. A bull when enraged exhibits his rage only by the manner in which he holds his lowered head, with distended nostrils, and by bellowing. He also often paws the ground; but this pawing seems quite different from that of an impatient horse, for when the soil is loose, he throws up clouds of dust. I believe that bulls act in this manner when irritated by flies, for the sake of driving them away. The wilder breeds of sheep and the chamois when startled stamp on the ground, and whistle through their noses; and this serves as a danger-signal to their comrades. The musk-ox of the Arctic regions, when encountered, likewise stamps on the ground.[509] How this stamping action arose I cannot conjecture; for from inquiries which I have made it does not appear that any of these animals fight with their fore-legs.
Ruminants.—Cattle and sheep are notable for displaying their emotions or feelings very minimally, except for extreme pain. An angry bull shows his anger mainly by the way he holds his lowered head, with flared nostrils, and by bellowing. He often paws at the ground too, but this pawing looks quite different from that of an impatient horse; when the ground is loose, he kicks up clouds of dust. I think bulls do this when they are annoyed by flies, trying to shoo them away. Wild sheep breeds and chamois, when startled, stamp on the ground and make whistling sounds through their noses, which serve as a warning signal to others. The musk-ox in the Arctic also stamps on the ground when approached. [509] I can't speculate on how this stamping behavior developed since, from what I've learned, none of these animals fight using their front legs.
Some species of deer, when savage, display far more expression than do cattle, sheep, or goats, for, as has already been stated, they draw back their ears, grind their teeth, erect their hair, squeal, stamp on the ground, and brandish their horns. One day in the Zoological Gardens, the Formosan deer (Cervus pseudaxis) approached me in a curious attitude, with his muzzle raised high up, so that the horns were pressed back on his neck; the head being held rather obliquely. From the expression of his eye I felt sure that he was savage; he approached slowly, and as soon as he came close to the iron bars, he did not lower his head to butt at me, but suddenly bent it inwards, and struck his horns with great force against the railings. Mr. Bartlett informs me that some other species of deer place themselves in the same attitude when enraged.
Some types of deer, when aggressive, show much more emotion than cattle, sheep, or goats. As mentioned before, they pull back their ears, grind their teeth, raise their fur, squeal, stomp on the ground, and wave their horns around. One day at the Zoo, a Formosan deer (Cervus pseudaxis) approached me in a strange position, with its nose held high so that its horns were pushed back on its neck, tilting its head a bit. From the look in its eyes, I could tell it was angry. It came closer slowly, and when it reached the iron bars, instead of lowering its head to charge at me, it suddenly turned its head inward and slammed its horns hard against the railing. Mr. Bartlett tells me that other species of deer take the same posture when they're upset.
Monkeys.—The various species and genera of monkeys express their feelings in many different ways; and this fact is interesting, as in some degree bearing on the question, whether the so-called races of man should be ranked as distinct species or varieties; for, as we shall see in the following chapters, the different races of man express their emotions and sensations with remarkable uniformity throughout the world. Some of the expressive actions of monkeys are interesting in another way, namely from being closely analogous to those of man. As I have had no opportunity of observing any one species of the group under all circumstances, my miscellaneous remarks will be best arranged under different states of the mind.
Monkeys.—The different species and types of monkeys show their emotions in lots of different ways, which is fascinating because it relates to whether the various races of humans should be considered separate species or just variations. As we'll explore in the following chapters, human races express their feelings and sensations with surprising consistency around the globe. Some of the ways monkeys express themselves are particularly interesting because they closely resemble human behavior. Since I haven't had the chance to observe any one species in all situations, my various observations will be organized based on different mental states.
Pleasure, joy, affection—It is not possible to distinguish in monkeys, at least without more experience than I have had, the expression of pleasure or joy from that of affection. Young chimpanzees make a kind of barking noise, when pleased by the return of any one to whom they are attached. When this noise, which the keepers call a laugh, is uttered, the lips are protruded; but so they are under various other emotions. Nevertheless I could perceive that when they were pleased the form of the lips differed a little from that assumed when they were angered. If a young chimpanzee be tickled—and the armpits are particularly sensitive to tickling, as in the case of our children,—a more decided chuckling or laughing sound is uttered; though the laughter is sometimes noiseless. The corners of the mouth are then drawn backwards; and this sometimes causes the lower eyelids to be slightly wrinkled. But this wrinkling, which is so characteristic of our own laughter, is more plainly seen in some other monkeys. The teeth in the upper jaw in the chimpanzee are not exposed when they utter their laughing noise, in which respect they differ from us. But their eyes sparkle and grow brighter, as Mr. W. L. Martin,[510] who has particularly attended to their expression, states.
Pleasure, joy, affection—It's hard to tell the difference between expressions of pleasure or joy and affection in monkeys, at least without more experience than I've had. Young chimpanzees make a sort of barking sound when they're happy to see someone they care about. When they make this sound, which the keepers call a laugh, their lips stick out; but they do that for various other emotions too. Still, I noticed that when they were happy, the shape of their lips was slightly different from when they were angry. If you tickle a young chimpanzee—and their armpits are especially sensitive, like those of our kids—they produce a more pronounced chuckling or laughing sound, although sometimes the laughter is silent. The corners of their mouths pull back, which can even cause slight wrinkles under their eyes. This wrinkling, which is a common sign of laughter for us, is more pronounced in some other monkeys. When chimpanzees laugh, their upper teeth aren't visible, which sets them apart from us. However, their eyes light up and become brighter, as Mr. W. L. Martin, [510] who has paid special attention to their expressions, points out.
Young Orangs, when tickled, likewise grin and make a chuckling sound; and Mr. Martin says that their eyes grow brighter. As soon as their laughter ceases, an expression may be detected passing over their faces, which, as Mr. Wallace remarked to me, may be called a smile. I have also noticed something of the same kind with the chimpanzee. Dr. Duchenne—and I cannot quote a better authority—informs me that he kept a very tame monkey in his house for a year; and when he gave it during meal-times some choice delicacy, he observed that the corners of its mouth were slightly raised; thus an expression of satisfaction, partaking of the nature of an incipient smile, and resembling that often seen on the face of main, could be plainly perceived in this animal.
Young orangutans grin and chuckle when they're tickled; Mr. Martin says their eyes get brighter, too. Once their laughter stops, you can see a look pass over their faces that Mr. Wallace mentioned could be called a smile. I've also noticed something similar with chimpanzees. Dr. Duchenne—who's a well-respected authority—told me that he kept a very tame monkey in his house for a year. He observed that when he fed it some tasty treat during meals, the corners of its mouth lifted slightly, showing an expression of satisfaction that resembled an early smile, similar to what you often see on a human face.
The Cebus azaræ,[511] when rejoiced at again seeing a beloved person, utters a peculiar tittering (kichernden) sound. It also expresses agreeable sensations, by drawing back the corners of its mouth, without producing any sound. Rengger calls this movement laughter, but it would be more appropriately called a smile. The form of the mouth is different when either pain or terror is expressed, and high shrieks are uttered. Another species of Cebus in the Zoological Gardens (C. hypoleucus) when pleased, makes a reiterated shrill note, and likewise draws back the corners of its mouth, apparently through the contraction of the same muscles as with us. So does the Barbary ape (Inuus ecaudatus) to an extraordinary degree; and I observed in this monkey that the skin of the lower eyelids then became much wrinkled. At the same time it rapidly moved its lower jaw or lips in a spasmodic manner, the teeth being exposed; but the noise produced was hardly more distinct than that which we sometimes call silent laughter. Two of the keepers affirmed that this slight sound was the animal’s laughter, and when I expressed some doubt on this head (being at the time quite inexperienced), they made it attack or rather threaten a hated Entellus monkey, living in the same compartment. Instantly the whole expression of the face of the Inuus changed; the mouth was opened much more widely, the canine teeth were more fully exposed, and a hoarse barking noise was uttered.
The Cebus azaræ,[511] when happy to see a loved one again, makes a unique tittering (kichernden) sound. It also shows happiness by pulling back the corners of its mouth without making any noise. Rengger refers to this movement as laughter, but it’s better described as a smile. The shape of the mouth changes when expressing pain or fear, accompanied by loud shrieks. Another species of Cebus found in the Zoological Gardens (C. hypoleucus) makes a repeated shrill sound when it’s happy and also pulls back the corners of its mouth, likely using the same muscles we do. The Barbary ape (Inuus ecaudatus) does this even more dramatically; I noticed that the skin on its lower eyelids became quite wrinkled. At the same time, it moved its lower jaw or lips rapidly in a spasmodic way, exposing its teeth, but the sound it made was barely louder than what we sometimes call silent laughter. Two of the keepers claimed this faint sound was the animal’s laughter, and when I expressed some skepticism (since I was quite inexperienced at the time), they provoked it to attack or threaten a disliked Entellus monkey that lived in the same enclosure. Immediately, the Inuus’s face changed dramatically; its mouth opened wider, its canine teeth were more prominently displayed, and it let out a harsh barking noise.
The Anubis baboon (Cynocephalus anubis) was first insulted and put into a furious rage, as was easily done, by his keeper, who then made friends with him and shook hands. As the reconciliation was effected the baboon rapidly moved up and down his jaws and lips, and looked pleased. When we laugh heartily, a similar movement, or quiver, may be observed more or less distinctly in our jaws; but with man the muscles of the chest are more particularly acted on, whilst with this baboon, and with some other monkeys, it is the muscles of the jaws and lips which are spasmodically affected.
The Anubis baboon (Cynocephalus anubis) was first insulted and quickly got really angry, which was easy to do, by his keeper, who then made up with him and shook his hand. As they reconciled, the baboon rapidly moved his jaws and lips up and down, looking pleased. When we laugh heartily, you can observe a similar movement or quiver in our jaws to some extent; however, with humans, the muscles of the chest are more involved, while with this baboon and some other monkeys, it’s the muscles in the jaws and lips that are affected spasmodically.

I have already had occasion to remark on the curious manner in which two or three species of Alacacus and the Cynopithecus niger draw back their ears and utter a slight jabbering noise, when they are pleased by being caressed. With the Cynopithecus (fig. 17), the corners of the mouth are at the same time drawn backwards and upwards, so that the teeth are exposed. Hence this expression would never be recognized by a stranger as one of pleasure. The crest of long hairs on the forehead is depressed, and apparently the whole skin of the head drawn backwards. The eyebrows are thus raised a little, and the eyes assume a staring appearance. The lower eyelids also become slightly wrinkled; but this wrinkling is not conspicuous, owing to the permanent transverse furrows on the face.
I have already noticed the strange way that a couple of species of Alacacus and the Cynopithecus niger pull back their ears and make a soft jabbering sound when they enjoy being petted. With the Cynopithecus (fig. 17), the corners of their mouth pull back and up, making their teeth visible. Because of this, someone unfamiliar wouldn’t recognize it as a sign of pleasure. The crest of long hair on their forehead is flattened, and it seems like the entire skin on their head is pulled back. This raises their eyebrows slightly, giving their eyes a wide-eyed look. The lower eyelids also get a bit wrinkled, but the wrinkles aren't very noticeable due to the permanent lines across their face.
Painful emotions and sensations.—With monkeys the expression of slight pain, or of any painful emotion, such as grief, vexation, jealousy, &c., is not easily distinguished from that of moderate anger; and these states of mind readily and quickly pass into each other. Grief, however, with some species is certainly exhibited by weeping. A woman, who sold a monkey to the Zoological Society, believed to have come from Borneo (Macacus maurus or M. inornatus of Gray), said that it often cried; and Mr. Bartlett, as well as the keeper Mr. Sutton, have repeatedly seen it, when grieved, or even when much pitied, weeping so copiously that the tears rolled down its cheeks. There is, however, something strange about this case, for two specimens subsequently kept in the Gardens, and believed to be the same species, have never been seen to weep, though they were carefully observed by the keeper and myself when much distressed and loudly screaming. Rengger states[512] that the eyes of the Cebus azaræ fill with tears, but not sufficiently to overflow, when it is prevented getting some much desired object, or is much frightened. Humboldt also asserts that the eyes of the Callithrix sciureus “instantly fill with tears when it is seized with fear;” but when this pretty little monkey in the Zoological Gardens was teased, so as to cry out loudly, this did not occur. I do not, however, wish to throw the least doubt on the accuracy of Humboldt’s statement.
Painful emotions and sensations.—With monkeys, the expression of slight pain or any painful emotion, like grief, annoyance, jealousy, etc., is hard to tell apart from moderate anger; and these emotional states can quickly change into one another. Grief, however, is definitely shown by weeping in some species. A woman who sold a monkey to the Zoological Society, believed to have come from Borneo (Macacus maurus or M. inornatus of Gray), said it often cried; and both Mr. Bartlett and the keeper Mr. Sutton have seen it weeping so much when it was upset or even when it received a lot of pity that tears rolled down its cheeks. There is something peculiar about this case, though, because two other specimens later kept in the Gardens, thought to be the same species, have never been observed to weep, despite being closely watched by the keeper and myself when they were very distressed and loudly screaming. Rengger states[512] that the eyes of the Cebus azaræ fill with tears, but not enough to overflow, when it is denied something it really wants or when it is very scared. Humboldt also claims that the eyes of the Callithrix sciureus “instantly fill with tears when it is overcome with fear;” however, when this adorable little monkey in the Zoological Gardens was teased to the point of crying out loudly, this didn’t happen. Nevertheless, I don’t want to cast any doubt on the accuracy of Humboldt’s claim.
The appearance of dejection in young orangs and chimpanzees, when out of health, is as plain and almost as pathetic as in the case of our children. This state of mind and body is shown by their listless movements, fallen countenances, dull eyes, and changed complexion.
The signs of sadness in young orangutans and chimpanzees when they’re not well are just as obvious and almost as heartbreaking as in our kids. This mental and physical condition is evident through their sluggish movements, droopy faces, dull eyes, and altered skin tone.
Anger.—This emotion is often exhibited by many kinds of monkeys, and is expressed, as Mr. Martin remarks,[513] in many different ways. “Some species, when irritated, pout the lips, gaze with a fixed and savage glare on their foe, and make repeated short starts as if about to spring forward, uttering at the same time inward guttural sounds. Many display their anger by suddenly advancing, making abrupt starts, at the same time opening the mouth and pursing up the lips, so as to conceal the teeth, while the eyes are daringly fixed on the enemy, as if in savage defiance. Some again, and principally the long-tailed monkeys, or Guenons, display their teeth, and accompany their malicious grins with a sharp, abrupt, reiterated cry.” Mr. Sutton confirms the statement that some species uncover their teeth when enraged, whilst others conceal them by the protrusion of their lips; and some kinds draw back their ears. The Cynopithecus niger, lately referred to, acts in this manner, at the same time depressing the crest of hair on its forehead, and showing its teeth; so that the movements of the features from anger are nearly the same as those from pleasure; and the two expressions can be distinguished only by those familiar with the animal.
Anger.—This emotion is often shown by many types of monkeys and is expressed, as Mr. Martin points out, in various ways. “Some species, when annoyed, pout their lips, stare with a fixed and fierce glare at their opponent, and make quick, short movements as if about to lunge forward, while also producing low guttural sounds. Many show their anger by suddenly moving closer, making sudden starts, while opening their mouths and pursing their lips to hide their teeth, all while locking their eyes defiantly on the enemy. Others, particularly the long-tailed monkeys, or Guenons, display their teeth and pair their sneaky grins with sharp, repeated cries.” Mr. Sutton confirms that some species bare their teeth when angry, while others hide them by thrusting out their lips; and some kinds pull back their ears. The Cynopithecus niger, recently mentioned, behaves this way, simultaneously lowering the hair crest on its forehead and showing its teeth; thus, the facial movements resulting from anger are nearly the same as those from pleasure, and the two expressions can only be distinguished by those who know the animal well.
Baboons often show their passion and threaten their enemies in a very odd manner, namely, by opening their mouths widely as in the act of yawning. Mr. Bartlett has often seen two baboons, when first placed in the same compartment, sitting opposite to each other and thus alternately opening their mouths; and this action seems frequently to end in a real yawn. Mr. Bartlett believes that both animals wish to show to each other that they are provided with a formidable set of teeth, as is undoubtedly the case. As I could hardly credit the reality of this yawning gesture, Mr. Bartlett insulted an old baboon and put him into a violent passion; and he almost immediately thus acted. Some species of Macacus and of Cereopithecus[514] behave in the same manner. Baboons likewise show their anger, as was observed by Brehin with those which he kept alive in Abyssinia, in another manner, namely, by striking the ground with one hand, “like an angry man striking the table with his fist.” I have seen this movement with the baboons in the Zoological Gardens; but sometimes the action seems rather to represent the searching for a stone or other object in their beds of straw.
Baboons often express their emotions and threaten their rivals in a strange way, specifically by opening their mouths wide as if yawning. Mr. Bartlett has frequently observed two baboons, when first placed in the same enclosure, sitting across from each other and taking turns opening their mouths; this behavior often ends in a real yawn. Mr. Bartlett believes that both animals are trying to show each other their impressive set of teeth, which they definitely have. Since I could hardly believe this yawning gesture was real, Mr. Bartlett provoked an old baboon, which got him really angry; he soon exhibited the same behavior. Some species of Macacus and Cereopithecus also act this way. Baboons also display their anger, as noted by Brehin with the ones he kept in Abyssinia, in another way, by hitting the ground with one hand, “like an angry man banging his fist on a table.” I have seen this behavior in the baboons at the Zoological Gardens; however, sometimes it appears more like they're searching for a stone or another object in their straw bedding.
Mr. Sutton has often observed the face of the Macacus rhesus, when much enraged, growing red. As he was mentioning this to me, another monkey attacked a rhesus, and I saw its face redden as plainly as that of a man in a violent passion. In the course of a few minutes, after the battle, the face of this monkey recovered its natural tint. At the same time that the face reddened, the naked posterior part of the body, which is always red, seemed to grow still redder; but I cannot positively assert that this was the case. When the Mandrill is in any way excited, the brilliantly coloured, naked parts of the skin are said to become still more vividly coloured.
Mr. Sutton has often noted that the face of the Macacus rhesus turns red when it gets really angry. While he was telling me this, another monkey attacked a rhesus, and I saw its face turn red just like a person in a fit of rage. A few minutes after the scuffle, the monkey's face returned to its normal color. At the same time it turned red, the bare back part of its body, which is always red, seemed to get even redder, though I can't say for sure if that was really the case. When the Mandrill is excited in any way, the vividly colored, bare parts of its skin are said to become even more vibrant.
With several species of baboons the ridge of the forehead projects much over the eyes, and is studded with a few long hairs, representing our eyebrows. These animals are always looking about them, and in order to look upwards they raise their eyebrows. They have thus, as it would appear, acquired the habit of frequently moving their eyebrows. However this may be, many kinds of monkeys, especially the baboons, when angered or in any way excited, rapidly and incessantly move their eyebrows up and down, as well as the hairy skin of their foreheads.[515] As we associate in the case of man the raising and lowering of the eyebrows with definite states of the mind, the almost incessant movement of the eyebrows by monkeys gives them a senseless expression. I once observed a man who had a trick of continually raising his eyebrows without any corresponding emotion, and this gave to him a foolish appearance; so it is with some persons who keep the corners of their mouths a little drawn backwards and upwards, as if by an incipient smile, though at the time they are not amused or pleased.
With several species of baboons, the ridge on their foreheads extends significantly over their eyes and is dotted with a few long hairs that represent our eyebrows. These animals are always scanning their surroundings, and to look upward, they lift their eyebrows. As a result, it seems they have developed the habit of frequently moving their eyebrows. Regardless, many monkeys, especially baboons, when angry or excited, quickly and continually move their eyebrows up and down, along with the hair on their foreheads. As we associate the raising and lowering of eyebrows in humans with specific mental states, the almost constant movement of eyebrows in monkeys gives them a blank expression. I once saw a man who had a habit of raising his eyebrows continuously without any corresponding emotion, making him look silly; similarly, some people hold the corners of their mouths slightly drawn back and upward, as if they are on the verge of smiling, even though they are neither amused nor pleased.
A young orang, made jealous by her keeper attending to another monkey, slightly uncovered her teeth, and, uttering a peevish noise like tish-shist, turned her back on him. Both orangs and chimpanzees, when a little more angered, protrude their lips greatly, and make a harsh barking noise. A young female chimpanzee, in a violent passion, presented a curious resemblance to a child in the same state. She screamed loudly with widely open mouth, the lips being retracted so that the teeth were fully exposed. She threw her arms wildly about, sometimes clasping them over her head. She rolled on the ground, sometimes on her back, sometimes on her belly, and bit everything within reach. A young gibbon (Hylobates syndactylus) in a passion has been described[516] as behaving in almost exactly the same manner.
A young orangutan, feeling jealous because her keeper was giving attention to another monkey, slightly bared her teeth and made a grumpy noise like tish-shist, turning her back on him. Both orangutans and chimpanzees, when they get a bit more upset, stick out their lips and make a harsh barking sound. A young female chimpanzee, in a fit of rage, resembled a child having a temper tantrum. She screamed loudly with her mouth wide open, her lips pulled back to show all her teeth. She flailed her arms around, sometimes throwing them over her head. She rolled on the ground, sometimes on her back and sometimes on her stomach, biting anything she could reach. A young gibbon (Hylobates syndactylus) in a fit of anger has been described[516] as acting in almost the same way.
The lips of young orangs and chimpanzees are protruded, sometimes to a wonderful degree, under various circumstances. They act thus, not only when slightly angered, sulky, or disappointed, but when alarmed at anything—in one instance, at the sight of a turtle,[517]—and likewise when pleased. But neither the degree of protrusion nor the shape of the mouth is exactly the same, as I believe, in all cases; and the sounds which are then uttered are different. The accompanying drawing represents a chimpanzee made sulky by an orange having been offered him, and then taken away. A similar protrusion or pouting of the lips, though to a much slighter degree, may be seen in sulky children.
The lips of young orangutans and chimpanzees stick out, sometimes quite dramatically, depending on the situation. They do this not only when they’re a bit angry, moody, or disappointed, but also when they’re startled by something—in one case, the sight of a turtle, [517]—and even when they’re happy. However, the extent of how much they stick out and the shape of their mouths aren’t exactly the same in every situation; and the sounds they make differ as well. The drawing shows a chimpanzee looking sulky because an orange was offered to him and then taken away. A similar pouting of the lips, but to a much lesser degree, can also be seen in sulky kids.

Many years ago, in the Zoological Gardens, I placed a looking-glass on the floor before two young orangs, who, as far as it was known, had never before seen one. At first they gazed at their own images with the most steady surprise, and often changed their point of view. They then approached close and protruded their lips towards the image, as if to kiss it, in exactly the same manner as they had previously done towards each other, when first placed, a few days before, in the same room. They next made all sorts of grimaces, and put themselves in various attitudes before the mirror; they pressed and rubbed the surface; they placed their hands at different distances behind it; looked behind it; and finally seemed almost frightened, started a little, became cross, and refused to look any longer.
Many years ago, at the Zoo, I set up a mirror on the floor in front of two young orangutans, who, as far as anyone knew, had never seen one before. At first, they stared at their reflections with steady surprise and frequently shifted their positions. They then moved closer and puckered their lips towards the image, as if to kiss it, just like they had done with each other a few days earlier when they were first placed in the same room. They then made all kinds of silly faces and posed in different positions in front of the mirror; they pressed and rubbed the surface, held their hands at various distances behind it, looked behind it, and eventually seemed almost scared, flinched a bit, got irritated, and refused to look any longer.
When we try to perform some little action which is difficult and requires precision, for instance, to thread a needle, we generally close our lips firmly, for the sake, I presume, of not disturbing our movements by breathing; and I noticed the same action in a young Orang. The poor little creature was sick, and was amusing itself by trying to kill the flies on the window-panes with its knuckles; this was difficult as the flies buzzed about, and at each attempt the lips were firmly compressed, and at the same time slightly protruded.
When we try to do a small, challenging task that requires precision, like threading a needle, we usually close our lips tightly, probably to avoid messing up our movements by breathing. I noticed the same behavior in a young orangutan. The poor little thing was sick and entertained itself by trying to knock the flies off the window with its knuckles. This was tough because the flies kept buzzing around, and with each attempt, its lips were pressed together firmly and slightly pushed out.
Although the countenances, and more especially the gestures, of orangs and chimpanzees are in some respects highly expressive, I doubt whether on the whole they are so expressive as those of some other kinds of monkeys. This may be attributed in part to their ears being immovable, and in part to the nakedness of their eyebrows, of which the movements are thus rendered less conspicuous. When, however, they raise their eyebrows their foreheads become, as with us, transversely wrinkled. In comparison with man, their faces are inexpressive, chiefly owing to their not frowning under any emotion of the mind—that is, as far as I have been able to observe, and I carefully attended to this point. Frowning, which is one of the most important of all the expressions in man, is due to the contraction of the corrugators by which the eyebrows are lowered and brought together, so that vertical furrows are formed on the forehead. Both the orang and chimpanzee are said[518] to possess this muscle, but it seems rarely brought into action, at least in a conspicuous manner. I made my hands into a sort of cage, and placing some tempting fruit within, allowed both a young orang and chimpanzee to try their utmost to get it out; but although they grew rather cross, they showed not a trace of a frown. Nor was there any frown when they were enraged. Twice I took two chimpanzees from their rather dark room suddenly into bright sunshine, which would certainly have caused us to frown; they blinked and winked their eyes, but only once did I see a very slight frown. On another occasion, I tickled the nose of a chimpanzee with a straw, and as it crumpled up its face, slight vertical furrows appeared between the eyebrows. I have never seen a frown on the forehead of the orang.
Although the faces, and especially the gestures, of orangutans and chimpanzees are quite expressive in some ways, I doubt that they are overall as expressive as those of some other types of monkeys. This could be partly because their ears are immobile, and partly because their eyebrows are hairless, which makes their movements less noticeable. However, when they do raise their eyebrows, their foreheads wrinkle crosswise, just like ours. Compared to humans, their faces are less expressive mainly because they don't frown with any emotional response—that is, at least as far as I've observed, which I've paid close attention to. Frowning, one of the most important expressions in humans, happens when the corrugator muscles contract, lowering and bringing together the eyebrows, creating vertical lines on the forehead. Both orangutans and chimpanzees are said to have this muscle, but it seems to be rarely activated in a noticeable way. I made my hands into a sort of cage and put some tempting fruit inside, allowing a young orangutan and chimpanzee to try their hardest to get it out; although they became somewhat annoyed, they didn't show any sign of a frown. There was also no frown when they were angry. Twice, I took two chimpanzees from their fairly dark room into bright sunlight suddenly, which would definitely have made us frown; they blinked and squinted, but I only saw a very slight frown once. On another occasion, I tickled a chimpanzee's nose with a straw, and as it scrunched up its face, slight vertical lines appeared between its eyebrows. I've never seen a frown on the forehead of an orangutan.
The gorilla, when enraged, is described as erecting its crest of hair, throwing down its under lip, dilating its nostrils, and uttering terrific yells. Messrs. Savage and Wyman[519] state that the scalp can be freely moved backwards and forwards, and that when the animal is excited it is strongly contracted; but I presume that they mean by this latter expression that the scalp is lowered; for they likewise speak of the young chimpanzee, when crying out, as having the eyebrows strongly contracted. The great power of movement in the scalp of the gorilla, of many baboons and other monkeys, deserves notice in relation to the power possessed by some few men, either through reversion or persistence, of voluntarily moving their scalps.[520]
The gorilla, when angry, is said to raise its crest of hair, drop its lower lip, flare its nostrils, and let out terrifying screams. Messrs. Savage and Wyman[519] mention that the scalp can be easily moved back and forth, and that when the animal is excited, it tightens up; but I assume that by this latter point they mean the scalp is pulled down; because they also talk about the young chimpanzee, when crying out, having its eyebrows pulled together strongly. The significant ability to move the scalp of the gorilla, as well as many baboons and other monkeys, is worth noting in connection to the rare ability some men have, either through reversion or persistence, to move their scalps voluntarily.[520]
Astonishment, Terror—A living fresh-water turtle was placed at my request in the same compartment in the Zoological Gardens with many monkeys; and they showed unbounded astonishment, as well as some fear. This was displayed by their remaining motionless, staring intently with widely opened eyes, their eyebrows being often moved up and down. Their faces seemed somewhat lengthened. They occasionally raised themselves on their hind-legs to get abetter view. They often retreated a few feet, and then turning their heads over one shoulder, again stared intently. It was curious to observe how much less afraid they were of the turtle than of a living snake which I had formerly placed in their compartment;[521] for in the course of a few minutes some of the monkeys ventured to approach and touch the turtle. On the other hand, some of the larger baboons were greatly terrified, and grinned as if on the point of screaming out. When I showed a little dressed-up doll to the Cynopithecus niger, it stood motionless, stared intently with widely opened eyes, and advanced its ears a little forwards. But when the turtle was placed in its compartment, this monkey also moved its lips in an odd, rapid, jabbering manner, which the keeper declared was meant to conciliate or please the turtle.
Astonishment, Terror—At my request, a live fresh-water turtle was placed in the same enclosure at the Zoological Gardens as many monkeys, and they displayed extreme astonishment as well as some fear. They stayed completely still, staring intently with wide-open eyes, often raising and lowering their eyebrows. Their faces looked a bit elongated. They occasionally stood on their hind legs for a better view. They often stepped back a few feet, then turned their heads over one shoulder to stare again. It was interesting to see that they seemed much less afraid of the turtle compared to a live snake I had previously put in their enclosure; [521] because within minutes, some of the monkeys dared to approach and touch the turtle. In contrast, some of the larger baboons were extremely frightened and grinned as if about to scream. When I showed a small dressed-up doll to the Cynopithecus niger, it remained still, stared intently with wide-open eyes, and moved its ears slightly forward. However, when the turtle was placed in its enclosure, this monkey also moved its lips in a strange, rapid, jabbering way, which the keeper said was meant to appease or please the turtle.
I was never able clearly to perceive that the eyebrows of astonished monkeys were kept permanently raised, though they were frequently moved up and down. Attention, which precedes astonishment, is expressed by man by a slight raising of the eyebrows; and Dr. Duchenne informs me that when he gave to the monkey formerly mentioned some quite new article of food, it elevated its eyebrows a little, thus assuming an appearance of close attention. It then took the food in its fingers, and, with lowered or rectilinear eyebrows, scratched, smelt, and examined it,—an expression of reflection being thus exhibited. Sometimes it would throw back its head a little, and again with suddenly raised eyebrows re-examine and finally taste the food.
I could never clearly see that the eyebrows of surprised monkeys were always raised, even though they often moved them up and down. Attention, which comes before surprise, is shown by humans through a slight raising of the eyebrows; and Dr. Duchenne told me that when he gave the monkey I mentioned earlier a completely new type of food, it raised its eyebrows a bit, showing a sign of close attention. It then picked up the food with its fingers and, with its eyebrows lowered or straight, scratched, smelled, and examined it—showing a thoughtful expression. Sometimes it would tilt its head back slightly and then, with suddenly raised eyebrows, re-examine and eventually taste the food.
In no case did any monkey keep its mouth open when it was astonished. Mr. Sutton observed for me a young orang and chimpanzee during a considerable length of time; and however much they were astonished, or whilst listening intently to some strange sound, they did not keep their mouths open. This fact is surprising, as with mankind hardly any expression is more general than a widely open mouth under the sense of astonishment. As far as I have been able to observe, monkeys breathe more freely through their nostrils than men do; and this may account for their not opening their mouths when they are astonished; for, as we shall see in a future chapter, man apparently acts in this manner when startled, at first for the sake of quickly drawing a full inspiration, and afterwards for the sake of breathing as quietly as possible.
In every case, monkeys never kept their mouths open when they were surprised. Mr. Sutton observed a young orangutan and chimpanzee for a long time, and no matter how surprised they were or how intently they listened to some strange sound, they didn't open their mouths. This is surprising because, with humans, a wide-open mouth is one of the most common expressions of astonishment. From what I've observed, monkeys breathe more easily through their nostrils than humans do, which might explain why they don't open their mouths when surprised. As we will explore in a future chapter, humans tend to do this initially to take a deep breath and then to breathe as quietly as possible.
Terror is expressed by many kinds of monkeys by the utterance of shrill screams; the lips being drawn back, so that the teeth are exposed. The hair becomes erect, especially when some anger is likewise felt. Mr. Sutton has distinctly seen the face of the Macacus rhesus grow pale from fear. Monkeys also tremble from fear; and sometimes they void their excretions. I have seen one which, when caught, almost fainted from an excess of terror.
Terror is shown by many types of monkeys through loud screams, with their lips pulled back to expose their teeth. Their hair stands on end, especially if they also feel anger. Mr. Sutton has clearly observed the face of the Macacus rhesus turn pale with fear. Monkeys also shake with fear, and sometimes they lose control of their bowels. I have seen one that nearly fainted from being so terrified when it was caught.
Sufficient facts have now been given with respect to the expressions of various animals. It is impossible to agree with Sir C. Bell when he says[522] that “the faces of animals seem chiefly capable of expressing rage and fear;” and again, when he says that all their expressions “may be referred, more or less plainly, to their acts of volition or necessary instincts.” He who will look at a dog preparing to attack another dog or a man, and at the same animal when caressing his master, or will watch the countenance of a monkey when insulted, and when fondled by his keeper, will be forced to admit that the movements of their features and their gestures are almost as expressive as those of man. Although no explanation can be given of some of the expressions in the lower animals, the greater number are explicable in accordance with the three principles given at the commencement of the first chapter.
Sufficient facts have now been provided regarding the expressions of various animals. It’s hard to agree with Sir C. Bell when he says that “the faces of animals seem primarily capable of expressing rage and fear,” and again when he states that all their expressions “can be linked, more or less clearly, to their acts of will or necessary instincts.” Anyone who observes a dog getting ready to attack another dog or a person, and then watches the same dog when it’s affectionately interacting with its owner, or observes a monkey when it’s being insulted versus when it’s being comforted by its keeper, will have to acknowledge that the movements of their features and gestures are almost as expressive as those of humans. Although some expressions in lower animals remain unexplained, most can be understood through the three principles outlined at the beginning of the first chapter.
CHAPTER VI.
SPECIAL EXPRESSIONS OF MAN: SUFFERING AND WEEPING.
The screaming and weeping of infants—Forms of features—Age at which weeping commences—The effects of habitual restraint on weeping—Sobbing—Cause of the contraction of the muscles round the eyes during screaming—Cause of the secretion of tears.
The crying and wailing of babies—Traits of characteristics—The age when crying starts—The impact of regular suppression on crying—Crying fits—Reason for the tightening of the muscles around the eyes during crying—Reason for tear production.
In this and the following chapters the expressions exhibited by Man under various states of the mind will be described and explained, as far as lies in my power. My observations will be arranged according to the order which I have found the most convenient; and this will generally lead to opposite emotions and sensations succeeding each other.
In this chapter and the ones that follow, I will describe and explain the expressions shown by people under different mental states, as much as I can. My observations will be organized in a way that I find most helpful, usually leading to alternating emotions and sensations following one another.
Suffering of the body and mind: weeping.—I have already described in sufficient detail, in the third chapter, the signs of extreme pain, as shown by screams or groans, with the writhing of the whole body and the teeth clenched or ground together. These signs are often accompanied or followed by profuse sweating, pallor, trembling, utter prostration, or faintness. No suffering is greater than that from extreme fear or horror, but here a distinct emotion comes into play, and will be elsewhere considered. Prolonged suffering, especially of the mind, passes into low spirits, grief, dejection, and despair, and these states will be the subject of the following chapter. Here I shall almost confine myself to weeping or crying, more especially in children.
Suffering of the body and mind: weeping.—I have already explained in detail in the third chapter the signs of extreme pain, which include screams or groans, along with the entire body writhing and teeth clenched or grinding together. These signs are often accompanied or followed by excessive sweating, paleness, trembling, complete exhaustion, or faintness. No pain is worse than that caused by extreme fear or horror, but that involves a different emotion, which will be addressed elsewhere. Prolonged suffering, especially of the mind, leads to low spirits, sadness, dejection, and despair, and these conditions will be discussed in the next chapter. Here, I will focus mainly on weeping or crying, particularly in children.
Infants, when suffering even slight pain, moderate hunger, or discomfort, utter violent and prolonged screams. Whilst thus screaming their eyes are firmly closed, so that the skin round them is wrinkled, and the forehead contracted into a frown. The mouth is widely opened with the lips retracted in a peculiar manner, which causes it to assume a squarish form; the gums or teeth being more or less exposed. The breath is inhaled almost spasmodically. It is easy to observe infants whilst screaming; but I have found photographs made by the instantaneous process the best means for observation, as allowing more deliberation. I have collected twelve, most of them made purposely for me; and they all exhibit the same general characteristics. I have, therefore, had six of them[601] (Plate I.) reproduced by the heliotype process.
Infants, even when experiencing slight pain, moderate hunger, or discomfort, let out intense and prolonged screams. While screaming, their eyes are tightly shut, causing the skin around them to wrinkle and their forehead to frown. Their mouths are wide open, with the lips pulled back in a unique way, making the mouth look almost square; the gums or teeth are partially visible. They breathe in a nearly spasmodic manner. It's easy to observe infants while they scream, but I've found that photos taken with an instant camera are the best way to study them, as they allow for more careful examination. I've collected twelve photos, most of which were taken specifically for me, and they all show the same general traits. Therefore, I've had six of them[601] (Plate I.) reproduced using the heliotype process.

The firm closing of the eyelids and consequent compression of the eyeball,—and this is a most important element in various expressions,—serves to protect the eyes from becoming too much gorged with blood, as will presently be explained in detail. With respect to the order in which the several muscles contract in firmly compressing the eyes, I am indebted to Dr. Langstaff, of Southampton, for some observations, which I have since repeated. The best plan for observing the order is to make a person first raise his eyebrows, and this produces transverse wrinkles across the forehead; and then very gradually to contract all the muscles round the elves with as much force as possible. The reader who is unacquainted with the anatomy of the face, ought to refer to p. 24, and look at the woodcuts 1 to 3. The corrugators of the brow (corrugator supercilii) seem to be the first muscles to contract; and these draw the eyebrows downwards and inwards towards the base of the nose, causing vertical furrows, that is a frown, to appear between the eyebrows; at the same time they cause the disappearance of the transverse wrinkles across the forehead. The orbicular muscles contract almost simultaneously with the corrugators, and produce wrinkles all round the eyes; they appear, however, to be enabled to contract with greater force, as soon as the contraction of the corrugators has given them some support. Lastly, the pyramidal muscles of the nose contract; and these draw the eyebrows and the skin of the forehead still lower down, producing short transverse wrinkles across the base of the nose.[602] For the sake of brevity these muscles will generally be spoken of as the orbiculars, or as those surrounding the eyes.
The tight closing of the eyelids and the subsequent pressure on the eyeball—an important aspect of various expressions—helps protect the eyes from becoming overly filled with blood, as will be explained in detail shortly. Regarding the sequence in which the different muscles contract to tightly close the eyes, I’m grateful to Dr. Langstaff from Southampton for his observations, which I have since repeated. The best way to observe this order is to have someone first raise their eyebrows, which creates horizontal wrinkles across the forehead; then, very gradually, have them contract all the muscles around the eyes with as much force as possible. Readers unfamiliar with facial anatomy should refer to p. 24 and look at woodcuts 1 to 3. The brow corrugators (corrugator supercilii) seem to be the first muscles to contract, pulling the eyebrows down and inward toward the base of the nose, creating vertical furrows—a frown—between the eyebrows while simultaneously eliminating the horizontal wrinkles on the forehead. The orbicular muscles contract almost at the same time as the corrugators and create wrinkles around the eyes; however, they seem able to contract with more force once the corrugators provide some support. Finally, the pyramidal muscles of the nose contract, pulling the eyebrows and forehead skin even lower, which creates short horizontal wrinkles across the base of the nose.[602] For the sake of brevity, these muscles will generally be referred to as the orbiculars, or those surrounding the eyes.
When these muscles are strongly contracted, those running to the upper lip[603] likewise contract and raise the upper lip. This might have been expected from the manner in which at least one of them, the malaris, is connected with the orbiculars. Any one who will gradually contract the muscles round his eyes, will feel, as he increases the force, that his upper lip and the wings of his nose (which are partly acted on by one of the same muscles) are almost always a little drawn up. If he keeps his mouth firmly shut whilst contracting the muscles round the eyes, and then suddenly relaxes his lips, he will feel that the pressure on his eyes immediately increases. So again when a person on a bright, glaring day wishes to look at a distant object, but is compelled partially to close his eyelids, the upper lip may almost always be observed to be somewhat raised. The mouths of some very short-sighted persons, who are forced habitually to reduce the aperture of their eyes, wear from this same reason a grinning expression.
When these muscles are strongly contracted, those running to the upper lip[603] also contract and raise the upper lip. This is what you might expect, considering how at least one of them, the malaris, is connected to the orbicular muscles. Anyone who gradually tightens the muscles around their eyes will notice that as they increase the tension, their upper lip and the sides of their nose (which are partly controlled by one of the same muscles) are almost always slightly lifted. If they keep their mouth tightly closed while contracting the muscles around the eyes, then suddenly relax their lips, they will feel an immediate increase in pressure on their eyes. Similarly, when someone on a bright, glaring day tries to look at a distant object but has to partially close their eyelids, the upper lip can usually be seen to rise slightly. Many very short-sighted individuals, who have to regularly squint their eyes, may also show a grinning expression for this same reason.
The raising of the upper lip draws upwards the flesh of the upper parts of the cheeks, and produces a strongly marked fold on each cheek,—the naso-labial fold,—which runs from near the wings of the nostrils to the corners of the mouth and below them. This fold or furrow may be seen in all the photographs, and is very characteristic of the expression of a crying child; though a nearly similar fold is produced in the act of laughing or smiling.[604]
The lifting of the upper lip pulls up the skin on the upper cheeks and creates a noticeable line on each cheek—the naso-labial fold—that goes from near the sides of the nostrils to the corners of the mouth and just below them. This line or groove can be seen in all the photos and is very typical of a crying child's expression; however, a similar line appears when someone is laughing or smiling.[604]
As the upper lip is much drawn up during the act of screaming, in the manner just explained, the depressor muscles of the angles of the mouth (see K in woodcuts 1 and 2) are strongly contracted in order to keep the mouth widely open, so that a full volume of sound may be poured forth. The action of these opposed muscles, above and below, tends to give to the mouth an oblong, almost squarish outline, as may be seen in the accompanying photographs. An excellent observer,[605] in describing a baby crying whilst being fed, says, “it made its mouth like a square, and let the porridge run out at all four corners.” I believe, but we shall return to this point in a future chapter, that the depressor muscles of the angles of the mouth are less under the separate control of the will than the adjoining muscles; so that if a young child is only doubtfully inclined to cry, this muscle is generally the first to contract, and is the last to cease contracting. When older children commence crying, the muscles which run to the upper lip are often the first to contract; and this may perhaps be due to older children not having so strong a tendency to scream loudly, and consequently to keep their mouths widely open; so that the above-named depressor muscles are not brought into such strong action.
As the upper lip lifts significantly when someone screams, as described earlier, the muscles that pull down the corners of the mouth (see K in woodcuts 1 and 2) contract strongly to keep the mouth wide open, allowing for a loud sound to come out. The opposing action of these muscles, both above and below, gives the mouth a long, almost square shape, which can be seen in the accompanying photographs. An excellent observer, [605], describes a baby crying while being fed, saying, “it made its mouth like a square and let the porridge run out at all four corners.” I believe, and we will revisit this in a future chapter, that the depressor muscles at the corners of the mouth are less controlled by the will than the surrounding muscles; so if a young child is uncertain about crying, this muscle usually contracts first and relaxes last. When older children start crying, the muscles that pull up the upper lip often contract first. This might be because older children don't feel as strong a need to scream loudly and therefore don't keep their mouths as wide open, meaning the depressor muscles aren’t activated as much.
With one of my own infants, from his eighth day and for some time afterwards, I often observed that the first sign of a screaming-fit, when it could be observed coming on gradually, was a little frown, owing to the contraction of the corrugators of the brows; the capillaries of the naked head and face becoming at the same time reddened with blood. As soon as the screaming-fit actually began, all the muscles round the eyes were strongly contracted, and the mouth widely opened in the manner above described; so that at this early period the features assumed the same form as at a more advanced age.
With one of my own babies, starting from his eighth day and for a while afterwards, I often noticed that the first sign of a tantrum, when it was gradually coming on, was a little frown caused by the tightening of the muscles between the brows; the tiny blood vessels on his bare head and face would also turn red. As soon as the tantrum actually started, all the muscles around the eyes would tighten significantly, and his mouth would open wide in the way I described earlier; so even at this young age, his features took on the same shape as they would at an older age.
Dr. Piderit[606] lays great stress on the contraction of certain muscles which draw down the nose and narrow the nostrils, as eminently characteristic of a crying expression. The depressores anguli oris, as we have just seen, are usually contracted at the same time, and they indirectly tend, according to Dr. Duchenne, to act in this same manner on the nose. With children having bad colds a similar pinched appearance of the nose may be noticed, which is at least partly due, as remarked to me by Dr. Langstaff, to their constant snuffling, and the consequent pressure of the atmosphere on the two sides. The purpose of this contraction of the nostrils by children having bad colds, or whilst crying, seems to be to check the downward flow of the mucus and tears, and to prevent these fluids spreading over the upper lip.
Dr. Piderit[606] emphasizes the tightening of certain muscles that pull down the nose and narrow the nostrils, which is a key feature of a crying face. The depressores anguli oris, as we have just discussed, usually contract at the same time and, according to Dr. Duchenne, indirectly affect the nose in a similar way. Children with bad colds often show a similar pinched look to their noses, which is partly due, as Dr. Langstaff pointed out to me, to their constant sniffling and the pressure of the atmosphere on both sides. The reason for this narrowing of the nostrils in children with colds or while crying seems to be to stop mucus and tears from flowing down and to keep those fluids from spreading onto their upper lip.
After a prolonged and severe screaming-fit, the scalp, face, and eyes are reddened, owing to the return of the blood from the head having been impeded by the violent expiratory efforts; but the redness of the stimulated eyes is chiefly due to the copious effusion of tears. The various muscles of the face which have been strongly contracted, still twitch a little, and the upper lip is still slightly drawn up or everted,[607] with the corners of the mouth still a little drawn downwards. I have myself felt, and have observed in other grown-up persons, that when tears are restrained with difficulty, as in reading a pathetic story, it is almost impossible to prevent the various muscles. which with young children are brought into strong action during their screaming-fits, from slightly twitching or trembling.
After a long and intense screaming episode, the scalp, face, and eyes become red because the blood flow from the head has been blocked by the forceful breathing; however, the redness in the stimulated eyes mostly comes from the excessive flow of tears. The various facial muscles that have been strongly contracted still twitch a bit, and the upper lip is still slightly raised or turned out, with the corners of the mouth still a little pulled down. I have experienced, and noticed in other adults, that when tears are hard to hold back, like when reading a touching story, it’s nearly impossible to stop the various muscles, which in young children are heavily engaged during their screaming fits, from twitching or trembling a little.
Infants whilst young do not shed tears or weep, as is well known to nurses and medical men. This circumstance is not exclusively due to the lacrymal glands being as yet incapable of secreting tears. I first noticed this fact from having accidentally brushed with the cuff of my coat the open eye of one of my infants, when seventy-seven days old, causing this eye to water freely; and though the child screamed violently, the other eye remained dry, or was only slightly suffused with tears. A similar slight effusion occurred ten days previously in both eyes during a screaming-fit. The tears did not run over the eyelids and roll down the cheeks of this child, whilst screaming badly, when 122 days old. This first happened 17 days later, at the age of 139 days. A few other children have been observed for me, and the period of free weeping appears to be very variable. In one case, the eyes became slightly suffused at the age of only 20 days; in another, at 62 days. With two other children, the tears did NOT run down the face at the ages of 84 and 110 days; but in a third child they did run down at the age of 104 days. In one instance, as I was positively assured, tears ran down at the unusually early age of 42 days. It would appear as if the lacrymal glands required some practice in the individual before they are easily excited into action, in somewhat the same manner as various inherited consensual movements and tastes require some exercise before they are fixed and perfected. This is all the more likely with a habit like weeping, which must have been acquired since the period when man branched off from the common progenitor of the genus Homo and of the non-weeping anthropomorphous apes.
Infants, when they are young, don’t cry or weep, as nurses and medical professionals know well. This is not just because their tear glands can’t produce tears yet. I first noticed this when I accidentally brushed the open eye of one of my infants, who was seventy-seven days old, with my coat cuff, causing that eye to water a lot; even though the child screamed loudly, the other eye stayed dry or was only slightly watery. A similar slight watering happened ten days earlier during a crying fit. The tears didn’t spill over the eyelids and down the cheeks of this child while he screamed badly at 122 days old. This first happened seventeen days later, at 139 days. I observed a few other children, and the timing for free crying seems quite variable. In one case, a child's eyes became slightly watery at just 20 days; in another, it happened at 62 days. For two other children, the tears didn’t run down their faces at 84 and 110 days, but in a third child, they did at 104 days. In one instance, I was reliably informed that tears started flowing at the unusually early age of 42 days. It seems like the tear glands need some practice before they respond easily, much like various inherited reflexes and preferences require some exercise before they become established. This is especially likely for a behavior like crying, which must have developed since humans branched off from the common ancestor of the Homo genus and the non-crying anthropoid apes.
The fact of tears not being shed at a very early age from pain or any mental emotion is remarkable, as, later in life, no expression is more general or more strongly marked than weeping. When the habit has once been acquired by an infant, it expresses in the clearest manner suffering of all kinds, both bodily pain and mental distress, even though accompanied by other emotions, such as fear or rage. The character of the crying, however, changes at a very early age, as I noticed in my own infants,—the passionate cry differing from that of grief. A lady informs me that her child, nine months old, when in a passion screams loudly, but does not weep; tears, however, are shed when she is punished by her chair being turned with its back to the table. This difference may perhaps be attributed to weeping being restrained, as we shall immediately see, at a more advanced age, under most circumstances excepting grief; and to the influence of such restraint being transmitted to an earlier period of life, than that at which it was first practised.
The fact that tears aren’t shed at a very young age due to pain or any emotional distress is interesting because later in life, weeping becomes a common and strong expression. Once a baby develops this habit, it clearly shows suffering of all kinds, including physical pain and mental distress, even if other emotions like fear or anger are also present. However, the nature of crying changes at an early age, as I noticed with my own children—the cry of anger is different from the cry of sadness. One woman told me that her nine-month-old child screams loudly when upset but doesn’t cry; however, tears come when she’s punished by being made to face away from the table. This difference might be because weeping is often held back, as we will see soon, at a more advanced age, except in times of grief; and this influence of restraint may start earlier in life than when it was first practiced.
With adults, especially of the male sex, weeping soon ceases to be caused by, or to express, bodily pain. This may be accounted for by its being thought weak and unmanly by men, both of civilized and barbarous races, to exhibit bodily pain by any outward sign. With this exception, savages weep copiously from very slight causes, of which fact Sir J. Lubbock[608] has collected instances. A New Zealand chief “cried like a child because the sailors spoilt his favourite cloak by powdering it with flour.” I saw in Tierra del Fuego a native who had lately lost a brother, and who alternately cried with hysterical violence, and laughed heartily at anything which amused him. With the civilized nations of Europe there is also much difference in the frequency of weeping. Englishmen rarely cry, except under the pressure of the acutest grief; whereas in some parts of the Continent the men shed tears much more readily and freely.
With adults, especially men, tears soon stop being a response to or expression of physical pain. This might be because it's seen as weak and unmanly for men, whether civilized or not, to show physical pain outwardly. Aside from this, indigenous people cry a lot over very small issues, as noted by Sir J. Lubbock. For example, a New Zealand chief "cried like a child because the sailors ruined his favorite cloak by dusting it with flour." I witnessed a native in Tierra del Fuego who had recently lost a brother, who alternated between crying hysterically and laughing heartily at anything amusing. Among the civilized nations of Europe, there are also notable differences in how often people cry. English men rarely shed tears unless experiencing intense grief, while in some parts of the continent, men cry much more easily and freely.
The insane notoriously give way to all their emotions with little or no restraint; and I am informed by Dr. J. Crichton Browne, that nothing is more characteristic of simple melancholia, even in the male sex, than a tendency to weep on the slightest occasions, or from no cause. They also weep disproportionately on the occurrence of any real cause of grief. The length of time during which some patients weep is astonishing, as well as the amount of tears which they shed. One melancholic girl wept for a whole day, and afterwards confessed to Dr. Browne, that it was because she remembered that she had once shaved off her eyebrows to promote their growth. Many patients in the asylum sit for a long time rocking themselves backwards and forwards; “and if spoken to, they stop their movements, purse up their eyes, depress the corners of the mouth, and burst out crying.” In some of these cases, the being spoken to or kindly greeted appears to suggest some fanciful and sorrowful notion; but in other cases an effort of any kind excites weeping, independently of any sorrowful idea. Patients suffering from acute mania likewise have paroxysms of violent crying or blubbering, in the midst of their incoherent ravings. We must not, however, lay too much stress on the copious shedding of tears by the insane, as being due to the lack of all restraint; for certain brain-diseases, as hemiplegia, brain-wasting, and senile decay, have a special tendency to induce weeping. Weeping is common in the insane, even after a complete state of fatuity has been reached and the power of speech lost. Persons born idiotic likewise weep;[609] but it is said that this is not the case with cretins.
The insane are known to express all their emotions with little to no restraint, and Dr. J. Crichton Browne informs me that one of the hallmarks of simple melancholia, even among men, is the tendency to cry at the slightest provocation or even for no reason at all. They also tend to cry disproportionately when there is a real reason for grief. It's astonishing how long some patients cry and how many tears they shed. One melancholic girl cried for an entire day and later told Dr. Browne that it was because she remembered shaving off her eyebrows to encourage them to grow back. Many patients in the asylum spend a lot of time rocking back and forth; “and if spoken to, they stop their movements, squint their eyes, frown, and burst into tears.” In some cases, being spoken to or greeted kindly seems to trigger some fanciful and sorrowful thought, but in other cases, any kind of effort can provoke crying, regardless of any sad idea. Patients experiencing acute mania also have episodes of intense crying or sobbing amid their disorganized thoughts. However, we shouldn't overemphasize the excessive crying of the insane as solely due to a lack of restraint; certain brain disorders, such as hemiplegia, brain degeneration, and senile decay, particularly tend to provoke tears. Crying is common among the insane, even when they've reached a state of complete mental incompetence and lost the ability to speak. Even those born with intellectual disabilities can cry; however, it's said that this is not true for cretins.
Weeping seems to be the primary and natural expression, as we see in children, of suffering of any kind, whether bodily pain short of extreme agony, or mental distress. But the foregoing facts and common experience show us that a frequently repeated effort to restrain weeping, in association with certain states of the mind, does much in checking the habit. On the other hand, it appears that the power of weeping can be increased through habit; thus the Rev. R. Taylor,[610] who long resided in New Zealand, asserts that the women can voluntarily shed tears in abundance; they meet for this purpose to mourn for the dead, and they take pride in crying “in the most affecting manner.”
Weeping seems to be the main and natural way to express suffering, as seen in children, whether it's physical pain that isn't extreme or mental distress. However, the facts and common experiences suggest that frequently trying to hold back tears in certain mental states can help reduce this habit. Conversely, it seems that the ability to weep can be strengthened through practice; for instance, Rev. R. Taylor, who lived in New Zealand for a long time, claims that women there can cry on command. They gather to mourn the dead and take pride in crying "in the most moving way."
A single effort of repression brought to bear on the lacrymal glands does little, and indeed seems often to lead to an opposite result. An old and experienced physician told me that he had always found that the only means to check the occasional bitter weeping of ladies who consulted him, and who themselves wished to desist, was earnestly to beg them not to try, and to assure them that nothing would relieve them so much as prolonged and copious crying.
A single attempt to suppress tears doesn’t do much, and often seems to have the opposite effect. An experienced doctor once told me that he always found the best way to help the women who came to him, when they wanted to stop crying, was to sincerely urge them not to hold back and to assure them that nothing would help them feel better as much as a good, long cry.
The screaming of infants consists of prolonged expirations, with short and rapid, almost spasmodic inspirations, followed at a somewhat more advanced age by sobbing. According to Gratiolet,[611] the glottis is chiefly affected during the act of sobbing. This sound is heard “at the moment when the inspiration conquers the resistance of the glottis, and the air rushes into the chest.” But the whole act of respiration is likewise spasmodic and violent. The shoulders are at the same time generally raised, as by this movement respiration is rendered easier. With one of my infants, when seventy-seven days old, the inspirations were so rapid and strong that they approached in character to sobbing; when 138 days old I first noticed distinct sobbing, which subsequently followed every bad crying-fit. The respiratory movements are partly voluntary and partly involuntary, and I apprehend that sobbing is at least in part due to children having some power to command after early infancy their vocal organs and to stop their screams, but from having less power over their respiratory muscles, these continue for a time to act in an involuntary or spasmodic manner, after having been brought into violent action. Sobbing seems to be peculiar to the human species; for the keepers in the Zoological Gardens assure me that they have never heard a sob from any kind of monkey; though monkeys often scream loudly whilst being chased and caught, and then pant for a long time. We thus see that there is a close analogy between sobbing and the free shedding of tears; for with children, sobbing does not commence during early infancy, but afterwards comes on rather suddenly and then follows every bad crying-fit, until the habit is checked with advancing years.
The crying of infants includes long exhalations with short, quick, almost spasmodic inhalations, which later transitions to sobbing as they grow older. According to Gratiolet, the glottis is mainly affected during sobbing. This sound occurs “when the inhalation overcomes the resistance of the glottis, and air rushes into the chest.” However, the entire act of breathing can also be spasmodic and intense. At the same time, the shoulders are typically raised, making breathing easier. With one of my infants, when he was seventy-seven days old, his breaths were so rapid and strong that they were close to sobbing; by 138 days, I first noticed distinct sobbing, which then followed after every intense crying session. The breathing movements are partly voluntary and partly involuntary, and I believe that sobbing is at least partly due to children gaining some control over their vocal cords after early infancy to stop their screams, but having less control over their breathing muscles, which continue to act involuntarily or in a spasmodic manner after being forced into action. Sobbing seems to be unique to humans; the keepers at the Zoological Gardens have told me they have never heard a monkey sob, even though monkeys often scream loudly when being chased and then pant for a long time. Thus, there is a close connection between sobbing and the natural shedding of tears; for children, sobbing doesn't start in early infancy but later appears rather suddenly and then follows every intense crying session until the behavior is corrected as they grow older.
On the cause of the contraction of the muscles round the eyes during screaming.—We have seen that infants and young children, whilst screaming, invariably close their eyes firmly, by the contraction of the surrounding muscles, so that the skin becomes wrinkled all around. With older children, and even with adults, whenever there is violent and unrestrained crying, a tendency to the contraction of these same muscles may be observed; though this is often checked in order not to interfere with vision.
On the cause of the contraction of the muscles around the eyes during screaming.—We have observed that infants and young children tend to tightly close their eyes when they scream, tightening the surrounding muscles, which causes the skin to wrinkle all around. In older children and even adults, whenever there is intense and uncontrolled crying, you can notice a similar tendency for these muscles to contract; however, this is often suppressed to avoid obstructing their vision.
Sir C. Bell explains[612] this action in the following manner:—“During every violent act of expiration, whether in hearty laughter, weeping, coughing, or sneezing, the eyeball is firmly compressed by the fibres of the orbicularis; and this is a provision for supporting and defending the vascular system of the interior of the eye from a retrograde impulse communicated to the blood in the veins at that time. When we contract the chest and expel the air, there is a retardation of the blood in the veins of the neck and head; and in the more powerful acts of expulsion, the blood not only distends the vessels, but is even regurgitated into the minute branches. Were the eye not properly compressed at that time, and a resistance given to the shock, irreparable injury might be inflicted on the delicate textures of the interior of the eye.” He further adds, “If we separate the eyelids of a child to examine the eye, while it cries and struggles with passion, by taking off the natural support to the vascular system of the eye, and means of guarding it against the rush of blood then occurring, the conjunctiva becomes suddenly filled with blood, and the eyelids everted.”
Sir C. Bell explains this action like this: “During every intense act of exhaling, whether from hearty laughter, crying, coughing, or sneezing, the eyeball is tightly pressed by the muscles of the eyelids; this is a way to protect and support the blood vessels inside the eye from a reverse force affecting the blood in the veins at that moment. When we tighten our chest and push out the air, blood flow slows in the veins of the neck and head; during stronger acts of forceful exhalation, the blood not only stretches the vessels, but can even flow backward into the tiny branches. If the eye weren't properly compressed at that time, and if there weren't a resistance to that shock, serious damage could occur to the sensitive structures within the eye.” He also notes, “If we pull back a child’s eyelids to examine the eye while it is crying and struggling, by removing the natural protection for the eye's blood vessels and against the surge of blood happening then, the conjunctiva fills up with blood suddenly, and the eyelids turn outward.”
Not only are the muscles round the eyes strongly contracted, as Sir C. Bell states and as I have often observed, during screaming, loud laughter, coughing, and sneezing, but during several other analogous actions. A man contracts these muscles when he violently blows his nose. I asked one of my boys to shout as loudly as he possibly could, and as soon as he began, he firmly contracted his orbicular muscles; I observed this repeatedly, and on asking him why he had every time so firmly closed his eyes, I found that he was quite unaware of the fact: he had acted instinctively or unconsciously.
Not only are the muscles around the eyes tightly contracted, as Sir C. Bell notes and as I've often seen, during screaming, loud laughter, coughing, and sneezing, but also during several similar actions. A person tightens these muscles when they blow their nose forcefully. I asked one of my boys to shout as loudly as he could, and as soon as he started, he tightly closed his eyes; I noticed this repeatedly. When I asked him why he kept closing his eyes so tightly, I found that he wasn’t even aware he was doing it: he had acted instinctively or unconsciously.
It is not necessary, in order to lead to the contraction of these muscles, that air should actually be expelled from the chest; it suffices that the muscles of the chest and abdomen should contract with great force, whilst by the closure of the glottis no air escapes. In violent vomiting or retching the diaphragm is made to descend by the chest being filled with air; it is then held in this position by the closure of the glottis, “as well as by the contraction of its own fibres.”[613] The abdominal muscles now contract strongly upon the stomach, its proper muscles likewise contracting, and the contents are thus ejected. During each effort of vomiting “the head becomes greatly congested, so that the features are red and swollen, and the large veins of the face and temples visibly dilated.” At the same time, as I know from observation, the muscles round the eyes are strongly contracted. This is likewise the case when the abdominal muscles act downwards with unusual force in expelling the contents of the intestinal canal.
It is not necessary for air to actually be expelled from the chest in order for these muscles to contract; it’s enough that the chest and abdominal muscles contract powerfully while the glottis is closed, preventing any air from escaping. During intense vomiting or retching, the diaphragm is pushed down as the chest fills with air; it stays in this position because the glottis is closed, “as well as by the contraction of its own fibers.” [613] The abdominal muscles then contract forcefully around the stomach, which also contracts, leading to the expulsion of its contents. With each vomiting attempt, “the head becomes greatly congested, causing the features to appear red and swollen, and the large veins in the face and temples to become visibly enlarged.” At the same time, from my observations, the muscles around the eyes contract tightly. This also occurs when the abdominal muscles push down with unusual strength while expelling contents from the intestines.
The greatest exertion of the muscles of the body, if those of the chest are not brought into strong action in expelling or compressing the air within the lungs, does not lead to the contraction of the muscles round the eyes. I have observed my sons using great force in gymnastic exercises, as in repeatedly raising their suspended bodies by their arms alone, and in lifting heavy weights from the ground, but there was hardly any trace of contraction in the muscles round the eyes.
The greatest effort of the body’s muscles, if the chest muscles aren’t strongly engaged in pushing out or compressing the air in the lungs, doesn’t result in the contraction of the muscles around the eyes. I’ve seen my sons using a lot of strength in gym exercises, like repeatedly lifting their suspended bodies by their arms and lifting heavy weights off the ground, but there was barely any sign of contraction in the muscles around their eyes.
As the contraction of these muscles for the protection of the eyes during violent expiration is indirectly, as we shall hereafter see, a fundamental element in several of our most important expressions, I was extremely anxious to ascertain how far Sir C. Bell’s view could be substantiated. Professor Donders, of Utrecht,[614] well known as one of the highest authorities in Europe on vision and on the structure of the eye, has most kindly undertaken for me this investigation with the aid of the many ingenious mechanisms of modern science, and has published the results.[615] He shows that during violent expiration the external, the intra-ocular, and the retro-ocular vessels of the eye are all affected in two ways, namely by the increased pressure of the blood in the arteries, and by the return of the blood in the veins being impeded. It is, therefore, certain that both the arteries and the veins of the eye are more or less distended during violent expiration. The evidence in detail may be found in Professor Donders’ valuable memoir. We see the effects on the veins of the head, in their prominence, and in the purple colour of the face of a man who coughs violently from being half choked. I may mention, on the same authority, that the whole eye certainly advances a little during each violent expiration. This is due to the dilatation of the retro-ocular vessels, and might have been expected from the intimate connection of the eye and brain; the brain being known to rise and fall with each respiration, when a portion of the skull has been removed; and as may be seen along the unclosed sutures of infants’ heads. This also, I presume, is the reason that the eyes of a strangled man appear as if they were starting from their sockets.
As the contraction of these muscles protects the eyes during forceful exhalation, it indirectly plays a key role in several significant expressions, which we will explore later. I was very eager to find out how far Sir C. Bell’s perspective could be proven. Professor Donders from Utrecht, known as one of the leading experts in Europe on vision and the structure of the eye, kindly took on this investigation for me, using many advanced mechanisms from modern science and published the findings. He demonstrates that during intense exhalation, the external, intraocular, and retro-ocular vessels of the eye are all affected in two ways: by increased blood pressure in the arteries and by hindered blood return in the veins. Therefore, it’s clear that both the arteries and veins of the eye become somewhat swollen during forceful exhalation. Detailed evidence can be found in Professor Donders’ valuable essay. We can observe the effects on the veins in the head, evident by their swelling and the purple color of a person's face when they cough violently due to choking. Additionally, according to the same source, the entire eye does move slightly forward with each forceful exhale. This is caused by the swelling of the retro-ocular vessels and can be anticipated given the close connection between the eye and brain; the brain is known to move up and down with each breath when a part of the skull has been removed, as seen along the open sutures of infants' heads. I believe this is also why the eyes of a strangled person appear to be bulging out of their sockets.
With respect to the protection of the eye during violent expiratory efforts by the pressure of the eyelids, Professor Donders concludes from his various observations that this action certainly limits or entirely removes the dilatation of the vessels.[616] At such times, he adds, we not unfrequently see the hand involuntarily laid upon the eyelids, as if the better to support and defend the eyeball.
Regarding the protection of the eye during forceful exhalations by the pressure of the eyelids, Professor Donders concludes from his various observations that this action definitely limits or completely prevents the dilation of the blood vessels. [616] At such times, he adds, we often see the hand instinctively placed over the eyelids, as if to better support and protect the eyeball.
Nevertheless much evidence cannot at present be advanced to prove that the eye actually suffers injury from the want of support during violent expiration; but there is some. It is “a fact that forcible expiratory efforts in violent coughing or vomiting, and especially in sneezing, sometimes give rise to ruptures of the little (external) vessels” of the eye.[617] With respect to the internal vessels, Dr. Gunning has lately recorded a case of exophthalmos in consequence of whooping-cough, which in his opinion depended on the rupture of the deeper vessels; and another analogous case has been recorded. But a mere sense of discomfort would probably suffice to lead to the associated habit of protecting the eyeball by the contraction of the surrounding muscles. Even the expectation or chance of injury would probably be sufficient, in the same manner as an object moving too near the eye induces involuntary winking of the eyelids. We may, therefore, safely conclude from Sir C. Bell’s observations, and more especially from the more careful investigations by Professor Donders, that the firm closure of the eyelids during the screaming of children is an action full of meaning and of real service.
Nevertheless, not much evidence can currently be presented to prove that the eye actually gets harmed from a lack of support during intense exhalation; however, there is some. It is a fact that strong efforts to exhale during violent coughing or vomiting, and especially during sneezing, can sometimes cause the small (external) vessels in the eye to rupture. With regard to the internal vessels, Dr. Gunning recently documented a case of exophthalmos resulting from whooping cough, which he believes was due to the rupture of deeper vessels; another similar case has also been noted. But even just feeling discomfort would likely be enough to trigger the instinct to protect the eyeball by tensing the surrounding muscles. The mere anticipation or possibility of injury would probably suffice, similar to how an object moving too close to the eye leads to an involuntary blink. Therefore, we can confidently conclude from Sir C. Bell’s observations, and particularly from the more thorough research by Professor Donders, that tightly closing the eyelids while children are screaming is a purposeful action that provides real protection.
We have already seen that the contraction of the orbicular muscles leads to the drawing up of the upper lip, and consequently, if the mouth is kept widely open, to the drawing down of the corners by the contraction of the depressor muscles. The formation of the naso-labial fold on the cheeks likewise follows from the drawing up of the upper lip. Thus all the chief expressive movements of the face during crying apparently result from the contraction of the muscles round the eyes. We shall also find that the shedding of tears depends on, or at least stands in some connection with, the contraction of these same muscles.
We have already seen that when the orbicular muscles contract, the upper lip pulls up. Consequently, if the mouth is held wide open, the corners are pulled down by the contraction of the depressor muscles. The formation of the nasolabial fold on the cheeks also comes from the upper lip being drawn up. So, all the main expressive movements of the face during crying seem to come from the contraction of the muscles around the eyes. We will also see that tearing up depends on, or at least is somewhat connected to, the contraction of these same muscles.
In some of the foregoing cases, especially in those of sneezing and coughing, it is possible that the contraction of the orbicular muscles may serve in addition to protect the eyes from too severe a jar or vibration. I think so, because dogs and cats, in crunching hard bones, always close their eyelids, and at least sometimes in sneezing; though dogs do not do so whilst barking loudly. Mr. Sutton carefully observed for me a young orang and chimpanzee, and he found that both always closed their eyes in sneezing and coughing, but not whilst screaming violently. I gave a small pinch of snuff to a monkey of the American division, namely, a Cebus, and it closed its eyelids whilst sneezing; but not on a subsequent occasion whilst uttering loud cries.
In some of the earlier cases, particularly those involving sneezing and coughing, it's possible that the contraction of the orbicular muscles also protects the eyes from harsh jarring or vibrations. I believe this is true because dogs and cats always close their eyelids when crunching hard bones, and they do so sometimes when sneezing; although dogs don’t close their eyes when barking loudly. Mr. Sutton carefully observed a young orangutan and chimpanzee and found that they both always closed their eyes when sneezing and coughing, but not while screaming loudly. I gave a small pinch of snuff to a Cebus monkey, and it closed its eyelids while sneezing; however, it did not do so on a later occasion when it was making loud cries.
Cause of the secretion of tears.—It is an important fact which must be considered in any theory of the secretion of tears from the mind being affected, that whenever the muscles round the eyes are strongly and involuntarily contracted in order to compress the blood-vessels and thus to protect the eyes, tears are secreted, often in sufficient abundance to roll down the cheeks. This occurs under the most opposite emotions, and under no emotion at all. The sole exception, and this is only a partial one, to the existence of a relation between the involuntary and strong contraction of these muscles and the secretion of tears is that of young infants, who, whilst screaming violently with their eyelids firmly closed, do not commonly weep until they have attained the age of from two to three or four months. Their eyes, however, become suffused with tears at a much earlier age. It would appear, as already remarked, that the lacrymal glands do not, from the want of practice or some other cause, come to full functional activity at a very early period of life. With children at a somewhat later age, crying out or wailing from any distress is so regularly accompanied by the shedding of tears, that weeping and crying are synonymous terms.[618]
Cause of the secretion of tears.—It’s an important fact to consider in any theory about why we cry that whenever the muscles around the eyes are strongly and involuntarily contracted to compress the blood vessels and protect the eyes, tears are produced, often enough to run down the cheeks. This happens with the most contrasting emotions, and even in the absence of any emotion. The only exception, which is only partial, is with very young infants, who, while screaming intensely with their eyelids tightly shut, usually don’t cry until they’re about two to four months old. However, their eyes can start to tear up much earlier. As mentioned before, it seems that the tear glands don’t fully activate at a very early stage of life due to lack of use or some other reason. With slightly older children, crying or wailing from distress is almost always accompanied by tears, making weeping and crying synonymous. [618]
Under the opposite emotion of great joy or amusement, as long as laughter is moderate there is hardly any contraction of the muscles round the eyes, so that there is no frowning; but when peals of loud laughter are uttered, with rapid and violent spasmodic expirations, tears stream down the face. I have more than once noticed the face of a person, after a paroxysm of violent laughter, and I could see that the orbicular muscles and those running to the upper lip were still partially contracted, which together with the tear-stained cheeks gave to the upper half of the face an expression not to be distinguished from that of a child still blubbering from grief. The fact of tears streaming down the face during violent laughter is common to all the races of mankind, as we shall see in a future chapter.
Under the contrasting feeling of great joy or amusement, when laughter is moderate, there’s hardly any tightening of the muscles around the eyes, so there’s no frowning. But when loud laughter bursts out, with quick and intense gasps, tears run down the face. I've seen a person's face after an episode of intense laughter, and I noticed that the circular muscles and those leading to the upper lip were still partially tense, which, along with the tear-streaked cheeks, gave the upper half of the face an expression similar to that of a child still crying from sadness. The fact that tears fall during intense laughter is universal across all human races, as we will explore in a future chapter.
In violent coughing especially when a person is half-choked, the face becomes purple, the veins distended, the orbicular muscles strongly contracted, and tears run down the cheeks. Even after a fit of ordinary coughing, almost every one has to wipe his eyes. In violent vomiting or retching, as I have myself experienced and seen in others, the orbicular muscles are strongly contracted, and tears sometimes flow freely down the cheeks. It has been suggested to me that this may be due to irritating matter being injected into the nostrils, and causing by reflex action the secretion of tears. Accordingly I asked one of my informants, a surgeon, to attend to the effects of retching when nothing was thrown up from the stomach; and, by an odd coincidence, he himself suffered the next morning from an attack of retching, and three days subsequently observed a lady under a similar attack; and he is certain that in neither case an atom of matter was ejected from the stomach; yet the orbicular muscles were strongly contracted, and tears freely secreted. I can also speak positively to the energetic contraction of these same muscles round the eyes, and to the coincident free secretion of tears, when the abdominal muscles act with unusual force in a downward direction on the intestinal canal.
During intense coughing, especially when someone is half-choked, their face turns purple, veins bulge, facial muscles contract tightly, and tears stream down their cheeks. After even a normal coughing fit, almost everyone has to wipe their eyes. In cases of severe vomiting or retching, which I've experienced and seen in others, the facial muscles contract strongly, and tears can flow freely down the cheeks. Some have suggested that this might be because irritating substances are entering the nostrils, triggering tear production through reflex action. So, I asked a surgeon I know to observe the effects of retching when nothing is expelled from the stomach. Interestingly, he himself experienced a bout of retching the next morning, and three days later he saw a lady going through the same thing. He is sure that in neither case did anything come out of the stomach, yet the facial muscles contracted strongly and tears were produced. I can also confirm the strong contraction of those same muscles around the eyes, along with the abundant secretion of tears when the abdominal muscles work unusually hard in a downward motion on the intestinal canal.
Yawning commences with a deep inspiration, followed by a long and forcible expiration; and at the same time almost all the muscles of the body are strongly contracted, including those round the eyes. During this act tears are often secreted, and I have seen them even rolling down the cheeks.
Yawning starts with a deep inhale, followed by a long, forceful exhale; at the same time, nearly all the muscles in the body tense up, including those around the eyes. During this process, tears often come out, and I have even seen them streaming down people's cheeks.
I have frequently observed that when persons scratch some point which itches intolerably, they forcibly close their eyelids; but they do not, as I believe, first draw a deep breath and then expel it with force; and I have never noticed that the eyes then become filled with tears; but I am not prepared to assert that this does not occur. The forcible closure of the eyelids is, perhaps, merely a part of that general action by which almost all the muscles of the body are at the same time rendered rigid. It is quite different from the gentle closure of the eyes which often accompanies, as Gratiolet remarks,[619] the smelling a delicious odour, or the tasting a delicious morsel, and which probably originates in the desire to shut out any disturbing impression through the eyes.
I've often noticed that when people scratch an itch that’s really bothering them, they tend to shut their eyes tightly; however, I don’t think they first take a deep breath and then force it out. I've never seen them tear up afterward, but I can’t say for sure that it doesn’t happen. The tight closing of the eyelids might just be part of the overall reaction where nearly all the muscles in the body stiffen at the same time. This is quite different from the gentle closing of the eyes that often happens, as Gratiolet points out, [619] when someone catches a whiff of something delicious or takes a bite of tasty food, which likely comes from wanting to block out any distracting visuals.
Professor Donders writes to me to the following effect: “I have observed some cases of a very curious affection when, after a slight rub (attouchement), for example, from the friction of a coat, which caused neither a wound nor a contusion, spasms of the orbicular muscles occurred, with a very profuse flow of tears, lasting about one hour. Subsequently, sometimes after an interval of several weeks, violent spasms of the same muscles re-occurred, accompanied by the secretion of tears, together with primary or secondary redness of the eye.” Mr. Bowman informs me that he has occasionally observed closely analogous cases, and that, in some of these, there was no redness or inflammation of the eyes.
Professor Donders writes to me the following: “I’ve noticed some cases of a strange condition where, after a slight touch (like from rubbing against a coat), which didn’t cause any injury or bruise, the muscles around the eyes went into spasms, resulting in a heavy flow of tears that lasted about an hour. Later on, sometimes after several weeks, intense spasms of the same muscles happened again, along with tear production and either initial or subsequent redness of the eye.” Mr. Bowman tells me he’s occasionally seen similar cases, and in some of these, there was no redness or inflammation of the eyes.
I was anxious to ascertain whether there existed in any of the lower animals a similar relation between the contraction of the orbicular muscles during violent expiration and the secretion of tears; but there are very few animals which contract these muscles in a prolonged manner, or which shed tears. The Macacus maurus, which formerly wept so copiously in the Zoological Gardens, would have been a fine case for observation; but the two monkeys now there, and which are believed to belong to the same species, do not weep. Nevertheless they were carefully observed by Mr. Bartlett and myself, whilst screaming loudly, and they seemed to contract these muscles; but they moved about their cages so rapidly, that it was difficult to observe with certainty. No other monkey, as far as I have been able to ascertain, contracts its orbicular muscles whilst screaming.
I was eager to find out if any lower animals have a similar connection between the contraction of their circular muscles during intense breathing out and the production of tears. However, very few animals contract these muscles for long periods or actually shed tears. The Macacus maurus, which used to weep a lot in the Zoo, would have been a great example to study; but the two monkeys currently there, which are thought to belong to the same species, don’t cry. Still, Mr. Bartlett and I observed them closely while they were screaming loudly, and they seemed to contract these muscles. However, they moved around their cages so quickly that it was hard to see clearly. As far as I have been able to find out, no other monkey contracts its circular muscles while screaming.
The Indian elephant is known sometimes to weep. Sir E. Tennent, in describing these which he saw captured and bound in Ceylon, says, some “lay motionless on the ground, with no other indication of suffering than the tears which suffused their eyes and flowed incessantly.” Speaking of another elephant he says, “When overpowered and made fast, his grief was most affecting; his violence sank to utter prostration, and he lay on the ground, uttering choking cries, with tears trickling down his cheeks.”[620] In the Zoological Gardens the keeper of the Indian elephants positively asserts that he has several times seen tears rolling down the face of the old female, when distressed by the removal of the young one. Hence I was extremely anxious to ascertain, as an extension of the relation between the contraction of the orbicular muscles and the shedding of tears in man, whether elephants when screaming or trumpeting loudly contract these muscles. At Mr. Bartlett’s desire the keeper ordered the old and the young elephant to trumpet; and we repeatedly saw in both animals that, just as the trumpeting began, the orbicular muscles, especially the lower ones, were distinctly contracted. On a subsequent occasion the keeper made the old elephant trumpet much more loudly, and invariably both the upper and lower orbicular muscles were strongly contracted, and now in an equal degree. It is a singular fact that the African elephant, which, however, is so different from the Indian species that it is placed by some naturalists in a distinct sub-genus, when made on two occasions to trumpet loudly, exhibited no trace of the contraction of the orbicular muscles.
The Indian elephant is known to sometimes cry. Sir E. Tennent, while describing the ones he saw captured and restrained in Ceylon, notes that some “lay still on the ground, with no other sign of suffering than the tears that filled their eyes and flowed continuously.” Regarding another elephant, he states, “When overwhelmed and secured, his sorrow was incredibly moving; his rage gave way to complete exhaustion, and he lay on the ground, letting out choked cries, with tears streaming down his face.”[620] In the Zoological Gardens, the keeper of the Indian elephants firmly claims that he has frequently seen tears rolling down the face of the old female when she was upset by the removal of the young one. Therefore, I was very eager to find out, as part of exploring the relationship between the contraction of the orbicular muscles and the shedding of tears in humans, whether elephants contract these muscles when they scream or trumpet loudly. At Mr. Bartlett’s request, the keeper had the old and young elephants trumpet; and we observed multiple times that as the trumpeting began, the orbicular muscles, particularly the lower ones, were clearly contracted. On another occasion, the keeper made the old elephant trumpet much more loudly, and consistently, both the upper and lower orbicular muscles were strongly contracted, now to the same degree. It’s interesting to note that the African elephant, which is so different from the Indian type that some naturalists classify it as a separate sub-genus, did not show any signs of orbicular muscle contraction when made to trumpet loudly on two occasions.
From the several foregoing cases with respect to Man, there can, I think, be no doubt that the contraction of the muscles round the eyes, during violent expiration or when the expanded chest is forcibly compressed, is, in some manner, intimately connected with the secretion of tears. This holds good under widely different emotions, and independently of any emotion. It is not, of course, meant that tears cannot be secreted without the contraction of these muscles; for it is notorious that they are often freely shed with the eyelids not closed, and with the brows unwrinkled. The contraction must be both involuntary and prolonged, as during a choking fit, or energetic, as during a sneeze. The mere involuntary winking of the eyelids, though often repeated, does not bring tears into the eyes. Nor does the voluntary and prolonged contraction of the several surrounding muscles suffice. As the lacrymal glands of children are easily excited, I persuaded my own and several other children of different ages to contract these muscles repeatedly with their utmost force, and to continue doing so as long as they possibly could; but this produced hardly any effect. There was sometimes a little moisture in the eyes, but not more than apparently could be accounted for by the squeezing out of the already secreted tears within the glands.
From the various cases discussed about humans, I believe there's no doubt that the contraction of the muscles around the eyes during intense exhalation or when the expanded chest is forcefully compressed is somehow closely linked to tear production. This is true across a range of emotions and even without any emotion at all. It’s important to note that tears can still be produced without these muscles contracting; it’s well-known that they can be shed freely with the eyelids open and brows smooth. The contraction needs to be both involuntary and prolonged, like during a choking episode, or vigorous, like during a sneeze. Simply blinking involuntarily, even if done frequently, doesn’t produce tears. Neither does the intentional and extended contraction of the surrounding muscles suffice. Since children's lacrimal glands are easily stimulated, I encouraged my own children and several others of various ages to repeatedly contract these muscles to their maximum force and to maintain that as long as they could; however, this hardly had any effect. There was occasionally a bit of moisture in their eyes, but not more than could be explained by squeezing out tears that were already stored in the glands.
The nature of the relation between the involuntary and energetic contraction of the muscles round the eyes, and the secretion of tears, cannot be positively ascertained, but a probable view may be suggested. The primary function of the secretion of tears, together with some mucus, is to lubricate the surface of the eye; and a secondary one, as some believe, is to keep the nostrils damp, so that the inhaled air may be moist,[621] and likewise to favour the power of smelling. But another, and at least equally important function of tears, is to wash out particles of dust or other minute objects which may get into the eyes. That this is of great importance is clear from the cases in which the cornea has been rendered opaque through inflammation, caused by particles of dust not being removed, in consequence of the eye and eyelid becoming immovable.[622] The secretion of tears from the irritation of any foreign body in the eye is a reflex action;—that is, the body irritates a peripheral nerve which sends an impression to certain sensory nerve-cells; these transmit an influence to other cells, and these again to the lacrymal glands. The influence transmitted to these glands causes, as there is good reason to believe, the relaxation of the muscular coats of the smaller arteries; this allows more blood to permeate the glandular tissue, and this induces a free secretion of tears. When the small arteries of the face, including those of the retina, are relaxed under very different circumstances, namely, during an intense blush, the lacrymal glands are sometimes affected in a like manner, for the eyes become suffused with tears.
The relationship between the involuntary contraction of the muscles around the eyes and tear production isn’t definitively known, but we can suggest a likely explanation. The main purpose of tear production, along with some mucus, is to keep the surface of the eye lubricated. A secondary role, as some think, is to keep the nostrils moist so that inhaled air can also be humid, and to enhance the sense of smell. However, another crucial function of tears is to wash out dust or other tiny particles that might enter the eyes. This is vital because cases have shown that the cornea can become cloudy due to inflammation caused by dust particles that weren't removed when the eye and eyelid became immobile. Tear production in response to any foreign object in the eye is a reflex action; the body irritates a peripheral nerve that sends a signal to specific sensory nerve cells, which then pass the message to other cells, ultimately reaching the lacrimal glands. This signal likely causes the relaxation of the muscle layers of the small arteries, allowing more blood to flow into the glandular tissue, which leads to increased tear production. When the small arteries in the face, including those in the retina, relax under different conditions, like during a strong blush, the lacrimal glands can react similarly, causing the eyes to fill with tears.
It is difficult to conjecture how many reflex actions have originated, but, in relation to the present case of the affection of the lacrymal glands through irritation of the surface of the eye, it may be worth remarking that, as soon as some primordial form became semi-terrestrial in its habits, and was liable to get particles of dust into its eyes, if these were not washed out they would cause much irritation; and on the principle of the radiation of nerve-force to adjoining nerve-cells, the lacrymal glands would be stimulated to secretion. As this would often recur, and as nerve-force readily passes along accustomed channels, a slight irritation would ultimately suffice to cause a free secretion of tears.
It's hard to say how many reflex actions have started, but in relation to the current situation with the eye's tear glands being irritated, it's worth noting that once some early life form became partly land-dwelling and was prone to getting dust in its eyes, if those particles weren't washed out, they would cause a lot of irritation. According to the idea that nerve activity radiates to nearby nerve cells, the tear glands would be prompted to produce tears. Since this would happen frequently, and nerve activity tends to follow established paths, even a small irritation would eventually be enough to trigger a significant release of tears.
As soon as by this, or by some other means, a reflex action of this nature had been established and rendered easy, other stimulants applied to the surface of the eye—such as a cold wind, slow inflammatory action, or a blow on the eyelids—would cause a copious secretion of tears, as we know to be the case. The glands are also excited into action through the irritation of adjoining parts. Thus when the nostrils are irritated by pungent vapours, though the eyelids may be kept firmly closed, tears are copiously secreted; and this likewise follows from a blow on the nose, for instance from a boxing-glove. A stinging switch on the face produces, as I have seen, the same effect. In these latter cases the secretion of tears is an incidental result, and of no direct service. As all these parts of the face, including the lacrymal glands, are supplied with branches of the same nerve, namely, the fifth, it is in some degree intelligible that the effects of the excitement of any one branch should spread to the nerve-cells or roots of the other branches.
As soon as this reflex action was established and made easy, other stimuli applied to the surface of the eye—like a cold wind, slow inflammation, or a hit on the eyelids—would trigger a heavy flow of tears, as we know happens. The glands are also activated by the irritation of nearby areas. For instance, when the nostrils are irritated by strong odors, even if the eyelids are tightly shut, tears are produced abundantly; the same occurs if there's a hit on the nose, like from a boxing glove. A sharp slap to the face produces, as I have observed, the same outcome. In these instances, the release of tears is an incidental result and not directly helpful. Since all these facial areas, including the tear glands, are connected by branches of the same nerve, specifically the fifth cranial nerve, it makes sense that the effects of stimulating one branch could influence the nerve cells or roots of the others.
The internal parts of the eye likewise act, under certain conditions, in a reflex manner on the lacrymal glands. The following statements have been kindly communicated to me by Mr. Bowman; but the subject is a very intricate one, as all the parts of the eye are so intimately related together, and are so sensitive to various stimulants. A strong light acting on the retina, when in a normal condition, has very little tendency to cause lacrymation; but with unhealthy children having small, old-standing ulcers on the cornea, the retina becomes excessively sensitive to light, and exposure even to common daylight causes forcible and sustained closure of the lids, and a profuse flow of tears. When persons who ought to begin the use of convex glasses habitually strain the waning power of accommodation, an undue secretion of tears very often follows, and the retina is liable to become unduly sensitive to light. In general, morbid affections of the surface of the eye, and of the ciliary structures concerned in the accommodative act, are prone to be accompanied with excessive secretion of tears. Hardness of the eyeball, not rising to inflammation, but implying a want of balance between the fluids poured out and again taken up by the intra-ocular vessels, is not usually attended with any lacrymation. When the balance is on the other side, and the eye becomes too soft, there is a greater tendency to lacrymation. Finally, there are numerous morbid states and structural alterations of the eyes, and even terrible inflammations, which may be attended with little or no secretion of tears.
The internal parts of the eye also react reflexively on the tear glands under certain conditions. Mr. Bowman has kindly shared the following insights with me; however, the topic is quite complex since all the components of the eye are closely connected and extremely sensitive to different stimulants. A strong light hitting the retina, when it's functioning normally, rarely causes tearing. However, in unhealthy children with long-standing small ulcers on the cornea, the retina becomes overly sensitive to light, and even regular daylight can result in severe and prolonged eyelid closure and excessive tearing. When people who need to use reading glasses strain their diminishing ability to focus, they often end up with excessive tearing, and the retina may become overly sensitive to light. Generally, abnormal conditions affecting the surface of the eye and the ciliary structures involved in focusing usually lead to excessive tear production. Hardness of the eyeball, which doesn't escalate to inflammation but indicates an imbalance between the fluids released and reabsorbed by the eye's blood vessels, typically does not result in tearing. However, when the balance tips the other way and the eye becomes too soft, there is a greater likelihood of tearing. Finally, there are many pathological conditions and structural changes in the eyes, even severe inflammations, that may occur with little or no tear production.
It also deserves notice, as indirectly bearing on our subject, that the eye and adjoining parts are subject to an extraordinary number of reflex and associated movements, sensations, and actions, besides those relating to the lacrymal glands. When a bright light strikes the retina of one eye alone, the iris contracts, but the iris of the other eye moves after a measurable interval of time. The iris likewise moves in accommodation to near or distant vision, and when the two eyes are made to converge.[623] Every one knows how irresistibly the eyebrows are drawn down under an intensely bright light. The eyelids also involuntarily wink when an object is moved near the eyes, or a sound is suddenly heard. The well-known case of a bright light causing some persons to sneeze is even more curious; for nerve-force here radiates from certain nerve-cells in connection with the retina, to the sensory nerve-cells of the nose, causing it to tickle; and from these, to the cells which command the various respiratory muscles (the orbiculars included) which expel the air in so peculiar a manner that it rushes through the nostrils alone.
It’s also worth noting, as it relates to our topic, that the eye and surrounding areas experience a remarkable number of reflexes, sensations, and actions, in addition to those involving the tear glands. When a bright light hits the retina of just one eye, the iris of that eye constricts, but the iris of the other eye reacts after a brief delay. The iris also adjusts for focusing on nearby or faraway objects, and when the two eyes are made to converge. Everyone knows how the eyebrows instinctively furrow in response to incredibly bright light. The eyelids also tend to blink automatically when an object is quickly brought close to the eyes or when a loud noise suddenly occurs. The well-known phenomenon of bright light making some people sneeze is even more intriguing; nerve signals radiate from certain nerve cells connected to the retina to the sensory nerve cells in the nose, causing a tickle sensation; this then sends signals to the cells that control various breathing muscles (including the orbicularis) which expel air in such a unique way that it comes out through the nostrils only.
To return to our point: why are tears secreted during a screaming-fit or other violent expiratory efforts? As a slight blow on the eyelids causes a copious secretion of tears, it is at least possible that the spasmodic contraction of the eyelids, by pressing strongly on the eyeball, should in a similar manner cause some secretion. This seems possible, although the voluntary contraction of the same muscles does not produce any such effect. We know that a man cannot voluntarily sneeze or cough with nearly the same force as he does automatically; and so it is with the contraction of the orbicular muscles: Sir C. Bell experimented on them, and found that by suddenly and forcibly closing the eyelids in the dark, sparks of light are seen, like those caused by tapping the eyelids with the fingers; “but in sneezing the compression is both more rapid and more forcible, and the sparks are more brilliant.” That these sparks are due to the contraction of the eyelids is clear, because if they “are held open during the act of sneezing, no sensation of light will be experienced.” In the peculiar cases referred to by Professor Donders and Mr. Bowman, we have seen that some weeks after the eye has been very slightly injured, spasmodic contractions of the eyelids ensue, and these are accompanied by a profuse flow of tears. In the act of yawning, the tears are apparently due solely to the spasmodic contraction of the muscles round the eyes. Notwithstanding these latter cases, it seems hardly credible that the pressure of the eyelids on the surface of the eye, although effected spasmodically and therefore with much greater force than can be done voluntarily, should be sufficient to cause by reflex action the secretion of tears in the many cases in which this occurs during violent expiratory efforts.
To get back to our point: why do we shed tears during a screaming fit or other intense breathing efforts? A small hit to the eyelids can trigger a lot of tears, so it's possible that the sudden tightening of the eyelids, which presses heavily on the eyeball, could cause some tear secretion in a similar way. This seems likely, even though voluntarily squeezing the same muscles doesn’t lead to that effect. We know that a person can’t sneeze or cough with nearly as much force on purpose compared to when it happens automatically; the same goes for the muscles around the eyes. Sir C. Bell did experiments on them and found that if you suddenly and forcefully close your eyelids in the dark, you see flashes of light, similar to those seen when you tap your eyelids with your fingers; “but in sneezing, the pressure is both quicker and stronger, leading to brighter flashes.” It’s clear that these flashes come from the contraction of the eyelids, because if they “are held open during sneezing, no light is perceived.” In the specific cases noted by Professor Donders and Mr. Bowman, we’ve observed that weeks after a very minor eye injury, there are sudden contractions of the eyelids accompanied by a significant flow of tears. During yawning, tears seem to come solely from the spasmodic contraction of the muscles around the eyes. Despite these instances, it’s hard to believe that the pressure of the eyelids against the eye, even if done spasmodically with more force than can be done voluntarily, could trigger tear secretion through reflex action in the many situations where this happens during intense breathing efforts.
Another cause may come conjointly into play. We have seen that the internal parts of the eye, under certain conditions act in a reflex manner on the lacrymal glands. We know that during violent expiratory efforts the pressure of the arterial blood within the vessels of the eye is increased, and that the return of the venous blood is impeded. It seems, therefore, not improbable that the distension of the ocular vessels, thus induced, might act by reflection on the lacrymal glands—the effects due to the spasmodic pressure of the eyelids on the surface of the eye being thus increased.
Another factor may come into play as well. We've seen that the internal parts of the eye, under certain conditions, react reflexively with the tear glands. We know that during intense exhalation, the pressure of the arterial blood in the eye's vessels increases, and the return of venous blood is hindered. It seems likely that the swelling of the eye's vessels might trigger a response in the tear glands—amplifying the effects caused by the spasmodic pressure of the eyelids on the surface of the eye.
In considering how far this view is probable, we should bear in mind that the eyes of infants have been acted on in this double manner during numberless generations, whenever they have screamed; and on the principle of nerve-force readily passing along accustomed channels, even a moderate compression of the eyeballs and a moderate distension of the ocular vessels would ultimately come, through habit, to act on the glands. We have an analogous case in the orbicular muscles being almost always contracted in some slight degree, even during a gentle crying-fit, when there can be no distension of the vessels and no uncomfortable sensation excited within the eyes.
In thinking about how likely this view is, we should remember that infants' eyes have been influenced in this way for countless generations whenever they’ve cried. Based on the idea that nerve signals easily travel through familiar paths, even a bit of pressure on the eyeballs and a bit of swelling in the eye vessels would, over time, start to affect the glands due to habit. A similar case can be seen with the circular muscles, which are almost always slightly contracted, even during a mild crying episode, when there's no swelling in the vessels and no discomfort in the eyes.
Moreover, when complex actions or movements have long been performed in strict association together, and these are from any cause at first voluntarily and afterwards habitually checked, then if the proper exciting conditions occur, any part of the action or movement which is least under the control of the will, will often still be involuntarily performed. The secretion by a gland is remarkably free from the influence of the will; therefore, when with the advancing age of the individual, or with the advancing culture of the race, the habit of crying out or screaming is restrained, and there is consequently no distension of the blood-vessels of the eye, it may nevertheless well happen that tears should still be secreted. We may see, as lately remarked, the muscles round the eyes of a person who reads a pathetic story, twitching or trembling in so slight a degree as hardly to be detected. In this case there has been no screaming and no distension of the blood-vessels, yet through habit certain nerve-cells send a small amount of nerve-force to the cells commanding the muscles round the eyes; and they likewise send some to the cells commanding the lacrymal glands, for the eyes often become at the same time just moistened with tears. If the twitching of the muscles round the eyes and the secretion of tears had been completely prevented, nevertheless it is almost certain that there would have been some tendency to transmit nerve-force in these same directions; and as the lacrymal glands are remarkably free from the control of the will, they would be eminently liable still to act, thus betraying, though there were no other outward signs, the pathetic thoughts which were passing through the person’s mind.
Moreover, when complex actions or movements have been tightly associated for a long time and are initially done voluntarily but later become habitual, if the right conditions arise, any part of that action or movement that is least under conscious control will often still be done involuntarily. Gland secretion is notably unaffected by willpower; therefore, as a person ages or as a culture evolves, if the habit of crying out or screaming is suppressed, and there’s no swelling of the eye’s blood vessels, tears may still be produced. We can observe, as recently noted, that the muscles around the eyes of someone reading a sad story may twitch or tremble minimally, often barely noticeable. In this case, there has been no screaming and no swelling of the blood vessels, yet due to habit, certain nerve cells send a small amount of nerve signals to the muscles around the eyes; they also send signals to the cells controlling the tear glands, causing the eyes to just become wet with tears. Even if the twitching of the eye muscles and the secretion of tears were completely stopped, there would likely still be a tendency to transmit nerve signals in those directions; and since the tear glands are largely beyond conscious control, they would likely still function, revealing, despite the absence of other outward signs, the emotional thoughts passing through the person’s mind.
As a further illustration of the view here advanced, I may remark that if, during an early period of life, when habits of all kinds are readily established, our infants, when pleased, had been accustomed to utter loud peals of laughter (during which the vessels of their eyes are distended) as often and as continuously as they have yielded when distressed to screaming-fits, then it is probable that in after life tears would have been as copiously and as regularly secreted under the one state of mind as under the other. Gentle laughter, or a smile, or even a pleasing thought, would have sufficed to cause a moderate secretion of tears. There does indeed exist an evident tendency in this direction, as will be seen in a future chapter, when we treat of the tender feelings. With the Sandwich Islanders, according to Freycinet,[624] tears are actually recognized as a sign of happiness; but we should require better evidence on this head than that of a passing voyager. So again if our infants, during many generations, and each of them during several years, had almost daily suffered from prolonged choking-fits, during which the vessels of the eye are distended and tears copiously secreted, then it is probable, such is the force of associated habit, that during after life the mere thought of a choke, without any distress of mind, would have sufficed to bring tears into our eyes.
To further illustrate the viewpoint presented here, I’d like to note that if, in early life, when habits are easily formed, our babies had laughed loudly and continuously when happy (which causes their eyes to bulge) just as often as they screamed during distress, it’s likely that tears would flow just as abundantly and regularly in both situations later in life. A gentle laugh, a smile, or even a pleasant thought could have triggered a moderate amount of tears. There is indeed a noticeable tendency in this direction, as we will discuss in a later chapter about tender feelings. According to Freycinet, the Sandwich Islanders actually recognize tears as a sign of happiness, but we would need more reliable evidence than the observation of just a passing traveler. Similarly, if our babies had experienced frequent choking fits for many generations, during which their eyes bulged and tears flowed, it’s likely that just thinking of choking, without any mental distress, would cause tears to well up in their eyes later in life due to the power of learned habits.
To sum up this chapter, weeping is probably the result of some such chain of events as follows. Children, when wanting food or suffering in any way, cry out loudly, like the young of most other animals, partly as a call to their parents for aid, and partly from any great exertion serving relief. Prolonged screaming inevitably leads to the gorging of the blood-vessels of the eye; and this will have led, at first consciously and at last habitually, to the contraction of the muscles round the eyes in order to protect them. At the same time the spasmodic pressure on the surface of the eye, and the distension of the vessels within the eye, without necessarily entailing any conscious sensation, will have affected, through reflex action, the lacrymal glands. Finally, through the three principles of nerve-force readily passing along accustomed channels—of association, which is so widely extended in its power—and of certain actions, being more under the control of the will than others—it has come to pass that suffering readily causes the secretion of tears, without being necessarily accompanied by any other action.
To sum up this chapter, crying likely results from a series of events like this. When children want food or are in pain, they cry out loudly, similar to the young of many other animals, partly as a way to seek help from their parents and partly because the loud crying brings some relief. Prolonged screaming eventually causes the blood vessels in the eyes to swell, which leads, first consciously and then habitually, to the tightening of the muscles around the eyes to protect them. At the same time, the pressure on the eye's surface and the swelling of the vessels inside the eye, even without any conscious feeling, will affect the tear glands through reflex action. Ultimately, due to the three principles of nerve impulses following familiar pathways, the widespread nature of association, and certain actions being more under our control than others, suffering tends to lead to the production of tears without necessarily causing any other reactions.
Although in accordance with this view we must look at weeping as an incidental result, as purposeless as the secretion of tears from a blow outside the eye, or as a sneeze from the retina being affected by a bright light, yet this does not present any difficulty in our understanding how the secretion of tears serves as a relief to suffering. And by as much as the weeping is more violent or hysterical, by so much will the relief be greater,—on the same principle that the writhing of the whole body, the grinding of the teeth, and the uttering of piercing shrieks, all give relief under an agony of pain.
Although we should view weeping as a side effect, similar to tears flowing from a hit to the eye or a sneeze triggered by bright light, this doesn’t make it hard to understand how crying helps ease suffering. The more intense or hysterical the weeping, the greater the relief it offers—just like how writhing, grinding your teeth, and shouting in pain can all provide some comfort during extreme agony.
CHAPTER VII.
LOW SPIRITS, ANXIETY, GRIEF, DEJECTION, DESPAIR.
General effect of grief on the system—Obliquity of the eyebrows under suffering—On the cause of the obliquity of the eyebrows—On the depression of the corners of the mouth.
General effect of grief on the body—Crooked eyebrows during distress—About the reason for crooked eyebrows—About the drooping of the corners of the mouth.
After the mind has suffered from an acute paroxysm of grief, and the cause still continues, we fall into a state of low spirits; or we may be utterly cast down and dejected. Prolonged bodily pain, if not amounting to an agony, generally leads to the same state of mind. If we expect to suffer, we are anxious; if we have no hope of relief, we despair.
After the mind has gone through a sharp bout of grief, and the reason for it is still present, we slip into a state of low spirits; or we might feel completely down and depressed. Ongoing physical pain, even if it’s not excruciating, usually results in a similar mindset. If we anticipate suffering, we feel anxious; if we have no hope for relief, we feel despair.
Persons suffering from excessive grief often seek relief by violent and almost frantic movements, as described in a former chapter; but when their suffering is somewhat mitigated, yet prolonged, they no longer wish for action, but remain motionless and passive, or may occasionally rock themselves to and fro. The circulation becomes languid; the face pale; the muscles flaccid; the eyelids droop; the head hangs on the contracted chest; the lips, cheeks, and lower jaw all sink downwards from their own weight. Hence all the features are lengthened; and the face of a person who hears bad news is said to fall. A party of natives in Tierra del Fuego endeavoured to explain to us that their friend, the captain of a sealing vessel, was out of spirits, by pulling down their cheeks with both hands, so as to make their faces as long as possible. Mr. Bunnet informs me that the Australian aborigines when out of spirits have a chop-fallen appearance. After prolonged suffering the eyes become dull and lack expression, and are often slightly suffused with tears. The eyebrows not rarely are rendered oblique, which is due to their inner ends being raised. This produces peculiarly-formed wrinkles on the forehead, which are very different from those of a simple frown; though in some cases a frown alone may be present. The comers of the mouth are drawn downwards, which is so universally recognized as a sign of being out of spirits, that it is almost proverbial.
People experiencing intense grief often try to find relief through frantic and forceful movements, as previously mentioned; but when their pain is somewhat eased yet continues, they don’t crave activity anymore. Instead, they become still and passive or may occasionally rock back and forth. Their circulation slows down; their face becomes pale; their muscles slacken; their eyelids droop; their head hangs on their chest; and their lips, cheeks, and jaw sag under their own weight. As a result, their features appear elongated, and it's said that a person who receives bad news has their face fall. A group of natives in Tierra del Fuego tried to show us that their friend, the captain of a sealing ship, was feeling down by pulling their cheeks down with both hands to stretch their faces as much as possible. Mr. Bunnet tells me that Australian aborigines also have a droopy appearance when they are feeling low. After a long period of suffering, their eyes become dull and expressionless and are often slightly teary. The eyebrows frequently take on a slanted position due to their inner ends being lifted, which creates distinct wrinkles on the forehead that differ from a simple frown; although sometimes, a frown may also be present. The corners of the mouth droop down, which is so universally recognized as a sign of sadness that it has almost become a saying.
The breathing becomes slow and feeble, and is often interrupted by deep sighs. As Gratiolet remarks, whenever our attention is long concentrated on any subject, we forget to breathe, and then relieve ourselves by a deep inspiration; but the sighs of a sorrowful person, owing to his slow respiration and languid circulation, are eminently characteristic.[701] As the grief of a person in this state occasionally recurs and increases into a paroxysm, spasms affect the respiratory muscles, and he feels as if something, the so-called globus hystericus, was rising in his throat. These spasmodic movements are clearly allied to the sobbing of children, and are remnants of those severer spasms which occur when a person is said to choke from excessive grief.[702]
The breathing becomes slow and weak, often interrupted by deep sighs. As Gratiolet notes, when we focus intently on something for a long time, we forget to breathe and then we take a deep breath to compensate; but the sighs of a grieving person, due to their slow breathing and weak circulation, are very characteristic.
Obliquity of the eyebrows.—Two points alone in the above description require further elucidation, and these are very curious ones; namely, the raising of the inner ends of the eyebrows, and the drawing down of the corners of the mouth. With respect to the eyebrows, they may occasionally be seen to assume an oblique position in persons suffering from deep dejection or anxiety; for instance, I have observed this movement in a mother whilst speaking about her sick son; and it is sometimes excited by quite trifling or momentary causes of real or pretended distress. The eyebrows assume this position owing to the contraction of certain muscles (namely, the orbiculars, corrugators, and pyramidals of the nose, which together tend to lower and contract the eyebrows) being partially cheeked by the more powerful action of the central fasciæ of the frontal muscle. These latter fasciæ by their contraction raise the inner ends alone of the eyebrows; and as the corrugators at the same time draw the eyebrows together, their inner ends become puckered into a fold or lump. This fold is a highly characteristic point in the appearance of the eyebrows when rendered oblique, as may be seen in figs. 2 and 5, Plate II. The eyebrows are at the same time somewhat roughened, owing to the hairs being made to project. Dr. J. Crichton Browne has also often noticed in melancholic patients who keep their eyebrows persistently oblique, “a peculiar acute arching of the upper eyelid.” A trace of this may be observed by comparing the right and left eyelids of the young man in the photograph (fig. 2, Plate II.); for he was not able to act equally on both eyebrows. This is also shown by the unequal furrows on the two sides of his forehead. The acute arching of the eyelids depends, I believe, on the inner end alone of the eyebrows being raised; for when the whole eyebrow is elevated and arched, the upper eyelid follows in a slight degree the same movement.
Obliquity of the eyebrows.—Two points in the description above need further clarification, and they are indeed interesting; namely, the raising of the inner ends of the eyebrows and the pulling down of the corners of the mouth. Regarding the eyebrows, they can sometimes be seen in a slanted position in people who are experiencing deep sadness or anxiety; for example, I have noticed this movement in a mother when she talked about her sick son; and it can also be triggered by minor or fleeting feelings of real or feigned distress. The eyebrows take on this position due to the contraction of certain muscles (specifically, the orbicularis, corrugator, and the pyramidalis of the nose, which work together to lower and contract the eyebrows) being partially opposed by the stronger action of the central fascia of the frontal muscle. These fascia, when contracted, lift just the inner ends of the eyebrows; and as the corrugators also pull the eyebrows together, their inner ends become wrinkled into a fold or bump. This fold is a very distinctive feature in the appearance of the eyebrows when they are slanted, as can be seen in figs. 2 and 5, Plate II. The eyebrows also appear somewhat roughened, as the hairs are pushed outward. Dr. J. Crichton Browne has frequently observed in melancholic patients who keep their eyebrows consistently slanted, “a peculiar acute arching of the upper eyelid.” A hint of this can be seen by comparing the right and left eyelids of the young man in the photograph (fig. 2, Plate II.); he was unable to move both eyebrows equally. This is also indicated by the uneven furrows on either side of his forehead. The acute arching of the eyelids stems, I believe, from only the inner ends of the eyebrows being raised; because when the entire eyebrow is lifted and arched, the upper eyelid somewhat follows that movement.

But the most conspicuous result of the opposed contraction of the above-named muscles, is exhibited by the peculiar furrows formed on the forehead. These muscles, when thus in conjoint yet opposed action, may be called, for the sake of brevity, the grief-muscles. When a person elevates his eyebrows by the contraction of the whole frontal muscle, transverse wrinkles extend across the whole breadth of the forehead; but in the present case the middle fasciae alone are contracted; consequently, transverse furrows are formed across the middle part alone of the forehead. The skin over the exterior parts of both eyebrows is at the same time drawn downwards and smooth, by the contraction of the outer portions of the orbicular muscles. The eyebrows are likewise brought together through the simultaneous contraction of the corrugators;[703] and this latter action generates vertical furrows, separating the exterior and lowered part of the skin of the forehead from the central and raised part. The union of these vertical furrows with the central and transverse furrows (see figs. 2 and 3) produces a mark on the forehead which has been compared to a horse-shoe; but the furrows more strictly form three sides of a quadrangle. They are often conspicuous on the foreheads of adult or nearly adult persons, when their eyebrows are made oblique; but with young children, owing to their skin not easily wrinkling, they are rarely seen, or mere traces of them can be detected.
But the most noticeable result of the opposing contraction of the muscles mentioned above is shown by the unique furrows that appear on the forehead. These muscles, when working together yet in opposition, can be called, for the sake of simplicity, the grief-muscles. When someone raises their eyebrows by contracting the entire frontal muscle, horizontal wrinkles stretch across the whole forehead; however, in this case, only the middle sections are contracted, resulting in transverse furrows that form only in the middle of the forehead. At the same time, the skin over the outer parts of both eyebrows is pulled down and smooth due to the contraction of the outer portions of the orbicular muscles. The eyebrows are also brought together by the simultaneous contraction of the corrugators; this action creates vertical furrows that separate the outer, lowered part of the skin on the forehead from the central, raised part. The combination of these vertical furrows with the central and horizontal furrows (see figs. 2 and 3) creates a mark on the forehead that has been likened to a horse-shoe; however, the furrows more accurately form three sides of a rectangle. They are often prominent on the foreheads of adults or nearly adults when their eyebrows are slanted; but with young children, due to their skin not wrinkling easily, they are rarely noticeable, or only faint traces of them can be seen.
These peculiar furrows are best represented in fig. 3, Plate II., on the forehead of a young lady who has the power in an unusual degree of voluntarily acting on the requisite muscles. As she was absorbed in the attempt, whilst being photographed, her expression was not at all one of grief; I have therefore given the forehead alone. Fig. 1 on the same plate, copied from Dr. Duchenne’s work,[704] represents, on a reduced scale, the face, in its natural state, of a young man who was a good actor. In fig. 2 he is shown simulating grief, but the two eyebrows, as before remarked, are not equally acted on. That the expression is true, may be inferred from the fact that out of fifteen persons, to whom the original photograph was shown, without any clue to what was intended being given them, fourteen immediately answered, “despairing sorrow,” “suffering endurance,” “melancholy,” and so forth. The history of fig. 5 is rather curious: I saw the photograph in a shop-window, and took it to Mr. Rejlander for the sake of finding out by whom it had been made; remarking to him how pathetic the expression was. He answered, “I made it, and it was likely to be pathetic, for the boy in a few minutes burst out crying.” He then showed me a photograph of the same boy in a placid state, which I have had (fig. 4) reproduced. In fig. 6, a trace of obliquity in the eyebrows may be detected; but this figure, as well as fig. 7, is given to show the depression of the corners of the mouth, to which subject I shall presently refer.
These strange lines are best shown in fig. 3, Plate II., on the forehead of a young woman who can, to an unusual extent, consciously use the necessary muscles. While she was focused on the attempt during the photo shoot, her expression did not convey any sadness; hence, I have only included the forehead. Fig. 1 on the same plate, taken from Dr. Duchenne’s work,[704] depicts, on a smaller scale, the face of a young man in a natural state who was a talented actor. In fig. 2, he is shown pretending to be sad, but as previously noted, the two eyebrows are not equally engaged. We can assume the expression is genuine because when fifteen people were shown the original photograph without any context, fourteen responded with terms like “despairing sorrow,” “suffering endurance,” “melancholy,” and so on. The story behind fig. 5 is quite interesting: I spotted the photograph in a shop window and brought it to Mr. Rejlander to find out who took it, commenting on how heartbreaking the expression was. He replied, “I took it, and it was bound to be emotional since the boy cried just moments later.” He then showed me a photo of the same boy looking calm, which I had reproduced (fig. 4). In fig. 6, you can notice a slight angle in the eyebrows; however, this figure, along with fig. 7, is included to illustrate the drooping corners of the mouth, a topic I will address shortly.
Few persons, without some practice, can voluntarily act on their grief-muscles; but after repeated trials a considerable number succeed, whilst others never can. The degree of obliquity in the eyebrows, whether assumed voluntarily or unconsciously, differs much in different persons. With some who apparently have unusually strong pyramidal muscles, the contraction of the central fasciae of the frontal muscle, although it may be energetic, as shown by the quadrangular furrows on the forehead, does not raise the inner ends of the eyebrows, but only prevents their being so much lowered as they otherwise would have been. As far as I have been able to observe, the grief-muscles are brought into action much more frequently by children and women than by men. They are rarely acted on, at least with grown-up persons, from bodily pain, but almost exclusively from mental distress. Two persons who, after some practice, succeeded in acting on their grief-muscles, found by looking at a mirror that when they made their eyebrows oblique, they unintentionally at the same time depressed the corners of their mouths; and this is often the case when the expression is naturally assumed.
Few people, without some practice, can voluntarily engage their grief muscles; but after repeated attempts, quite a few succeed, while others never can. The way the eyebrows slant, whether done intentionally or not, varies greatly among individuals. Some people who seem to have particularly strong pyramid muscles might contract the central fasciae of the frontal muscle energetically, as indicated by the noticeable furrows on their forehead, but this doesn’t raise the inner ends of their eyebrows; it only stops them from lowering as much as they would otherwise. From what I’ve observed, the grief muscles are activated much more frequently by children and women than by men. They’re rarely engaged in adults due to physical pain, but almost exclusively due to emotional distress. Two individuals who, after some practice, were able to use their grief muscles noticed in the mirror that when they angled their eyebrows, they also unintentionally lowered the corners of their mouths; and this often happens when the expression is naturally assumed.
The power to bring the grief-muscles freely into play appears to be hereditary, like almost every other human faculty. A lady belonging to a family famous for having produced an extraordinary number of great actors and actresses, and who can herself give this expression “with singular precision,” told Dr. Crichton Browne that all her family had possessed the power in a remarkable degree. The same hereditary tendency is said to have extended, as I likewise hear from Dr. Browne, to the last descendant of the family, which gave rise to Sir Walter Scott’s novel of ‘Red Gauntlet;’ but the hero is described as contracting his forehead into a horseshoe mark from any strong emotion. I have also seen a young woman whose forehead seemed almost habitually thus contracted, independently of any emotion being at the time felt.
The ability to freely express grief seems to be hereditary, much like almost every other human trait. A woman from a family renowned for producing an impressive number of great actors and actresses, who can express this emotion “with incredible accuracy,” told Dr. Crichton Browne that her entire family possessed this ability to an extraordinary extent. Dr. Browne also mentioned that this hereditary trait appears to have passed down to the latest descendant of the family that inspired Sir Walter Scott’s novel ‘Red Gauntlet;’ however, the hero is described as having his forehead furrowed into a horseshoe shape from any strong emotion. I have also observed a young woman whose forehead appeared almost consistently furrowed in this way, regardless of any emotion she might be feeling at the moment.
The grief-muscles are not very frequently brought into play; and as the action is often momentary, it easily escapes observation. Although the expression, when observed, is universally and instantly recognized as that of grief or anxiety, yet not one person out of a thousand who has never studied the subject, is able to say precisely what change passes over the sufferer’s face. Hence probably it is that this expression is not even alluded to, as far as I have noticed, in any work of fiction, with the exception of ‘Red Gauntlet’ and of one other novel; and the authoress of the latter, as I am informed, belongs to the famous family of actors just alluded to; so that her attention may have been specially called to the subject.
The muscles of grief aren't often engaged, and since the expression is usually brief, it's easy to miss. Although, when someone does notice it, the expression is quickly recognized as grief or anxiety, very few people who haven't studied this can pinpoint exactly what changes occur in the sufferer’s face. This may be why this expression isn’t mentioned, as far as I've seen, in any works of fiction, except for ‘Red Gauntlet’ and one other novel; and I’ve heard that the author of the latter comes from that well-known family of actors I mentioned earlier, which might have drawn her attention to the topic.
The ancient Greek sculptors were familiar with the expression, as shown in the statues of the Laocoon and Arretino; but, as Duchenne remarks, they carried the transverse furrows across the whole breadth of the forehead, and thus committed a great anatomical mistake: this is likewise the case in some modern statues. It is, however, more probable that these wonderfully accurate observers intentionally sacrificed truth for the sake of beauty, than that they made a mistake; for rectangular furrows on the forehead would not have had a grand appearance on the marble. The expression, in its fully developed condition, is, as far as I can discover, not often represented in pictures by the old masters, no doubt owing to the same cause; but a lady who is perfectly familiar with this expression, informs me that in Fra Angelico’s ‘Descent from the Cross’ in Florence, it is clearly exhibited in one of the figures on the right-hand; and I could add a few other instances.
The ancient Greek sculptors understood expression well, as shown in the statues of Laocoon and Arretino. However, as Duchenne points out, they created transverse lines across the entire forehead, which was a significant anatomical error; this also happens with some modern statues. It’s more likely that these incredibly skilled observers chose to sacrifice accuracy for beauty rather than actually making a mistake because rectangular lines on the forehead wouldn't look impressive on marble. In its fully developed state, this expression doesn't appear often in the works of the old masters, likely for the same reason. Yet, a woman who is very familiar with this expression tells me that in Fra Angelico’s ‘Descent from the Cross’ in Florence, it is clearly shown in one of the figures on the right; I could mention a few other examples as well.
Dr. Crichton Browne, at my request, closely attended to this expression in the numerous insane patients under his care in the West Riding Asylum; and he is familiar with Duchenne’s photographs of the action of the grief-muscles. He informs me that they may constantly be seen in energetic action in cases of melancholia, and especially of hypochondria; and that the persistent lines or furrows, due to their habitual contraction, are characteristic of the physiognomy of the insane belonging to these two classes. Dr. Browne carefully observed for me during a considerable period three cases of hypochondria, in which the grief-muscles were persistently contracted. In one of these, a widow, aged 51, fancied that she had lost all her viscera, and that her whole body was empty. She wore an expression of great distress, and beat her semi-closed hands rhythmically together for hours. The grief-muscles were permanently contracted, and the upper eyelids arched. This condition lasted for months; she then recovered, and her countenance resumed its natural expression. A second case presented nearly the same peculiarities, with the addition that the comers of the mouth were depressed.
Dr. Crichton Browne, at my request, carefully observed this expression in the many insane patients under his care at the West Riding Asylum; and he is familiar with Duchenne’s photos of the grief muscles in action. He tells me that these muscles can often be seen working energetically in cases of melancholia, especially in hypochondria; and that the persistent lines or furrows from their constant contraction are distinctive of the appearance of those in these two groups of the insane. Dr. Browne closely monitored three cases of hypochondria for me over a significant period, where the grief muscles were continuously contracted. In one case, a 51-year-old widow believed she had lost all her internal organs and that her entire body was empty. She showed an expression of deep distress and rhythmically struck her semi-closed hands together for hours. The grief muscles were permanently contracted, and her upper eyelids were raised. This state lasted for several months; she eventually recovered, and her face returned to its natural expression. A second case showed nearly the same characteristics, except that the corners of the mouth were turned down.
Mr. Patrick Nicol has also kindly observed for me several cases in the Sussex Lunatic Asylum, and has communicated to me full details with respect to three of them; but they need not here be given. From his observations on melancholic patients, Mr. Nicol concludes that the inner ends of the eyebrows are almost always more or less raised, with the wrinkles on the forehead more or less plainly marked. In the case of one young woman, these wrinkles were observed to be in constant slight play or movement. In some cases the comers of the mouth are depressed, but often only in a slight degree. Some amount of difference in the expression of the several melancholic patients could almost always be observed. The eyelids generally droop; and the skin near their outer comers and beneath them is wrinkled. The naso-labial fold, which runs from the wings of the nostrils to the comers of the mouth, and which is so conspicuous in blubbering children, is often plainly marked in these patients.
Mr. Patrick Nicol has also kindly observed several cases for me at the Sussex Lunatic Asylum and has shared detailed information about three of them; however, I won't include those details here. Based on his observations of melancholic patients, Mr. Nicol concludes that the inner ends of the eyebrows are almost always somewhat raised, with the forehead wrinkles being noticeably marked. In the case of one young woman, these wrinkles were seen to be in constant slight movement. In some cases, the corners of the mouth are downturned, but often just a little. Some variability in the expressions of the different melancholic patients could almost always be noted. The eyelids typically droop, and the skin near their outer corners and underneath is wrinkled. The naso-labial fold, which extends from the sides of the nostrils to the corners of the mouth, and is very noticeable in weeping children, is often clearly defined in these patients.
Although with the insane the grief-muscles often act persistently; yet in ordinary cases they are sometimes brought unconsciously into momentary action by ludicrously slight causes. A gentleman rewarded a young lady by an absurdly small present; she pretended to be offended, and as she upbraided him, her eyebrows became extremely oblique, with the forehead properly wrinkled. Another young lady and a youth, both in the highest spirits, were eagerly talking together with extraordinary rapidity; and I noticed that, as often as the young lady was beaten, and could not get out her words fast enough, her eyebrows went obliquely upwards, and rectangular furrows were formed on her forehead. She thus each time hoisted a flag of distress; and this she did half-a-dozen times in the course of a few minutes. I made no remark on the subject, but on a subsequent occasion I asked her to act on her grief-muscles; another girl who was present, and who could do so voluntarily, showing her what was intended. She tried repeatedly, but utterly failed; yet so slight a cause of distress as not being able to talk quickly enough, sufficed to bring these muscles over and over again into energetic action.
Even though people with mental health issues often show their feelings intensely, in normal situations, their expressions can be triggered unconsciously by surprisingly trivial things. A man gave a young woman a ridiculously small gift; she pretended to be upset, and while scolding him, her eyebrows became very crooked, and her forehead wrinkled. Another young woman and a young man, both very cheerful, were chatting rapidly. I noticed that whenever the young woman got flustered and couldn't keep up with her words, her eyebrows shot up at an angle, and deep lines formed on her forehead. Each time, it was like she was waving a distress flag; she did this about six times in just a few minutes. I didn't say anything then, but later I asked her to show her expressions of distress; another girl present, who could do it at will, demonstrated what I meant. She tried several times but completely failed; yet even a small frustration like not being able to speak fast enough was enough to trigger her expressions of distress repeatedly.
The expression of grief, due to the contraction of the grief-muscles, is by no means confined to Europeans, but appears to be common to all the races of mankind. I have, at least, received trustworthy accounts in regard to Hindoos, Dhangars (one of the aboriginal hill-tribes of India, and therefore belonging to a quite distinct race from the Hindoos), Malays, Negroes and Australians. With respect to the latter, two observers answer my query in the affirmative, but enter into no details. Mr. Taplin, however, appends to my descriptive remarks the words “this is exact.” With respect to negroes, the lady who told me of Fra Angelico’s picture, saw a negro towing a boat on the Nile, and as he encountered an obstruction, she observed his grief-muscles in strong action, with the middle of the forehead well wrinkled. Mr. Geach watched a Malay man in Malacca, with the comers of his mouth much depressed, the eyebrows oblique, with deep short grooves on the forehead. This expression lasted for a very short time; and Mr. Geach remarks it “was a strange one, very much like a person about to cry at some great loss.”
The expression of grief, caused by the tightening of grief muscles, isn't limited to Europeans; it seems to be universal among all human races. I've received reliable accounts about this from Hindoos, Dhangars (one of India’s indigenous hill tribes and thus a completely different race from the Hindoos), Malays, Black people, and Australians. For the Australians, two observers confirmed my question, but didn't provide any details. However, Mr. Taplin added to my descriptions that “this is exact.” Regarding Black individuals, a lady who mentioned Fra Angelico’s painting saw a Black man pulling a boat on the Nile. When he hit an obstacle, she noticed his grief muscles working strongly, with deep wrinkles in the middle of his forehead. Mr. Geach observed a Malay man in Malacca, whose mouth corners were noticeably turned down, his eyebrows slanted, and with deep lines on his forehead. This expression lasted only a brief moment, and Mr. Geach noted that “it was a strange one, very much like someone about to cry from a significant loss.”
In India Mr. H. Erskine found that the natives were familiar with this expression; and Mr. J. Scott, of the Botanic Gardens, Calcutta, has obligingly sent me a full description of two cases. He observed during some time, himself unseen, a very young Dhangar woman from Nagpore, the wife of one of the gardeners, nursing her baby who was at the point of death; and he distinctly saw the eyebrows raised at the inner comers, the eyelids drooping, the forehead wrinkled in the middle, the mouth slightly open, with the comers much depressed. He then came from behind a screen of plants and spoke to the poor woman, who started, burst into a bitter flood of tears, and besought him to cure her baby. The second case was that of a Hindustani man, who from illness and poverty was compelled to sell his favourite goat. After receiving the money, he repeatedly looked at the money in his hand and then at the goat, as if doubting whether he would not return it. He went to the goat, which was tied up ready to be led away, and the animal reared up and licked his hands. His eyes then wavered from side to side; his “mouth was partially closed, with the corners very decidedly depressed.” At last the poor man seemed to make up his mind that he must part with his goat, and then, as Mr. Scott saw, the eyebrows became slightly oblique, with the characteristic puckering or swelling at the inner ends, but the wrinkles on the forehead were not present. The man stood thus for a minute, then heaving a deep sigh, burst into tears, raised up his two hands, blessed the goat, turned round, and without looking again, went away.
In India, Mr. H. Erskine found that the locals were familiar with this expression. Mr. J. Scott, from the Botanic Gardens in Calcutta, kindly sent me a detailed description of two cases. He observed, while remaining unseen, a very young Dhangar woman from Nagpore, the wife of one of the gardeners, nursing her baby who was on the verge of death. He clearly saw her eyebrows raised at the inner corners, her eyelids drooping, her forehead wrinkled in the middle, and her mouth slightly open with the corners noticeably downturned. He then stepped out from behind a screen of plants and spoke to the poor woman, who was startled, broke into an intense flood of tears, and begged him to save her baby. The second case involved a Hindustani man who, due to illness and poverty, had to sell his beloved goat. After receiving the money, he kept looking at the cash in his hand and then at the goat, as if unsure whether he would change his mind. He approached the goat, which was tied up and ready to be taken away, and the animal stood up and licked his hands. His eyes then darted from side to side; his mouth was partially closed, with the corners notably downturned. Eventually, the poor man seemed to come to terms with having to part with his goat, and then, as Mr. Scott observed, his eyebrows became slightly slanted, with the characteristic puckering or swelling at the inner ends, but there were no wrinkles on his forehead. The man stood like this for a minute, then, letting out a deep sigh, he burst into tears, raised his hands, blessed the goat, turned around, and walked away without looking back.
On the cause of the obliquity of the eyebrows under suffering.—During several years no expression seemed to me so utterly perplexing as this which we are here considering. Why should grief or anxiety cause the central fasciae alone of the frontal muscle together with those round the eyes, to contract? Here we seem to have a complex movement for the sole purpose of expressing grief; and yet it is a comparatively rare expression, and often overlooked. I believe the explanation is not so difficult as it at first appears. Dr. Duchenne gives a photograph of the young man before referred to, who, when looking upwards at a strongly illuminated surface, involuntarily contracted his grief-muscles in an exaggerated manner. I had entirely forgotten this photograph, when on a very bright day with the sun behind me, I met, whilst on horseback, a girl whose eyebrows, as she looked up at me, became extremely oblique, with the proper furrows on her forehead. I have observed the same movement under similar circumstances on several subsequent occasions. On my return home I made three of my children, without giving them any clue to my object, look as long and as attentively as they could, at the summit of a tall tree standing against an extremely bright sky. With all three, the orbicular, corrugator, and pyramidal muscles were energetically contracted, through reflex action, from the excitement of the retina, so that their eyes might be protected from the bright light. But they tried their utmost to look upwards; and now a curious struggle, with spasmodic twitchings, could be observed between the whole or only the central portion of the frontal muscle, and the several muscles which serve to lower the eyebrows and close the eyelids. The involuntary contraction of the pyramidal caused the basal part of their noses to be transversely and deeply wrinkled. In one of the three children, the whole eyebrows were momentarily raised and lowered by the alternate contraction of the whole frontal muscle and of the muscles surrounding the eyes, so that the whole breadth of the forehead was alternately wrinkled and smoothed. In the other two children the forehead became wrinkled in the middle part alone, rectangular furrows being thus produced; and the eyebrows were rendered oblique, with their inner extremities puckered and swollen,—in the one child in a slight degree, in the other in a strongly marked manner. This difference in the obliquity of the eyebrows apparently depended on a difference in their general mobility, and in the strength of the pyramidal muscles. In both these cases the eyebrows and forehead were acted on under the influence of a strong light, in precisely the same manner, in every characteristic detail, as under the influence of grief or anxiety.
On the cause of the obliquity of the eyebrows under suffering.—For several years, I've found no expression as utterly perplexing as the one we're discussing. Why do grief or anxiety cause only the central parts of the frontal muscle and those around the eyes to contract? This seems to be a complex movement solely aimed at expressing grief, yet it is a comparatively rare expression that is often overlooked. I believe the explanation isn't as difficult as it first seems. Dr. Duchenne includes a photograph of the young man I mentioned earlier, who, when looking up at a bright surface, involuntarily contracted his grief muscles in an exaggerated way. I had completely forgotten this photograph until one bright day, with the sun behind me, I came across a girl while horseback riding. As she looked up at me, her eyebrows became extremely slanted, accompanied by the proper furrows on her forehead. I observed the same movement in similar situations several times after that. On my return home, I had three of my children, without giving them any hints about my intentions, look as long and attentively as they could at the top of a tall tree against a bright sky. In all three cases, the orbicular, corrugator, and pyramidal muscles contracted strongly, reflexively responding to the bright light, so their eyes could be shielded. However, they tried their hardest to look upward, and a curious struggle occurred, with spasmodic twitchings, between the entire or just the central part of the frontal muscle and the various muscles that lower the eyebrows and close the eyelids. The involuntary contraction of the pyramidal muscle caused deep, transverse wrinkles to form at the base of their noses. In one of the children, the entire eyebrows were momentarily raised and lowered by the alternating contractions of the whole frontal muscle and the muscles around the eyes, resulting in the forehead being alternately wrinkled and smooth. In the other two children, only the middle part of the forehead became wrinkled, creating rectangular furrows; their eyebrows became slanted, with their inner ends puckered and swollen—slightly in one child and significantly in the other. This variation in the slant of the eyebrows seemed to depend on their overall mobility and the strength of the pyramidal muscles. In both cases, the eyebrows and forehead reacted under the influence of strong light in exactly the same manner, down to every characteristic detail, as they would under the influence of grief or anxiety.
Duchenne states that the pyramidal muscle of the nose is less under the control of the will than are the other muscles round the eyes. He remarks that the young man who could so well act on his grief-muscles, as well as on most of his other facial muscles, could not contract the pyramidals.[705] This power, however, no doubt differs in different persons. The pyramidal muscle serves to draw down the skin of the forehead between the eyebrows, together with their inner extremities. The central fasciae of the frontal are the antagonists of the pyramidal; and if the action of the latter is to be specially checked, these central fasciae must be contracted. So that with persons having powerful pyramidal muscles, if there is under the influence of a bright light an unconscious desire to prevent the lowering of the eyebrows, the central fasciae of the frontal muscle must be brought into play; and their contraction, if sufficiently strong to overmaster the pyramidals, together with the contraction of the corrugator and orbicular muscles, will act in the manner just described on the eyebrows and forehead.
Duchenne explains that the pyramidal muscle of the nose is less voluntary than the other muscles around the eyes. He notes that a young man who could effectively use his muscles for expressing grief, as well as most of his other facial muscles, couldn't contract the pyramidal muscles. This ability, however, likely varies between individuals. The pyramidal muscle helps pull down the skin of the forehead between the eyebrows and their inner edges. The central fasciae of the frontal muscle oppose the movement of the pyramidal. Therefore, if someone wants to restrict the action of the pyramidal muscle, they need to contract these central fasciae. In individuals with strong pyramidal muscles, if there's an unconscious urge influenced by bright light to avoid lowering the eyebrows, the central fasciae of the frontal muscle will need to be activated. If their contraction is strong enough to overpower the pyramidal muscles, and combined with the contraction of the corrugator and orbicular muscles, it will affect the eyebrows and forehead as described.
When children scream or cry out, they contract, as we know, the orbicular, corrugator, and pyramidal muscles, primarily for the sake of compressing their eyes, and thus protecting them from being gorged with blood, and secondarily through habit. I therefore expected to find with children, that when they endeavoured either to prevent a crying-fit from coming on, or to stop crying, they would cheek the contraction of the above-named muscles, in the same manner as when looking upwards at a bright light; and consequently that the central fasciae of the frontal muscle would often be brought into play. Accordingly, I began myself to observe children at such times, and asked others, including some medical men, to do the same. It is necessary to observe carefully, as the peculiar opposed action of these muscles is not nearly so plain in children, owing to their foreheads not easily wrinkling, as in adults. But I soon found that the grief-muscles were very frequently brought into distinct action on these occasions. It would be superfluous to give all the cases which have been observed; and I will specify only a few. A little girl, a year and a half old, was teased by some other children, and before bursting into tears her eyebrows became decidedly oblique. With an older girl the same obliquity was observed, with the inner ends of the eyebrows plainly puckered; and at the same time the corners of the mouth were drawn downwards. As soon as she burst into tears, the features all changed and this peculiar expression vanished. Again, after a little boy had been vaccinated, which made him scream and cry violently, the surgeon gave him an orange brought for the purpose, and this pleased the child much; as he stopped crying all the characteristic movements were observed, including the formation of rectangular wrinkles in the middle of the forehead. Lastly, I met on the road a little girl three or four years old, who had been frightened by a dog, and when I asked her what was the matter, she stopped whimpering, and her eyebrows instantly became oblique to an extraordinary degree.
When children scream or cry out, they tense the orbicular, corrugator, and pyramidal muscles, mainly to squint their eyes and protect them from being flooded with blood, and secondarily out of habit. I expected that when children tried to avoid a crying fit or stop crying, they would hold back the contraction of these muscles, similar to how they react when looking up at a bright light; therefore, the central fasciae of the frontal muscle would often be engaged. So, I started observing children during these moments and asked others, including some medical professionals, to do the same. It's important to observe closely, as the opposing action of these muscles is not as obvious in children because their foreheads don't wrinkle as easily as in adults. However, I quickly discovered that the muscles associated with grief were frequently activated during these times. It would be excessive to list all the cases observed; I'll mention just a few. A little girl, about a year and a half old, was teased by other children, and before she started crying, her eyebrows became noticeably slanted. In an older girl, the same slant was seen, with the inner parts of her eyebrows clearly puckered, and at the same time, the corners of her mouth were pulled down. As soon as she cried, her expression completely changed, and this unique look disappeared. Similarly, after a little boy had been vaccinated, making him scream and cry intensely, the surgeon offered him an orange, which he liked very much; as he stopped crying, all the typical movements were observed, including the formation of rectangular wrinkles in the middle of his forehead. Finally, I came across a little girl, three or four years old, who had been scared by a dog, and when I asked her what was wrong, she stopped whimpering, and her eyebrows instantly became extraordinarily slanted.
Here then, as I cannot doubt, we have the key to the problem why the central fasciae of the frontal muscle and the muscles round the eyes contract in opposition to each other under the influence of grief;—whether their contraction be prolonged, as with the melancholic insane, or momentary, from some trifling cause of distress. We have all of us, as infants, repeatedly contracted our orbicular, corrugator, and pyramidal muscles, in order to protect our eyes whilst screaming; our progenitors before us have done the same during many generations; and though with advancing years we easily prevent, when feeling distressed, the utterance of screams, we cannot from long habit always prevent a slight contraction of the above-named muscles; nor indeed do we observe their contraction in ourselves, or attempt to stop it, if slight. But the pyramidal muscles seem to be less under the command of the will than the other related muscles; and if they be well developed, their contraction can be checked only by the antagonistic contraction of the central fasciae of the frontal muscle. The result which necessarily follows, if these fasciae contract energetically, is the oblique drawing up of the eyebrows, the puckering of their inner ends, and the formation of rectangular furrows on the middle of the forehead. As children and women cry much more freely than men, and as grown-up persons of both sexes rarely weep except from mental distress, we can understand why the grief-muscles are more frequently seen in action, as I believe to be the case, with children and women than with men; and with adults of both sexes from mental distress alone. In some of the cases before recorded, as in that of the poor Dhangar woman and of the Hindustani man, the action of the grief-muscles was quickly followed by bitter weeping. In all cases of distress, whether great or small, our brains tend through long habit to send an order to certain muscles to contract, as if we were still infants on the point of screaming out; but this order we, by the wondrous power of the will, and through habit, are able partially to counteract; although this is effected unconsciously, as far as the means of counteraction are concerned.
Here, as I have no doubt, we find the key to understanding why the central fasciae of the forehead muscle and the muscles around the eyes contract in opposition when we feel grief—whether this contraction is prolonged, like in those with melancholic depression, or brief, triggered by some minor distress. As infants, we all frequently contracted our orbicular, corrugator, and pyramidal muscles to shield our eyes while crying; our ancestors did the same for many generations. Although as we grow older, we can easily hold back screams when distressed, we can’t completely avoid a slight contraction of these muscles out of habit; nor do we usually notice or try to stop their mild contraction. However, the pyramidal muscles seem to be less under our conscious control compared to the other related muscles; if they are well-developed, their contraction can only be inhibited by the opposing contraction of the central fasciae of the forehead muscle. When these fasciae contract forcefully, the inevitable outcome is that our eyebrows are drawn up at an angle, the inner ends puckered, and rectangular furrows form in the middle of the forehead. Since children and women tend to cry more freely than men, and adults of both genders rarely cry unless experiencing mental distress, it’s easy to see why the "grief muscles" are more often active, as I believe, in children and women than in men, and in adults only due to mental anguish. In some previously mentioned cases, like that of the unfortunate Dhangar woman and the Hindustani man, the action of the grief muscles quickly led to intense weeping. In all instances of distress, whether major or minor, our brains, through long-standing habit, send signals to certain muscles to contract as if we were infants on the brink of screaming. However, through the remarkable power of the will and habit, we can partially counteract this signal, although this is done unconsciously in terms of how we counteract it.
On the depression of the corners of the mouth.—This action is effected by the depressores anguili oris (see letter K in figs. 1 and 2). The fibres of this muscle diverge downwards, with the upper convergent ends attached round the angles of the mouth, and to the lower lip a little way within the angles.[706] Some of the fibres appear to be antagonistic to the great zygomatic muscle, and others to the several muscles running to the outer part of the upper lip. The contraction of this muscle draws downwards and outwards the corners of the mouth, including the outer part of the upper lip, and even in a slight degree the wings of the nostrils. When the mouth is closed and this muscle acts, the commissure or line of junction of the two lips forms a curved line with the concavity downwards,[707] and the lips themselves are generally somewhat protruded, especially the lower one. The mouth in this state is well represented in the two photographs (Plate II., figs. 6 and 7) by Mr. Rejlander. The upper boy (fig. 6) had just stopped crying, after receiving a slap on the face from another boy; and the right moment was seized for photographing him.
On the depression of the corners of the mouth.—This action is performed by the depressores anguili oris (see letter K in figs. 1 and 2). The fibers of this muscle extend downward, with the upper converging ends attached around the corners of the mouth and to the lower lip just within those corners.[706] Some of the fibers seem to oppose the large zygomatic muscle, while others oppose the various muscles that go to the outer part of the upper lip. When this muscle contracts, it pulls the corners of the mouth downward and outward, affecting the outer part of the upper lip and even slightly the wings of the nostrils. When the mouth is closed and this muscle engages, the junction of the two lips creates a curved line with the concave part facing downwards,[707] and the lips themselves are generally somewhat protruded, especially the lower lip. This expression is clearly shown in the two photographs (Plate II., figs. 6 and 7) by Mr. Rejlander. The upper boy (fig. 6) had just stopped crying after getting slapped in the face by another boy, and the right moment was captured for the photograph.
The expression of low spirits, grief or dejection, due to the contraction of this muscle has been noticed by every one who has written on the subject. To say that a person “is down in the mouth,” is synonymous with saying that he is out of spirits. The depression of the corners may often be seen, as already stated on the authority of Dr. Crichton Browne and Mr. Nicol, with the melancholic insane, and was well exhibited in some photographs sent to me by the former gentleman, of patients with a strong tendency to suicide. It has been observed with men belonging to various races, namely with Hindoos, the dark hill-tribes of India, Malays, and, as the Rev. Mr. Hagenauer informs me, with the aborigines of Australia.
The expression of feeling down, sadness, or depression caused by this muscle's tension has been noted by everyone who has written about it. To say that someone "is down in the mouth" means the same as saying they are feeling low. The drooping of the corners of the mouth can often be seen, as previously mentioned with references from Dr. Crichton Browne and Mr. Nicol, in people suffering from melancholia, and was clearly shown in some photographs sent to me by Dr. Browne of patients with a strong tendency toward suicide. This has been observed in men from various backgrounds, including Hindus, the dark hill tribes of India, Malays, and, as Rev. Mr. Hagenauer has informed me, among the indigenous people of Australia.
When infants scream they firmly contract the muscles round their eyes, and this draws up the upper lip; and as they have to keep their mouths widely open, the depressor muscles running to the corners are likewise brought into strong action. This generally, but not invariably, causes a slight angular bend in the lower lip on both sides, near the corners of the mouth. The result of the upper and lower lip being thus acted on is that the mouth assumes a squarish outline. The contraction of the depressor muscle is best seen in infants when not screaming violently, and especially just before they begin, or when they cease to scream. Their little faces then acquire an extremely piteous expression, as I continually observed with my own infants between the ages of about six weeks and two or three months. Sometimes, when they are struggling against a crying-fit, the outline of the mouth is curved in so exaggerated a manner as to be like a horseshoe; and the expression of misery then becomes a ludicrous caricature.
When babies scream, they tightly contract the muscles around their eyes, which lifts their upper lip; and since they need to keep their mouths wide open, the muscles that pull down the corners of their mouths are also strongly engaged. This usually, but not always, creates a slight angle in the lower lip on both sides near the corners of their mouths. As a result of this action on the upper and lower lips, their mouths take on a square shape. You can really see the contraction of the muscles that pull the mouth down in babies when they’re not screaming loudly, especially just before they start or right after they stop. Their little faces then take on a very sad look, as I frequently noticed with my own babies between the ages of about six weeks and two or three months. Sometimes, when they’re fighting off a crying fit, the shape of their mouths is so exaggerated that it resembles a horseshoe, and the look of distress becomes almost a funny caricature.
The explanation of the contraction of this muscle, under the influence of low spirits or dejection, apparently follows from the same general principles as in the case of the obliquity of the eyebrows. Dr. Duchenne informs me that he concludes from his observations, now prolonged during many years, that this is one of the facial muscles which is least under the control of the will. This fact may indeed be inferred from what has just been stated with respect to infants when doubtfully beginning to cry, or endeavouring to stop crying; for they then generally command all the other facial muscles more effectually than they do the depressors of the corners of the mouth. Two excellent observers who had no theory on the subject, one of them a surgeon, carefully watched for me some older children and women as with some opposed struggling they very gradually approached the point of bursting out into tears; and both observers felt sure that the depressors began to act before any of the other muscles. Now as the depressors have been repeatedly brought into strong action during infancy in many generations, nerve-force will tend to flow, on the principle of long associated habit, to these muscles as well as to various other facial muscles, whenever in after life even a slight feeling of distress is experienced. But as the depressors are somewhat less under the control of the will than most of the other muscles, we might expect that they would often slightly contract, whilst the others remained passive. It is remarkable how small a depression of the corners of the mouth gives to the countenance an expression of low spirits or dejection, so that an extremely slight contraction of these muscles would be sufficient to betray this state of mind.
The explanation for why this muscle contracts when someone is feeling down or depressed seems to follow the same general ideas as what happens with furrowed brows. Dr. Duchenne tells me that after observing this for many years, he believes this is one of the facial muscles that we can least control with our will. This can actually be seen in infants who are just starting to cry or trying to stop; they generally have better control over their other facial muscles than they do over the muscles that pull down the corners of their mouths. Two careful observers, one a surgeon, watched older children and women as they struggled to hold back tears, and they both noticed that the depressor muscles activated before any of the other facial muscles did. Since the depressors have been strongly engaged in infants across many generations, nerve signals tend to flow to these muscles, along with other facial muscles, whenever someone later experiences even a small feeling of distress. However, because the depressors are somewhat less controllable than most other muscles, we might expect them to contract slightly while the others stay relaxed. It's interesting how a small droop in the corners of the mouth can give a face an expression of sadness or dejection, suggesting that even a tiny contraction of these muscles can reveal a person's emotional state.
I may here mention a trifling observation, as it will serve to sum up our present subject. An old lady with a comfortable but absorbed expression sat nearly opposite to me in a railway carriage. Whilst I was looking at her, I saw that her depressores anguli oris became very slightly, yet decidedly, contracted; but as her countenance remained as placid as ever, I reflected how meaningless was this contraction, and how easily one might be deceived. The thought had hardly occurred to me when I saw that her eyes suddenly became suffused with tears almost to overflowing, and her whole countenance fell. There could now be no doubt that some painful recollection, perhaps that of a long-lost child, was passing through her mind. As soon as her sensorium was thus affected, certain nerve-cells from long habit instantly transmitted an order to all the respiratory muscles, and to those round the mouth, to prepare for a fit of crying. But the order was countermanded by the will, or rather by a later acquired habit, and all the muscles were obedient, excepting in a slight degree the depressores anguli oris. The mouth was not even opened; the respiration was not hurried; and no muscle was affected except those which draw down the corners of the mouth.
I’d like to mention a small observation that sums up our current topic. An older woman with a relaxed but focused expression sat almost directly across from me in a train carriage. As I was looking at her, I noticed that her depressores anguli oris slightly but visibly contracted; yet her face remained as calm as ever, making me think about how pointless that contraction was and how easily one could be misled. The thought barely crossed my mind when I saw her eyes suddenly fill with tears, nearly overflowing, and her entire expression changed. There was no doubt now that some painful memory, maybe of a long-lost child, was running through her mind. Once her emotions were triggered, certain nerve cells instinctively sent signals to all her breathing muscles and those around her mouth to get ready for a crying fit. However, this message was overridden by her will, or rather by a habit she developed later, and all the muscles complied, except for a slight action of the depressores anguli oris. Her mouth didn’t even open, her breathing didn’t quicken, and no muscle was affected except those that pull down the corners of her mouth.
As soon as the mouth of this lady began, involuntarily and unconsciously on her part, to assume the proper form for a crying-fit, we may feel almost sure that some nerve-influence would have been transmitted through the long accustomed channels to the various respiratory muscles, as well as to those round the eyes, and to the vaso-motor centre which governs the supply of blood sent to the lacrymal glands. Of this latter fact we have indeed clear evidence in her eyes becoming slightly suffused with tears; and we can understand this, as the lacrymal glands are less under the control of the will than the facial muscles. No doubt there existed at the same time some tendency in the muscles round the eyes at contract, as if for the sake of protecting them from being gorged with blood, but this contraction was completely overmastered, and her brow remained unruffled. Had the pyramidal, corrugator, and orbicular muscles been as little obedient to the will, as they are in many persons, they would have been slightly acted on; and then the central fasciae of the frontal muscle would have contracted in antagonism, and her eyebrows would have become oblique, with rectangular furrows on her forehead. Her countenance would then have expressed still more plainly than it did a state of dejection, or rather one of grief.
As soon as this lady's mouth started to form involuntarily and unconsciously to cry, we can almost be certain that some nerve signals would have traveled through the familiar pathways to the various muscles used for breathing, as well as those around her eyes and to the vaso-motor center that controls blood flow to the tear glands. We have clear evidence of this in her eyes becoming slightly filled with tears; we can understand this since the tear glands are less controlled by the will than the facial muscles. There was likely also a tendency for the muscles around her eyes to contract, as if trying to protect them from swelling with blood, but this contraction was completely overpowered, and her brow stayed smooth. If the pyramidal, corrugator, and orbicular muscles had been as unresponsive to will as they are in many people, they would have been slightly affected; then the central fascia of the frontal muscle would have contracted in opposition, causing her eyebrows to tilt and creating deep lines on her forehead. Her face would then have expressed an even clearer sense of sadness, or rather grief.
Through steps such as these we can understand how it is, that as soon as some melancholy thought passes through the brain, there occurs a just perceptible drawing down of the corners of the mouth, or a slight raising up of the inner ends of the eyebrows, or both movements combined, and immediately afterwards a slight suffusion of tears. A thrill of nerve-force is transmitted along several habitual channels, and produces an effect on any point where the will has not acquired through long habit much power of interference. The above actions may be considered as rudimental vestiges of the screaming-fits, which are so frequent and prolonged during infancy. In this case, as well as in many others, the links are indeed wonderful which connect cause and effect in giving rise to various expressions on the human countenance; and they explain to us the meaning of certain movements, which we involuntarily and unconsciously perform, whenever certain transitory emotions pass through our minds.
By following steps like these, we can see how, as soon as a sad thought crosses our mind, the corners of our mouth tend to droop slightly, or the inner ends of our eyebrows go up just a bit, or sometimes both happen together, and right after that, we might feel a little tearful. A rush of nerve signals travels along familiar pathways, affecting any area where our will hasn't gained much control through consistent practice. These actions can be viewed as basic remnants of the crying fits often seen in infancy. In this situation, as in many others, the connections between cause and effect that lead to different expressions on our faces are truly remarkable; they help us understand the meaning behind certain movements we make involuntarily and unconsciously whenever specific fleeting emotions arise in our minds.
CHAPTER VIII.
JOY, HIGH SPIRITS, LOVE, TENDER FEELINGS, DEVOTION.
Laughter primarily the expression of joy—Ludicrous ideas—Movements of the features during laughter—Nature of the sound produced—The secretion of tears during loud laughter—Gradation from loud laughter to gentle smiling—High spirits—The expression of love—Tender feelings—Devotion.
Laughter is mainly a sign of happiness—Funny ideas—The way our faces move when we laugh—The type of sound that comes out—Tears that can flow when we laugh hard—The range from loud laughter to soft smiles—Good vibes—The expression of love—Gentle feelings—Commitment.
Joy, when intense, leads to various purposeless movements—to dancing about, clapping the hands, stamping, &c., and to loud laughter. Laughter seems primarily to be the expression of mere joy or happiness. We clearly see this in children at play, who are almost incessantly laughing. With young persons past childhood, when they are in high spirits, there is always much meaningless laughter. The laughter of the gods is described by Homer as “the exuberance of their celestial joy after their daily banquet.” A man smiles—and smiling, as we shall see, graduates into laughter—at meeting an old friend in the street, as he does at any trifling pleasure, such as smelling a sweet perfume.[801] Laura Bridgman, from her blindness and deafness, could not have acquired any expression through imitation, yet when a letter from a beloved friend was communicated to her by gesture-language, she “laughed and clapped her hands, and the colour mounted to her cheeks.” On other occasions she has been seen to stamp for joy.[802]
Joy, when it’s strong, leads to various aimless movements—like dancing, clapping, stomping, etc.—and loud laughter. Laughter seems to be primarily the expression of pure joy or happiness. We can clearly see this in children at play, who almost constantly laugh. For young people who have moved past childhood, when they’re cheerful, there’s often a lot of pointless laughter. Homer describes the laughter of the gods as “the overflow of their heavenly joy after their daily feast.” A man smiles—and smiling, as we’ll see, turns into laughter—when he meets an old friend on the street, just like he does at any small pleasure, like smelling a nice perfume. Laura Bridgman, due to her blindness and deafness, couldn’t have learned any expression through imitation, yet when she received a letter from a dear friend through gesture-language, she “laughed and clapped her hands, and the color rose to her cheeks.” At other times, she has been observed to stomp for joy.
Idiots and imbecile persons likewise afford good evidence that laughter or smiling primarily expresses mere happiness or joy. Dr. Crichton Browne, to whom, as on so many other occasions, I am indebted for the results of his wide experience, informs me that with idiots laughter is the most prevalent and frequent of all the emotional expressions. Many idiots are morose, passionate, restless, in a painful state of mind, or utterly stolid, and these never laugh. Others frequently laugh in a quite senseless manner. Thus an idiot boy, incapable of speech, complained to Dr. Browne, by the aid of signs, that another boy in the asylum had given him a black eye; and this was accompanied by “explosions of laughter and with his face covered with the broadest smiles.” There is another large class of idiots who are persistently joyous and benign, and who are constantly laughing or smiling.[803] Their countenances often exhibit a stereotyped smile; their joyousness is increased, and they grin, chuckle, or giggle, whenever food is placed before them, or when they are caressed, are shown bright colours, or hear music. Some of them laugh more than usual when they walk about, or attempt any muscular exertion. The joyousness of most of these idiots cannot possibly be associated, as Dr. Browne remarks, with any distinct ideas: they simply feel pleasure, and express it by laughter or smiles. With imbeciles rather higher in the scale, personal vanity seems to be the commonest cause of laughter, and next to this, pleasure arising from the approbation of their conduct.
Idiots and people with intellectual disabilities also provide strong evidence that laughter or smiling primarily reflects basic happiness or joy. Dr. Crichton Browne, whose extensive experience I often rely on, tells me that laughter is the most common emotional expression among individuals with intellectual disabilities. Many of these individuals may be gloomy, overly emotional, restless, distressed, or completely unresponsive, and they rarely laugh. Others laugh frequently in a completely nonsensical way. For example, an intellectually disabled boy, who couldn’t speak, communicated to Dr. Browne through gestures that another boy in the asylum had given him a black eye; this was accompanied by bursts of laughter and a huge grin on his face. There is also a significant group of individuals with intellectual disabilities who are consistently joyful and friendly, and they are always laughing or smiling. Their faces often have a fixed smile; their happiness increases, and they grin, chuckle, or giggle whenever food is presented, when they are petted, when they see bright colors, or when they hear music. Some of them laugh more than usual when they walk around or try to exert themselves physically. As Dr. Browne notes, the joyfulness of most of these individuals cannot be linked to any specific ideas; they simply feel pleasure and express it through laughter or smiles. Among those with slightly higher intellectual abilities, personal vanity seems to be the most common reason for laughter, followed closely by happiness from receiving approval for their actions.
With grown-up persons laughter is excited by causes considerably different from those which suffice during childhood; but this remark hardly applies to smiling. Laughter in this respect is analogous with weeping, which with adults is almost confined to mental distress, whilst with children it is excited by bodily pain or any suffering, as well as by fear or rage. Many curious discussions have been written on the causes of laughter with grown-up persons. The subject is extremely complex. Something incongruous or unaccountable, exciting surprise and some sense of superiority in the laugher, who must be in a happy frame of mind, seems to be the commonest cause.[804] The circumstances must not be of a momentous nature: no poor man would laugh or smile on suddenly hearing that a large fortune had been bequeathed to him. If the mind is strongly excited by pleasurable feelings, and any little unexpected event or thought occurs, then, as Mr. Herbert Spencer remarks,[805] “a large amount of nervous energy, instead of being allowed to expend itself in producing an equivalent amount of the new thoughts and emotion which were nascent, is suddenly checked in its flow.”... “The excess must discharge itself in some other direction, and there results an efflux through the motor nerves to various classes of the muscles, producing the half-convulsive actions we term laughter.” An observation, bearing on this point, was made by a correspondent during the recent siege of Paris, namely, that the German soldiers, after strong excitement from exposure to extreme danger, were particularly apt to burst out into loud laughter at the smallest joke. So again when young children are just beginning to cry, an unexpected event will sometimes suddenly turn their crying into laughter, which apparently serves equally well to expend their superfluous nervous energy.
With adults, laughter is triggered by reasons that are quite different from those that suffice during childhood; however, this doesn't really apply to smiling. In this regard, laughter is similar to crying, which in adults is almost solely tied to mental distress, while in children it can be prompted by physical pain or any form of suffering, as well as by fear or anger. Many intriguing discussions have been written about what causes adults to laugh. The topic is very complex. Something that is incongruous or puzzling, which creates surprise and a sense of superiority in the person laughing—who must be in a good mood—seems to be the most common cause.[804] The situations must not be significant: no poor person would laugh or smile upon suddenly hearing that a large fortune has been left to them. If the mind is strongly stimulated by pleasurable feelings and any minor unexpected event or thought occurs, then, as Mr. Herbert Spencer notes,[805] “a large amount of nervous energy, instead of being allowed to expend itself in producing an equivalent amount of the new thoughts and emotions that were emerging, is suddenly checked in its flow.”... “The excess must release itself in another direction, which results in an outflow through the motor nerves to various muscle groups, producing the half-convulsive actions we call laughter.” A relevant observation was made by a correspondent during the recent siege of Paris, noting that the German soldiers, after intense excitement from exposure to extreme danger, were particularly likely to burst into loud laughter at the smallest joke. Similarly, when young children are just starting to cry, an unexpected event will sometimes abruptly turn their crying into laughter, which apparently serves just as well to release their extra nervous energy.
The imagination is sometimes said to be tickled by a ludicrous idea; and this so-called tickling of the mind is curiously analogous with that of the body. Every one knows how immoderately children laugh, and how their whole bodies are convulsed when they are tickled. The anthropoid apes, as we have seen, likewise utter a reiterated sound, corresponding with our laughter, when they are tickled, especially under the armpits. I touched with a bit of paper the sole of the foot of one of my infants, when only seven days old, and it was suddenly jerked away and the toes curled about, as in an older child. Such movements, as well as laughter from being tickled, are manifestly reflex actions; and this is likewise shown by the minute unstriped muscles, which serve to erect the separate hairs on the body, contracting near a tickled surface.[806] Yet laughter from a ludicrous idea, though involuntary, cannot be called a strictly reflex action. In this case, and in that of laughter from being tickled, the mind must be in a pleasurable condition; a young child, if tickled by a strange man, would scream from fear. The touch must be light, and an idea or event, to be ludicrous, must not be of grave import. The parts of the body which are most easily tickled are those which are not commonly touched, such as the armpits or between the toes, or parts such as the soles of the feet, which are habitually touched by a broad surface; but the surface on which we sit offers a marked exception to this rule. According to Gratiolet,[807] certain nerves are much more sensitive to tickling than others. From the fact that a child can hardly tickle itself, or in a much less degree than when tickled by another person, it seems that the precise point to be touched must not be known; so with the mind, something unexpected—a novel or incongruous idea which breaks through an habitual train of thought—appears to be a strong element in the ludicrous.
Imagination is sometimes said to be sparked by a silly idea; this so-called spark of the mind is surprisingly similar to that of the body. Everyone knows how much children laugh and how their whole bodies shake when they’re tickled. The anthropoid apes, as we’ve seen, also make repeated sounds that correspond to our laughter when tickled, especially under their armpits. I touched the sole of one of my babies' feet with a piece of paper when they were just seven days old, and it instantly jerked away with the toes curling, just like an older child. These movements, like laughter from being tickled, are clearly reflex actions, as shown by the tiny unstriped muscles that raise the individual hairs on the body, contracting near a tickled area. Yet laughter from a silly idea, while involuntary, can't be classified as a strictly reflex action. In this case, as in laughter from being tickled, the mind needs to be in a joyful state; if a young child is tickled by a stranger, they would likely scream out of fear. The touch must be gentle, and for something to be funny, it shouldn't be too serious. The body parts that are easiest to tickle are those that aren’t usually touched, like the armpits or between the toes, or areas like the soles of the feet, which are often touched by a broad surface; however, the surface we sit on is a notable exception to this rule. According to Gratiolet, certain nerves are much more sensitive to tickling than others. Since a child can hardly tickle themselves, or does so much less than when tickled by someone else, it seems that the exact point that needs to be touched shouldn’t be known; similarly, for the mind, something unexpected—a new or out-of-place idea that disrupts a familiar thought process—appears to be a key factor in what makes something funny.
The sound of laughter is produced by a deep inspiration followed by short, interrupted, spasmodic contractions of the chest, and especially of the diaphragm.[808] Hence we hear of “laughter holding both his sides.” From the shaking of the body, the head nods to and fro. The lower jaw often quivers up and down, as is likewise the case with some species of baboons, when they are much pleased.
The sound of laughter comes from taking a deep breath followed by short, quick bursts of movement in the chest, especially in the diaphragm.[808] That’s why we talk about “laughter holding both his sides.” When the body shakes, the head moves back and forth. The lower jaw often shakes up and down, similar to how some species of baboons act when they’re very happy.

During laughter the mouth is opened more or less widely, with the corners drawn much backwards, as well as a little upwards; and the upper lip is somewhat raised. The drawing back of the corners is best seen in moderate laughter, and especially in a broad smile—the latter epithet showing how the mouth is widened. In the accompanying figs. 1-3, Plate III., different degrees of moderate laughter and smiling have been photographed. The figure of the little girl, with the hat is by Dr. Wallich, and the expression was a genuine one; the other two are by Mr. Rejlander. Dr. Duchenne repeatedly insists[809] that, under the emotion of joy, the mouth is acted on exclusively by the great zygomatic muscles, which serve to draw the corners backwards and upwards; but judging from the manner in which the upper teeth are always exposed during laughter and broad smiling, as well as from my own sensations, I cannot doubt that some of the muscles running to the upper lip are likewise brought into moderate action. The upper and lower orbicular muscles of the eyes are at the same time more or less contracted; and there is an intimate connection, as explained in the chapter on weeping, between the orbiculars, especially the lower ones and some of the muscles running to the upper lip. Henle remarks[810] on this head, that when a man closely shuts one eye he cannot avoid retracting the upper lip on the same side; conversely, if any one will place his finger on his lower eyelid, and then uncover his upper incisors as much as possible, he will feel, as his upper lip is drawn strongly upwards, that the muscles of the lower eyelid contract. In Henle’s drawing, given in woodcut, fig. 2, the musculus malaris (H) which runs to the upper lip may be seen to form an almost integral part of the lower orbicular muscle.
During laughter, the mouth opens to varying degrees, with the corners pulled back and slightly upwards, and the upper lip raised a bit. The pulling back of the corners is most noticeable during moderate laughter, especially in a broad smile—this term highlights how the mouth widens. In the accompanying figures 1-3, Plate III, different levels of moderate laughter and smiling have been photographed. The photo of the little girl wearing the hat is by Dr. Wallich, and her expression is genuine; the other two are by Mr. Rejlander. Dr. Duchenne repeatedly emphasizes that, during joy, the movement of the mouth is solely controlled by the major zygomatic muscles, which pull the corners back and up. However, based on how the upper teeth are always visible when laughing or smiling broadly, as well as from my own experiences, I believe that some muscles connected to the upper lip are also moderately involved. The upper and lower orbicular muscles of the eyes simultaneously contract to some extent; there’s a close link, as discussed in the chapter on weeping, between the orbicular muscles, particularly the lower ones, and some muscles that connect to the upper lip. Henle notes that when a person tightly closes one eye, they can't help but pull the upper lip back on the same side; conversely, if someone places a finger on their lower eyelid and then uncovers their upper incisors as much as possible, they will notice that as their upper lip is pulled strongly upwards, the muscles of the lower eyelid also contract. In Henle’s drawing, shown in woodcut, fig. 2, the musculus malaris (H), which connects to the upper lip, is depicted as forming almost an integral part of the lower orbicular muscle.
Dr. Duchenne has given a large photograph of an old man (reduced on Plate III. fig 4), in his usual passive condition, and another of the same man (fig. 5), naturally smiling. The latter was instantly recognized by every one to whom it was shown as true to nature. He has also given, as an example of an unnatural or false smile, another photograph (fig. 6) of the same old man, with the corners of his mouth strongly retracted by the galvanization of the great zygomatic muscles. That the expression is not natural is clear, for I showed this photograph to twenty-four persons, of whom three could not in the least tell what was meant, whilst the others, though they perceived that the expression was of the nature of a smile, answered in such words as “a wicked joke,” “trying to laugh,” “grinning laughter.... half-amazed laughter,” &c. Dr. Duchenne attributes the falseness of the expression altogether to the orbicular muscles of the lower eyelids not being sufficiently contracted; for he justly lays great stress on their contraction in the expression of joy. No doubt there is much truth in this view, but not, as it appears to me, the whole truth. The contraction of the lower orbiculars is always accompanied, as we have seen, by the drawing up of the upper lip. Had the upper lip, in fig. 6, been thus acted on to a slight extent, its curvature would have been less rigid, the naso-labial farrow would have been slightly different, and the whole expression would, as I believe, have been more natural, independently of the more conspicuous effect from the stronger contraction of the lower eyelids. The corrugator muscle, moreover, in fig. 6, is too much contracted, causing a frown; and this muscle never acts under the influence of joy except during strongly pronounced or violent laughter.
Dr. Duchenne has provided a large photograph of an old man (reduced in Plate III, fig. 4), in his usual passive state, and another of the same man (fig. 5), smiling naturally. The latter was immediately recognized by everyone who saw it as realistic. He also included an example of an unnatural or false smile, another photograph (fig. 6) of the same old man, with the corners of his mouth pulled back by the galvanization of the major zygomatic muscles. It's clear that the expression isn't natural; I showed this photograph to twenty-four people, three of whom had no idea what it meant, while the others, although they recognized the expression as a smile, described it in terms like “a wicked joke,” “trying to laugh,” “grinning laughter...half-amazed laughter,” etc. Dr. Duchenne attributes the artificiality of the expression entirely to the orbicular muscles of the lower eyelids not contracting enough, emphasizing their contraction in expressing joy. There’s certainly some truth to this, but it doesn’t capture the whole picture, in my opinion. The contraction of the lower orbicular muscles is always accompanied, as we've seen, by the raising of the upper lip. If the upper lip in fig. 6 had moved slightly, its curvature would have been less stiff, the naso-labial fold would have appeared slightly different, and the overall expression would, I believe, have looked more natural, independent of the more noticeable effect from the stronger contraction of the lower eyelids. Additionally, the corrugator muscle in fig. 6 is too contracted, creating a frown, and this muscle typically doesn’t engage under joyful circumstances except during intense or violent laughter.
By the drawing backwards and upwards of the corners of the mouth, through the contraction of the great zygomatic muscles, and by the raising of the upper lip, the cheeks are drawn upwards. Wrinkles are thus formed under the eyes, and, with old people, at their outer ends; and these are highly characteristic of laughter or smiling. As a gentle smile increases into a strong one, or into a laugh, every one may feel and see, if he will attend to his own sensations and look at himself in a mirror, that as the upper lip is drawn up and the lower orbiculars contract, the wrinkles in the lower eyelids and those beneath the eyes are much strengthened or increased. At the same time, as I have repeatedly observed, the eyebrows are slightly lowered, which shows that the upper as well as the lower orbiculars contract at least to some degree, though this passes unperecived, as far as our sensations are concerned. If the original photograph of the old man, with his countenance in its usual placid state (fig. 4), be compared with that (fig. 5) in which he is naturally smiling, it may be seen that the eyebrows in the latter are a little lowered. I presume that this is owing to the upper orbiculars being impelled, through the force of long-associated habit, to act to a certain extent in concert with the lower orbiculars, which themselves contract in connection with the drawing up of the upper lip.
By pulling the corners of the mouth back and up, thanks to the contraction of the big zygomatic muscles, and by lifting the upper lip, the cheeks rise. This creates wrinkles under the eyes, and in older people, at their outer ends; these wrinkles are distinctive signs of laughter or smiling. As a gentle smile grows into a big smile or a laugh, anyone can feel and see—if they pay attention to their own sensations and look in a mirror—that as the upper lip rises and the lower circular muscles tighten, the wrinkles in the lower eyelids and those beneath the eyes are made much more prominent. At the same time, as I've observed multiple times, the eyebrows are slightly lowered, indicating that both the upper and lower circular muscles contract to some degree, even though we might not notice it through our sensations. If you compare the original photograph of the old man with his usual calm expression (fig. 4) to one where he is naturally smiling (fig. 5), you can see that the eyebrows in the second image are slightly lowered. I believe this happens because the upper circular muscles are naturally prompted, due to long-associated habits, to work somewhat in sync with the lower circular muscles, which contract as the upper lip is lifted.
The tendency in the zygomatic muscles to contract under pleasurable emotions is shown by a curious fact, communicated to me by Dr. Browne, with respect to patients suffering from GENERAL PARALYSIS OF THE INSANE.[811] “In this malady there is almost invariably optimism—delusions as to wealth, rank, grandeur—insane joyousness, benevolence, and profusion, while its very earliest physical symptom is trembling at the corners of the mouth and at the outer corners of the eyes. This is a well-recognized fact. Constant tremulous agitation of the inferior palpebral and great zygomatic muscles is pathognomic of the earlier stages of general paralysis. The countenance has a pleased and benevolent expression. As the disease advances other muscles become involved, but until complete fatuity is reached, the prevailing expression is that of feeble benevolence.”
The tendency of the zygomatic muscles to contract during pleasurable emotions is highlighted by an interesting fact shared with me by Dr. Browne regarding patients with GENERAL PARALYSIS OF THE INSANE.[811] “In this condition, there is almost always a sense of optimism—delusions about wealth, status, and grandeur—along with insane joyfulness, kindness, and extravagance. The very first physical sign is trembling at the corners of the mouth and at the outer corners of the eyes. This is a well-known fact. Constant shaking of the lower eyelid and the large zygomatic muscles is characteristic of the early stages of general paralysis. The face has a pleased and kind expression. As the illness progresses, other muscles become affected, but until total mental incapacity sets in, the dominant expression is one of weak kindness.”
As in laughing and broadly smiling the cheeks and upper lip are much raised, the nose appears to be shortened, and the skin on the bridge becomes finely wrinkled in transverse lines, with other oblique longitudinal lines on the sides. The upper front teeth are commonly exposed. A well-marked naso-labial fold is formed, which runs from the wing of each nostril to the corner of the mouth; and this fold is often double in old persons.
When you laugh and smile widely, your cheeks and upper lip lift up a lot, which makes your nose look shorter, and the skin on your nose forms fine wrinkles across with some diagonal lines on the sides. Your upper front teeth usually show. A noticeable naso-labial fold develops that stretches from the side of each nostril to the corner of your mouth; in older people, this fold often appears as a double line.
A bright and sparkling eye is as characteristic of a pleased or amused state of mind, as is the retraction of the corners of the mouth and upper lip with the wrinkles thus produced. Even the eyes of microcephalous idiots, who are so degraded that they never learn to speak, brighten slightly when they are pleased.[812] Under extreme laughter the eyes are too much suffused with tears to sparkle; but the moisture squeezed out of the glands during moderate laughter or smiling may aid in giving them lustre; though this must be of altogether subordinate importance, as they become dull from grief, though they are then often moist. Their brightness seems to be chiefly due to their tenseness,[813] owing to the contraction of the orbicular muscles and to the pressure of the raised cheeks. But, according to Dr. Piderit, who has discussed this point more fully than any other writer,[814] the tenseness may be largely attributed to the eyeballs becoming filled with blood and other fluids, from the acceleration of the circulation, consequent on the excitement of pleasure. He remarks on the contrast in the appearance of the eyes of a hectic patient with a rapid circulation, and of a man suffering from cholera with almost all the fluids of his body drained from him. Any cause which lowers the circulation deadens the eye. I remember seeing a man utterly prostrated by prolonged and severe exertion during a very hot day, and a bystander compared his eyes to those of a boiled codfish.
A bright and sparkling eye is a clear sign of a happy or amused state of mind, just like the way the corners of the mouth and upper lip pull back, creating wrinkles. Even the eyes of individuals with severe intellectual disabilities, who never learn to speak, show a slight brightness when they're happy. Under extreme laughter, the eyes may be too filled with tears to sparkle, but during moderate laughter or smiling, the moisture from the glands can help make them shine; however, this is likely less important since they can look dull from sadness, even when they're still moist. Their brightness mostly comes from tension, caused by the contraction of the circular muscles and the pressure from raised cheeks. But, as Dr. Piderit, who has explored this topic more than anyone else, points out, the tension is largely due to the eyeballs filling with blood and other fluids from increased circulation that comes with feeling pleasure. He notes the contrast between the eyes of a feverish patient with fast circulation and a person suffering from cholera who has almost all their body fluids drained. Any factor that slows circulation makes the eyes appear dull. I remember seeing a man completely exhausted from prolonged and intense effort on a very hot day, and someone nearby compared his eyes to those of a boiled codfish.
To return to the sounds produced during laughter. We can see in a vague manner how the utterance of sounds of some kind would naturally become associated with a pleasurable state of mind; for throughout a large part of the animal kingdom vocal or instrumental sounds are employed either as a call or as a charm by one sex for the other. They are also employed as the means for a joyful meeting between the parents and their offspring, and between the attached members of the same social community. But why the sounds which man utters when he is pleased have the peculiar reiterated character of laughter we do not know. Nevertheless we can see that they would naturally be as different as possible from the screams or cries of distress; and as in the production of the latter, the expirations are prolonged and continuous, with the inspirations short and interrupted, so it might perhaps have been expected with the sounds uttered from joy, that the expirations would have been short and broken with the inspirations prolonged; and this is the case.
Let's revisit the sounds made during laughter. We can somewhat see how producing certain sounds could naturally be linked to a happy state of mind; in a large part of the animal kingdom, vocal or instrumental sounds are used either as calls or as charms by one sex for the other. They are also used to celebrate joyful reunions between parents and their offspring and among members of the same social group. However, we don't know why the sounds humans make when they're happy have the unique repetitive quality of laughter. Still, it’s clear that these sounds are likely very different from screams or cries of distress. In the case of distress, the exhalations are long and continuous, while inhalations are brief and interrupted. So, one might expect that joyful sounds would have shorter, broken exhalations and longer inhalations; and that is indeed what happens.
It is an equally obscure point why the corners of the mouth are retracted and the upper lip raised during ordinary laughter. The mouth must not be opened to its utmost extent, for when this occurs during a paroxysm of excessive laughter hardly any sound is emitted; or it changes its tone and seems to come from deep down in the throat. The respiratory muscles, and even those of the limbs, are at the same time thrown into rapid vibratory movements. The lower jaw often partakes of this movement, and this would tend to prevent the mouth from being widely opened. But as a full volume of sound has to be poured forth, the orifice of the mouth must be large; and it is perhaps to gain this end that the corners are retracted and the upper lip raised. Although we can hardly account for the shape of the mouth during laughter, which leads to wrinkles being formed beneath the eyes, nor for the peculiar reiterated sound of laughter, nor for the quivering of the jaws, nevertheless we may infer that all these effects are due to some common cause. For they are all characteristic and expressive of a pleased state of mind in various kinds of monkeys.
It's also unclear why the corners of the mouth pull back and the upper lip lifts during regular laughter. The mouth shouldn't open all the way, because when it does during a fit of excessive laughter, it hardly makes any sound, or it changes tone and seems to come from deep in the throat. The muscles used for breathing, and even those in the limbs, start moving rapidly at the same time. The lower jaw often gets involved in this movement, which helps keep the mouth from opening too wide. But since a loud sound needs to come out, the mouth has to open enough; maybe that's why the corners are pulled back and the upper lip is raised. Although we can't quite explain the shape of the mouth while laughing, which causes wrinkles under the eyes, the distinctive repeated sound of laughter, or the shaking of the jaws, we can conclude that these effects likely come from a similar source. They are all distinct and expressive of a happy state of mind in different types of monkeys.
A graduated series can be followed from violent to moderate laughter, to a broad smile, to a gentle smile, and to the expression of mere cheerfulness. During excessive laughter the whole body is often thrown backward and shakes, or is almost convulsed; the respiration is much disturbed; the head and face become gorged with blood, with the veins distended; and the orbicular muscles are spasmodically contracted in order to protect the eyes. Tears are freely shed. Hence, as formerly remarked, it is scarcely possible to point out any difference between the tear-stained face of a person after a paroxysm of excessive laughter and after a bitter crying-fit.[815] It is probably due to the close similarity of the spasmodic movements caused by these widely different emotions that hysteric patients alternately cry and laugh with violence, and that young children sometimes pass suddenly from the one to the other state. Mr. Swinhoe informs me that he has often seen the Chinese, when suffering from deep grief, burst out into hysterical fits of laughter.
A range can be seen from intense to moderate laughter, to a big smile, to a slight smile, and finally to just looking cheerful. During bouts of loud laughter, the whole body often leans back and shakes, or might even convulse; breathing becomes irregular; the head and face can get flushed, with the veins bulging, and the muscles around the eyes contract spasmodically to protect them. Tears flow freely. So, as mentioned before, it’s nearly impossible to distinguish between the tear-streaked face of someone who has just laughed excessively and someone who has cried hard. It’s likely due to the strong similarity of the spasms caused by these very different emotions that people with hysteria can switch between crying and laughing intensely, and that young kids can suddenly move from one extreme to the other. Mr. Swinhoe tells me he has often seen Chinese people, when experiencing deep sorrow, suddenly burst into fits of hysterical laughter.
I was anxious to know whether tears are freely shed during excessive laughter by most of the races of men, and I hear from my correspondents that this is the case. One instance was observed with the Hindoos, and they themselves said that it often occurred. So it is with the Chinese. The women of a wild tribe of Malays in the Malacca peninsula, sometimes shed tears when they laugh heartily, though this seldom occurs. With the Dyaks of Borneo it must frequently be the case, at least with the women, for I hear from the Rajah C. Brooke that it is a common expression with them to say “we nearly made tears from laughter.” The aborigines of Australia express their emotions freely, and they are described by my correspondents as jumping about and clapping their hands for joy, and as often roaring with laughter. No less than four observers have seen their eyes freely watering on such occasions; and in one instance the tears rolled down their cheeks. Mr. Bulmer, a missionary in a remote part of Victoria, remarks, “that they have a keen sense of the ridiculous; they are excellent mimics, and when one of them is able to imitate the peculiarities of some absent member of the tribe, it is very common to hear all in the camp convulsed with laughter.” With Europeans hardly anything excites laughter so easily as mimicry; and it is rather curious to find the same fact with the savages of Australia, who constitute one of the most distinct races in the world.
I was curious to know if most people from different cultures shed tears when they laugh hard, and I've heard from my contacts that this is indeed true. One example comes from the Hindus, who mentioned that it often happens. The same goes for the Chinese. The women from a wild tribe of Malays in the Malacca Peninsula sometimes cry when they laugh heartily, though it's not very common. It must happen often with the Dyaks of Borneo, at least among the women, because I've been told by Rajah C. Brooke that they often say, “we nearly made tears from laughter.” The indigenous people of Australia express their emotions openly; my contacts describe them as jumping around and clapping their hands with joy, often bursting into laughter. Four different observers have noticed their eyes watering during these times, and in one case, tears did roll down their cheeks. Mr. Bulmer, a missionary in a remote area of Victoria, noted, “they have a sharp sense of humor; they are great mimics, and when one of them successfully imitates the quirks of an absent tribe member, it's common to hear everyone in the camp laughing uncontrollably.” Among Europeans, hardly anything triggers laughter as easily as mimicry, which is quite interesting considering that the Australian Aboriginals—who are one of the most distinct races in the world—exhibit the same behavior.
In Southern Africa with two tribes of Kafirs, especially with the women, their eyes often fill with tears during laughter. Gaika, the brother of the chief Sandilli, answers my query on this head, with the words, “Yes, that is their common practice.” Sir Andrew Smith has seen the painted face of a Hottentot woman all furrowed with tears after a fit of laughter. In Northern Africa, with the Abyssinians, tears are secreted under the same circumstances. Lastly, in North America, the same fact has been observed in a remarkably savage and isolated tribe, but chiefly with the women; in another tribe it was observed only on a single occasion.
In Southern Africa, among two tribes of Kafirs, especially the women, their eyes often fill with tears when they laugh. Gaika, the brother of Chief Sandilli, responds to my question about this by saying, “Yes, that’s their usual practice.” Sir Andrew Smith has observed the painted face of a Hottentot woman all marked with tears after a bout of laughter. In Northern Africa, the same happens with the Abyssinians, where tears flow in similar situations. Lastly, in North America, this phenomenon has been noted in a particularly savage and isolated tribe, mainly among the women; in another tribe, it was only seen once.
Excessive laughter, as before remarked, graduates into moderate laughter. In this latter case the muscles round the eyes are much less contracted, and there is little or no frowning. Between a gentle laugh and a broad smile there is hardly any difference, excepting that in smiling no reiterated sound is uttered, though a single rather strong expiration, or slight noise—a rudiment of a laugh—may often be heard at the commencement of a smile. On a moderately smiling countenance the contraction of the upper orbicular muscles can still just be traced by a slight lowering of the eyebrows. The contraction of the lower orbicular and palpebral muscles is much plainer, and is shown by the wrinkling of the lower eyelids and of the skin beneath them, together with a slight drawing up of the upper lip. From the broadest smile we pass by the finest steps into the gentlest one. In this latter case the features are moved in a much less degree, and much more slowly, and the mouth is kept closed. The curvature of the naso-labial furrow is also slightly different in the two cases. We thus see that no abrupt line of demarcation can be drawn between the movement of the features during the most violent laughter and a very faint smile.[816]
Excessive laughter, as mentioned before, turns into moderate laughter. In this case, the muscles around the eyes are much less tense, and there’s little to no frowning. There's hardly any difference between a gentle laugh and a broad smile, except that smiling doesn’t involve repeated sounds, though a single strong breath or slight noise—a remnant of a laugh—can often be heard when a smile begins. On a moderately smiling face, the tightening of the upper circular muscles is still noticeable by a slight dropping of the eyebrows. The contraction of the lower circular and eyelid muscles is much more obvious, shown by the wrinkling of the lower eyelids and the skin underneath, along with a slight lifting of the upper lip. From the broadest smile, we transition through small steps into the gentlest one. In this gentler case, the features move much less and more slowly, and the mouth remains closed. The curve of the nasolabial fold is also slightly different in the two cases. Thus, we see that there isn’t a clear line separating the movement of the features during intense laughter and a very faint smile.[816]
A smile, therefore, may be said to be the first stage in the development of a laugh. But a different and more probable view may be suggested; namely, that the habit of uttering load reiterated sounds from a sense of pleasure, first led to the retraction of the corners of the mouth and of the upper lip, and to the contraction of the orbicular muscles; and that now, through association and long-continued habit, the same muscles are brought into slight play whenever any cause excites in us a feeling which, if stronger, would have led to laughter; and the result is a smile.
A smile can be seen as the initial step in developing a laugh. However, there's another, more likely perspective; that is, the practice of producing loud, repeated sounds out of pleasure initially caused the corners of the mouth and upper lip to pull back, along with the tightening of the circular muscles. Now, due to association and long-standing habit, these muscles are lightly engaged whenever something triggers a feeling that, if stronger, would result in laughter; and this outcome is a smile.
Whether we look at laughter as the full development of a smile, or, as is more probable, at a gentle smile as the last trace of a habit, firmly fixed during many generations, of laughing whenever we are joyful, we can follow in our infants the gradual passage of the one into the other. It is well known to those who have the charge of young infants, that it is difficult to feel sure when certain movements about their mouths are really expressive; that is, when they really smile. Hence I carefully watched my own infants. One of them at the age of forty-five days, and being at the time in a happy frame of mind, smiled; that is, the corners of the mouth were retracted, and simultaneously the eyes became decidedly bright. I observed the same thing on the following day; but on the third day the child was not quite well and there was no trace of a smile, and this renders it probable that the previous smiles were real. Eight days subsequently and during the next succeeding week, it was remarkable how his eyes brightened whenever he smiled, and his nose became at the same time transversely wrinkled. This was now accompanied by a little bleating noise, which perhaps represented a laugh. At the age of 113 days these little noises, which were always made during expiration, assumed a slightly different character, and were more broken or interrupted, as in sobbing; and this was certainly incipient laughter. The change in tone seemed to me at the time to be connected with the greater lateral extension of the mouth as the smiles became broader.
Whether we see laughter as the full expression of a smile, or, more likely, as a gentle smile being the last remnant of an ingrained habit of laughing whenever we feel joy, we can observe in our infants the gradual transition from one to the other. It's well known to those caring for young infants that it's hard to tell when certain movements of their mouths are truly expressive; in other words, when they are genuinely smiling. So, I paid close attention to my own infants. One of them, at forty-five days old, smiled while in a happy mood; the corners of his mouth pulled back, and his eyes noticeably brightened. I noticed the same thing the next day. However, on the third day, he wasn't feeling well, and there was no sign of a smile, which suggests that the previous smiles were indeed real. Eight days later, and during the following week, it was striking how his eyes lit up every time he smiled, and his nose would wrinkle across. This was also accompanied by a soft bleating noise that may have indicated laughter. By the time he was 113 days old, these little noises, always made while exhaling, changed slightly and became more broken or interrupted, resembling sobbing; this was definitely the beginning of laughter. The change in tone seemed to me to coincide with the wider stretch of his mouth as his smiles became broader.
In a second infant the first real smile was observed at about the same age, viz. forty-five days; and in a third, at a somewhat earlier age. The second infant, when sixty-five days old, smiled much more broadly and plainly than did the one first mentioned at the same age; and even at this early age uttered noises very like laughter. In this gradual acquirement, by infants, of the habit of laughing, we have a case in some degree analogous to that of weeping. As practice is requisite with the ordinary movements of the body, such as walking, so it seems to be with laughing and weeping. The art of screaming, on the other hand, from being of service to infants, has become finely developed from the earliest days.
In a second infant, the first real smile was noticed at about the same age, around forty-five days; and in a third, at an even earlier age. The second infant, at sixty-five days old, smiled much more broadly and clearly than the first one did at the same age; and even at this young age, made sounds very similar to laughter. This gradual development of the habit of laughing in infants is somewhat similar to the process of weeping. Just as practice is necessary for ordinary movements of the body, like walking, the same seems to apply to laughing and weeping. On the other hand, the skill of screaming, which helps infants, has developed quite well from their earliest days.
High spirits, cheerfulness.—A man in high spirits, though he may not actually smile, commonly exhibits some tendency to the retraction of the corners of his mouth. From the excitement of pleasure, the circulation becomes more rapid; the eyes are bright, and the colour of the face rises. The brain, being stimulated by the increased flow of blood, reacts on the mental powers; lively ideas pass still more rapidly through the mind, and the affections are warmed. I heard a child, a little under four years old, when asked what was meant by being in good spirits, answer, “It is laughing, talking, and kissing.” It would be difficult to give a truer and more practical definition. A man in this state holds his body erect, his head upright, and his eyes open. There is no drooping of the features, and no contraction of the eyebrows. On the contrary, the frontal muscle, as Moreau observes,[817] tends to contract slightly; and this smooths the brow, removes every trace of a frown, arches the eyebrows a little, and raises the eyelids. Hence the Latin phrase, exporrigere frontem—to unwrinkle the brow—means, to be cheerful or merry. The whole expression of a man in good spirits is exactly the opposite of that of one suffering from sorrow. According to Sir C. Bell, “In all the exhilarating emotions the eyebrows, eyelids, the nostrils, and the angles of the mouth are raised. In the depressing passions it is the reverse.” Under the influence of the latter the brow is heavy, the eyelids, cheeks, mouth, and whole head droop; the eyes are dull; the countenance pallid, and the respiration slow. In joy the face expands, in grief it lengthens. Whether the principle of antithesis has here come into play in producing these opposite expressions, in aid of the direct causes which have been specified and which are sufficiently plain, I will not pretend to say.
High spirits, cheerfulness.—A man in high spirits, even if he’s not actually smiling, often shows some tendency to pull back the corners of his mouth. Due to the excitement of pleasure, blood circulation speeds up; his eyes shine, and his face takes on color. The brain is stimulated by the increased blood flow, enhancing mental activity; lively thoughts race through the mind, and emotions warm up. I heard a child, just under four years old, define being in good spirits as “laughing, talking, and kissing.” It's hard to find a more accurate and practical definition. A man in this state stands tall, holds his head high, and keeps his eyes wide open. There’s no drooping of the features or furrowing of the eyebrows. Instead, as Moreau notes, the frontal muscle tends to contract slightly, smoothing the forehead, erasing any signs of a frown, arching the eyebrows a bit, and lifting the eyelids. Thus, the Latin phrase, exporrigere frontem—to unwrinkle the brow—means to be cheerful or merry. The overall appearance of a man in good spirits is the exact opposite of one who is suffering from sadness. According to Sir C. Bell, “In all the exhilarating emotions, the eyebrows, eyelids, nostrils, and corners of the mouth are raised. In the depressing feelings, it's the opposite.” Under the influence of sadness, the brow is heavy, the eyelids, cheeks, mouth, and entire head droop; the eyes look dull, the face is pale, and breathing is slow. In joy, the face opens up, while in grief, it fades. Whether the principle of contrast plays a role in creating these opposite expressions, alongside the direct causes that are already clear, I won’t claim to know.
With all the races of man the expression of good spirit appears to be the same, and is easily recognized. My informants, from various parts of the Old and New Worlds, answer in the affirmative to my queries on this head, and they give some particulars with respect to Hindoos, Malays, and New Zealanders. The brightness of the eyes of the Australians has struck four observers, and the same fact has been noticed with Hindoos, New Zealanders, and the Dyaks of Borneo.
With all human races, the expression of good spirit seems to be the same and is easily recognized. My sources from different regions of the Old and New Worlds confirm this and provide details about Hindus, Malays, and New Zealanders. The brightness of the eyes of Australians has been noted by four observers, and this same observation has also been made regarding Hindus, New Zealanders, and the Dyaks of Borneo.
Savages sometimes express their satisfaction not only by smiling, but by gestures derived from the pleasure of eating. Thus Mr. Wedgwood[818] quotes Petherick that the negroes on the Upper Nile began a general rubbing of their bellies when he displayed his beads; and Leichhardt says that the Australians smacked and clacked their mouths at the sight of his horses and bullocks, and more especially of his kangaroo dogs. The Greenlanders, “when they affirm anything with pleasure, suck down air with a certain sound;”[819] and this may be an imitation of the act of swallowing savoury food.
Savages sometimes show their happiness not just by smiling, but also through gestures that come from the joy of eating. Mr. Wedgwood[818] references Petherick, who noted that the locals on the Upper Nile started rubbing their bellies when he showed them his beads. Leichhardt mentions that the Australians smacked and clacked their mouths when they saw his horses and cattle, especially his kangaroo dogs. The Greenlanders, “when they affirm anything with pleasure, suck down air with a certain sound;”[819] and this might replicate the act of swallowing tasty food.
Laughter is suppressed by the firm contraction of the orbicular muscles of the mouth, which prevents the great zygomatic and other muscles from drawing the lips backwards and upwards. The lower lip is also sometimes held by the teeth, and this gives a roguish expression to the face, as was observed with the blind and deaf Laura Bridgman.[820] The great zygomatic muscle is sometimes variable in its course, and I have seen a young woman in whom the depressores anguli oris were brought into strong action in suppressing a smile; but this by no means gave to her countenance a melancholy expression, owing to the brightness of her eyes.
Laughter is held back by the tight contraction of the circular muscles around the mouth, which stops the large zygomatic and other muscles from pulling the lips back and up. The lower lip can also be held by the teeth, which gives a mischievous look to the face, as was seen with the blind and deaf Laura Bridgman. The large zygomatic muscle can sometimes vary in its path, and I have seen a young woman where the depressores anguli oris were strongly engaged in keeping a smile suppressed; however, this did not make her face look sad, due to the brightness in her eyes.
Laughter is frequently employed in a forced manner to conceal or mask some other state of mind, even anger. We often see persons laughing in order to conceal their shame or shyness. When a person purses up his mouth, as if to prevent the possibility of a smile, though there is nothing to excite one, or nothing to prevent its free indulgence, an affected, solemn, or pedantic expression is given; but of such hybrid expressions nothing more need here be said. In the case of derision, a real or pretended smile or laugh is often blended with the expression proper to contempt, and this may pass into angry contempt or scorn. In such cases the meaning of the laugh or smile is to show the offending person that he excites only amusement.
Laughter is often used in a forced way to hide or cover up other feelings, like anger. We frequently see people laughing to mask their shame or shyness. When someone tightens their lips, almost as if to block the chance of smiling—when there’s nothing to provoke it or stop them from smiling freely—they appear affected, serious, or overly formal. But there’s no need to delve deeper into those mixed expressions. With derision, a real or fake smile or laugh is often mixed with a look of contempt, which can escalate into angry scorn. In these situations, the laugh or smile is meant to indicate to the offending person that they only provoke amusement.
Love, tender feelings, &c.—Although the emotion of love, for instance that of a mother for her infant, is one of the strongest of which the mind is capable, it can hardly be said to have any proper or peculiar means of expression; and this is intelligible, as it has not habitually led to any special line of action. No doubt, as affection is a pleasurable sensation, it generally causes a gentle smile and some brightening of the eyes. A strong desire to touch the beloved person is commonly felt; and love is expressed by this means more plainly than by any other.[821] Hence we long to clasp in our arms those whom we tenderly love. We probably owe this desire to inherited habit, in association with the nursing and tending of our children, and with the mutual caresses of lovers.
Love, tender feelings, &c.—Even though love, like a mother's emotion for her baby, is one of the strongest feelings our minds can experience, it doesn’t really have a specific or unique way to be expressed; this makes sense since it hasn’t typically led to any specific actions. Certainly, since affection feels good, it usually brings about a soft smile and a sparkle in the eyes. There's often a strong urge to touch the person we love, and that’s a more direct way to show love than anything else.[821] This is probably why we long to wrap our arms around those we care for deeply. We likely inherited this desire from our history of caring for and nursing our children, along with the affectionate gestures shared between lovers.
With the lower animals we see the same principle of pleasure derived from contact in association with love. Dogs and cats manifestly take pleasure in rubbing against their masters and mistresses, and in being rubbed or patted by them. Many kinds of monkeys, as I am assured by the keepers in the Zoological Gardens, delight in fondling and being fondled by each other, and by persons to whom they are attached. Mr. Bartlett has described to me the behaviour of two chimpanzees, rather older animals than those generally imported into this country, when they were first brought together. They sat opposite, touching each other with their much protruded lips; and the one put his hand on the shoulder of the other. They then mutually folded each other in their arms. Afterwards they stood up, each with one arm on the shoulder of the other, lifted up their heads, opened their mouths, and yelled with delight.[822]
With smaller animals, we can see the same idea of pleasure from physical contact linked with affection. Dogs and cats clearly enjoy rubbing against their owners and being petted by them. Many types of monkeys, as the keepers at the zoo have told me, love to cuddle and be cuddled by each other and by people they bond with. Mr. Bartlett explained to me the behavior of two chimpanzees, which were a bit older than the typical ones brought to this country, when they were first introduced. They sat facing each other, touching each other's protruding lips, and one placed its hand on the other's shoulder. Then they hugged each other. After that, they stood up, each with one arm over the other's shoulder, lifted their heads, opened their mouths, and yelled in joy.[822]
We Europeans are so accustomed to kissing as a mark of affection, that it might be thought to be innate in mankind; but this is not the case. Steele was mistaken when he said “Nature was its author, and it began with the first courtship.” Jemmy Button, the Fuegian, told me that this practice was unknown in his land. It is equally unknown with the New Zealanders, Tahitians, Papuans, Australians, Somals of Africa, and the Esquimaux. But it is so far innate or natural that it apparently depends on pleasure from close contact with a beloved person; and it is replaced in various parts of the world, by the rubbing of noses, as with the New Zealanders and Laplanders, by the rubbing or patting of the arms, breasts, or stomachs, or by one man striking his own face with the hands or feet of another. Perhaps the practice of blowing, as a mark of affection, on various parts of the body may depend on the same principle.[823]
We Europeans are so used to kissing as a sign of affection that it might seem like it’s something human beings are born with; but that’s not the reality. Steele was wrong when he claimed, “Nature was its author, and it began with the first courtship.” Jemmy Button, a Fuegian, told me that this behavior was unknown in his culture. It’s also absent among the New Zealanders, Tahitians, Papuans, Australians, Somalis of Africa, and the Eskimos. However, it is natural in a way, as it seems to come from the pleasure of being close to someone you love; and in different parts of the world, it’s replaced by practices like rubbing noses, as seen with the New Zealanders and Laplanders, or by rubbing or patting the arms, chests, or stomachs, or by one person hitting their own face with another’s hands or feet. Perhaps the act of blowing on various body parts as a sign of affection is based on the same idea. [823]
The feelings which are called tender are difficult to analyse; they seem to be compounded of affection, joy, and especially of sympathy. These feelings are in themselves of a pleasurable nature, excepting when pity is too deep, or horror is aroused, as in hearing of a tortured man or animal. They are remarkable under our present point of view from so readily exciting the secretion of tears. Many a father and son have wept on meeting after a long separation, especially if the meeting has been unexpected. No doubt extreme joy by itself tends to act on the lacrymal glands; but on such occasions as the foregoing vague thoughts of the grief which would have been felt had the father and son never met, will probably have passed through their minds; and grief naturally leads to the secretion of tears. Thus on the return of Ulysses:—
The emotions we call tender are hard to analyze; they seem to mix affection, joy, and especially sympathy. These feelings are usually pleasurable unless pity runs too deep or horror arises, like when hearing about a tortured person or animal. They're notable, especially from our current perspective, for how easily they can trigger tears. Many fathers and sons have cried when they reunite after a long time apart, especially if the reunion was unexpected. It's true that extreme joy can stimulate the tear glands, but during such moments, thoughts of the sadness that would have come if they had never met likely cross their minds, and that grief naturally leads to tears. Thus, with the return of Ulysses:—
“Telemachus Rose, and clung weeping round his father’s breast.
There the pent grief rained o’er them, yearning thus.
* * * * * *
Thus piteously they wailed in sore unrest,
And on their weepings had gone down the day,
But that at last Telemachus found words to say.”
Worsley’s Translation of the Odyssey, Book xvi. st. 27.
“Telemachus got up and wept, holding tightly to his father.
There, their accumulated sorrow poured over them, longing for each other.
* * * * * *
In their deep distress, they cried out in anguish,
And as they cried, the day slipped away,
Until finally, Telemachus found the words to speak.”
Worsley’s Translation of the Odyssey, Book xvi. st. 27.
So again when Penelope at last recognized her husband:—
So once again, when Penelope finally recognized her husband:—
“Then from her eyelids the quick tears did start
And she ran to him from her place, and threw
Her arms about his neck, and a warm dew
Of kisses poured upon him, and thus spake:”
—Book xxiii. st. 27.
“Then tears quickly filled her eyes
And she ran to him from her spot, and wrapped
Her arms around his neck, and a warm shower
Of kisses fell on him, and she said:”
—Book xxiii. st. 27.
The vivid recollection of our former home, or of long-past happy days, readily causes the eyes to be suffused with tears; but here, again, the thought naturally occurs that these days will never return. In such cases we may be said to sympathize with ourselves in our present, in comparison with our former, state. Sympathy with the distresses of others, even with the imaginary distresses of a heroine in a pathetic story, for whom we feel no affection, readily excites tears. So does sympathy with the happiness of others, as with that of a lover, at last successful after many hard trials in a well-told tale.
The clear memory of our old home, or of happy times long gone, easily fills our eyes with tears; but then, the thought comes to us that those days will never come back. In these moments, we might say we empathize with ourselves now compared to how we used to be. Feeling for the struggles of others, even for the made-up troubles of a heroine in a sad story, whom we don’t even care about, can quickly bring tears to our eyes. The same goes for feeling happy for others, like a lover who finally succeeds after many challenges in a well-crafted tale.
Sympathy appears to constitute a separate or distinct emotion; and it is especially apt to excite the lacrymal glands. This holds good whether we give or receive sympathy. Every one must have noticed how readily children burst out crying if we pity them for some small hurt. With the melancholic insane, as Dr. Crichton Browne informs me, a kind word will often plunge them into unrestrained weeping. As soon as we express our pity for the grief of a friend, tears often come into our own eyes. The feeling of sympathy is commonly explained by assuming that, when we see or hear of suffering in another, the idea of suffering is called up so vividly in our own minds that we ourselves suffer. But this explanation is hardly sufficient, for it does not account for the intimate alliance between sympathy and affection. We undoubtedly sympathize far more deeply with a beloved than with an indifferent person; and the sympathy of the one gives us far more relief than that of the other. Yet assuredly we can sympathize with those for whom we feel no affection.
Sympathy seems to be a distinct emotion that often brings us to tears. This is true whether we are giving or receiving sympathy. Everyone has probably noticed how quickly children start crying if they receive pity for a minor injury. In the case of people with melancholia, as Dr. Crichton Browne tells me, a kind word can often lead them to cry uncontrollably. When we express our sympathy for a friend's sorrow, tears can easily fill our own eyes. The common explanation for sympathy suggests that witnessing someone else's suffering can trigger a vivid recollection of our own pain, making us feel their hurt. However, this explanation isn’t quite enough, as it doesn’t explain the close connection between sympathy and affection. We definitely feel deeper sympathy for those we love compared to strangers, and the sympathy from someone close provides us with much more comfort than that from someone indifferent. Yet, it's important to note that we can still sympathize with those we don't feel affection for.
Why suffering, when actually experienced by ourselves, excites weeping, has been discussed in a former chapter. With respect to joy, its natural and universal expression is laughter; and with all the races of man loud laughter leads to the secretion of tears more freely than does any other cause excepting distress. The suffusion of the eyes with tears, which undoubtedly occurs under great joy, though there is no laughter, can, as it seems to me, be explained through habit and association on the same principles as the effusion of tears from grief, although there is no screaming. Nevertheless it is not a little remarkable that sympathy with the distresses of others should excite tears more freely than our own distress; and this certainly is the case. Many a man, from whose eyes no suffering of his own could wring a tear, has shed tears at the sufferings of a beloved friend. It is still more remarkable that sympathy with the happiness or good fortune of those whom we tenderly love should lead to the same result, whilst a similar happiness felt by ourselves would leave our eyes dry. We should, however, bear in mind that the long-continued habit of restraint which is so powerful in checking the free flow of tears from bodily pain, has not been brought into play in preventing a moderate effusion of tears in sympathy with the sufferings or happiness of others.
Why does suffering, when we actually experience it ourselves, make us cry? This was discussed in a previous chapter. On the other hand, joy naturally expresses itself through laughter, and among all human races, loud laughter can bring on tears more easily than anything else, except for distress. Tears can fill our eyes during moments of great joy, even if there's no laughter, which I believe can be explained by habit and association, similar to how tears flow from grief, even without screaming. It's quite interesting that we tend to cry more easily for the distress of others than for our own pain, and this is definitely true. Many people who can't cry for their own suffering have shed tears over the pain of a close friend. It's even more surprising that feeling happy for the happiness or good fortune of our loved ones can make us tear up, while our own happiness often leaves us dry-eyed. However, we should remember that the long-standing habit of holding back tears from physical pain hasn’t really been applied to stop us from crying a little in sympathy for the distress or joy of others.
Music has a wonderful power, as I have elsewhere attempted to show,[824] of recalling in a vague and indefinite manner, those strong emotions which were felt during long-past ages, when, as is probable, our early progenitors courted each other by the aid of vocal tones. And as several of our strongest emotions—grief, great joy, love, and sympathy—lead to the free secretion of tears, it is not surprising that music should be apt to cause our eyes to become suffused with tears, especially when we are already softened by any of the tenderer feelings. Music often produces another peculiar effect. We know that every strong sensation, emotion, or excitement—extreme pain, rage, terror, joy, or the passion of love—all have a special tendency to cause the muscles to tremble; and the thrill or slight shiver which runs down the backbone and limbs of many persons when they are powerfully affected by music, seems to bear the same relation to the above trembling of the body, as a slight suffusion of tears from the power of music does to weeping from any strong and real emotion.
Music has an incredible power, as I have tried to show elsewhere, [824] of vaguely reminding us of those intense emotions experienced in ages long gone, when our ancestors likely wooed each other with their voices. Since many of our strongest feelings—grief, immense joy, love, and empathy—often lead to tears, it’s not surprising that music can easily bring them to our eyes, especially when we’re already feeling sentimental. Music also creates another unique effect. We know that strong emotions, whether it’s extreme pain, rage, fear, joy, or love, can make our muscles tremble; the thrill or slight shiver that many people feel down their spine and limbs when deeply moved by music seems to be similar to the body’s trembling response, just as a few tears from music relate to weeping in response to strong, genuine feelings.
Devotion.—As devotion is, in some degree, related to affection, though mainly consisting of reverence, often combined with fear, the expression of this state of mind may here be briefly noticed. With some sects, both past and present, religion and love have been strangely combined; and it has even been maintained, lamentable as the fact may be, that the holy kiss of love differs but little from that which a man bestows on a woman, or a woman on a man.[825] Devotion is chiefly expressed by the face being directed towards the heavens, with the eyeballs upturned. Sir C. Bell remarks that, at the approach of sleep, or of a fainting-fit, or of death, the pupils are drawn upwards and inwards; and he believes that “when we are wrapt in devotional feelings, and outward impressions are unheeded, the eyes are raised by an action neither taught nor acquired.” and that this is due to the same cause as in the above cases.[826] That the eyes are upturned during sleep is, as I hear from Professor Donders, certain. With babies, whilst sucking their mother’s breast, this movement of the eyeballs often gives to them an absurd appearance of ecstatic delight; and here it may be clearly perceived that a struggle is going on against the position naturally assumed during sleep. But Sir C. Bell’s explanation of the fact, which rests on the assumption that certain muscles are more under the control of the will than others is, as I hear from Professor Donders, incorrect. As the eyes are often turned up in prayer, without the mind being so much absorbed in thought as to approach to the unconsciousness of sleep, the movement is probably a conventional one—the result of the common belief that Heaven, the source of Divine power to which we pray, is seated above us.
Devotion.—Devotion is somewhat connected to affection, mainly involving reverence often mixed with fear, so let’s briefly discuss how this mindset is expressed. In various religious groups, both past and present, religion and love have been oddly linked; it has even been claimed, unfortunately, that the holy kiss of love is not much different from that which a man gives to a woman or a woman gives to a man.[825] Devotion is primarily shown by looking up towards the heavens, with the eyes raised. Sir C. Bell notes that as one approaches sleep, fainting, or death, the pupils tend to move upward and inward; he believes that “when we are engulfed in devotional feelings and don’t pay attention to outside stimuli, the eyes are lifted in a way that is neither taught nor learned,” suggesting it happens for the same reasons as in those other states.[826] It is certain, according to Professor Donders, that the eyes turn up during sleep. For infants nursing at their mother’s breast, this rolling of the eyes often gives them a comical look of sheer bliss; it’s clear that they’re fighting against the natural position they take during sleep. However, Sir C. Bell’s reasoning, which assumes that some muscles are under greater voluntary control than others, is, according to Professor Donders, incorrect. Since the eyes often look up in prayer without the mind being so lost in thought that it approaches unconsciousness, this action is likely a conventional gesture—the result of the common belief that Heaven, the source of Divine power we pray to, is located above us.
A humble kneeling posture, with the hands upturned and palms joined, appears to us, from long habit, a gesture so appropriate to devotion, that it might be thought to be innate; but I have not met with any evidence to this effect with the various extra-European races of mankind. During the classical period of Roman history it does not appear, as I hear from an excellent classic, that the hands were thus joined during prayer. Mr. Rensleigh Wedgwood has apparently given[827] the true explanation, though this implies that the attitude is one of slavish subjection. “When the suppliant kneels and holds up his hands with the palms joined, he represents a captive who proves the completeness of his submission by offering up his hands to be bound by the victor. It is the pictorial representation of the Latin dare manus, to signify submission.” Hence it is not probable that either the uplifting of the eyes or the joining of the open hands, under the influence of devotional feelings, are innate or truly expressive actions; and this could hardly have been expected, for it is very doubtful whether feelings, such as we should now rank as devotional, affected the hearts of men, whilst they remained during past ages in an uncivilized condition.
A humble kneeling position, with hands turned up and palms together, feels like a natural gesture for devotion due to long-standing habit. However, I haven't found any evidence that this is true among various non-European cultures. During the classical era of Roman history, it seems, as I learn from a knowledgeable classicist, that hands were not joined like this during prayer. Mr. Rensleigh Wedgwood appears to have provided the correct explanation, which suggests that this position indicates a state of submissive servitude. "When a supplicant kneels and raises their hands with palms together, they symbolize a captive demonstrating their complete submission by offering their hands to be bound by the victor. It visually represents the Latin dare manus, meaning submission." Therefore, it’s unlikely that either lifting the eyes or joining the hands openly, influenced by feelings of devotion, are innate or genuinely expressive actions. This was probably to be expected, as it's doubtful that emotions we would now classify as devotional impacted people's hearts while they were still in an uncivilized state through past ages.
CHAPTER IX.
REFLECTION—MEDITATION-ILL-TEMPER—SULKINESS—DETERMINATION.
The act of frowning—Reflection with an effort, or with the perception of something difficult or disagreeable—Abstracted meditation—Ill-temper—Moroseness—Obstinacy Sulkiness and pouting—Decision or determination—The firm closure of the mouth.
The act of frowning—Thinking hard, or noticing something tough or unpleasant—Deep thought—Bad mood—Gloominess—Stubbornness—Pouting and sulking—Making up your mind—The tight closing of the mouth.
The corrugators, by their contraction, lower the eyebrows and bring them together, producing vertical furrows on the forehead—that is, a frown. Sir C. Bell, who erroneously thought that the corrugator was peculiar to man, ranks it as “the most remarkable muscle of the human face. It knits the eyebrows with an energetic effort, which unaccountably, but irresistibly, conveys the idea of mind.” Or, as he elsewhere says, “when the eyebrows are knit, energy of mind is apparent, and there is the mingling of thought and emotion with the savage and brutal rage of the mere animal.”[901] There is much truth in these remarks, but hardly the whole truth. Dr. Duchenne has called the corrugator the muscle of reflection;[902] but this name, without some limitation, cannot be considered as quite correct.
The corrugator muscles contract to lower and pull the eyebrows together, creating vertical lines on the forehead—that is, a frown. Sir C. Bell, who mistakenly believed that the corrugator was unique to humans, described it as “the most remarkable muscle of the human face.” It tightly knits the eyebrows with such effort that it inexplicably and irresistibly suggests mental engagement. He also stated, “when the eyebrows are knitted, the energy of the mind is evident, and there’s a blend of thought and emotion with the fierce and brutal rage of pure instinct.”[901] There’s a lot of truth in these statements, but not the complete truth. Dr. Duchenne referred to the corrugator as the muscle of reflection;[902] however, this name, without some qualifiers, cannot be entirely accurate.
A man may be absorbed in the deepest thought, and his brow will remain smooth until he encounters some obstacle in his train of reasoning, or is interrupted by some disturbance, and then a frown passes like a shadow over his brow. A half-starved man may think intently how to obtain food, but he probably will not frown unless he encounters either in thought or action some difficulty, or finds the food when obtained nauseous. I have noticed that almost everyone instantly frowns if he perceives a strange or bad taste in what he is eating. I asked several persons, without explaining my object, to listen intently to a very gentle tapping sound, the nature and source of which they all perfectly knew, and not one frowned; but a man who joined us, and who could not conceive what we were all doing in profound silence, when asked to listen, frowned much, though not in an ill-temper, and said he could not in the least understand what we all wanted. Dr. Piderit[903] who has published remarks to the same effect, adds that stammerers generally frown in speaking, and that a man in doing even so trifling a thing as pulling on a boot, frowns if he finds it too tight. Some persons are such habitual frowners, that the mere effort of speaking almost always causes their brows to contract.
A man can be lost in deep thought, and his forehead stays relaxed until he hits a snag in his reasoning or is disturbed, at which point a frown sweeps across his face like a shadow. A hungry man might focus intensely on how to get food, but he probably won’t frown unless he runs into some kind of trouble in his thoughts or actions, or if he finds the food he finally gets unappetizing. I've noticed that almost everyone immediately frowns if they taste something strange or unpleasant while eating. I asked several people, without revealing my purpose, to listen carefully to a very soft tapping sound, which they all clearly recognized, and not one frowned; however, a man who joined us and couldn’t figure out why we were all silent, when asked to listen, frowned considerably, though not in anger, and said he didn’t understand what we were trying to do. Dr. Piderit[903] who has made similar observations, notes that people who stutter usually frown while speaking, and that even a simple task like putting on a tight boot can make someone frown. Some people frown so often that just trying to speak will almost always make their brows knit together.
Men of all races frown when they are in any way perplexed in thought, as I infer from the answers which I have received to my queries; but I framed them badly, confounding absorbed meditation with perplexed reflection. Nevertheless, it is clear that the Australians, Malays, Hindoos, and Kafirs of South Africa frown, when they are puzzled. Dobritzhoffer remarks that the Guaranies of South America on like occasions knit their brows.[904]
Men of all races frown when they’re confused, as I've gathered from the responses I got to my questions; but I asked them poorly, mixing up deep thinking with confused reflection. Still, it’s obvious that Australians, Malays, Hindoos, and Kafirs from South Africa frown when they're puzzled. Dobritzhoffer notes that the Guaranies of South America furrow their brows in similar situations. [904]
From these considerations, we may conclude that frowning is not the expression of simple reflection, however profound, or of attention, however close, but of something difficult or displeasing encountered in a train of thought or in action. Deep reflection can, however, seldom be long carried on without some difficulty, so that it will generally be accompanied by a frown. Hence it is that frowning commonly gives to the countenance, as Sir C. Bell remarks, an aspect of intellectual energy. But in order that this effect may be produced, the eyes must be clear and steady, or they may be cast downwards, as often occurs in deep thought. The countenance must not be otherwise disturbed, as in the case of an ill-tempered or peevish man, or of one who shows the effects of prolonged suffering, with dulled eyes and drooping jaw, or who perceives a bad taste in his food, or who finds it difficult to perform some trifling act, such as threading a needle. In these cases a frown may often be seen, but it will be accompanied by some other expression, which will entirely prevent the countenance having an appearance of intellectual energy or of profound thought.
From these considerations, we can conclude that frowning is not just a sign of deep thinking or intense focus, but rather a reaction to something challenging or unpleasant encountered in our thoughts or actions. Deep reflection usually involves some level of difficulty, which is why it often comes with a frown. As Sir C. Bell notes, frowning typically gives the face an expression of intellectual energy. However, for this effect to happen, the eyes should be clear and steady, or they may look downward, which is common during deep thought. The face shouldn't show other signs of disturbance, like in the case of an irritable or moody person, or someone displaying the effects of long-term suffering, with dull eyes and a drooping jaw, or someone who finds their food unappetizing, or struggles with a simple task, such as threading a needle. In these situations, a frown may appear, but it will be paired with other expressions that completely prevent the face from appearing intellectually energetic or deeply thoughtful.
We may now inquire how it is that a frown should express the perception of something difficult or disagreeable, either in thought or action. In the same way as naturalists find it advisable to trace the embryological development of an organ in order fully to understand its structure, so with the movements of expression it is advisable to follow as nearly as possible the same plan. The earliest and almost sole expression seen during the first days of infancy, and then often exhibited is that displayed during the act of screaming; and screaming is excited, both at first and for some time afterwards, by every distressing or displeasing sensation and emotion,—by hunger, pain, anger, jealousy, fear, &c. At such times the muscles round the eyes are strongly contracted; and this, as I believe, explains to a large extent the act of frowning during the remainder of our lives. I repeatedly observed my own infants, from under the age of one week to that of two or three months, and found that when a screaming-fit came on gradually, the first sign was the contraction of the corrugators, which produced a slight frown, quickly followed by the contraction of the other muscles round the eyes. When an infant is uncomfortable or unwell, little frowns—as I record in my notes—may be seen incessantly passing like shadows over its face; these being generally, but not always, followed sooner or later by a crying-fit. For instance, I watched for some time a baby, between seven and eight weeks old, sucking some milk which was cold, and therefore displeasing to him; and a steady little frown was maintained all the time. This was never developed into an actual crying-fit, though occasionally every stage of close approach could be observed.
We can now explore why a frown expresses the feeling of something difficult or unpleasant, whether in thought or action. Just as naturalists find it helpful to trace the development of an organ to fully understand its structure, it's useful to examine the movements of expression in a similar way. The first and almost only expression seen during the initial days of infancy, and often afterward, is the one that occurs during crying. Crying is triggered, both initially and for some time afterward, by any distressing or unpleasant sensation or emotion—like hunger, pain, anger, jealousy, fear, etc. During these times, the muscles around the eyes contract strongly; I believe this largely explains the act of frowning for the rest of our lives. I've repeatedly observed my own infants, from under a week old to two or three months, and found that when a crying fit developed gradually, the first sign was the tightening of the corrugator muscles, leading to a slight frown, quickly followed by the tightening of other muscles around the eyes. When an infant feels uncomfortable or unwell, little frowns—like I noted in my observations—often flash across their face like shadows; these are usually, but not always, followed sooner or later by a crying fit. For example, I watched a baby, about seven to eight weeks old, drinking some cold milk, which he found unpleasant, and a small frown was present the entire time. This never turned into full-on crying, though the stages leading up to it were occasionally visible.
As the habit of contracting the brows has been followed by infants during innumerable generations, at the commencement of every crying or screaming fit, it has become firmly associated with the incipient sense of something distressing or disagreeable. Hence under similar circumstances it would be apt to be continued during maturity, although never then developed into a crying-fit. Screaming or weeping begins to be voluntarily restrained at an early period of life, whereas frowning is hardly ever restrained at any age. It is perhaps worth notice that with children much given to weeping, anything which perplexes their minds, and which would cause most other children merely to frown, readily makes them weep. So with certain classes of the insane, any effort of mind, however slight, which with an habitual frowner would cause a slight frown, leads to their weeping in an unrestrained manner. It is not more surprising that the habit of contracting the brows at the first perception of something distressing, although gained during infancy, should be retained during the rest of our lives, than that many other associated habits acquired at an early age should be permanently retained both by man and the lower animals. For instance, full-grown cats, when feeling warm and comfortable, often retain the habit of alternately protruding their fore-feet with extended toes, which habit they practised for a definite purpose whilst sucking their mothers.
As babies have squinted their brows for countless generations at the start of every crying or screaming fit, it’s become closely linked with the early sense of something upsetting or unpleasant. So, under similar situations, this habit tends to carry on into adulthood, even if it never turns into a full-blown crying episode. Screaming or crying usually starts to be deliberately held back at a young age, while frowning is rarely held back at any stage. It’s worth noting that children who cry a lot are easily brought to tears by anything that confuses them, while most other kids would just frown. Similarly, in certain types of mental illness, any mental effort—no matter how small—that might cause a habitual frowner to frown just a little can lead to uncontrollable crying in these individuals. It's not more surprising that the habit of squinting in response to distress, which starts in infancy, sticks with us for life than it is that other habits formed early on are also carried on by both humans and animals. For example, adult cats, when feeling warm and cozy, often keep the habit of alternately stretching out their front paws with their toes spread, a behavior they used for a specific purpose while nursing from their mothers.
Another and distinct cause has probably strengthened the habit of frowning, whenever the mind is intent on any subject and encounters some difficulty. Vision is the most important of all the senses, and during primeval times the closest attention must have been incessantly: directed towards distant objects for the sake of obtaining prey and avoiding danger. I remember being struck, whilst travelling in parts of South America, which were dangerous from the presence of Indians, how incessantly, yet as it appeared unconsciously, the half-wild Gauchos closely scanned the whole horizon. Now, when any one with no covering on his head (as must have been aboriginally the case with mankind), strives to the utmost to distinguish in broad daylight, and especially if the sky is bright, a distant object, he almost invariably contracts his brows to prevent the entrance of too much light; the lower eyelids, cheeks, and upper lip being at the same time raised, so as to lessen the orifice of the eyes. I have purposely asked several persons, young and old, to look, under the above circumstances, at distant objects, making them believe that I only wished to test the power of their vision; and they all behaved in the manner just described. Some of them, also, put their open, flat hands over their eyes to keep out the excess of light. Gratiolet, after making some remarks to nearly the same effect,[905] says, “Ce sont là des attitudes de vision difficile.” He concludes that the muscles round the eyes contract partly for the sake of excluding too much light (which appears to me the more important end), and partly to prevent all rays striking the retina, except those which come direct from the object that is scrutinized. Mr. Bowman, whom I consulted on this point, thinks that the contraction of the surrounding muscles may, in addition, “partly sustain the consensual movements of the two eyes, by giving a firmer support while the globes are brought to binocular vision by their own proper muscles.”
Another distinct reason probably reinforces the habit of frowning whenever someone is focused on a subject and encounters difficulty. Vision is the most important of all the senses, and back in ancient times, people must have constantly directed their attention toward distant objects to hunt for food and avoid danger. I was struck, while traveling in parts of South America known for their dangers from the presence of Indigenous people, by how the half-wild Gauchos scanned the whole horizon, almost unconsciously. Now, when someone without a hat (as must have been the case for early humans) tries hard to see a distant object in bright daylight, especially when the sky is clear, they almost always furrow their brows to block out too much light; at the same time, the lower eyelids, cheeks, and upper lip are raised to narrow the opening of their eyes. I intentionally asked several people, both young and old, to look at distant objects under these conditions, making them believe I just wanted to test their vision. They all acted as described. Some even put their open, flat hands over their eyes to block out excess light. Gratiolet, after commenting on something similar, says, “These are postures for difficult vision.” He concludes that the muscles around the eyes contract partly to filter out too much light (which seems to me the more important purpose) and partly to keep all rays from hitting the retina, except those coming directly from the object being examined. Mr. Bowman, whom I consulted on this issue, believes that the contraction of the surrounding muscles may also “partly support the consensual movements of the two eyes, providing firmer support while the globes are brought into binocular vision by their own muscles.”
As the effort of viewing with care under a bright light a distant object is both difficult and irksome, and as this effort has been habitually accompanied, during numberless generations, by the contraction of the eyebrows, the habit of frowning will thus have been much strengthened; although it was originally practised during infancy from a quite independent cause, namely as the first step in the protection of the eyes during screaming. There is, indeed, much analogy, as far as the state of the mind is concerned, between intently scrutinizing a distant object, and following out an obscure train of thought, or performing some little and troublesome mechanical work. The belief that the habit of contracting the brows is continued when there is no need whatever to exclude too much light, receives support from the cases formerly alluded to, in which the eyebrows or eyelids are acted on under certain circumstances in a useless manner, from having been similarly used, under analogous circumstances, for a serviceable purpose. For instance, we voluntarily close our eyes when we do not wish to see any object, and we are apt to close them, when we reject a proposition, as if we could not or would not see it; or when we think about something horrible. We raise our eyebrows when we wish to see quickly all round us, and we often do the same, when we earnestly desire to remember something; acting as if we endeavoured to see it.
As trying to closely examine a distant object under bright light is both hard and annoying, and since this effort has been associated, over countless generations, with furrowing the brows, the habit of frowning has become much stronger. This behavior originally started in infancy for a different reason—specifically, as a way to protect the eyes while crying. There’s actually a strong similarity, in terms of mental state, between closely studying a distant object and pursuing a confusing line of thought, or doing some tedious mechanical task. The idea that frowning continues even when there's no need to block out too much light is supported by instances where the eyebrows or eyelids move in useless ways under certain conditions, having been used in similar situations for practical purposes. For example, we voluntarily close our eyes when we don’t want to see something, and we tend to do the same when we dismiss an idea, as if we can't or won't acknowledge it; or when we are thinking about something disturbing. We raise our eyebrows when we want to quickly scan our surroundings, and we often do this when we are desperately trying to remember something, as if we are trying to visualize it.
Abstraction. Meditation.—When a person is lost in thought with his mind absent, or, as it is sometimes said, “when he is in a brown study,” he does not frown, but his eyes appear vacant. The lower eyelids are generally raised and wrinkled, in the same manner as when a short-sighted person tries to distinguish a distant object; and the upper orbicular muscles are at the same time slightly contracted. The wrinkling of the lower eyelids under these circumstances has been observed with some savages, as by Mr. Dyson Lacy with the Australians of Queensland, and several times by Mr. Geach with the Malays of the interior of Malacca. What the meaning or cause of this action may be, cannot at present be explained; but here we have another instance of movement round the eyes in relation to the state of the mind.
Abstraction. Meditation.—When someone is deep in thought and their mind is elsewhere, or, as people sometimes say, “when they're in a brown study,” they don’t frown, but their eyes seem empty. The lower eyelids are usually raised and wrinkled, similar to how a nearsighted person looks when trying to make out a faraway object; at the same time, the muscles around the upper eyelids are slightly contracted. The wrinkling of the lower eyelids in this situation has been noted among some indigenous groups, like Mr. Dyson Lacy's observations with the Australians in Queensland, and several times by Mr. Geach with the Malays in inland Malacca. The reason or cause for this action can’t be explained right now; however, this is another example of how movements around the eyes relate to a person's mental state.
The vacant expression of the eyes is very peculiar, and at once shows when a man is completely lost in thought. Professor Donders has, with his usual kindness, investigated this subject for me. He has observed others in this condition, and has been himself observed by Professor Engelmann. The eyes are not then fixed on any object, and therefore not, as I had imagined, on some distant object. The lines of vision of the two eyes even often become slightly divergent; the divergence, if the head be held vertically, with the plane of vision horizontal, amounting to an angle of 2° as a maximum. This was ascertained by observing the crossed double image of a distant object. When the head droops forward, as often occurs with a man absorbed in thought, owing to the general relaxation of his muscles, if the plane of vision be still horizontal, the eyes are necessarily a little turned upwards, and then the divergence is as much as 3°, or 3° 5’: if the eyes are turned still more upwards, it amounts to between 6° and 7°. Professor Donders attributes this divergence to the almost complete relaxation of certain muscles of the eyes, which would be apt to follow from the mind being wholly absorbed.[906] The active condition of the muscles of the eyes is that of convergence; and Professor Donders remarks, as bearing on their divergence during a period of complete abstraction, that when one eye becomes blind, it almost always, after a short lapse of time, deviates outwards; for its muscles are no longer used in moving the eyeball inwards for the sake of binocular vision.
The vacant look in someone’s eyes is quite strange and clearly shows when a person is completely lost in thought. Professor Donders, with his usual kindness, has explored this topic for me. He has observed others in this state, and has also been observed by Professor Engelmann. The eyes aren’t fixed on any object and, contrary to what I had thought, not even on something far away. The lines of sight of both eyes often become slightly divergent; this divergence, if the head is held upright with the line of sight horizontal, can reach a maximum angle of 2°. This was determined by looking at the crossed double image of a distant object. When the head tilts forward, which often happens when someone is deeply lost in thought due to muscle relaxation, if the line of sight remains horizontal, the eyes are naturally turned slightly upwards, and the divergence can increase to 3° or 3° 5’. If the eyes are turned even further upwards, it can reach between 6° and 7°. Professor Donders believes this divergence is due to the near-complete relaxation of certain eye muscles that occur when the mind is entirely absorbed. The active state of the eye muscles is convergence; Professor Donders points out that regarding their divergence during intense distraction, when one eye becomes blind, it almost always, after a short time, turns outward because its muscles no longer work to move the eyeball inward for binocular vision.[906]
Perplexed reflection is often accompanied by certain movements or gestures. At such times we commonly raise our hands to our foreheads, mouths, or chins; but we do not act thus, as far as I have seen, when we are quite lost in meditation, and no difficulty is encountered. Plautus, describing in one of his plays[907] a puzzled man, says, “Now look, he has pillared his chin upon his hand.” Even so trifling and apparently unmeaning a gesture as the raising of the hand to the face has been observed with some savages. Mr. J. Mansel Weale has seen it with the Kafirs of South Africa; and the native chief Gaika adds, that men then “sometimes pull their beards.” Mr. Washington Matthews, who attended to some of the wildest tribes of Indians in the western regions of the United States, remarks that he has seen them when concentrating their thoughts, bring their “hands, usually the thumb and index finger, in contact with some part of the face, commonly the upper lip.” We can understand why the forehead should be pressed or rubbed, as deep thought tries the brain; but why the hand should be raised to the mouth or face is far from clear.
Confused thoughts often come with certain movements or gestures. At these moments, we usually raise our hands to our foreheads, mouths, or chins; however, we don’t do this when we are fully absorbed in meditation and facing no challenges. Plautus, in one of his plays [907], describes a confused man saying, “Now look, he’s resting his chin on his hand.” Even a small, seemingly meaningless gesture like raising a hand to the face has been observed among some savages. Mr. J. Mansel Weale noted this with the Kafirs of South Africa, and the native chief Gaika mentioned that men sometimes “pull their beards.” Mr. Washington Matthews, who studied some of the wildest tribes of Indians in the western United States, observed that when they concentrate, they often bring their “hands, usually the thumb and index finger, to some part of the face, commonly the upper lip.” It makes sense why the forehead might be pressed or rubbed since deep thought strains the brain; however, it’s unclear why the hand is raised to the mouth or face.
Ill-temper.—We have seen that frowning is the natural expression of some difficulty encountered, or of something disagreeable experienced either in thought or action, and he whose mind is often and readily affected in this way, will be apt to be ill-tempered, or slightly angry, or peevish, and will commonly show it by frowning. But a cross expression, due to a frown, may be counteracted, if the mouth appears sweet, from being habitually drawn into a smile, and the eyes are bright and cheerful. So it will be if the eye is clear and steady, and there is the appearance of earnest reflection. Frowning, with some depression of the corners of the mouth, which is a sign of grief, gives an air of peevishness. If a child (see Plate IV., fig. 2)[908] frowns much whilst crying, but does not strongly contract in the usual manner the orbicular muscles, a well-marked expression of anger or even of rage, together with misery, is displayed.
Bad Mood.—We've noticed that frowning is a natural reaction to facing difficulties or experiencing something unpleasant in thought or action. Someone whose mind is often affected this way is likely to be in a bad mood, slightly angry, or irritable, and they usually show it by frowning. However, a frown can be countered if the mouth appears pleasant, often curved into a smile, and the eyes are bright and cheerful. This can also happen if the eyes are clear and steady, showing signs of thoughtful reflection. A frown, along with downturned corners of the mouth, which indicates sorrow, gives off an air of irritability. If a child (see Plate IV., fig. 2)[908] frowns a lot while crying but doesn't strongly contract the usual facial muscles, they display a clear expression of anger or even rage, mixed with sadness.

If the whole frowning brow be drawn much downward by the contraction of the pyramidal muscles of the nose, which produces transverse wrinkles or folds across the base of the nose, the expression becomes one of moroseness. Duchenne believes that the contraction of this muscle, without any frowning, gives the appearance of extreme and aggressive hardness.[909] But I much doubt whether this is a true or natural expression. I have shown Duchenne’s photograph of a young man, with this muscle strongly contracted by means of galvanism, to eleven persons, including some artists, and none of them could form an idea what was intended, except one, a girl, who answered correctly, “surely reserve.” When I first looked at this photograph, knowing what was intended, my imagination added, as I believe, what was necessary, namely, a frowning brow; and consequently the expression appeared to me true and extremely morose.
If the entire frowning brow is pulled down significantly by the contraction of the pyramidal muscles of the nose, creating horizontal wrinkles or folds across the base of the nose, the expression shifts to one of sadness. Duchenne thinks that just the contraction of this muscle, without any frowning, gives off a vibe of extreme and aggressive hardness.[909] But I seriously doubt that this is a genuine or natural expression. I showed Duchenne’s photograph of a young man, with this muscle strongly contracted through galvanism, to eleven people, including some artists, and none of them could figure out what was being conveyed, except for one girl, who accurately described it as “surely reserve.” When I first looked at this photograph, knowing what it was supposed to represent, my imagination added, I believe, what was missing, namely, a frowning brow; and as a result, the expression seemed true and very gloomy to me.
A firmly closed mouth, in addition to a lowered and frowning brow, gives determination to the expression, or may make it obstinate and sullen. How it comes that the firm closure of the mouth gives the appearance of determination will presently be discussed. An expression of sullen obstinacy has been clearly recognized by my informants, in the natives of six different regions of Australia. It is well marked, according to Mr. Scott, with the Hindoos. It has been recognized with the Malays, Chinese, Kafirs, Abyssinians, and in a conspicuous degree, according to Dr. Rothrock, with the wild Indians of North America, and according to Mr. D. Forbes, with the Aymaras of Bolivia. I have also observed it with the Araucanos of southern Chili. Mr. Dyson Lacy remarks that the natives of Australia, when in this frame of mind, sometimes fold their arms across their breasts, an attitude which may be seen with us. A firm determination, amounting to obstinacy, is, also, sometimes expressed by both shoulders being kept raised, the meaning of which gesture will be explained in the following chapter.
A tightly closed mouth, along with a lowered and frowning brow, gives the face a look of determination, or it can come off as stubborn and sullen. The reason why a closed mouth can convey determination will be explained shortly. My sources have clearly identified a sullen obstinacy in the natives of six different regions in Australia. According to Mr. Scott, this expression is also well-defined among Hindus. It has been recognized among Malays, Chinese, Kafirs, Abyssinians, and, notably, as noted by Dr. Rothrock, among the wild Indians of North America, as well as by Mr. D. Forbes with the Aymaras of Bolivia. I've also seen it among the Araucanos of southern Chile. Mr. Dyson Lacy points out that the natives of Australia, when feeling this way, sometimes fold their arms across their chests, an attitude that can also be observed in our culture. A strong determination, bordering on stubbornness, is also sometimes expressed by raising both shoulders, the meaning of which will be explained in the following chapter.
With young children sulkiness is shown by pouting, or, as it is sometimes called, “making a snout.”[910] When the corners of the mouth are much depressed, the lower lip is a little everted and protruded; and this is likewise called a pout. But the pouting here referred to, consists of the protrusion of both lips into a tubular form, sometimes to such an extent as to project as far as the end of the nose, if this be short. Pouting is generally accompanied by frowning, and sometimes by the utterance of a booing or whooing noise. This expression is remarkable, as almost the sole one, as far as I know, which is exhibited much more plainly during childhood, at least with Europeans, than during maturity. There is, however, some tendency to the protrusion of the lips with the adults of all races under the influence of great rage. Some children pout when they are shy, and they can then hardly be called sulky.
With young children, sulkiness is shown by pouting, or what is sometimes called “making a snout.”[910] When the corners of the mouth droop significantly, the lower lip is slightly turned out and sticks out; this is also known as a pout. However, the pouting being discussed here involves both lips pushing forward into a tubular shape, sometimes sticking out so much that they reach the end of the nose if it's short. Pouting usually comes with frowning and sometimes includes a booing or whooing sound. This expression is notable, as far as I know, because it's much more obvious in childhood, at least among Europeans, than in adulthood. However, there is some tendency for adults of all races to protrude their lips when they are extremely angry. Some children pout when they feel shy, and in those cases, they can hardly be considered sulky.
From inquiries which I have made in several large families, pouting does not seem very common with European children; but it prevails throughout the world, and must be both common and strongly marked with most savage races, as it has caught the attention of many observers. It has been noticed in eight different districts of Australia; and one of my informants remarks how greatly the lips of the children are then protruded. Two observers have seen pouting with the children of Hindoos; three, with those of the Kafirs and Fingoes of South Africa, and with the Hottentots; and two, with the children of the wild Indians of North America. Pouting has also been observed with the Chinese, Abyssinians, Malays of Malacca, Dyaks of Borneo, and often with the New Zealanders. Mr. Mansel Weale informs me that he has seen the lips much protruded, not only with the children of the Kafirs, but with the adults of both sexes when sulky; and Mr. Stack has sometimes observed the same thing with the men, and very frequently with the women of New Zealand. A trace of the same expression may occasionally be detected even with adult Europeans.
From my inquiries with several large families, it seems that pouting isn't very common among European children; however, it appears around the world and likely occurs in many savage races, as noted by various observers. It's been seen in eight different regions of Australia, and one of my sources points out how much the children's lips stick out during this behavior. Two observers have noticed pouting among Hindu children; three have seen it with the Kafirs and Fingoes in South Africa, as well as the Hottentots; and two have observed it among the wild Native Americans. Pouting has also been seen in Chinese, Abyssinians, Malays from Malacca, Dyaks from Borneo, and frequently among New Zealanders. Mr. Mansel Weale tells me he has noticed the lips protruding, not just with Kafir children but also with sulky adults of both genders; and Mr. Stack has sometimes seen this in men and often in women from New Zealand. A hint of the same expression can occasionally be found even with adult Europeans.
We thus see that the protrusion of the lips, especially with young children, is characteristic of sulkiness throughout the greater part of the world. This movement apparently results from the retention, chiefly during youth, of a primordial habit, or from an occasional reversion to it. Young orangs and chimpanzees protrude their lips to an extraordinary degree, as described in a former chapter, when they are discontented, somewhat angry, or sulky; also when they are surprised, a little frightened, and even when slightly pleased. Their mouths are protruded apparently for the sake of making the various noises proper to these several states of mind; and its shape, as I observed with the chimpanzee, differed slightly when the cry of pleasure and that of anger were uttered. As soon as these animals become enraged, the shape of the month wholly changes, and the teeth are exposed. The adult orang when wounded is said to emit “a singular cry, consisting at first of high notes, which at length deepen into a low roar. While giving out the high notes he thrusts out his lips into a funnel shape, but in uttering the low notes he holds his mouth wide open.”[911] With the gorilla, the lower lip is said to be capable of great elongation. If then our semi-human progenitors protruded their lips when sulky or a little angered, in the same manner as do the existing anthropoid apes, it is not an anomalous, though a curious fact, that our children should exhibit, when similarly affected, a trace of the same expression, together with some tendency to utter a noise. For it is not at all unusual for animals to retain, more or less perfectly, during early youth, and subsequently to lose, characters which were aboriginally possessed by their adult progenitors, and which are still retained by distinct species, their near relations.
We can see that when young children pout their lips, it's a common sign of sulkiness around the world. This behavior seems to come from a basic habit that many retain in their youth or occasionally revert to. Young orangutans and chimpanzees stick out their lips in a noticeable way when they're unhappy, a bit angry, or sulking; they also do this when they're surprised, a little scared, or even when they're mildly happy. They protrude their mouths to make the sounds that match their different moods, and as I noticed with a chimpanzee, the shape of the mouth changes slightly when they express pleasure versus anger. When these animals get really upset, the shape of their mouths changes completely, and their teeth show. When an adult orangutan is hurt, it’s said to make a unique cry that starts with high notes and eventually becomes a deep roar. While making the high sounds, it pushes its lips out to form a funnel shape, but when it makes the low sounds, it keeps its mouth wide open.[911] For gorillas, the lower lip can stretch quite a bit. So, if our semi-human ancestors stuck out their lips when they were sulky or a little angry, just like today’s great apes do, it's not surprising that our children show a hint of the same expression and sometimes make a sound when they feel that way. It's actually quite common for animals to have traits that they keep during early youth but lose later in life, traits that were originally present in their adult ancestors and which still exist in closely related species.
Nor is it an anomalous fact that the children of savages should exhibit a stronger tendency to protrude their lips, when sulky, than the children of civilized Europeans; for the essence of savagery seems to consist in the retention of a primordial condition, and this occasionally holds good even with bodily peculiarities.[912] It may be objected to this view of the origin of pouting, that the anthropoid apes likewise protrude their lips when astonished and even when a little pleased; whilst with us this expression is generally confined to a sulky frame of mind. But we shall see in a future chapter that with men of various races surprise does sometimes lead to a slight protrusion of the lips, though great surprise or astonishment is more commonly shown by the mouth being widely opened. As when we smile or laugh we draw back the corners of the mouth, we have lost any tendency to protrude the lips, when pleased, if indeed our early progenitors thus expressed pleasure.
It's not surprising that the children of primitive cultures tend to stick out their lips more when they're sulking compared to children from civilized societies; the core of savagery seems to involve holding onto a more primitive state, and this can even apply to physical traits. It could be argued against this idea that anthropoid apes also stick out their lips when they're surprised or a bit pleased; however, in humans, this expression is mainly associated with a sulky attitude. But in a future chapter, we'll see that for people from different races, surprise can sometimes cause a slight lip protrusion, though major surprise or astonishment is usually shown by having the mouth wide open. Just as we pull back the corners of our mouths when we smile or laugh, we've lost the tendency to stick out our lips when we're happy, if our early ancestors expressed pleasure in that way.
A little gesture made by sulky children may here be noticed, namely, their “showing a cold shoulder.” This has a different meaning, as, I believe, from the keeping both shoulders raised. A cross child, sitting on its parent’s knee, will lift up the near shoulder, then jerk it away, as if from a caress, and afterwards give a backward push with it, as if to push away the offender. I have seen a child, standing at some distance from any one, clearly express its feelings by raising one shoulder, giving it a little backward movement, and then turning away its whole body.
A small gesture from sulky kids can be noticed here, which is their “showing a cold shoulder.” This means something different, as I believe, from keeping both shoulders raised. An upset child, sitting on a parent’s lap, will lift the nearest shoulder, then jerk it away, as if rejecting a hug, and afterward push back with it, as if to shove away the offending person. I’ve seen a child, standing some distance from anyone, clearly show their feelings by raising one shoulder, giving it a little backward movement, and then turning their whole body away.
Decision or determination.—The firm closure of the mouth tends to give an expression of determination or decision to the countenance. No determined man probably ever had an habitually gaping mouth. Hence, also, a small and weak lower jaw, which seems to indicate that the mouth is not habitually and firmly closed, is commonly thought to be characteristic of feebleness of character. A prolonged effort of any kind, whether of body or mind, implies previous determination; and if it can be shown that the mouth is generally closed with firmness before and during a great and continued exertion of the muscular system, then, through the principle of association, the mouth would almost certainly be closed as soon as any determined resolution was taken. Now several observers have noticed that a man, in commencing any violent muscular effort, invariably first distends his lungs with air, and then compresses it by the strong contraction of the muscles of the chest; and to effect this the mouth must be firmly closed. Moreover, as soon as the man is compelled to draw breath, he still keeps his chest as much distended as possible.
Decision or determination.—Keeping the mouth closed tends to give a look of determination or decision to the face. No determined person likely ever has a habitually open mouth. Similarly, a small and weak lower jaw, which suggests that the mouth isn’t typically and firmly closed, is often seen as a sign of weak character. Any prolonged effort, whether physically or mentally, requires prior determination; and if it can be shown that the mouth is usually closed firmly before and during significant and sustained physical effort, then, based on the principle of association, the mouth would almost certainly be closed as soon as a strong resolution is made. Many observers have noted that when a person starts any intense physical activity, they typically first take a deep breath and then expel it through strong chest muscle contraction; to do this, the mouth must be tightly closed. Furthermore, even when the individual needs to take a breath, they still keep their chest as expanded as possible.
Various causes have been assigned for this manner of acting. Sir C. Bell maintains[913] that the chest is distended with air, and is kept distended at such times, in order to give a fixed support to the muscles which are thereto attached. Hence, as he remarks, when two men are engaged in a deadly contest, a terrible silence prevails, broken only by hard stifled breathing. There is silence, because to expel the air in the utterance of any sound would be to relax the support for the muscles of the arms. If an outcry is heard, supposing the struggle to take place in the dark, we at once know that one of the two has given up in despair.
Various reasons have been given for this way of acting. Sir C. Bell argues that the chest is filled with air and stays that way during these moments to provide steady support for the muscles connected to it. As he points out, when two men are locked in a life-and-death struggle, a heavy silence falls, only interrupted by their strained breathing. There is silence because releasing the air to make any sound would mean losing support for their arm muscles. If a shout is heard, especially if the fight is happening in the dark, we immediately realize that one of them has surrendered in despair.
Gratiolet admits[914] that when a man has to struggle with another to his utmost, or has to support a great weight, or to keep for a long time the same forced attitude, it is necessary for him first to make a deep inspiration, and then to cease breathing; but he thinks that Sir C. Bell’s explanation is erroneous. He maintains that arrested respiration retards the circulation of the blood, of which I believe there is no doubt, and he adduces some curious evidence from the structure of the lower animals, showing, on the one hand, that a retarded circulation is necessary for prolonged muscular exertion, and, on the other hand, that a rapid circulation is necessary for rapid movements. According to this view, when we commence any great exertion, we close our mouths and stop breathing, in order to retard the circulation of the blood. Gratiolet sums up the subject by saying, “C’est là la vraie théorie de l’effort continu;” but how far this theory is admitted by other physiologists I do not know.
Gratiolet acknowledges that when a person has to fight with all their strength, support a heavy load, or maintain the same forced position for a long time, they first need to take a deep breath and then hold their breath; however, he believes that Sir C. Bell’s explanation is incorrect. He argues that holding one’s breath slows down blood circulation, which is widely accepted, and he provides interesting evidence from the anatomy of lower animals, demonstrating that, on one hand, a slowed circulation is necessary for sustained muscle exertion, while, on the other hand, a fast circulation is required for quick movements. According to this perspective, when we start any intense effort, we close our mouths and stop breathing to slow down blood circulation. Gratiolet summarizes the topic by stating, “C’est là la vraie théorie de l’effort continu;” but I’m not sure how widely accepted this theory is among other physiologists.
Dr. Piderit accounts[915] for the firm closure of the mouth during strong muscular exertion, on the principle that the influence of the will spreads to other muscles besides those necessarily brought into action in making any particular exertion; and it is natural that the muscles of respiration and of the mouth, from being so habitually used, should be especially liable to be thus acted on. It appears to me that there probably is some truth in this view, for we are apt to press the teeth hard together during violent exertion, and this is not requisite to prevent expiration, whilst the muscles of the chest are strongly contracted.
Dr. Piderit explains the firm closure of the mouth during intense physical effort based on the idea that the will affects not just the muscles actively being used but also other muscles as well. It makes sense that the muscles involved in breathing and those in the mouth, due to their regular use, would be particularly responsive to this influence. I believe there’s likely some truth to this perspective, as we tend to clench our teeth tightly during intense exertion, even though it isn't necessary to stop breathing while the chest muscles are contracting strongly.
Lastly, when a man has to perform some delicate and difficult operation, not requiring the exertion of any strength, he nevertheless generally closes his mouth and ceases for a time to breathe; but he acts thus in order that the movements of his chest may not disturb, those of his arms. A person, for instance, whilst threading a needle, may be seen to compress his lips and either to stop breathing, or to breathe as quietly as possible. So it was, as formerly stated, with a young and sick chimpanzee, whilst it amused itself by killing flies with its knuckles, as they buzzed about on the window-panes. To perform an action, however trifling, if difficult, implies some amount of previous determination.
Lastly, when a man has to do a delicate and tricky task that doesn’t require any physical strength, he usually closes his mouth and stops breathing for a bit; he does this so his chest movements won’t interfere with his arm movements. For example, when someone is threading a needle, you can see them purse their lips and either hold their breath or breathe as quietly as possible. Similarly, as mentioned before, a young and sick chimpanzee would compress its lips while amusing itself by killing flies with its knuckles as they buzzed around on the window panes. Completing even a small but difficult action requires some level of prior determination.
There appears nothing improbable in all the above assigned causes having come into play in different degrees, either conjointly or separately, on various occasions. The result would be a well-established habit, now perhaps inherited, of firmly closing the mouth at the commencement of and during any violent and prolonged exertion, or any delicate operation. Through the principle of association there would also be a strong tendency towards this same habit, as soon as the mind had resolved on any particular action or line of conduct, even before there was any bodily exertion, or if none were requisite. The habitual and firm closure of the mouth would thus come to show decision of character; and decision readily passes into obstinacy.
There’s nothing unlikely about the causes mentioned above influencing us to varying degrees, either together or separately, on different occasions. This would lead to a well-established habit, possibly now inherited, of tightly closing the mouth at the start of and during any intense and prolonged effort, or any delicate task. Due to the principle of association, there would also be a strong inclination toward this same habit as soon as the mind decided on a specific action or course of behavior, even before any physical effort was made, or if none was needed. The regular and firm closure of the mouth would thus reflect decisiveness; and decisiveness can easily turn into stubbornness.
CHAPTER X.
HATRED AND ANGER.
Hatred—Rage, effects of on the system—Uncovering of the teeth—Rage in the insane—Anger and indignation—As expressed by the various races of man—Sneering and defiance—The uncovering of the canine tooth on one side of the face.
Hatred—The effects of rage on the body—Showing the teeth—Rage in the mentally unstable—Anger and indignation—As shown by different human races—Sneering and defiance—The revealing of the canine tooth on one side of the face.
If we have suffered or expect to suffer some wilful injury from a man, or if he is in any way offensive to us, we dislike him; and dislike easily rises into hatred. Such feelings, if experienced in a moderate degree, are not clearly expressed by any movement of the body or features, excepting perhaps by a certain gravity of behaviour, or by some ill-temper. Few individuals, however, can long reflect about a hated person, without feeling and exhibiting signs of indignation or rage. But if the offending person be quite insignificant, we experience merely disdain or contempt. If, on the other hand, he is all-powerful, then hatred passes into terror, as when a slave thinks about a cruel master, or a savage about a bloodthirsty malignant deity.[1001] Most of our emotions are so closely connected with their expression, that they hardly exist if the body remains passive—the nature of the expression depending in chief part on the nature of the actions which have been habitually performed under this particular state of the mind. A man, for instance, may know that his life is in the extremest peril, and may strongly desire to save if; yet, as Louis XVI. said, when surrounded by a fierce mob, “Am I afraid? feel my pulse.” So a man may intensely hate another, but until his bodily frame is affected, he cannot be said to be enraged.
If we have suffered or expect to suffer a deliberate injury from someone, or if they are in any way offensive to us, we dislike them; and dislike can easily turn into hatred. When these feelings are felt to a moderate degree, they aren’t clearly shown through any body language or facial expressions, except maybe through a certain seriousness or some irritability. However, few people can think about someone they hate for long without showing signs of anger or rage. But if the person causing the offense is quite insignificant, we only feel disdain or contempt. Conversely, if they hold great power, hatred can turn into fear, like how a slave thinks about a cruel master, or how a savage views a bloodthirsty deity. Most of our emotions are so closely tied to their expression that they hardly exist if the body stays still—the nature of the expression largely depending on the actions that have typically been associated with this specific state of mind. For example, a man might know that his life is in grave danger and have a strong desire to save himself; yet, as Louis XVI said when faced with an angry mob, “Am I afraid? Feel my pulse.” Similarly, a person may intensely hate another, but until their body is affected, they can't truly be said to be enraged.
Rage.—I have already had occasion to treat of this emotion in the third chapter, when discussing the direct influence of the excited sensorium on the body, in combination with the effects of habitually associated actions. Rage exhibits itself in the most diversified manner. The heart and circulation are always affected; the face reddens or becomes purple, with the veins on the forehead and neck distended. The reddening of the skin has been observed with the copper-coloured Indians of South America,[1002] and even, as it is said, on the white cicatrices left by old wounds on negroes.[1003] Monkeys also redden from passion. With one of my own infants, under four months old, I repeatedly observed that the first symptom of an approaching passion was the rushing of the blood into his bare scalp. On the other hand, the action of the heart is sometimes so much impeded by great rage, that the countenance becomes pallid or livid,[1004] and not a few men with heart-disease have dropped down dead under this powerful emotion.
Rage.—I've already had the opportunity to discuss this emotion in the third chapter when exploring how the excited nervous system directly affects the body, combined with the effects of routinely associated actions. Rage shows itself in a variety of ways. The heart and circulation are always impacted; the face turns red or even purple, with the veins in the forehead and neck bulging. The reddening of the skin has been noted in the copper-colored Indigenous people of South America,[1002] and even, as it's said, on the white scars left by old wounds on Black individuals.[1003] Monkeys also flush when angry. With one of my own infants, under four months old, I consistently noticed that the first sign of an impending outburst was the blood rushing to his bare scalp. On the flip side, the heart can be so severely affected by intense rage that the face turns pale or bluish,[1004] and many men with heart disease have collapsed and died from this intense emotion.
The excited brain gives strength to the muscles, and at the same time energy to the will. The body is commonly held erect ready for instant action, but sometimes it is bent forward towards the offending person, with the limbs more or less rigid. The mouth is generally closed with firmness, showing fixed determination, and the teeth are clenched or ground together. Such gestures as the raising of the arms, with the fists clenched, as if to strike the offender, are common. Few men in a great passion, and telling some one to begone, can resist acting as if they intended to strike or push the man violently away. The desire, indeed, to strike often becomes so intolerably strong, that inanimate objects are struck or dashed to the ground; but the gestures frequently become altogether purposeless or frantic. Young children, when in a violent rage roll on the ground on their backs or bellies, screaming, kicking, scratching, or biting everything within reach. So it is, as I hear from Mr. Scott, with Hindoo children; and, as we have seen, with the young of the anthropomorphous apes.
The excited brain powers the muscles and fuels the will. The body usually stands upright, ready for immediate action, but sometimes it leans forward toward the person who has offended, with the limbs stiff or tense. The mouth is typically shut tightly, showing strong determination, with the teeth clenched. Gestures like raising the arms, fists tightened, as if to hit the offender, are common. Few people in a fit of rage, when telling someone to get lost, can help but act like they’re about to hit or shove that person away. The urge to strike can become so overwhelming that inanimate objects are hit or thrown to the ground; however, the gestures often turn completely chaotic or frantic. Young children, when in a furious rage, roll on the ground, screaming, kicking, scratching, or biting anything they can grab. Similarly, as I hear from Mr. Scott, this happens with Hindu children; and, as we’ve observed, with young anthropomorphic apes.
But the muscular system is often affected in a wholly different way; for trembling is a frequent consequence of extreme rage. The paralysed lips then refuse to obey the will, “and the voice sticks in the throat;”[1007] or it is rendered loud, harsh, and discordant. If there be much and rapid speaking, the mouth froths. The hair sometimes bristles; but I shall return to this subject in another chapter, when I treat of the mingled emotions of rage and terror. There is in most cases a strongly-marked frown on the forehead; for this follows from the sense of anything displeasing or difficult, together with concentration of mind. But sometimes the brow, instead of being much contracted and lowered, remains smooth, with the glaring eyes kept widely open. The eyes are always bright, or may, as Homer expresses it, glisten with fire. They are sometimes bloodshot, and are said to protrude from their sockets—the result, no doubt, of the head being gorged with blood, as shown by the veins being distended. According to Gratiolet, “the pupils are always contracted in rage,” and I hear from Dr. Crichton Browne that this is the case in the fierce delirium of meningitis; but the movements of the iris under the influence of the different emotions is a very obscure subject.[1008]
But the muscular system is often impacted in a completely different way; trembling is a common result of intense anger. The lips become paralyzed and won’t respond to the mind, “and the voice gets stuck in the throat;”[1007] or it comes out loud, harsh, and jarring. When there’s a lot of fast talking, the mouth can foam. Sometimes, the hair stands on end; but I’ll come back to this topic in another chapter, when I discuss the mixed feelings of rage and fear. In most cases, there’s a pronounced scowl on the forehead; this comes from sensing something unpleasant or challenging, combined with mental focus. However, sometimes the brow, rather than frowning deeply, stays smooth, with glaring eyes wide open. The eyes are always bright, or might, as Homer put it, glimmer with fire. They can be bloodshot, and are said to bulge from their sockets—the result, no doubt, of the head being filled with blood, as evidenced by the swollen veins. According to Gratiolet, “the pupils are always contracted in rage,” and I hear from Dr. Crichton Browne that this is true in the intense delirium of meningitis; however, the way the iris moves under different emotions is a very unclear subject.[1008]
Shakspeare sums up the chief characteristics of rage as follows:—
Shakespeare summarizes the main features of anger like this:—
“In peace there’s nothing so becomes a man,
As modest stillness and humility;
But when the blast of war blows in our ears,
Then imitate the action of the tiger:
Stiffen the sinews, summon up the blood,
Then lend the eye a terrible aspect;
Now set the teeth, and stretch the nostril wide,
Hold hard the breath, and bend up every spirit
To his full height! On, on, you noblest English.”
Henry V., act iii. sc. 1.
“In peace, nothing looks better on a man,
Than calmness and humility;
But when the sound of war reaches our ears,
Then act like a tiger:
Tighten your muscles, summon your strength,
Give your eye a fierce look;
Now set your teeth, and flare your nostrils,
Hold your breath, and raise your spirit
To its full height! On, on, you noblest English.”
Henry V., act iii. sc. 1.
The lips are sometimes protruded during rage in a manner, the meaning of which I do not understand, unless it depends on our descent from some ape-like animal. Instances have been observed, not only with Europeans, but with the Australians and Hindoos. The lips, however, are much more commonly retracted, the grinning or clenched teeth being thus exposed. This has been noticed by almost every one who has written on expression.[1009] The appearance is as if the teeth were uncovered, ready for seizing or tearing an enemy, though there may be no intention of acting in this manner. Mr. Dyson Lacy has seen this grinning expression with the Australians, when quarrelling, and so has Gaika with the Kafirs of South America. Dickens,[1010] in speaking of an atrocious murderer who had just been caught, and was surrounded by a furious mob, describes “the people as jumping up one behind another, snarling with their teeth, and making at him like wild beasts.” Every one who has had much to do with young children must have seen how naturally they take to biting, when in a passion. It seems as instinctive in them as in young crocodiles, who snap their little jaws as soon as they emerge from the egg.
The lips sometimes stick out during anger in a way that I don't quite understand, unless it has to do with our ancestry from some ape-like creature. This has been seen not just in Europeans, but also in Australians and Indians. However, it's much more common for the lips to pull back, exposing the grinning or clenched teeth. Almost everyone who has written about expression has noticed this. It looks as if the teeth are showing, ready to grab or tear into an enemy, even if there's no real intention to do so. Mr. Dyson Lacy observed this grinning expression among Australians when they were fighting, and Gaika saw it with the Kafirs of South America. Dickens, in discussing a brutal murderer who had just been caught and was surrounded by an angry mob, describes “the people as jumping up one behind another, snarling with their teeth, and lunging at him like wild animals.” Anyone who has spent a lot of time with young children must have noticed how naturally they resort to biting when they're angry. It seems as instinctive to them as it is to young crocodiles, who snap their little jaws as soon as they hatch.
A grinning expression and the protrusion of the lips appear sometimes to go together. A close observer says that he has seen many instances of intense hatred (which can hardly be distinguished from rage, more or less suppressed) in Orientals, and once in an elderly English woman. In all these cases there “was a grin, not a scowl—the lips lengthening, the cheeks settling downwards, the eyes half-closed, whilst the brow remained perfectly calm.”[1011]
A grinning expression and the way the lips jut out seem to go hand in hand sometimes. A careful observer mentions that he has noticed many examples of deep hatred (which is hard to tell apart from anger, more or less kept in check) in people from the East, and once in an older English woman. In all these instances, there was a grin, not a scowl—the lips stretching, the cheeks sinking down, the eyes partly shut, while the forehead stayed completely relaxed.[1011]
This retraction of the lips and uncovering of the teeth during paroxysms of rage, as if to bite the offender, is so remarkable, considering how seldom the teeth are used by men in fighting, that I inquired from Dr. J. Crichton Browne whether the habit was common in the insane whose passions are unbridled. He informs me that he has repeatedly observed it both with the insane and idiotic, and has given me the following illustrations:—
This curling of the lips and showing of the teeth during fits of anger, almost as if to bite the offender, is quite striking, especially since men rarely use their teeth in fights. I asked Dr. J. Crichton Browne if this habit is common among the insane, whose emotions are out of control. He told me he has often seen it in both the insane and the idiotic, and he provided me with the following examples:—
Shortly before receiving my letter, he witnessed an uncontrollable outbreak of anger and delusive jealousy in an insane lady. At first she vituperated her husband, and whilst doing so foamed at the mouth. Next she approached close to him with compressed lips, and a virulent set frown. Then she drew back her lips, especially the corners of the upper lip, and showed her teeth, at the same time aiming a vicious blow at him. A second case is that of an old soldier, who, when he is requested to conform to the rules of the establishment, gives way to discontent, terminating in fury. He commonly begins by asking Dr. Browne whether he is not ashamed to treat him in such a manner. He then swears and blasphemes, paces tip and down, tosses his arms wildly about, and menaces any one near him. At last, as his exasperation culminates, he rushes up towards Dr. Browne with a peculiar sidelong movement, shaking his doubled fist, and threatening destruction. Then his upper lip may be seen to be raised, especially at the corners, so that his huge canine teeth are exhibited. He hisses forth his curses through his set teeth, and his whole expression assumes the character of extreme ferocity. A similar description is applicable to another man, excepting that he generally foams at the mouth and spits, dancing and jumping about in a strange rapid manner, shrieking out his maledictions in a shrill falsetto voice.
Shortly before getting my letter, he witnessed an uncontrollable outburst of rage and paranoid jealousy from a crazy woman. At first, she cursed at her husband, foaming at the mouth as she did. Then she got up close to him with pursed lips and a sinister scowl. After that, she pulled back her lips, especially the corners of her upper lip, showing her teeth while aiming a vicious punch at him. The second case involves an old soldier who, when asked to follow the rules of the facility, becomes disgruntled and eventually furious. He usually starts by asking Dr. Browne if he isn’t ashamed to treat him this way. Then he swears and curses, paces back and forth, flails his arms wildly, and threatens anyone nearby. Finally, as his frustration peaks, he lunges toward Dr. Browne with a peculiar sideways motion, shaking his clenched fist and threatening harm. His upper lip is often raised, especially at the corners, revealing his large canine teeth. He hisses his curses through gritted teeth, and his face takes on an expression of extreme aggression. A similar description fits another man, except he usually froths at the mouth and spits, moving and jumping around in a bizarre quick manner, screaming his curses in a high-pitched falsetto voice.
Dr. Browne also informs me of the case of an epileptic idiot, incapable of independent movements, and who spends the whole day in playing with some toys; but his temper is morose and easily roused into fierceness. When any one touches his toys, he slowly raises his head from its habitual downward position, and fixes his eyes on the offender, with a tardy yet angry scowl. If the annoyance be repeated, he draws back his thick lips and reveals a prominent row of hideous fangs (large canines being especially noticeable), and then makes a quick and cruel clutch with his open hand at the offending person. The rapidity of this clutch, as Dr. Browne remarks, is marvellous in a being ordinarily so torpid that he takes about fifteen seconds, when attracted by any noise, to turn his head from one side to the other. If, when thus incensed, a handkerchief, book, or other article, be placed into his hands, he drags it to his mouth and bites it. Mr. Nicol has likewise described to me two cases of insane patients, whose lips are retracted during paroxysms of rage.
Dr. Browne also tells me about a case of an epileptic individual who can't move independently and spends the entire day playing with some toys. However, he has a gloomy temperament and gets easily provoked into a fit of rage. When someone touches his toys, he slowly lifts his head from its usual downward position and glares at the person with a slow but angry look. If the annoyance happens again, he pulls back his thick lips to show a prominent set of ugly teeth (with the large canine teeth being particularly noticeable) and then makes a quick, violent grab at the offending person. The speed of this grab, as Dr. Browne notes, is astonishing for someone who is usually so sluggish that it takes him about fifteen seconds to turn his head from one side to the other when he hears a noise. If, while he’s angry, a handkerchief, book, or any other item is placed in his hands, he pulls it to his mouth and bites it. Mr. Nicol has also shared with me two cases of insane patients whose lips pull back during episodes of rage.
Dr. Maudsley, after detailing various strange animal-like traits in idiots, asks whether these are not due to the reappearance of primitive instincts—“a faint echo from a far-distant past, testifying to a kinship which man has almost outgrown.” He adds, that as every human brain passes, in the course of its development, through the same stages as those occurring in the lower vertebrate animals, and as the brain of an idiot is in an arrested condition, we may presume that it “will manifest its most primitive functions, and no higher functions.” Dr. Maudsley thinks that the same view may be extended to the brain in its degenerated condition in some insane patients; and asks, whence come “the savage snarl, the destructive disposition, the obscene language, the wild howl, the offensive habits, displayed by some of the insane? Why should a human being, deprived of his reason, ever become so brutal in character, as some do, unless he has the brute nature within him?”[1012] This question must, as it would appear, he answered in the affirmative.
Dr. Maudsley, after describing various strange animal-like traits in people with intellectual disabilities, wonders if these are due to the revival of primitive instincts—“a faint echo from a distant past, showing a connection that humanity has nearly outgrown.” He adds that since every human brain develops through the same stages as those seen in lower vertebrate animals, and since the brain of someone with an intellectual disability is in a stopped state, we can assume it “will express its most primitive functions, with no higher functions.” Dr. Maudsley believes this perspective can also apply to the brain in a degenerated state in some patients with mental illness; he questions where “the savage snarl, the aggressive behavior, the vulgar language, the wild cries, and the offensive habits shown by some of the mentally ill” come from. Why should a person, stripped of their reason, become so brutal in character, as some do, unless they have a primal nature within them? [1012] This question seems to require a yes answer.
Anger, Indignation.—These states of the mind differ from rage only in degree, and there is no marked distinction in their characteristic signs. Under moderate anger the action of the heart is a little increased, the colour heightened, and the eyes become bright. The respiration is likewise a little hurried; and as all the muscles serving for this function act in association, the wings of the nostrils are somewhat raised to allow of a free indraught of air; and this is a highly characteristic sign of indignation. The mouth is commonly compressed, and there is almost always a frown on the brow. Instead of the frantic gestures of extreme rage, an indignant man unconsciously throws himself into an attitude ready for attacking or striking his enemy, whom he will perhaps scan from head to foot in defiance. He carries his head erect, with his chest well expanded, and the feet planted firmly on the ground. He holds his arms in various positions, with one or both elbows squared, or with the arms rigidly suspended by his sides. With Europeans the fists are commonly clenched.[1013] The figures 1 and 2 in Plate VI. are fairly good representations of men simulating indignation. Any one may see in a mirror, if he will vividly imagine that he has been insulted and demands an explanation in an angry tone of voice, that he suddenly and unconsciously throws himself into some such attitude.
Anger, Indignation.—These mental states differ from rage only in intensity, and there’s no clear distinction in their typical signs. When experiencing moderate anger, the heart rate increases slightly, the complexion reddens, and the eyes become bright. Breathing also speeds up a bit; and since all the muscles involved in this reaction work together, the nostrils are somewhat flared to allow for better airflow—this is a key indicator of indignation. The mouth usually tightens, and there’s often a frown on the forehead. Instead of the wild gestures of extreme rage, an indignant person naturally adopts a posture ready for confrontation, often sizing up their opponent defiantly from head to toe. They stand tall with their chest out and feet firmly planted. Their arms may be positioned in various ways, with one or both elbows squared, or their arms straight down at their sides. Among Europeans, clenched fists are common. [1013] Figures 1 and 2 in Plate VI depict good examples of men faking indignation. Anyone can observe in a mirror that if they vividly imagine being insulted and demand an explanation in an angry tone, they will unexpectedly and unconsciously assume a similar stance.

Rage, anger, and indignation are exhibited in nearly the same manner throughout the world; and the following descriptions may be worth giving as evidence of this, and as illustrations of some of the foregoing remarks. There is, however, an exception with respect to clenching the fists, which seems confined chiefly to the men who fight with their fists. With the Australians only one of my informants has seen the fists clenched. All agree about the body being held erect; and all, with two exceptions, state that the brows are heavily contracted. Some of them allude to the firmly-compressed mouth, the distended nostrils, and flashing eyes. According to the Rev. Mr. Taplin, rage, with the Australians, is expressed by the lips being protruded, the eyes being widely open; and in the case of the women by their dancing about and casting dust into the air. Another observer speaks of the native men, when enraged, throwing their arms wildly about.
Rage, anger, and indignation are shown nearly the same way around the world, and the descriptions that follow are worth sharing as evidence and examples of some earlier comments. However, there is one exception regarding clenching fists, which seems mostly limited to men who fight with their fists. With the Australians, only one of my sources has seen clenched fists. Everyone agrees that the body is held upright, and all but two say that the brows are tightly furrowed. Some mention a tightly-compressed mouth, flared nostrils, and intense eyes. According to Rev. Mr. Taplin, Australians express rage by sticking out their lips and opening their eyes wide; for women, it can be shown by dancing around and throwing dust into the air. Another observer notes that the native men, when angry, throw their arms around wildly.
I have received similar accounts, except as to the clenching of the fists, in regard to the Malays of the Malacca peninsula, the Abyssinians, and the natives of South Africa. So it is with the Dakota Indians of North America; and, according to Mr. Matthews, they then hold their heads erect, frown, and often stalk away with long strides. Mr. Bridges states that the Fuegians, when enraged, frequently stamp on the ground, walk distractedly about, sometimes cry and grow pale. The Rev. Mr. Stack watched a New Zealand man and woman quarrelling, and made the following entry in his note-book: “Eyes dilated, body swayed violently backwards and forwards, head inclined forwards, fists clenched, now thrown behind the body, now directed towards each other’s faces.” Mr. Swinhoe says that my description agrees with what he has seen of the Chinese, excepting that an angry man generally inclines his body towards his antagonist, and pointing at him, pours forth a volley of abuse.
I’ve heard similar stories, except for the fist-clenching, about the Malays of the Malacca peninsula, the Abyssinians, and the natives of South Africa. The same goes for the Dakota Indians of North America; Mr. Matthews reports that they hold their heads up high, frown, and often stalk away with long strides. Mr. Bridges mentions that the Fuegians, when angry, often stamp their feet, walk around in a frenzy, and sometimes cry or turn pale. The Rev. Mr. Stack observed a man and woman from New Zealand arguing and noted: “Eyes wide open, body swaying rapidly back and forth, head leaning forward, fists clenched, now thrown behind the body, now directed toward each other’s faces.” Mr. Swinhoe adds that my description matches what he’s seen with the Chinese, except that an angry person usually leans toward their opponent and, pointing at him, unleashes a stream of insults.
Lastly, with respect to the natives of India, Mr. J. Scott has sent me a full description of their gestures and expression when enraged. Two low-caste Bengalees disputed about a loan. At first they were calm, but soon grew furious and poured forth the grossest abuse on each other’s relations and progenitors for many generations past. Their gestures were very different from those of Europeans; for though their chests were expanded and shoulders squared, their arms remained rigidly suspended, with the elbows turned inwards and the hands alternately clenched and opened. Their shoulders were often raised high, and then again lowered. They looked fiercely at each other from under their lowered and strongly wrinkled brows, and their protruded lips were firmly closed. They approached each other, with heads and necks stretched forwards, and pushed, scratched, and grasped at each other. This protrusion of the head and body seems a common gesture with the enraged; and I have noticed it with degraded English women whilst quarrelling violently in the streets. In such cases it may be presumed that neither party expects to receive a blow from the other.
Lastly, regarding the people of India, Mr. J. Scott has shared a detailed description of their gestures and expressions when they're angry. Two low-caste Bengalees argued over a loan. At first, they were calm, but soon they became furious and hurled the worst insults at each other’s relatives and ancestors for many generations. Their gestures were very different from those of Europeans; while their chests were puffed out and shoulders squared, their arms stayed rigidly at their sides, with elbows turned inward and hands alternately clenched and opened. Their shoulders frequently rose high and then dropped again. They glared at each other from beneath their lowered, heavily wrinkled brows, and their protruding lips were tightly shut. They leaned in towards each other, with their heads and necks extended forward, and pushed, scratched, and grabbed at one another. This forward thrust of the head and body seems to be a common gesture among the angry; I’ve noticed it with degraded English women while they were fighting fiercely in the streets. In such cases, it can be assumed that neither party expects to be hit by the other.
A Bengalee employed in the Botanic Gardens was accused, in the presence of Mr. Scott, by the native overseer of having stolen a valuable plant. He listened silently and scornfully to the accusation; his attitude erect, chest expanded, mouth closed, lips protruding, eyes firmly set and penetrating. He then defiantly maintained his innocence, with upraised and clenched hands, his head being now pushed forwards, with the eyes widely open and eyebrows raised. Mr. Scott also watched two Mechis, in Sikhim, quarrelling about their share of payment. They soon got into a furious passion, and then their bodies became less erect, with their heads pushed forwards; they made grimaces at each other; their shoulders were raised; their arms rigidly bent inwards at the elbows, and their hands spasmodically closed, but not properly clenched. They continually approached and retreated from each other, and often raised their arms as if to strike, but their hands were open, and no blow was given. Mr. Scott made similar observations on the Lepchas whom he often saw quarrelling, and he noticed that they kept their arms rigid and almost parallel to their bodies, with the hands pushed somewhat backwards and partially closed, but not clenched.
A Bengali who worked in the Botanic Gardens was accused, in front of Mr. Scott, by the local overseer of stealing a valuable plant. He listened silently and disdainfully to the accusation; his posture was upright, chest out, mouth closed, lips protruding, and his eyes were fixed and intense. He then boldly asserted his innocence, with his hands raised and clenched, his head thrust forward, eyes wide open, and eyebrows raised. Mr. Scott also observed two Mechis in Sikkim arguing over their share of payment. They quickly became extremely angry, their bodies losing their uprightness, heads leaning forward; they made faces at each other, shoulders raised, arms bent inward at the elbows, and their hands were jerkily closed, but not fully clenched. They continuously moved closer to and away from each other, often raising their arms as if to hit, but their hands remained open, and no hits were thrown. Mr. Scott noted similar behavior in the Lepchas, who he frequently saw fighting, and he remarked that they kept their arms stiff and nearly parallel to their bodies, with their hands pushed slightly back and partly closed, but not clenched.
Sneering, Defiance: Uncovering the canine tooth on one side.—The expression which I wish here to consider differs but little from that already described, when the lips are retracted and the grinning teeth exposed. The difference consists solely in the upper lip being retracted in such a manner that the canine tooth on one side of the face alone is shown; the face itself being generally a little upturned and half averted from the person causing offence. The other signs of rage are not necessarily present. This expression may occasionally be observed in a person who sneers at or defies another, though there may be no real anger; as when any one is playfully accused of some fault, and answers, “I scorn the imputation.” The expression is not a common one, but I have seen it exhibited with perfect distinctness by a lady who was being quizzed by another person. It was described by Parsons as long ago as 1746, with an engraving, showing the uncovered canine on one side.[1014] Mr. Rejlander, without my having made any allusion to the subject, asked me whether I had ever noticed this expression, as he had been much struck by it. He has photographed for me (Plate IV. fig 1) a lady, who sometimes unintentionally displays the canine on one side, and who can do so voluntarily with unusual distinctness.
Sneering, Defiance: Uncovering the canine tooth on one side.—The expression I want to discuss is quite similar to the one already mentioned, where the lips are pulled back and the teeth are exposed in a grin. The only difference is that the upper lip is pulled back in such a way that only the canine tooth on one side of the face is visible; the face itself is usually tilted slightly upward and turned away from the person causing the offense. Other signs of anger aren't necessarily present. This expression can sometimes be seen in someone who sneers at or defiantly responds to another, even if there’s no real anger involved; for example, when someone is jokingly accused of a fault and replies, “I reject that accusation.” This expression isn’t very common, but I've seen it clearly displayed by a lady who was being teased by someone else. Parsons described it back in 1746, complete with an engraving showing the exposed canine tooth on one side.[1014] Mr. Rejlander, without me bringing it up, asked if I had ever noticed this expression, as it had really caught his attention. He photographed a lady for me (Plate IV. fig 1) who sometimes unintentionally reveals the canine tooth on one side, and she can also do it voluntarily and quite clearly.
The expression of a half-playful sneer graduates into one of great ferocity when, together with a heavily frowning brow and fierce eye, the canine tooth is exposed. A Bengalee boy was accused before Mr. Scott of some misdeed. The delinquent did not dare to give vent to his wrath in words, but it was plainly shown on his countenance, sometimes by a defiant frown, and sometimes “by a thoroughly canine snarl.” When this was exhibited, “the corner of the lip over the eye-tooth, which happened in this case to be large and projecting, was raised on the side of his accuser, a strong frown being still retained on the brow.” Sir C. Bell states[1015] that the actor Cooke could express the most determined hate “when with the oblique cast of his eyes he drew up the outer part of the upper lip, and discovered a sharp angular tooth.”
The half-playful sneer turns into a fierce expression when, along with a deeply furrowed brow and intense gaze, the canine tooth is revealed. A Bengali boy was accused of wrongdoing in front of Mr. Scott. The boy didn’t dare to express his anger verbally, but it was clearly visible on his face, sometimes through a defiant scowl, and at other times “by a totally dog-like snarl.” When this happened, “the corner of his lip over the large, projecting canine tooth lifted on the side of his accuser, while his brow remained set in a strong frown.” Sir C. Bell states[1015] that the actor Cooke could show the most intense hatred “when he tilted his eyes and lifted the outer part of his upper lip, revealing a sharp angular tooth.”
The uncovering of the canine tooth is the result of a double movement. The angle or corner of the mouth is drawn a little backwards, and at the same time a muscle which runs parallel to and near the nose draws up the outer part of the upper lip, and exposes the canine on this side of the face. The contraction of this muscle makes a distinct furrow on the cheek, and produces strong wrinkles under the eye, especially at its inner corner. The action is the same as that of a snarling dog; and a dog when pretending to fight often draws up the lip on one side alone, namely that facing his antagonist. Our word sneer is in fact the same as snarl, which was originally snar, the l “being merely an element implying continuance of action.”[1016]
The uncovering of the canine tooth happens through a two-part movement. The corner of the mouth is pulled slightly back, and at the same time, a muscle that runs close to the nose lifts the outer part of the upper lip, revealing the canine tooth on that side of the face. This muscle contraction creates a clear groove on the cheek and causes pronounced wrinkles under the eye, especially at the inner corner. The action resembles that of a dog that's growling; a dog pretending to fight often raises the lip on just one side, which is the side facing its opponent. Our word sneer actually comes from the same root as snarl, which used to be snar, with the l just being an addition that indicates the action continues. [1016]
I suspect that we see a trace of this same expression in what is called a derisive or sardonic smile. The lips are then kept joined or almost joined, but one corner of the mouth is retracted on the side towards the derided person; and this drawing back of the corner is part of a true sneer. Although some persons smile more on one side of their face than on the other, it is not easy to understand why in cases of derision the smile, if a real one, should so commonly be confined to one side. I have also on these occasions noticed a slight twitching of the muscle which draws up the outer part of the upper lip; and this movement, if fully carried out, would have uncovered the canine, and would have produced a true sneer.
I think we can see a hint of this same expression in what’s known as a mocking or sardonic smile. The lips are kept together or nearly together, but one corner of the mouth is pulled back toward the person being ridiculed; this pullback is part of a genuine sneer. While some people smile more on one side of their face than the other, it’s hard to grasp why, in cases of mockery, a real smile often tends to be limited to one side. I've also noticed a slight twitch in the muscle that lifts the outer part of the upper lip during these moments; if this movement were fully executed, it would expose the canine tooth and create a true sneer.
Mr. Bulmer, an Australian missionary in a remote part of Gipps’ Land, says, in answer to my query about the uncovering of the canine on one side, “I find that the natives in snarling at each other speak with the teeth closed, the upper lip drawn to one side, and a general angry expression of face; but they look direct at the person addressed.” Three other observers in Australia, one in Abyssinia, and one in China, answer my query on this head in the affirmative; but as the expression is rare, and as they enter into no details, I am afraid of implicitly trusting them. It is, however, by no means improbable that this animal-like expression may be more common with savages than with civilized races. Mr. Geach is an observer who may be fully trusted, and he has observed it on one occasion in a Malay in the interior of Malacca. The Rev. S. O. Glenie answers, “We have observed this expression with the natives of Ceylon, but not often.” Lastly, in North America, Dr. Rothrock has seen it with some wild Indians, and often in a tribe adjoining the Atnahs.
Mr. Bulmer, an Australian missionary in a remote part of Gipps’ Land, responds to my question about the dog-like behavior on one side, saying, “I’ve noticed that when the natives snarl at each other, they keep their teeth closed, pull their upper lip to one side, and have a generally angry look on their faces; however, they look directly at the person they’re addressing.” Three other observers in Australia, one in Abyssinia, and one in China confirm this observation, but since the expression is rare and they don’t provide details, I’m hesitant to trust them completely. Nonetheless, it seems likely that this animal-like expression may be more common among primitive tribes than among civilized people. Mr. Geach is a reliable observer, and he has seen this expression once in a Malay in the interior of Malacca. The Rev. S. O. Glenie states, “We’ve seen this expression with the natives of Ceylon, but not very often.” Finally, in North America, Dr. Rothrock has noticed it among some wild Indians, and frequently in a tribe near the Atnahs.
Although the upper lip is certainly sometimes raised on one side alone in sneering at or defying any one, I do not know that this is always the case, for the face is commonly half averted, and the expression is often momentary. The movement being confined to one side may not be an essential part of the expression, but may depend on the proper muscles being incapable of movement excepting on one side. I asked four persons to endeavour to act voluntarily in this manner; two could expose the canine only on the left side, one only on the right side, and the fourth on neither side. Nevertheless it is by no means certain that these same persons, if defying any one in earnest, would not unconsciously have uncovered their canine tooth on the side, whichever it might be, towards the offender. For we have seen that some persons cannot voluntarily make their eyebrows oblique, yet instantly act in this manner when affected by any real, although most trifling, cause of distress. The power of voluntarily uncovering the canine on one side of the face being thus often wholly lost, indicates that it is a rarely used and almost abortive action. It is indeed a surprising fact that man should possess the power, or should exhibit any tendency to its use; for Mr. Sutton has never noticed a snarling action in our nearest allies, namely, the monkeys in the Zoological Gardens, and he is positive that the baboons, though furnished with great canines, never act thus, but uncover all their teeth when feeling savage and ready for an attack. Whether the adult anthropomorphous apes, in the males of whom the canines are much larger than in the females, uncover them when prepared to fight, is not known.
Although the upper lip is sometimes raised on one side when someone is sneering at or challenging another person, I can’t say that’s always true since the face is usually turned slightly away, and the expression often lasts only a moment. The movement on one side might not be crucial to the expression itself, but could be due to the related muscles being unable to move except on that one side. I asked four people to try to do this action voluntarily; two could only show their canine tooth on the left side, one could only do it on the right side, and the fourth couldn’t do it on either side. Still, it’s not certain that these same people, if genuinely challenging someone, wouldn’t unconsciously expose their canine tooth on the side facing the person they’re challenging. We’ve seen that some people can’t consciously move their eyebrows at an angle, yet they do so immediately when affected by even a minor cause of stress. The ability to voluntarily show the canine on one side is often completely lost, indicating that it’s a rarely used and nearly useless action. It’s actually surprising that humans have this ability or show any inclination to use it; Mr. Sutton has noted that he’s never observed a snarling action in our closest relatives, the monkeys at the Zoological Gardens, and he is certain that baboons, despite having large canines, never behave this way, but instead show all their teeth when feeling aggressive and ready to attack. It’s unknown whether adult anthropoid apes, in whom the males have much larger canines than the females, expose them when preparing to fight.
The expression here considered, whether that of a playful sneer or ferocious snarl, is one of the most curious which occurs in man. It reveals his animal descent; for no one, even if rolling on the ground in a deadly grapple with an enemy, and attempting to bite him, would try to use his canine teeth more than his other teeth. We may readily believe from our affinity to the anthropomorphous apes that our male semi-human progenitors possessed great canine teeth, and men are now occasionally born having them of unusually large size, with interspaces in the opposite jaw for their reception.[1017] We may further suspect, notwithstanding that we have no support from analogy, that our semi-human progenitors uncovered their canine teeth when prepared for battle, as we still do when feeling ferocious, or when merely sneering at or defying some one, without any intention of making a real attack with our teeth.
The expression we're looking at, whether it’s a playful sneer or a fierce snarl, is one of the most fascinating ones in humans. It shows our animal ancestry; because no one, even if they’re rolling on the ground in a deadly struggle with an opponent and trying to bite them, would use their canine teeth more than their other teeth. We can easily believe, given our connection to anthropoid apes, that our male semi-human ancestors had large canine teeth, and men are sometimes born with them being unusually large, with gaps in the opposite jaw for them. We might also guess, even though we don’t have any evidence to support it, that our semi-human ancestors bared their canine teeth when ready to fight, just like we do when we’re feeling aggressive or when we’re sneering or challenging someone, without actually planning to attack with our teeth.
CHAPTER XI.
DISDAIN—CONTEMPT—DISGUST-GUILT—PRIDE,
ETC.—HELPLESSNESS—PATIENCE—AFFIRMATION AND NEGATION.
Contempt, scorn and disdain, variously expressed—Derisive smile—Gestures expressive of contempt—Disgust—Guilt, deceit, pride, &c.—Helplessness or impotence—Patience—Obstinacy—Shrugging the shoulders common to most of the races of man—Signs of affirmation and negation.
Contempt, scorn, and disdain, expressed in different ways—A mocking smile—Gestures that show contempt—Disgust—Guilt, deceit, pride, etc.—Helplessness or powerlessness—Patience—Stubbornness—Shrugging shoulders, common to most human races—Signs of agreement and disagreement.
Scorn and disdain can hardly be distinguished from contempt, excepting that they imply a rather more angry frame of mind. Nor can they be clearly distinguished from the feelings discussed in the last chapter under the terms of sneering and defiance. Disgust is a sensation rather more distinct in its nature and refers to something revolting, primarily in relation to the sense of taste, as actually perceived or vividly imagined; and secondarily to anything which causes a similar feeling, through the sense of smell, touch, and even of eyesight. Nevertheless, extreme contempt, or as it is often called loathing contempt, hardly differs from disgust. These several conditions of the mind are, therefore, nearly related; and each of them may be exhibited in many different ways. Some writers have insisted chiefly on one mode of expression, and others on a different mode. From this circumstance M. Lemoine has argued[1101] that their descriptions are not trustworthy. But we shall immediately see that it is natural that the feelings which we have here to consider should be expressed in many different ways, inasmuch as various habitual actions serve equally well, through the principle of association, for their expression.
Scorn and disdain are pretty much the same as contempt, except they suggest a more intense level of anger. They also can’t be clearly separated from the feelings described in the last chapter as sneering and defiance. Disgust is a feeling that's a bit different in nature and relates to something disgusting, mainly connected to taste, whether actually experienced or vividly imagined; it can also be linked to anything that triggers a similar feeling through smell, touch, or even sight. Still, extreme contempt, often referred to as loathing contempt, is barely different from disgust. Therefore, these various states of mind are closely related, and each can be shown in many different ways. Some writers focus on one way of expressing these feelings, while others highlight a different approach. This leads M. Lemoine to argue[1101]that their descriptions aren’t reliable. But we’ll soon see that it makes sense for the feelings we’re discussing to be expressed in various ways because different habitual actions can effectively convey them, thanks to the principle of association.
Scorn and disdain, as well as sneering and defiance, may be displayed by a slight uncovering of the canine tooth on one side of the face; and this movement appears to graduate into one closely like a smile. Or the smile or laugh may be real, although one of derision; and this implies that the offender is so insignificant that he excites only amusement; but the amusement is generally a pretence. Gaika in his answers to my queries remarks, that contempt is commonly shown by his countrymen, the Kafirs, by smiling; and the Rajah Brooke makes the same observation with respect to the Dyaks of Borneo. As laughter is primarily the expression of simple joy, very young children do not, I believe, ever laugh in derision.
Scorn and disdain, along with sneering and defiance, can be shown by slightly uncovering the canine tooth on one side of the face; this expression seems to morph into something similar to a smile. Alternatively, the smile or laugh could be genuine, though one of mockery; this suggests that the person being ridiculed is so trivial that they only provoke amusement, although that amusement is usually insincere. Gaika mentions in response to my questions that his fellow countrymen, the Kafirs, often express contempt by smiling. Rajah Brooke observes the same behavior among the Dyaks of Borneo. Since laughter usually comes from pure joy, I don’t think very young children ever laugh in mockery.
The partial closure of the eyelids, as Duchenne[1102] insists, or the turning away of the eyes or of the whole body, are likewise highly expressive of disdain. These actions seem to declare that the despised person is not worth looking at or is disagreeable to behold. The accompanying photograph (Plate V. fig. 1) by Mr. Rejlander, shows this form of disdain. It represents a young lady, who is supposed to be tearing up the photograph of a despised lover.
The slight lowering of the eyelids, as Duchenne[1102] argues, or turning away your eyes or even your whole body, strongly conveys disdain. These gestures suggest that the person being looked down on isn’t worth seeing or is unpleasant to look at. The accompanying photograph (Plate V. fig. 1) by Mr. Rejlander illustrates this type of disdain. It shows a young woman who appears to be ripping up a photo of a despised lover.

The most common method of expressing contempt is by movements about the nose, or round the mouth; but the latter movements, when strongly pronounced, indicate disgust. The nose may be slightly turned up, which apparently follows from the turning up of the upper lip; or the movement may be abbreviated into the mere wrinkling of the nose. The nose is often slightly contracted, so as partly to close the passage;[1103] and this is commonly accompanied by a slight snort or expiration. All these actions are the same with those which we employ when we perceive an offensive odour, and wish to exclude or expel it. In extreme cases, as Dr. Piderit remarks,[1104] we protrude and raise both lips, or the upper lip alone, so as to close the nostrils as by a valve, the nose being thus turned up. We seem thus to say to the despised person that he smells offensively,[1105] in nearly the same manner as we express to him by half-closing our eyelids, or turning away our faces, that he is not worth looking at. It must not, however, be supposed that such ideas actually pass through the mind when we exhibit our contempt; but as whenever we have perceived a disagreeable odour or seen a disagreeable sight, actions of this kind have been performed, they have become habitual or fixed, and are now employed under any analogous state of mind.
The most common way to show contempt is through movements around the nose or mouth; however, strong movements around the mouth often indicate disgust. The nose might be slightly turned up, which usually happens when the upper lip is lifted; or the movement might be simplified to just wrinkling the nose. The nose often contracts a bit, partly closing off the passage; [1103] and this is usually accompanied by a slight snort or exhale. All these actions are similar to what we do when we notice an unpleasant smell and want to avoid or get rid of it. In extreme cases, as Dr. Piderit points out, [1104] we push out and raise both lips, or just the upper lip, closing the nostrils like a valve, with the nose pointed up. This conveys to the person we disdain that they smell bad, [1105] much like how we half-close our eyelids or turn away to show that they're not worth our attention. However, it shouldn't be assumed that we consciously think these ideas when we express contempt; since we often perform such actions in response to unpleasant odors or sights, they have become habitual and are now used in any similar emotional state.
Various odd little gestures likewise indicate contempt; for instance, snapping one’s fingers. This, as Mr. Taylor remarks,[1106] “is not very intelligible as we generally see it; but when we notice that the same sign made quite gently, as if rolling some tiny object away between the finger and thumb, or the sign of flipping it away with the thumb-nail and forefinger, are usual and well-understood deaf-and-dumb gestures, denoting anything tiny, insignificant, contemptible, it seems as though we had exaggerated and conventionalized a perfectly natural action, so as to lose sight of its original meaning. There is a curious mention of this gesture by Strabo.” Mr. Washington Matthews informs me that, with the Dakota Indians of North America, contempt is shown not only by movements of the face, such as those above described, but “conventionally, by the hand being closed and held near the breast, then, as the forearm is suddenly extended, the hand is opened and the fingers separated from each other. If the person at whose expense the sign is made is present, the hand is moved towards him, and the head sometimes averted from him.” This sudden extension and opening of the hand perhaps indicates the dropping or throwing away a valueless object.
Various strange little gestures also show contempt; for example, snapping one’s fingers. As Mr. Taylor points out, “this can be confusing as we typically see it; but when we observe that the same gesture made gently, as if rolling a tiny object away between the fingers and thumb, or the gesture of flicking it away with the thumb and forefinger, are common and well-understood gestures used by the deaf and mute to signify something small, insignificant, or contemptible, it seems like we've exaggerated and formalized a completely natural action, losing its original meaning in the process. There’s an interesting mention of this gesture by Strabo.” Mr. Washington Matthews tells me that, among the Dakota Indians of North America, contempt is expressed not only through facial movements like those previously described, but also “conventionally, with the hand closed and held close to the chest, then, as the forearm is suddenly extended, the hand opens and the fingers spread apart. If the person the gesture targets is present, the hand is directed toward them, and the head is sometimes turned away.” This sudden extension and opening of the hand may symbolize dropping or discarding a worthless object.
The term ‘disgust,’ in its simplest sense, means something offensive to the taste. It is curious how readily this feeling is excited by anything unusual in the appearance, odour, or nature of our food. In Tierra del Fuego a native touched with his finger some cold preserved meat which I was eating at our bivouac, and plainly showed utter disgust at its softness; whilst I felt utter disgust at my food being touched by a naked savage, though his hands did not appear dirty. A smear of soup on a man’s beard looks disgusting, though there is of course nothing disgusting in the soup itself. I presume that this follows from the strong association in our minds between the sight of food, however circumstanced, and the idea of eating it.
The term 'disgust,' in its most basic sense, refers to something that offends the taste. It's interesting how easily this feeling can be triggered by anything unusual in the appearance, smell, or nature of our food. In Tierra del Fuego, a local touched some cold preserved meat I was eating at our campsite, and clearly showed complete disgust at its softness; while I felt a strong disgust at my food being touched by a naked native, even though his hands didn't look dirty. A smudge of soup on a man's beard seems disgusting, though there's nothing actually disgusting about the soup itself. I think this comes from the strong connection in our minds between seeing food, regardless of the circumstances, and the idea of eating it.
As the sensation of disgust primarily arises in connection with the act of eating or tasting, it is natural that its expression should consist chiefly in movements round the mouth. But as disgust also causes annoyance, it is generally accompanied by a frown, and often by gestures as if to push away or to guard oneself against the offensive object. In the two photographs (figs. 2 and 3, on Plate V.) Mr. Rejlander has simulated this expression with some success. With respect to the face, moderate disgust is exhibited in various ways; by the mouth being widely opened, as if to let an offensive morsel drop out; by spitting; by blowing out of the protruded lips; or by a sound as of clearing the throat. Such guttural sounds are written ach or ugh; and their utterance is sometimes accompanied by a shudder, the arms being pressed close to the sides and the shoulders raised in the same manner as when horror is experienced.[1107] Extreme disgust is expressed by movements round the month identical with those preparatory to the act of vomiting. The mouth is opened widely, with the upper lip strongly retracted, which wrinkles the sides of the nose, and with the lower lip protruded and everted as much as possible. This latter movement requires the contraction of the muscles which draw downwards the corners of the mouth.[1108]
As the feeling of disgust mainly comes up during eating or tasting, it makes sense that we show it mostly through our mouth movements. But since disgust can also lead to annoyance, it’s usually seen with a frown and gestures that seem to push away or protect oneself from the unpleasant object. In the two photos (figs. 2 and 3, on Plate V.), Mr. Rejlander has captured this expression quite well. When it comes to the face, mild disgust can be shown in different ways: by opening the mouth wide as if trying to let something nasty fall out, by spitting, by blowing air out of pursed lips, or by making a sound that resembles clearing the throat. These guttural sounds are written as ach or ugh; and saying them can sometimes come with a shudder, with the arms close to the body and shoulders raised just like when someone feels horror.[1107] Intense disgust is shown by mouth movements that are the same as those before vomiting. The mouth is opened wide, the upper lip is pulled back strongly, which wrinkles the sides of the nose, and the lower lip is pushed out and turned inside out as much as possible. This last movement requires the muscles that pull the corners of the mouth down to contract.[1108]
It is remarkable how readily and instantly retching or actual vomiting is induced in some persons by the mere idea of having partaken of any unusual food, as of an animal which is not commonly eaten; although there is nothing in such food to cause the stomach to reject it. When vomiting results, as a reflex action, from some real cause—as from too rich food, or tainted meat, or from an emetic—it does not ensue immediately, but generally after a considerable interval of time. Therefore, to account for retching or vomiting being so quickly and easily excited by a mere idea, the suspicion arises that our progenitors must formerly have had the power (like that possessed by ruminants and some other animals) of voluntarily rejecting food which disagreed with them, or which they thought would disagree with them; and now, though this power has been lost, as far as the will is concerned, it is called into involuntary action, through the force of a formerly well-established habit, whenever the mind revolts at the idea of having partaken of any kind of food, or at anything disgusting. This suspicion receives support from the fact, of which I am assured by Mr. Sutton, that the monkeys in the Zoological Gardens often vomit whilst in perfect health, which looks as if the act were voluntary. We can see that as man is able to communicate by language to his children and others, the knowledge of the kinds of food to be avoided, he would have little occasion to use the faculty of voluntary rejection; so that this power would tend to be lost through disuse.
It's fascinating how easily and quickly some people can feel nauseated or actually vomit just from the thought of having eaten something unusual, like an animal that isn't commonly consumed, even though there's nothing about that food that should make them feel sick. When vomiting happens as a reflex due to a real reason—like rich food, spoiled meat, or medication—it doesn't occur immediately but usually after some time has passed. Therefore, to explain why the mere idea can trigger nausea or vomiting so swiftly and easily, one might suspect that our ancestors had the ability (similar to what some animals like ruminants possess) to voluntarily reject food that didn't agree with them or that they thought would not agree with them. Now, even though this ability has been lost in terms of conscious control, it can still activate involuntarily due to a long-established habit whenever the mind reacts negatively to the thought of certain foods or anything disgusting. This idea is supported by the observation noted by Mr. Sutton, that monkeys in the Zoological Gardens often vomit while being completely healthy, which suggests the act might be voluntary. We can see that since humans can communicate through language to their children and others about which foods to avoid, there's little need for them to use this voluntary rejection ability; thus, it’s likely that this skill would fade away due to lack of use.
As the sense of smell is so intimately connected with that of taste, it is not surprising that an excessively bad odour should excite retching or vomiting in some persons, quite as readily as the thought of revolting food does; and that, as a further consequence, a moderately offensive odour should cause the various expressive movements of disgust. The tendency to retch from a fetid odour is immediately strengthened in a curious manner by some degree of habit, though soon lost by longer familiarity with the cause of offence and by voluntary restraint. For instance, I wished to clean the skeleton of a bird, which had not been sufficiently macerated, and the smell made my servant and myself (we not having had much experience in such work) retch so violently, that we were compelled to desist. During the previous days I had examined some other skeletons, which smelt slightly; yet the odour did not in the least affect me, but, subsequently for several days, whenever I handled these same skeletons, they made me retch.
Since our sense of smell is closely linked to our sense of taste, it's not surprising that a really bad smell can make some people gag or vomit just as much as the idea of disgusting food can. Additionally, a moderately unpleasant odor can trigger various expressions of disgust. Interestingly, the urge to gag from a foul smell can increase with some degree of exposure but tends to fade with more prolonged familiarity with the irritating source, as well as through self-control. For example, I tried to clean the skeleton of a bird that hadn’t been completely macerated, and the smell made both me and my servant (since we didn’t have much experience with this kind of work) gag so violently that we had to stop. In the days leading up to that, I had examined a few other skeletons that had a slight smell, but it didn’t bother me at all. However, for several days afterward, handling those same skeletons made me gag.
From the answers received from my correspondents it appears that the various movements, which have now been described as expressing contempt and disgust, prevail throughout a large part of the world. Dr. Rothrock, for instance, answers with a decided affirmative with respect to certain wild Indian tribes of North America. Crantz says that when a Greenlander denies anything with contempt or horror he turns up his nose, and gives a slight sound through it.[1109] Mr. Scott has sent me a graphic description of the face of a young Hindoo at the sight of castor-oil, which he was compelled occasionally to take. Mr. Scott has also seen the same expression on the faces of high-caste natives who have approached close to some defiling object. Mr. Bridges says that the Fuegians “express contempt by shooting out the lips and hissing through them, and by turning up the nose.” The tendency either to snort through the nose, or to make a noise expressed by ugh or ach, is noticed by several of my correspondents.
From the responses I’ve received from my contacts, it seems that the various gestures now described as showing contempt and disgust are common in many parts of the world. Dr. Rothrock, for example, strongly agrees regarding certain wild Indian tribes in North America. Crantz notes that when a Greenlander denies something with contempt or horror, they turn up their nose and make a slight sound through it. Mr. Scott has provided a vivid description of the face of a young Hindu when faced with castor oil, which he had to take occasionally. Mr. Scott has also observed the same expression on high-caste natives who got too close to something considered unclean. Mr. Bridges mentions that the Fuegians “show contempt by protruding their lips and hissing through them, as well as by turning up their noses.” The tendency to either snort through the nose or make sounds like ugh or ach is noted by several of my correspondents.
Spitting seems an almost universal sign of contempt or disgust; and spitting obviously represents the rejection of anything offensive from the mouth. Shakspeare makes the Duke of Norfolk say, “I spit at him—call him a slanderous coward and a villain.” So, again, Falstaff says, “Tell thee what, Hal,—if I tell thee a lie, spit in my face.” Leichhardt remarks that the Australians “interrupted their speeches by spitting, and uttering a noise like pooh! pooh! apparently expressive of their disgust.” And Captain Burton speaks of certain negroes “spitting with disgust upon the ground.” Captain Speedy informs me that this is likewise the case with the Abyssinians. Mr. Geach says that with the Malays of Malacca the expression of disgust “answers to spitting from the mouth;” and with the Fuegians, according to Mr. Bridges “to spit at one is the highest mark of contempt.”[1110]
Spitting seems to be a nearly universal sign of contempt or disgust, representing the rejection of anything offensive from the mouth. Shakespeare has the Duke of Norfolk say, “I spit at him—call him a slanderous coward and a villain.” Similarly, Falstaff remarks, “Let me tell you, Hal—if I lie, spit in my face.” Leichhardt notes that Australians “interrupted their speeches by spitting and making a noise like pooh! pooh! apparently expressing their disgust.” Captain Burton mentions certain Black Australians “spitting with disgust on the ground.” Captain Speedy tells me this is also true for the Abyssinians. Mr. Geach states that for the Malays of Malacca, the expression of disgust “corresponds to spitting from the mouth,” and for the Fuegians, according to Mr. Bridges, “spitting at someone is the highest mark of contempt.”[1110]
I never saw disgust more plainly expressed than on the face of one of my infants at the age of five months, when, for the first time, some cold water, and again a month afterwards, when a piece of ripe cherry was put into his mouth. This was shown by the lips and whole mouth assuming a shape which allowed the contents to run or fall quickly out; the tongue being likewise protruded. These movements were accompanied by a little shudder. It was all the more comical, as I doubt whether the child felt real disgust—the eyes and forehead expressing much surprise and consideration. The protrusion of the tongue in letting a nasty object fall out of the mouth, may explain how it is that lolling out the tongue universally serves as a sign of contempt and hatred.[1111]
I’ve never seen disgust so clearly shown as on the face of one of my infants when he was five months old. The first time cold water touched his lips and then again a month later when a piece of ripe cherry was put in his mouth. His lips and entire mouth shaped themselves in a way that let the contents spill out quickly, and his tongue stuck out too. These movements came with a little shudder. It was even funnier because I doubt the child actually felt real disgust—his eyes and forehead showed a lot of surprise and contemplation. The way he stuck out his tongue to get rid of something unpleasant might explain why sticking out the tongue is widely seen as a sign of contempt and hatred.[1111]
We have now seen that scorn, disdain, contempt, and disgust are expressed in many different ways, by movements of the features, and by various gestures; and that these are the same throughout the world. They all consist of actions representing the rejection or exclusion of some real object which we dislike or abhor, but which does not excite in us certain other strong emotions, such as rage or terror; and through the force of habit and association similar actions are performed, whenever any analogous sensation arises in our minds.
We’ve now observed that scorn, disdain, contempt, and disgust are expressed in many different ways, through facial expressions and various gestures; and that these expressions are consistent around the world. They all involve actions that represent the rejection or exclusion of something real that we dislike or loathe, but which doesn’t provoke certain other strong emotions, like anger or fear; and through habit and association, similar actions occur whenever we experience a comparable feeling in our minds.
Jealousy, Envy, Avarice, Revenge, Suspicion, Deceit, Slyness, Guilt, Vanity, Conceit, Ambition, Pride, Humility, &c.—It is doubtful whether the greater number of the above complex states of mind are revealed by any fixed expression, sufficiently distinct to be described or delineated. When Shakspeare speaks of Envy as lean-faced, or black, or pale, and Jealousy as “the green-eyed monster;” and when Spenser describes Suspicion as “foul, ill-favoured, and grim,” they must have felt this difficulty. Nevertheless, the above feelings—at least many of them—can be detected by the eye; for instance, conceit; but we are often guided in a much greater degree than we suppose by our previous knowledge of the persons or circumstances.
Jealousy, Envy, Greed, Revenge, Suspicion, Deceit, Cunning, Guilt, Vanity, Pride, Ambition, and Humility.—It’s debatable whether most of these complex emotions show through any fixed expression that’s clear enough to describe or illustrate. When Shakespeare refers to Envy as lean-faced, or black, or pale, and Jealousy as the “green-eyed monster,” and Spenser depicts Suspicion as “foul, unattractive, and grim,” they must have encountered this challenge. Still, many of these feelings can be recognized by our eyes; for example, conceit. However, we are often influenced more than we realize by what we already know about the people or situations involved.
My correspondents almost unanimously answer in the affirmative to my query, whether the expression of guilt and deceit can be recognized amongst the various races of man; and I have confidence in their answers, as they generally deny that jealousy can thus be recognized. In the cases in which details are given, the eyes are almost always referred to. The guilty man is said to avoid looking at his accuser, or to give him stolen looks. The eyes are said “to be turned askant,” or “to waver from side to side,” or “the eyelids to be lowered and partly closed.” This latter remark is made by Mr. Hagenauer with respect to the Australians, and by Gaika with respect to the Kafirs. The restless movements of the eyes apparently follow, as will be explained when we treat of blushing, from the guilty man not enduring to meet the gaze of his accuser. I may add, that I have observed a guilty expression, without a shade of fear, in some of my own children at a very early age. In one instance the expression was unmistakably clear in a child two years and seven months old, and led to the detection of his little crime. It was shown, as I record in my notes made at the time, by an unnatural brightness in the eyes, and by an odd, affected manner, impossible to describe.
My correspondents almost unanimously respond positively to my question about whether guilt and deceit can be recognized among different races of people; I trust their answers since they typically say that jealousy can't be recognized in the same way. In cases where details are provided, the eyes are almost always mentioned. It is said that a guilty person avoids looking at their accuser or gives them sidelong glances. The eyes are described as “looking askance,” or “wavering from side to side,” or “the eyelids being lowered and partly closed.” This last observation is noted by Mr. Hagenauer regarding Australians and by Gaika regarding the Kafirs. The restless eye movements seem to arise, as will be explained when we discuss blushing, from the guilty person being unable to endure the gaze of their accuser. I should add that I have noticed a guilty look, without any hint of fear, in some of my own children from a very young age. In one case, the guilty expression was unmistakably clear in a child who was two years and seven months old, leading to the discovery of their little wrongdoing. I noted, as recorded in my notes at the time, that this was evident through an unusual brightness in their eyes and a strange, affected manner that’s hard to describe.
Slyness is also, I believe, exhibited chiefly by movements about the eyes; for these are less under the control of the will, owing to the force of long-continued habit, than are the movements of the body. Mr. Herbert Spencer remarks,[1112] “When there is a desire to see something on one side of the visual field without being supposed to see it, the tendency is to check the conspicuous movement of the head, and to make the required adjustment entirely with the eyes; which are, therefore, drawn very much to one side. Hence, when the eyes are turned to one side, while the face is not turned to the same side, we get the natural language of what is called slyness.”
Slyness is also, I believe, mainly shown through eye movements; these are less controlled by our will due to the impact of long-standing habits than body movements are. Mr. Herbert Spencer notes, [1112] “When there’s a desire to see something on one side of the visual field without appearing to see it, the tendency is to suppress the obvious movement of the head and to make the necessary adjustment entirely with the eyes; as a result, the eyes are often turned quite a bit to one side. Therefore, when the eyes are directed to one side while the face isn’t, it gives us the natural indication of what we call slyness.”
Of all the above-named complex emotions, Pride, perhaps, is the most plainly expressed. A proud man exhibits his sense of superiority over others by holding his head and body erect. He is haughty (haut), or high, and makes himself appear as large as possible; so that metaphorically he is said to be swollen or puffed up with pride. A peacock or a turkey-cock strutting about with puffed-up feathers, is sometimes said to be an emblem of pride.[1113] The arrogant man looks down on others, and with lowered eyelids hardly condescends to see them; or he may show his contempt by slight movements, such as those before described, about the nostrils or lips. Hence the muscle which everts the lower lip has been called the musculus superbus. In some photographs of patients affected by a monomania of pride, sent me by Dr. Crichton Browne, the head and body were held erect, and the mouth firmly closed. This latter action, expressive of decision, follows, I presume, from the proud man feeling perfect self-confidence in himself. The whole expression of pride stands in direct antithesis to that of humility; so that nothing need here be said of the latter state of mind.
Of all the complex emotions mentioned, pride is probably the most straightforward. A proud person shows their sense of superiority by standing tall with their head and body held high. They come across as arrogant and try to make themselves seem larger, so they can be described as swollen or puffed up with pride. A peacock or a turkey strutting around with puffed-up feathers is sometimes seen as a symbol of pride. The arrogant individual looks down on others, barely bothering to glance at them, or may show their disdain with subtle movements around their nostrils or lips. That's why the muscle that pulls down the lower lip is called the musculus superbus. In some photos of patients who exhibit a mania for pride, shared with me by Dr. Crichton Browne, they hold their heads and bodies upright, with their mouths tightly closed. This latter behavior, which reflects determination, likely comes from the proud person feeling completely confident in themselves. The entire expression of pride is in sharp contrast to that of humility, so there's no need to discuss the latter state of mind here.
Helplessness, Impotence: Shrugging the shoulders.—When a man wishes to show that he cannot do something, or prevent something being done, he often raises with a quick movement both shoulders. At the same time, if the whole gesture is completed, he bends his elbows closely inwards, raises his open hands, turning them outwards, with the fingers separated. The head is often thrown a little on one side; the eyebrows are elevated, and this causes wrinkles across the forehead. The mouth is generally opened. I may mention, in order to show how unconsciously the features are thus acted on, that though I had often intentionally shrugged my shoulders to observe how my arms were placed, I was not at all aware that my eyebrows were raised and mouth opened, until I looked at myself in a glass; and since then I have noticed the same movements in the faces of others. In the accompanying Plate VI., figs. 3 and 4, Mr. Rejlander has successfully acted the gesture of shrugging the shoulders.
Helplessness, Impotence: Shrugging the shoulders.—When someone wants to show that they can't do something, or that they can't stop something from happening, they often quickly lift both shoulders. At the same time, to complete the gesture, they bend their elbows inward, raise their open hands with the palms facing out, and spread their fingers apart. The head is often tilted slightly to one side; the eyebrows go up, creating wrinkles across the forehead. The mouth usually hangs open. I should point out, to illustrate how unconsciously our features can react, that even though I have intentionally shrugged my shoulders to check how my arms were positioned, I didn’t realize that my eyebrows were raised and my mouth was open until I looked in a mirror; since then, I've noticed the same expressions in other people's faces. In the accompanying Plate VI., figs. 3 and 4, Mr. Rejlander has effectively captured the shrugging gesture.
Englishmen are much less demonstrative than the men of most other European nations, and they shrug their shoulders far less frequently and energetically than Frenchmen or Italians do. The gesture varies in all degrees from the complex movement, just described, to only a momentary and scarcely perceptible raising of both shoulders; or, as I have noticed in a lady sitting in an arm-chair, to the mere turning slightly outwards of the open hands with separated fingers. I have never seen very young English children shrug their shoulders, but the following case was observed with care by a medical professor and excellent observer, and has been communicated to me by him. The father of this gentleman was a Parisian, and his mother a Scotch lady. His wife is of British extraction on both sides, and my informant does not believe that she ever shrugged her shoulders in her life. His children have been reared in England, and the nursemaid is a thorough Englishwoman, who has never been seen to shrug her shoulders. Now, his eldest daughter was observed to shrug her shoulders at the age of between sixteen and eighteen months; her mother exclaiming at the time, “Look at the little French girl shrugging her shoulders!” At first she often acted thus, sometimes throwing her head a little backwards and on one side, but she did not, as far as was observed, move her elbows and hands in the usual manner. The habit gradually wore away, and now, when she is a little over four years old, she is never seen to act thus. The father is told that he sometimes shrugs his shoulders, especially when arguing with any one; but it is extremely improbable that his daughter should have imitated him at so early an age; for, as he remarks, she could not possibly have often seen this gesture in him. Moreover, if the habit had been acquired through imitation, it is not probable that it would so soon have been spontaneously discontinued by this child, and, as we shall immediately see, by a second child, though the father still lived with his family. This little girl, it may be added, resembles her Parisian grandfather in countenance to an almost absurd degree. She also presents another and very curious resemblance to him, namely, by practising a singular trick. When she impatiently wants something, she holds out her little hand, and rapidly rubs the thumb against the index and middle finger: now this same trick was frequently performed under the same circumstances by her grandfather.
English men are much less expressive than those from most other European countries, and they shrug their shoulders far less often and with less energy than the French or Italians. The shrug can range from a complex movement to just a quick and barely noticeable raise of both shoulders; or, as I’ve seen in a woman sitting in an armchair, just a slight outward turn of her open hands with fingers spread apart. I’ve never seen very young English children shrug their shoulders, but a medical professor and keen observer shared a specific case with me. This gentleman's father was from Paris, and his mother was Scottish. His wife is British on both sides, and my informant believes she has never shrugged her shoulders in her life. His children grew up in England, and their nursemaid is a true Englishwoman, who has never been seen to shrug her shoulders. However, his eldest daughter was noticed shrugging her shoulders between the ages of sixteen and eighteen months; her mother exclaimed at that moment, “Look at the little French girl shrugging her shoulders!” At first, she did this often, sometimes tilting her head back and to the side, but she didn’t, as far as anyone could tell, move her elbows and hands in the usual way. The habit gradually faded, and now, at just over four years old, she never does it anymore. People say her father sometimes shrugs his shoulders, especially during arguments, but it’s highly unlikely she would imitate him at such an early age; as he points out, she couldn’t have seen him do this very often. Furthermore, if she had picked it up by imitation, it’s unlikely she would have stopped doing it so quickly, and as we will soon see, her younger sibling did the same, even though their father continued to live with them. It’s worth noting that this little girl bears an almost comical resemblance to her Parisian grandfather in her looks. She also shares another interesting similarity with him: when she is impatient for something, she extends her little hand and quickly rubs her thumb against her index and middle fingers—a trick her grandfather often performed in the same situations.
This gentleman’s second daughter also shrugged her shoulders before the age of eighteen months, and afterwards discontinued the habit. It is of course possible that she may have imitated her elder sister; but she continued it after her sister had lost the habit. She at first resembled her Parisian grandfather in a less degree than did her sister at the same age, but now in a greater degree. She likewise practises to the present time the peculiar habit of rubbing together, when impatient, her thumb and two of her fore-fingers.
This gentleman's second daughter also shrugged her shoulders before she turned eighteen months old, and then she stopped doing it. It's possible she might have copied her older sister; however, she continued it even after her sister had stopped. At first, she looked less like her Parisian grandfather than her sister did at that age, but now she looks more like him. She still has the unique habit of rubbing her thumb and two of her forefingers together when she's impatient.
In this latter case we have a good instance, like those given in a former chapter, of the inheritance of a trick or gesture; for no one, I presume, will attribute to mere coincidence so peculiar a habit as this, which was common to the grandfather and his two grandchildren who had never seen him.
In this latter case, we have a clear example, similar to those mentioned in an earlier chapter, of inheriting a particular trick or gesture. I assume no one would think it's just a coincidence for such a unique habit to be shared between the grandfather and his two grandchildren, who had never met him.
Considering all the circumstances with reference to these children shrugging their shoulders, it can hardly be doubted that they have inherited the habit from their French progenitors, although they have only one quarter French blood in their veins, and although their grandfather did not often shrug his shoulders. There is nothing very unusual, though the fact is interesting, in these children having gained by inheritance a habit during early youth, and then discontinuing it; for it is of frequent occurrence with many kinds of animals that certain characters are retained for a period by the young, and are then lost.
Considering all the circumstances regarding these children shrugging their shoulders, it’s hard to deny that they've picked up this habit from their French ancestors, even though they only have a quarter of French blood and their grandfather didn’t often shrug. There's nothing particularly strange about these children inheriting a habit in their early years and then stopping it; it often happens in many animal species that young ones retain certain traits for a while and then lose them.
As it appeared to me at one time improbable in a high degree that so complex a gesture as shrugging the shoulders, together with the accompanying movements, should be innate, I was anxious to ascertain whether the blind and deaf Laura Bridgman, who could not have learnt the habit by imitation, practised it. And I have heard, through Dr. Innes, from a lady who has lately had charge of her, that she does shrug her shoulders, turn in her elbows, and raise her eyebrows in the same manner as other people, and under the same circumstances. I was also anxious to learn whether this gesture was practised by the various races of man, especially by those who never have had much intercourse with Europeans. We shall see that they act in this manner; but it appears that the gesture is sometimes confined to merely raising or shrugging the shoulders, without the other movements.
At one point, I found it highly unlikely that such a complex gesture as shrugging the shoulders, along with the accompanying movements, could be innate. So, I wanted to find out if Laura Bridgman, who was blind and deaf and couldn't have learned this habit through imitation, actually did it. I've heard from Dr. Innes, through a lady who has recently cared for her, that she does shrug her shoulders, bend in her elbows, and raise her eyebrows just like other people do in similar situations. I was also curious to see if this gesture was practiced by different human races, especially those who haven't had much interaction with Europeans. We'll see that they do show this behavior, but it seems that the gesture is sometimes limited to just raising or shrugging the shoulders, without the other movements.
Mr. Scott has frequently seen this gesture in the Bengalees and Dhangars (the latter constituting a distinct race) who are employed in the Botanic Garden at Calcutta; when, for instance, they have declared that they could not do some work, such as lifting a heavy weight. He ordered a Bengalee to climb a lofty tree; but the man, with a shrug of his shoulders and a lateral shake of his head, said he could not. Mr. Scott knowing that the man was lazy, thought he could, and insisted on his trying. His face now became pale, his arms dropped to his sides, his mouth and eyes were widely opened, and again surveying the tree, he looked askant at Mr. Scott, shrugged his shoulders, inverted his elbows, extended his open hands, and with a few quick lateral shakes of the head declared his inability. Mr. H. Erskine has likewise seen the natives of India shrugging their shoulders; but he has never seen the elbows turned so much inwards as with us; and whilst shrugging their shoulders they sometimes lay their uncrossed hands on their breasts.
Mr. Scott has often observed this gesture among the Bengalees and Dhangars (the latter being a separate ethnic group) who work at the Botanic Garden in Calcutta. For example, when they said they couldn’t do some tasks, like lifting a heavy object. He asked a Bengalee to climb a tall tree, but the man shrugged his shoulders and shook his head sideways, saying he couldn’t. Knowing the man was lazy, Mr. Scott believed he could do it and insisted he try. The man’s face turned pale, his arms fell to his sides, his mouth and eyes opened wide, and as he looked at the tree again, he glanced at Mr. Scott, shrugged his shoulders, bent his elbows inward, extended his open hands, and with a few quick shakes of his head, insisted he was unable to. Mr. H. Erskine has also noticed that the natives of India shrug their shoulders, but he has never seen them turn their elbows inwards as much as we do. While shrugging, they sometimes rest their uncrossed hands on their chests.
With the wild Malays of the interior of Malacca, and with the Bugis (true Malays, though speaking a different language), Mr. Geach has often seen this gesture. I presume that it is complete, as, in answer to my query descriptive of the movements of the shoulders, arms, hands, and face, Mr. Geach remarks, “it is performed in a beautiful style.” I have lost an extract from a scientific voyage, in which shrugging the shoulders by some natives (Micronesians) of the Caroline Archipelago in the Pacific Ocean, was well described. Capt. Speedy informs me that the Abyssinians shrug their shoulders but enters into no details. Mrs. Asa Gray saw an Arab dragoman in Alexandria acting exactly as described in my query, when an old gentleman, on whom he attended, would not go in the proper direction which had been pointed out to him.
Mr. Geach has often witnessed this gesture among the wild Malays in the interior of Malacca and with the Bugis (true Malays, although they speak a different language). I assume it's complete, as Mr. Geach responds to my question about the movements of the shoulders, arms, hands, and face by saying, “it is performed in a beautiful style.” I've lost a passage from a scientific voyage that described shoulder shrugging among some natives (Micronesians) of the Caroline Archipelago in the Pacific Ocean. Capt. Speedy tells me that the Abyssinians also shrug their shoulders but doesn’t provide any details. Mrs. Asa Gray observed an Arab dragoman in Alexandria acting exactly as described in my question when an elderly gentleman he was assisting refused to go in the direction that had been indicated to him.
Mr. Washington Matthews says, in reference to the wild Indian tribes of the western parts of the United States, “I have on a few occasions detected men using a slight apologetic shrug, but the rest of the demonstration which you describe I have not witnessed.” Fritz Müller informs me that he has seen the negroes in Brazil shrugging their shoulders; but it is of course possible that they may have learnt to do so by imitating the Portuguese. Mrs. Barber has never seen this gesture with the Kafirs of South Africa; and Gaika, judging from his answer, did not even understand what was meant by my description. Mr. Swinhoe is also doubtful about the Chinese; but he has seen them, under the circumstances which would make us shrug our shoulders, press their right elbow against their side, raise their eyebrows, lift up their hand with the palm directed towards the person addressed, and shake it from right to left. Lastly, with respect to the Australians, four of my informants answer by a simple negative, and one by a simple affirmative. Mr. Bunnett, who has had excellent opportunities for observation on the borders of the Colony of Victory, also answers by a “yes,” adding that the gesture is performed “in a more subdued and less demonstrative manner than is the case with civilized nations.” This circumstance may account for its not having been noticed by four of my informants.
Mr. Washington Matthews says about the Native American tribes in the western United States, “I’ve noticed a few times that some men use a slight apologetic shrug, but I haven't seen the other gestures you mentioned.” Fritz Müller tells me he’s seen Black people in Brazil shrugging their shoulders; however, it’s possible they learned that from imitating the Portuguese. Mrs. Barber has never observed this gesture with the Kafirs in South Africa, and Gaika, judging by his response, didn’t even understand what I meant by my description. Mr. Swinhoe is also unsure about the Chinese, but he has seen them, in situations where we would shrug our shoulders, press their right elbow against their side, raise their eyebrows, lift their hand with the palm facing the person they’re talking to, and shake it from side to side. Lastly, regarding Australians, four of my sources simply said no, while one said yes. Mr. Bunnett, who has had great opportunities to observe in the area near the Colony of Victoria, also answered “yes,” adding that the gesture is done “in a more subdued and less expressive way than with civilized countries.” This might explain why four of my sources did not notice it.
These statements, relating to Europeans, Hindoos, the hill-tribes of India, Malays, Micronesians, Abyssinians, Arabs, Negroes, Indians of North America, and apparently to the Australians—many of these natives having had scarcely any intercourse with Europeans—are sufficient to show that shrugging the shoulders, accompanied in some cases by the other proper movements, is a gesture natural to mankind.
These statements about Europeans, Hindus, the hill tribes of India, Malays, Micronesians, Abyssinians, Arabs, Black people, Native Americans, and seemingly Australians—many of whom have had little to no contact with Europeans—are enough to demonstrate that shrugging shoulders, often with other related movements, is a gesture that comes naturally to human beings.
This gesture implies an unintentional or unavoidable action on our own part, or one that we cannot perform; or an action performed by another person which we cannot prevent. It accompanies such speeches as, “It was not my fault;” “It is impossible for me to grant this favour;” “He must follow his own course, I cannot stop him.” Shrugging the shoulders likewise expresses patience, or the absence of any intention to resist. Hence the muscles which raise the shoulders are sometimes called, as I have been informed by an artist, the patience muscles. Shylock the Jew, says,
This gesture suggests an unintentional or unavoidable action on our part, or something we can't do; or an action done by someone else that we can't stop. It goes along with statements like, “It wasn't my fault;” “I can't grant this favor;” “He has to follow his own path, I can't hold him back.” Shrugging your shoulders also shows patience, or a lack of intention to resist. That's why the muscles that raise the shoulders are sometimes referred to, as I've learned from an artist, as the patience muscles. Shylock the Jew says,
“Signor Antonio, many a time and oft
In the Rialto have you rated me
About my monies and usances;
Still have I borne it with a patient shrug.”
Merchant of Venice, act i. sc. 3.
“Mr. Antonio, you’ve often scolded me
In the marketplace about my money and interest;
Yet I’ve endured it with a patient shrug.”
Merchant of Venice, act i. sc. 3.
Sir C. Bell has given[1114] a life-like figure of a man, who is shrinking back from some terrible danger, and is on the point of screaming out in abject terror. He is represented with his shoulders lifted up almost to his ears; and this at once declares that there is no thought of resistance.
Sir C. Bell has provided a life-like figure of a man, who is recoiling from some terrible danger and is about to scream in sheer terror. He is portrayed with his shoulders raised almost to his ears, clearly showing that he has no intention of resisting.
As shrugging the shoulders generally implies “I cannot do this or that,” so by a slight change, it sometimes implies “I won’t do it.” The movement then expresses a dogged determination not to act. Olmsted describes[1115] an Indian in Texas as giving a great shrug to his shoulders, when he was informed that a party of men were Germans and not Americans, thus expressing that he would have nothing to do with them. Sulky and obstinate children may be seen with both their shoulders raised high up; but this movement is not associated with the others which generally accompany a true shrug. An excellent observer[1116] in describing a young man who was determined not to yield to his father’s desire, says, “He thrust his hands deep down into his pockets, and set up his shoulders to his ears, which was a good warning that, come right or wrong, this rock should fly from its firm base as soon as Jack would; and that any remonstrance on the subject was purely futile.” As soon as the son got his own way, he “put his shoulders into their natural position.”
As shrugging your shoulders usually means “I can’t do this or that,” it can also subtly mean “I won’t do it.” In this case, the gesture shows a stubborn refusal to act. Olmsted talks about an Indian in Texas who gave a big shrug when he found out a group of men were Germans and not Americans, indicating he wanted nothing to do with them. Sulky and stubborn kids can often be seen with their shoulders raised high, but this gesture isn't linked to the other movements that usually come with a genuine shrug. An insightful observer describes a young man who was determined not to give in to his father’s wishes, saying, “He shoved his hands deep into his pockets and lifted his shoulders to his ears, which was a clear sign that, come hell or high water, this rock would leave its firm place as soon as Jack would; and that any objections about it were completely pointless.” Once the son got his way, he “lowered his shoulders back to their natural position.”
Resignation is sometimes shown by the open hands being placed, one over the other, on the lower part of the body. I should not have thought this little gesture worth even a passing notice, had not Dr. W. Ogle remarked to me that he had two or three times observed it in patients who were preparing for operations under chloroform. They exhibited no great fear, but seemed to declare by this posture of their hands, that they had made up their minds, and were resigned to the inevitable.
Resignation is sometimes shown by placing open hands, one over the other, on the lower part of the body. I wouldn’t have thought this small gesture was worth even a moment's attention, if Dr. W. Ogle hadn’t mentioned to me that he had seen it a couple of times in patients preparing for operations under chloroform. They didn’t seem particularly fearful, but their hand position seemed to indicate that they had accepted the situation and were resigned to the inevitable.
We may now inquire why men in all parts of the world when they feel,—whether or not they wish to show this feeling,—that they cannot or will not do something, or will not resist something if done by another, shrug their shoulders, at the same time often bending in their elbows, showing the palms of their hands with extended fingers, often throwing their heads a little on one side, raising their eyebrows, and opening their mouths. These states of the mind are either simply passive, or show a determination not to act. None of the above movements are of the least service. The explanation lies, I cannot doubt, in the principle of unconscious antithesis. This principle here seems to come into play as clearly as in the case of a dog, who, when feeling savage, puts himself in the proper attitude for attacking and for making himself appear terrible to his enemy; but as soon as he feels affectionate, throws his whole body into a directly opposite attitude, though this is of no direct use to him.
We can now ask why men everywhere, when they feel—whether or not they want to show it—that they can't or won't do something, or won't resist something that someone else does, shrug their shoulders. At the same time, they often bend their elbows, show the palms of their hands with fingers extended, tilt their heads slightly to one side, raise their eyebrows, and open their mouths. These mental states are either simply passive or indicate a decision not to act. None of these movements serve any practical purpose. The explanation lies, I have no doubt, in the principle of unconscious antithesis. This principle appears to work here just as clearly as with a dog that, when feeling aggressive, puts itself in an attacking posture to seem intimidating to its enemy; but as soon as it feels affectionate, it shifts its entire body into a completely opposite position, even though this doesn’t benefit it directly.
Let it be observed how an indignant man, who resents, and will not submit to some injury, holds his head erect, squares his shoulders, and expands his chest. He often clenches his fists, and puts one or both arms in the proper position for attack or defence, with the muscles of his limbs rigid. He frowns,—that is, he contracts and lowers his brows,—and, being determined, closes his mouth. The actions and attitude of a helpless man are, in every one of these respects, exactly the reverse. In Plate VI. we may imagine one of the figures on the left side to have just said, “What do you mean by insulting me?” and one of the figures on the right side to answer, “I really could not help it.” The helpless man unconsciously contracts the muscles of his forehead which are antagonistic to those that cause a frown, and thus raises his eyebrows; at the same time he relaxes the muscles about the mouth, so that the lower jaw drops. The antithesis is complete in every detail, not only in the movements of the features, but in the position of the limbs and in the attitude of the whole body, as may be seen in the accompanying plate. As the helpless or apologetic man often wishes to show his state of mind, he then acts in a conspicuous or demonstrative manner.
Let's note how an angry person, who feels wronged and won’t accept an insult, keeps their head held high, straightens their shoulders, and puffs out their chest. They often clench their fists and position their arms for either attack or defense, with their muscles tense. They frown—meaning they furrow and lower their brows—and, resolute, they shut their mouth. In contrast, a powerless person displays the exact opposite in every single one of these respects. In Plate VI. we might picture one figure on the left saying, “What do you mean by insulting me?” while a figure on the right responds, “I really couldn’t help it.” The helpless person unconsciously tightens the muscles in their forehead that oppose those which create a frown, causing their eyebrows to rise; at the same time, they relax the muscles around their mouth, dropping their lower jaw. The contrast is evident in every detail, not only in their facial expressions but also in the positioning of their limbs and the overall stance of their body, as illustrated in the accompanying plate. As the apologetic or powerless man often tries to express their feelings, they tend to act in a striking or obvious way.
In accordance with the fact that squaring the elbows and clenching the fists are gestures by no means universal with the men of all races, when they feel indignant and are prepared to attack their enemy, so it appears that a helpless or apologetic frame of mind is expressed in many parts of the world by merely shrugging the shoulders, without turning inwards the elbows and opening the hands. The man or child who is obstinate, or one who is resigned to some great misfortune, has in neither case any idea of resistance by active means; and he expresses this state of mind, by simply keeping his shoulders raised; or he may possibly fold his arms across his breast.
Since squaring the elbows and clenching the fists are not universal gestures among men of all races when they feel angry and ready to confront their enemy, it seems that a helpless or apologetic mindset is shown in many parts of the world simply by shrugging the shoulders, without pulling the elbows inward or opening the hands. A person, whether man or child, who is stubborn or resigned to significant misfortune shows no intention of resisting actively; they convey this state of mind by merely keeping their shoulders raised, or they might fold their arms across their chest.
Signs of affirmation or approval, and of negation or disapproval: nodding and shaking the head.—I was curious to ascertain how far the common signs used by us in affirmation and negation were general throughout the world. These signs are indeed to a certain extent expressive of our feelings, as we give a vertical nod of approval with a smile to our children, when we approve of their conduct; and shake our heads laterally with a frown, when we disapprove. With infants, the first act of denial consists in refusing food; and I repeatedly noticed with my own infants, that they did so by withdrawing their heads laterally from the breast, or from anything offered them in a spoon. In accepting food and taking it into their mouths, they incline their heads forwards. Since making these observations I have been informed that the same idea had occurred to Charma.[1117] It deserves notice that in accepting or taking food, there is only a single movement forward, and a single nod implies an affirmation. On the other hand, in refusing food, especially if it be pressed on them, children frequently move their heads several times from side to side, as we do in shaking our heads in negation. Moreover, in the case of refusal, the head is not rarely thrown backwards, or the mouth is closed, so that these movements might likewise come to serve as signs of negation. Mr. Wedgwood remarks on this subject,[1118] that “when the voice is exerted with closed teeth or lips, it produces the sound of the letter n or m. Hence we may account for the use of the particle ne to signify negation, and possibly also of the Greek mh in the same sense.”
Signs of approval or affirmation, and of disapproval or negation: nodding and shaking the head.—I was curious to find out how common the signs we use for saying yes and no are around the world. These signs do express our feelings to some extent; we give a vertical nod and smile to our children when we approve of their behavior, and we shake our heads side to side with a frown when we disapprove. For infants, the first act of denial is refusing food; I often noticed with my own infants that they did this by turning their heads away from the breast or from anything offered to them in a spoon. When they accept food and take it into their mouths, they lean their heads forward. After making these observations, I learned that the same idea occurred to Charma.[1117] It's worth noting that when accepting or taking food, there’s just a single forward movement, and a single nod means yes. On the other hand, when refusing food—especially if it’s being pushed on them—children often move their heads side to side multiple times, like we do when shaking our heads to say no. Additionally, when refusing, they might lean their heads back or close their mouths, so these movements could also act as signs of negation. Mr. Wedgwood comments on this, [1118] saying, “when the voice is used with closed teeth or lips, it creates the sound of the letter n or m. This helps explain the use of the particle ne to indicate negation, and possibly also the Greek mh in the same sense.”
That these signs are innate or instinctive, at least with Anglo-Saxons, is rendered highly probable by the blind and deaf Laura Bridgman “constantly accompanying her yes with the common affirmative nod, and her no with our negative shake of the head.” Had not Mr. Lieber stated to the contrary,[1119] I should have imagined that these gestures might have been acquired or learnt by her, considering her wonderful sense of touch and appreciation of the movements of others. With microcephalous idiots, who are so degraded that they never learn to speak, one of them is described by Vogt,[1120] as answering, when asked whether he wished for more food or drink, by inclining or shaking his head. Schmalz, in his remarkable dissertation on the education of the deaf and dumb, as well as of children raised only one degree above idiotcy, assumes that they can always both make and understand the common signs of affirmation and negation.[1121]
That these signs are natural or instinctive, at least for Anglo-Saxons, is made very likely by the blind and deaf Laura Bridgman, who “constantly accompanies her yes with the usual affirmative nod, and her no with our typical shake of the head.” If Mr. Lieber hadn’t said otherwise,[1119] I would have thought that she learned these gestures, given her incredible sense of touch and ability to recognize the movements of others. With microcephalic individuals, who are so limited that they never learn to speak, Vogt describes one of them as responding, when asked if he wanted more food or drink, by nodding or shaking his head. Schmalz, in his insightful dissertation on the education of the deaf and mute, as well as of children who are only slightly above idiocy, suggests that they can always understand and use the common signs of affirmation and negation.[1121]
Nevertheless if we look to the various races of man, these signs are not so universally employed as I should have expected; yet they seem too general to be ranked as altogether conventional or artificial. My informants assert that both signs are used by the Malays, by the natives of Ceylon, the Chinese, the negroes of the Guinea coast, and, according to Gaika, by the Kafirs of South Africa, though with these latter people Mrs. Barber has never seen a lateral shake used as a negative. With respect to the Australians, seven observers agree that a nod is given in affirmation; five agree about a lateral shake in negation, accompanied or not by some word; but Mr. Dyson Lacy has never seen this latter sign in Queensland, and Mr. Bulmer says that in Gipps’ Land a negative is expressed by throwing the head a little backwards and putting out the tongue. At the northern extremity of the continent, near Torres Straits, the natives when uttering a negative “don’t shake the head with it, but holding up the right hand, shake it by turning it half round and back again two or three times.”[1122] The throwing back of the head with a cluck of the tongue is said to be used as a negative by the modern Greeks and Turks, the latter people expressing yes by a movement like that made by us when we shake our heads.[1123] The Abyssinians, as I am informed by Captain Speedy, express a negative by jerking the head to the right shoulder, together with a slight cluck, the mouth being closed; an affirmation is expressed by the head being thrown backwards and the eyebrows raised for an instant. The Tagals of Luzon, in the Philippine Archipelago, as I hear from Dr. Adolf Meyer, when they say “yes,” also throw the head backwards. According to the Rajah Brooke, the Dyaks of Borneo express an affirmation by raising the eyebrows, and a negation by slightly contracting them, together with a peculiar look from the eyes. With the Arabs on the Nile, Professor and Mrs. Asa Gray concluded that nodding in affirmation was rare, whilst shaking the head in negation was never used, and was not even understood by them. With the Esquimaux[1124] a nod means yes and a wink no. The New Zealanders “elevate the head and chin in place of nodding acquiescence.”[1125]
However, if we look at the various races of people, these signs aren’t used as universally as I would have expected; yet they seem too common to be considered completely conventional or artificial. My sources say that both signs are used by Malays, the natives of Ceylon, the Chinese, the blacks of the Guinea coast, and, according to Gaika, by the Kafirs of South Africa, though Mrs. Barber has never seen a lateral shake used as a negative among this last group. Regarding Australians, seven observers agree that a nod indicates agreement; five say that a lateral shake indicates disagreement, sometimes accompanied by a word; but Mr. Dyson Lacy has never seen this latter sign in Queensland, and Mr. Bulmer says that in Gipps’ Land, a negative is shown by tilting the head slightly back and sticking out the tongue. At the northern tip of the continent, near Torres Straits, the natives, when saying a negative, “don’t shake their heads, but hold up their right hand, shaking it by turning it half round and back again two or three times.”[1122] The action of throwing back the head with a cluck of the tongue is reported to be used as a negative by modern Greeks and Turks, with the latter expressing yes in a way similar to how we shake our heads.[1123] The Abyssinians, as I learned from Captain Speedy, show a negative by jerking the head to the right shoulder while making a slight clucking sound with closed lips; affirmation is indicated by throwing the head back and raising the eyebrows briefly. The Tagals of Luzon, in the Philippine Archipelago, as reported by Dr. Adolf Meyer, also throw their heads back when they say “yes.” According to Rajah Brooke, the Dyaks of Borneo show agreement by raising their eyebrows and disagreement by slightly furrowing them, along with a distinctive look in their eyes. With the Arabs on the Nile, Professor and Mrs. Asa Gray found that nodding for agreement was rare, while shaking the head for disagreement was never used and not even understood by them. Among the Esquimaux[1124] a nod means yes and a wink means no. The New Zealanders “lift their head and chin instead of nodding to show agreement.”[1125]
With the Hindoos Mr. H. Erskine concludes from inquiries made from experienced Europeans, and from native gentlemen, that the signs of affirmation and negation vary—a nod and a lateral shake being sometimes used as we do; but a negative is more commonly expressed by the head being thrown suddenly backwards and a little to one side, with a cluck of the tongue. What the meaning may be of this cluck of the tongue, which has been observed with various people, I cannot imagine. A native gentleman stated that affirmation is frequently shown by the head being thrown to the left. I asked Mr. Scott to attend particularly to this point, and, after repeated observations, he believes that a vertical nod is not commonly used by the natives in affirmation, but that the head is first thrown backwards either to the left or right, and then jerked obliquely forwards only once. This movement would perhaps have been described by a less careful observer as a lateral shake. He also states that in negation the head is usually held nearly upright, and shaken several times.
With the Hindus, Mr. H. Erskine concludes from inquiries made with experienced Europeans and local gentlemen that the signs for yes and no differ—a nod and a side-to-side shake are sometimes used like we do; however, a no is more commonly shown by quickly throwing the head back and slightly to one side, accompanied by a cluck of the tongue. I can’t figure out what the meaning of this tongue cluck is, which has been noticed among various groups. A local gentleman mentioned that yes is often indicated by throwing the head to the left. I asked Mr. Scott to pay special attention to this point, and after several observations, he thinks that a straight nod isn’t commonly used by the locals for yes; instead, the head is first thrown back either to the left or right and then jerked slightly forward just once. A less careful observer might have described this movement as a side shake. He also notes that for no, the head is usually held almost upright and shaken several times.
Mr. Bridges informs me that the Fuegians nod their heads vertically in affirmation, and shake them laterally in denial. With the wild Indians of North America, according to Mr. Washington Matthews, nodding and shaking the head have been learnt from Europeans, and are not naturally employed. They express affirmation by describing with the hand (all the fingers except the index being flexed) a curve downwards and outwards from the body, whilst negation is expressed by moving the open hand outwards, with the palm facing inwards. Other observers state that the sign of affirmation with these Indians is the forefinger being raised, and then lowered and pointed to the ground, or the hand is waved straight forward from the face; and that the sign of negation is the finger or whole hand shaken from side to side.[1126] This latter movement probably represents in all cases the lateral shaking of the head. The Italians are said in like manner to move the lifted finger from right to left in negation, as indeed we English sometimes do.
Mr. Bridges tells me that the Fuegians nod their heads up and down to say yes, and shake them side to side to say no. According to Mr. Washington Matthews, the wild Indians of North America have learned to nod and shake their heads from Europeans, and they don’t use these gestures naturally. They show agreement by moving their hand (with all fingers except the index finger bent) in a downward and outward curve away from their body, while they indicate disagreement by moving their open hand outward with the palm facing inward. Other observers report that to show agreement, these Indians raise their index finger and then lower it, pointing to the ground, or they wave their hand straight out from their face; and for disagreement, they shake either their finger or whole hand side to side. This latter gesture probably represents the side-to-side shaking of the head in all cases. It’s said that Italians also move their raised finger from right to left to indicate no, just as we English sometimes do.
On the whole we find considerable diversity in the signs of affirmation and negation in the different races of man. With respect to negation, if we admit that the shaking of the finger or hand from side to side is symbolic of the lateral movement of the head; and if we admit that the sudden backward movement of the head represents one of the actions often practised by young children in refusing food, then there is much uniformity throughout the world in the signs of negation, and we can see how they originated. The most marked exceptions are presented by the Arabs, Esquimaux, some Australian tribes, and Dyaks. With the latter a frown is the sign of negation, and with us frowning often accompanies a lateral shake of the head.
Overall, we notice significant diversity in the ways people express affirmation and negation across different races. When it comes to negation, if we accept that shaking a finger or hand from side to side symbolizes shaking the head and that the sudden backward movement of the head is something young children often do when refusing food, then there’s a lot of similarity worldwide in the signs of negation, and we can understand their origins. The most notable exceptions are found among the Arabs, Eskimos, some Australian tribes, and Dyaks. For the Dyaks, a frown signifies negation, and for us, a frown often goes along with shaking the head side to side.
With respect to nodding in affirmation, the exceptions are rather more numerous, namely with some of the Hindoos, with the Turks, Abyssinians, Dyaks, Tagals, and New Zealanders. The eyebrows are sometimes raised in affirmation, and as a person in bending his head forwards and downwards naturally looks up to the person whom he addresses, he will be apt to raise his eyebrows, and this sign may thus have arisen as an abbreviation. So again with the New Zealanders, the lifting up the chin and head in affirmation may perhaps represent in an abbreviated form the upward movement of the head after it has been nodded forwards and downwards.
When it comes to nodding to show agreement, there are quite a few exceptions, including some groups of Hindus, Turks, Abyssinians, Dyaks, Tagals, and New Zealanders. Sometimes, people raise their eyebrows to indicate agreement, and when someone bends their head forward and down, they naturally look up at the person they're talking to, which may lead to them raising their eyebrows. This gesture might have developed as a simpler form of affirmation. Similarly, among the New Zealanders, lifting the chin and head to show agreement might represent a shortened version of the upward movement that follows a forward and downward nod.
CHAPTER XII.
SURPRISE—ASTONISHMENT—FEAR—HORROR.
Surprise, astonishment—Elevation of the eyebrows—Opening the mouth—Protrusion of the lips—Gestures accompanying surprise—Admiration—Fear—Terror—Erection of the hair—Contraction of the platysma muscle—Dilatation of the pupils—Horror—Conclusion.
Surprise, amazement—Eyebrows raised—Mouth opened—Lips pushed out—Actions that go with surprise—Admiration—Fear—Terror—Hair standing on end—Tightening of the neck muscles—Pupils widening—Horror—Ending.
Attention, if sudden and close, graduates into surprise; and this into astonishment; and this into stupefied amazement. The latter frame of mind is closely akin to terror. Attention is shown by the eyebrows being slightly raised; and as this state increases into surprise, they are raised to a much greater extent, with the eyes and mouth widely open. The raising of the eyebrows is necessary in order that the eyes should be opened quickly and widely; and this movement produces transverse wrinkles across the forehead. The degree to which the eyes and mouth are opened corresponds with the degree of surprise felt; but these movements must be coordinated; for a widely opened mouth with eyebrows only slightly raised results in a meaningless grimace, as Dr. Duchenne has shown in one of his photographs.[1201] On the other hand, a person may often be seen to pretend surprise by merely raising his eyebrows.
Attention, when it's sudden and close, turns into surprise; then into astonishment; and finally into total amazement. This last state of mind is very similar to fear. Attention is indicated by slightly raised eyebrows; as this feeling escalates to surprise, the eyebrows raise much higher, and the eyes and mouth open wide. Raising the eyebrows is essential for quickly opening the eyes; this movement creates horizontal wrinkles on the forehead. The extent to which the eyes and mouth open relates to how surprised someone feels; however, these movements need to be in sync because an open mouth with only slightly raised eyebrows ends up looking like a silly grimace, as Dr. Duchenne demonstrated in one of his photographs. [1201] Conversely, a person can often be seen pretending to be surprised by just raising their eyebrows.
Dr. Duchenne has given a photograph of an old man with his eyebrows well elevated and arched by the galvanization of the frontal muscle; and with his mouth voluntarily opened. This figure expresses surprise with much truth. I showed it to twenty-four persons without a word of explanation, and one alone did not at all understand what was intended. A second person answered terror, which is not far wrong; some of the others, however, added to the words surprise or astonishment, the epithets horrified, woful, painful, or disgusted.
Dr. Duchenne provided a photo of an elderly man with his eyebrows raised and arched due to the stimulation of the frontal muscle, and his mouth open voluntarily. This image conveys surprise very accurately. I showed it to twenty-four people without any explanation, and only one person didn’t understand what it was meant to depict. A second person described it as terror, which isn’t completely off; however, some others described it using terms like surprise or astonishment, along with words like horrified, woeful, painful, or disgusted.
The eyes and mouth being widely open is an expression universally recognized as one of surprise or astonishment. Thus Shakespeare says, “I saw a smith stand with open mouth swallowing a tailor’s news.” (‘King John,’ act iv. scene ii.) And again, “They seemed almost, with staring on one another, to tear the cases of their eyes; there was speech in the dumbness, language in their very gesture; they looked as they had heard of a world destroyed.” (‘Winter’s Tale,’ act v. scene ii.)
The eyes and mouth being wide open is a reaction that everyone understands as surprise or shock. As Shakespeare puts it, “I saw a blacksmith standing there with his mouth agape, taking in a tailor’s gossip.” (‘King John,’ act iv. scene ii.) And again, “They looked like they were about to pop their eyes out by staring at each other; there was meaning in their silence, communication in their gestures; they looked as if they had just learned of a world gone to ruin.” (‘Winter’s Tale,’ act v. scene ii.)
My informants answer with remarkable uniformity to the same effect, with respect to the various races of man; the above movements of the features being often accompanied by certain gestures and sounds, presently to be described. Twelve observers in different parts of Australia agree on this head. Mr. Winwood Reade has observed this expression with the negroes on the Guinea coast. The chief Gaika and others answer yes to my query with respect to the Kafirs of South Africa; and so do others emphatically with reference to the Abyssinians, Ceylonese, Chinese, Fuegians, various tribes of North America, and New Zealanders. With the latter, Mr. Stack states that the expression is more plainly shown by certain individuals than by others, though all endeavour as much as possible to conceal their feelings. The Dyaks of Borneo are said by the Rajah Brooke to open their eyes widely, when astonished, often swinging their heads to and fro, and beating their breasts. Mr. Scott informs me that the workmen in the Botanic Gardens at Calcutta are strictly ordered not to smoke; but they often disobey this order, and when suddenly surprised in the act, they first open their eyes and mouths widely. They then often slightly shrug their shoulders, as they perceive that discovery is inevitable, or frown and stamp on the ground from vexation. Soon they recover from their surprise, and abject fear is exhibited by the relaxation of all their muscles; their heads seem to sink between their shoulders; their fallen eyes wander to and fro; and they supplicate forgiveness.
My sources consistently respond in a similar way regarding different human races; the facial movements mentioned are often accompanied by specific gestures and sounds that will be described shortly. Twelve observers from various locations in Australia agree on this point. Mr. Winwood Reade has noted this expression among the black people on the Guinea coast. The chief Gaika and others respond "yes" to my question about the Kafirs of South Africa; and others also affirm this regarding the Abyssinians, Ceylonese, Chinese, Fuegians, various North American tribes, and New Zealanders. Among the latter, Mr. Stack notes that some individuals display the expression more clearly than others, although all try as hard as they can to hide their feelings. The Dyaks of Borneo, according to Rajah Brooke, are said to open their eyes wide when surprised, often swinging their heads back and forth and beating their chests. Mr. Scott tells me that the workers at the Botanic Gardens in Calcutta are strictly forbidden to smoke; however, they frequently break this rule, and when caught off guard, they first widen their eyes and mouths. Then they often shrug their shoulders slightly as they realize they've been discovered, or they frown and stomp their feet in frustration. Soon, they recover from the shock, and complete fear is shown by the relaxation of all their muscles; their heads droop between their shoulders, their downcast eyes dart around aimlessly, and they beg for forgiveness.
The well-known Australian explorer, Mr. Stuart, has given[1202] a striking account of stupefied amazement together with terror in a native who had never before seen a man on horseback. Mr. Stuart approached unseen and called to him from a little distance. “He turned round and saw me. What he imagined I was I do not know; but a finer picture of fear and astonishment I never saw. He stood incapable of moving a limb, riveted to the spot, mouth open and eyes staring.... He remained motionless until our black got within a few yards of him, when suddenly throwing down his waddies, he jumped into a mulga bush as high as he could get.” He could not speak, and answered not a word to the inquiries made by the black, but, trembling from head to foot, “waved with his hand for us to be off.”
The well-known Australian explorer, Mr. Stuart, has given[1202] a striking account of total shock and fear in a native who had never seen a man on horseback before. Mr. Stuart approached without being noticed and called out to him from a little distance. “He turned around and saw me. I don’t know what he thought I was, but I’ve never seen a more perfect expression of fear and amazement. He stood there unable to move, frozen in place, mouth open and eyes wide.... He stayed still until our black got within a few yards of him, when suddenly, he dropped his weapons and jumped into a mulga bush as high as he could.” He couldn’t speak and didn’t answer any of the black’s questions, but trembling all over, “he waved with his hand for us to leave.”
That the eyebrows are raised by an innate or instinctive impulse may be inferred from the fact that Laura Bridgman invariably acts thus when astonished, as I have been assured by the lady who has lately had charge of her. As surprise is excited by something unexpected or unknown, we naturally desire, when startled, to perceive the cause as quickly as possible; and we consequently open our eyes fully, so that the field of vision may be increased, and the eyeballs moved easily in any direction. But this hardly accounts for the eyebrows being so greatly raised as is the case, and for the wild staring of the open eyes. The explanation lies, I believe, in the impossibility of opening the eyes with great rapidity by merely raising the upper lids. To effect this the eyebrows must be lifted energetically. Any one who will try to open his eyes as quickly as possible before a mirror will find that he acts thus; and the energetic lifting up of the eyebrows opens the eyes so widely that they stare, the white being exposed all round the iris. Moreover, the elevation of the eyebrows is an advantage in looking upwards; for as long as they are lowered they impede our vision in this direction. Sir C. Bell gives[1203] a curious little proof of the part which the eyebrows play in opening the eyelids. In a stupidly drunken man all the muscles are relaxed, and the eyelids consequently droop, in the same manner as when we are falling asleep. To counteract this tendency the drunkard raises his eyebrows; and this gives to him a puzzled, foolish look, as is well represented in one of Hogarth’s drawings. The habit of raising the eyebrows having once been gained in order to see as quickly as possible all around us, the movement would follow from the force of association whenever astonishment was felt from any cause, even from a sudden sound or an idea.
The fact that eyebrows are raised by a natural or instinctive impulse can be seen from Laura Bridgman, who always does this when she's surprised, as confirmed by the lady who has recently taken care of her. Since surprise comes from something unexpected or unknown, we naturally want to quickly understand the cause when we're startled; this leads us to open our eyes wide to expand our field of vision and allow our eyeballs to move freely in any direction. However, this doesn’t fully explain why the eyebrows are raised so high and why the eyes appear to stare wildly. I think the explanation lies in the fact that you can't open your eyes very rapidly just by lifting your upper eyelids. To do this, you need to lift your eyebrows energetically. Anyone who tries to open their eyes as quickly as possible in front of a mirror will notice they do this; the vigorous lifting of the eyebrows opens the eyes so wide that they seem to stare, exposing the white all around the iris. Additionally, raising the eyebrows helps when looking up, as lowering them can block our view in that direction. Sir C. Bell provides a curious example of how eyebrows help in opening eyelids. In a heavily intoxicated person, all the muscles are relaxed, causing the eyelids to droop, similar to when we’re falling asleep. To fight this tendency, the drunk person raises their eyebrows, giving them a confused, foolish look, which is well captured in one of Hogarth's drawings. Once the habit of raising the eyebrows was formed in order to quickly see everything around us, this movement then became a reflex whenever astonishment arose from any cause, whether it be a sudden sound or an idea.
With adult persons, when the eyebrows are raised, the whole forehead becomes much wrinkled in transverse lines; but with children this occurs only to a slight degree. The wrinkles run in lines concentric with each eyebrow, and are partially confluent in the middle. They are highly characteristic of the expression of surprise or astonishment. Each eyebrow, when raised, becomes also, as Duchenne remarks,[1204] more arched than it was before.
With adults, raising the eyebrows causes the entire forehead to form numerous horizontal wrinkles, but with children, this only happens to a small extent. The wrinkles appear in lines that follow the shape of each eyebrow and partially blend in the middle. They are very characteristic of a surprised or astonished expression. When raised, each eyebrow also becomes, as Duchenne notes, [1204] more arched than it was before.
The cause of the mouth being opened when astonishment is felt, is a much more complex affair; and several causes apparently concur in leading to this movement. It has often been supposed[1205] that the sense of hearing is thus rendered more acute; but I have watched persons listening intently to a slight noise, the nature and source of which they knew perfectly, and they did not open their mouths. Therefore I at one time imagined that the open mouth might aid in distinguishing the direction whence a sound proceeded, by giving another channel for its entrance into the ear through the eustachian tube, But Dr. W. Ogle[1206] has been so kind as to search the best recent authorities on the functions of the eustachian tube, and he informs me that it is almost conclusively proved that it remains closed except during the act of deglutition; and that in persons in whom the tube remains abnormally open, the sense of hearing, as far as external sounds are concerned, is by no means improved; on the contrary, it is impaired by the respiratory sounds being rendered more distinct. If a watch be placed within the mouth, but not allowed to touch the sides, the ticking is heard much less plainly than when held outside. In persons in whom from disease or a cold the eustachian tube is permanently or temporarily closed, the sense of hearing is injured; but this may be accounted for by mucus accumulating within the tube, and the consequent exclusion of air. We may therefore infer that the mouth is not kept open under the sense of astonishment for the sake of hearing sounds more distinctly; notwithstanding that most deaf people keep their mouths open.
The reason we open our mouths when we're surprised is actually quite complex, involving several factors that contribute to this behavior. It's often thought that opening the mouth makes our hearing sharper, but I've observed people who listen intently to a faint sound they already recognize, and they don’t open their mouths. At one point, I considered that an open mouth might help locate the direction of a sound by providing an additional pathway for it to enter the ear through the eustachian tube. However, Dr. W. Ogle has kindly reviewed the latest research on the function of the eustachian tube and told me that it’s been pretty conclusively shown to stay closed except when swallowing. Additionally, in people whose tube is abnormally open, their hearing of external sounds doesn’t improve; in fact, it gets worse because breathing sounds become more pronounced. If you place a watch in your mouth without letting it touch the sides, you'll hear the ticking much less clearly than if it's held outside. For those who have a condition or a cold that closes the eustachian tube, their hearing suffers, but that's likely due to mucus building up in the tube and blocking air. So, we can conclude that we don't keep our mouths open when surprised to hear sounds more clearly, even though most deaf people do tend to keep their mouths open.
Every sudden emotion, including astonishment, quickens the action of the heart, and with it the respiration. Now we can breathe, as Gratiolet remarks[1207] and as appears to me to be the case, much more quietly through the open mouth than through the nostrils. Therefore, when we wish to listen intently to any sound, we either stop breathing, or breathe as quietly as possible, by opening our mouths, at the same time keeping our bodies motionless. One of my sons was awakened in the night by a noise under circumstances which naturally led to great care, and after a few minutes he perceived that his mouth was widely open. He then became conscious that he had opened it for the sake of breathing as quietly as possible. This view receives support from the reversed case which occurs with dogs. A dog when panting after exercise, or on a hot day, breathes loudly; but if his attention be suddenly aroused, he instantly pricks his ears to listen, shuts his mouth, and breathes quietly, as he is enabled to do, through his nostrils.
Every sudden emotion, like surprise, speeds up the heart and breathing. As Gratiolet points out—A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0—and as I’ve noticed, we can breathe much more quietly through our open mouths than through our noses. So, when we want to focus on a sound, we either hold our breath or breathe as quietly as we can by keeping our mouths open, while also staying completely still. One of my sons woke up one night to a noise that required him to be cautious, and after a few minutes, he realized his mouth was wide open. He then understood he had done this to breathe as quietly as possible. This idea is backed up by what happens with dogs. When a dog is panting after playing or on a hot day, it breathes loudly; but if something suddenly grabs its attention, it instantly pricks up its ears, shuts its mouth, and breathes quietly through its nostrils.
When the attention is concentrated for a length of time with fixed earnestness on any object or subject, all the organs of the body are forgotten and neglected;[1208] and as the nervous energy of each individual is limited in amount, little is transmitted to any part of the system, excepting that which is at the time brought into energetic action. Therefore many of the muscles tend to become relaxed, and the jaw drops from its own weight. This will account for the dropping of the jaw and open mouth of a man stupefied with amazement, and perhaps when less strongly affected. I have noticed this appearance, as I find recorded in my notes, in very young children when they were only moderately surprised.
When someone focuses intently on a particular object or topic for a long time, they often forget about and neglect all the other parts of their body;[1208] and since each person's nervous energy is limited, not much gets sent to any part of the body except for the one that is actively engaged. As a result, many muscles tend to relax, and the jaw hangs down from its own weight. This explains why a person might have a dropped jaw and an open mouth when they are stunned with amazement, or even when they're just a little surprised. I’ve noticed this expression, as recorded in my notes, in very young children who were only moderately astonished.
There is still another and highly effective cause, leading to the mouth being opened, when we are astonished, and more especially when we are suddenly startled. We can draw a full and deep inspiration much more easily through the widely open mouth than through the nostrils. Now when we start at any sudden sound or sight, almost all the muscles of the body are involuntarily and momentarily thrown into strong action, for the sake of guarding ourselves against or jumping away from the danger, which we habitually associate with anything unexpected. But we always unconsciously prepare ourselves for any great exertion, as formerly explained, by first taking a deep and full inspiration, and we consequently open our mouths. If no exertion follows, and we still remain astonished, we cease for a time to breathe, or breathe as quietly as possible, in order that every sound may be distinctly heard. Or again, if our attention continues long and earnestly absorbed, all our muscles become relaxed, and the jaw, which was at first suddenly opened, remains dropped. Thus several causes concur towards this same movement, whenever surprise, astonishment, or amazement is felt.
There’s another strong reason why our mouths open when we’re amazed, especially when we’re suddenly startled. We can take a deep breath more easily through an open mouth than through our noses. When we react to a sudden sound or sight, nearly all our muscles tense up for a moment to protect ourselves from danger, which we instinctively associate with anything unexpected. However, we unconsciously prepare for any intense effort, as explained earlier, by first taking a deep breath, and this causes us to open our mouths. If no action follows and we’re still stunned, we might stop breathing for a bit, or breathe as quietly as possible, so we can clearly hear any sounds. Alternatively, if we stay focused for a long time, our muscles relax, and our jaw, which initially dropped open, stays hanging. So, several factors contribute to this action whenever we feel surprise, astonishment, or amazement.
Although when thus affected, our mouths are generally opened, yet the lips are often a little protruded. This fact reminds us of the same movement, though in a much more strongly marked degree, in the chimpanzee and orang when astonished. As a strong expiration naturally follows the deep inspiration which accompanies the first sense of startled surprise, and as the lips are often protruded, the various sounds which are then commonly uttered can apparently be accounted for. But sometimes a strong expiration alone is heard; thus Laura Bridgman, when amazed, rounds and protrudes her lips, opens them, and breathes strongly.[1209] One of the commonest sounds is a deep Oh; and this would naturally follow, as explained by Helmholtz, from the mouth being moderately opened and the lips protruded. On a quiet night some rockets were fired from the ‘Beagle,’ in a little creek at Tahiti, to amuse the natives; and as each rocket, was let off there was absolute silence, but this was invariably followed by a deep groaning Oh, resounding all round the bay. Mr. Washington Matthews says that the North American Indians express astonishment by a groan; and the negroes on the West Coast of Africa, according to Mr. Winwood Reade, protrude their lips, and make a sound like heigh, heigh. If the mouth is not much opened, whilst the lips are considerably protruded, a blowing, hissing, or whistling noise is produced. Mr. R. Brough Smith informs me that an Australian from the interior was taken to the theatre to see an acrobat rapidly turning head over heels: “he was greatly astonished, and protruded his lips, making a noise with his mouth as if blowing out a match.” According to Mr. Bulmer the Australians, when surprised, utter the exclamation korki, “and to do this the mouth is drawn out as if going to whistle.” We Europeans often whistle as a sign of surprise; thus, in a recent novel[1210] it is said, “here the man expressed his astonishment and disapprobation by a prolonged whistle.” A Kafir girl, as Mr. J. Mansel Weale informs me, “on hearing of the high price of an article, raised her eyebrows and whistled just as a European would.” Mr. Wedgwood remarks that such sounds are written down as whew, and they serve as interjections for surprise.
Although when feeling this way, our mouths are usually open, the lips are often slightly pushed out. This reminds us of the same movement, but much more pronounced, in chimpanzees and orangutans when they are surprised. A strong exhalation typically follows the deep inhalation that comes with that initial shock of surprise, and since the lips are often protruded, the various sounds we hear can be explained. However, sometimes only a strong exhale is heard; for example, Laura Bridgman, when amazed, rounds and pushes her lips, opens them, and breathes out forcefully. One of the most common sounds is a deep Oh; this makes sense, as Helmholtz explained, given that the mouth is slightly open and the lips are protruded. On a calm night, some rockets were launched from the 'Beagle' in a small creek at Tahiti to entertain the locals; each time a rocket was fired, there was complete silence, followed by a deep, resounding Oh echoing around the bay. Mr. Washington Matthews notes that North American Indians express surprise with a groan; and according to Mr. Winwood Reade, people on the West Coast of Africa push their lips out and make a sound like heigh, heigh. If the mouth isn't very open while the lips are pushed out, a blowing, hissing, or whistling sound is made. Mr. R. Brough Smith tells me about an Australian from the interior who went to the theater to see an acrobat doing flips: "He was very surprised, pushed out his lips, and made a noise like blowing out a match." According to Mr. Bulmer, Australians exclaim korki when surprised, and to do this, they stretch their mouth as if about to whistle. We Europeans often whistle to show surprise; for instance, in a recent novel [1210] it says, "here the man expressed his astonishment and disapproval with a long whistle." A Kafir girl, as Mr. J. Mansel Weale informs me, "when she heard how expensive something was, raised her eyebrows and whistled just like a European would." Mr. Wedgwood notes that such sounds are written as whew, and they act as interjections for surprise.
According to three other observers, the Australians often evince astonishment by a clucking noise. Europeans also sometimes express gentle surprise by a little clicking noise of nearly the same kind. We have seen that when we are startled, the mouth is suddenly opened; and if the tongue happens to be then pressed closely against the palate, its sudden withdrawal will produce a sound of this kind, which might thus come to express surprise.
According to three other observers, Australians often show surprise by making a clucking sound. Europeans also occasionally express mild astonishment with a similar clicking noise. We have noted that when we're startled, our mouths tend to open suddenly; if the tongue is pressed against the roof of the mouth at that moment, pulling it away quickly can produce a sound like that, which might come to symbolize surprise.

Turning to gestures of the body. A surprised person often raises his opened hands high above his head, or by bending his arms only to the level of his face. The flat palms are directed towards the person who causes this feeling, and the straightened fingers are separated. This gesture is represented by Mr. Rejlander in Plate VII. fig. 1. In the ‘Last Supper,’ by Leonardo da Vinci, two of the Apostles have their hands half uplifted, clearly expressive of their astonishment. A trustworthy observer told me that he had lately met his wife under most unexpected circumstances: “She started, opened her mouth and eyes very widely, and threw up both her arms above her head.” Several years ago I was surprised by seeing several of my young children earnestly doing something together on the ground; but the distance was too great for me to ask what they were about. Therefore I threw up my open hands with extended fingers above my head; and as soon as I had done this, I became conscious of the action. I then waited, without saying a word, to see if my children had understood this gesture; and as they came running to me they cried out, “We saw that you were astonished at us.” I do not know whether this gesture is common to the various races of man, as I neglected to make inquiries on this head. That it is innate or natural may be inferred from the fact that Laura Bridgman, when amazed, “spreads her arms and turns her hands with extended fingers upwards;”[1211] nor is it likely, considering that the feeling of surprise is generally a brief one, that she should have learnt this gesture through her keen sense of touch.
Turning to body gestures. A surprised person often raises their open hands high above their head or bends their arms to the level of their face. Their flat palms face the person who caused the surprise, and their fingers are spread apart. This gesture is depicted by Mr. Rejlander in Plate VII, fig. 1. In the ‘Last Supper’ by Leonardo da Vinci, two of the Apostles have their hands partially raised, clearly showing their astonishment. A reliable observer told me that he recently encountered his wife under unexpected circumstances: “She gasped, opened her mouth and eyes wide, and threw both her arms above her head.” A few years ago, I was surprised to see a few of my young children intently doing something together on the ground; however, I was too far away to ask what they were up to. So, I raised my open hands with extended fingers above my head; and once I did that, I became aware of the action. I then waited silently to see if my children understood this gesture; and as they ran to me, they exclaimed, “We saw that you were surprised by us.” I don’t know if this gesture is common across different races of people, as I didn’t inquire about it. The fact that it seems innate or natural can be inferred from Laura Bridgman, who when amazed, “spreads her arms and turns her hands with extended fingers upwards;” nor is it likely, given that the feeling of surprise is usually short-lived, that she learned this gesture through her keen sense of touch.
Huschke describes[1212] a somewhat different yet allied gesture, which he says is exhibited by persons when astonished. They hold themselves erect, with the features as before described, but with the straightened arms extended backwards—the stretched fingers being separated from each other. I have never myself seen this gesture; but Huschke is probably correct; for a friend asked another man how he would express great astonishment, and he at once threw himself into this attitude.
Huschke describes[1212] a somewhat different yet related gesture, which he says is shown by people when they are astonished. They stand up straight, with the facial expressions mentioned earlier, but with their arms straightened and extended backward—the fingers spread apart. I've never personally seen this gesture, but Huschke is probably right; because a friend asked another man how he would show great astonishment, and he immediately posed in this way.
These gestures are, I believe, explicable on the principle of antithesis. We have seen that an indignant man holds his head erect, squares his shoulders, turns out his elbows, often clenches his fist, frowns, and closes his mouth; whilst the attitude of a helpless man is in every one of these details the reverse. Now, a man in an ordinary frame of mind, doing nothing and thinking of nothing in particular, usually keeps his two arms suspended laxly by his sides, with his hands somewhat flexed, and the fingers near together. Therefore, to raise the arms suddenly, either the whole arms or the fore-arms, to open the palms flat, and to separate the fingers,—or, again, to straighten the arms, extending them backwards with separated fingers,—are movements in complete antithesis to those preserved under an indifferent frame of mind, and they are, in consequence, unconsciously assumed by an astonished man. There is, also, often a desire to display surprise in a conspicuous manner, and the above attitudes are well fitted for this purpose. It may be asked why should surprise, and only a few other states of the mind, be exhibited by movements in antithesis to others. But this principle will not be brought into play in the case of those emotions, such as terror, great joy, suffering, or rage, which naturally lead to certain lines of action and produce certain effects on the body, for the whole system is thus preoccupied; and these emotions are already thus expressed with the greatest plainness.
I believe these gestures can be explained by the principle of contrast. We've observed that an angry person holds their head high, squares their shoulders, turns out their elbows, often clenches their fists, frowns, and keeps their mouth closed. In contrast, a helpless person displays the opposite characteristics in all these details. Typically, a person in a neutral state stands with their arms relaxed by their sides, hands slightly flexed, and fingers close together. So, when someone suddenly raises their arms—whether the whole arms or just the forearms—opens their palms flat, and spreads their fingers, or straightens their arms and extends them backward with separated fingers, these movements are completely opposite to those of a relaxed state of mind, and they are unconsciously adopted by someone who is surprised. Additionally, there is often a desire to show surprise in a noticeable way, and these postures are well-suited for that. One might wonder why surprise, along with a few other emotional states, is expressed through movements that contrast with others. However, this principle doesn’t apply to emotions like fear, extreme joy, pain, or anger, which naturally lead to specific actions and have clear effects on the body, as the whole system is engaged; these emotions are already expressed very plainly.
There is another little gesture, expressive of astonishment of which I can offer no explanation; namely, the hand being placed over the mouth or on some part of the head. This has been observed with so many races of man, that it must have some natural origin. A wild Australian was taken into a large room full of official papers, which surprised him greatly, and he cried out, cluck, cluck, cluck, putting the back of his hand towards his lips. Mrs. Barber says that the Kafirs and Fingoes express astonishment by a serious look and by placing the right hand upon the mouth, uttering the word mawo, which means ‘wonderful.’ The Bushmen are said[1213] to put their right hands to their necks, bending their heads backwards. Mr. Winwood Reade has observed that the negroes on the West Coast of Africa, when surprised, clap their hands to their mouths, saying at the same time, “My mouth cleaves to me,” i. e. to my hands; and he has heard that this is their usual gesture on such occasions. Captain Speedy informs me that the Abyssinians place their right hand to the forehead, with the palm outside. Lastly, Mr. Washington Matthews states that the conventional sign of astonishment with the wild tribes of the western parts of the United States “is made by placing the half-closed hand over the mouth; in doing this, the head is often bent forwards, and words or low groans are sometimes uttered.” Catlin[1214] makes the same remark about the hand being pressed over the mouth by the Mandans and other Indian tribes.
There’s another small gesture that shows surprise, and I can’t really explain it; it involves placing the hand over the mouth or on some part of the head. This has been seen in so many different cultures that it must have a natural origin. A wild Australian was taken into a large room filled with official papers, which amazed him, and he exclaimed, cluck, cluck, cluck, putting the back of his hand to his lips. Mrs. Barber mentions that the Kafirs and Fingoes show astonishment with a serious expression and by placing their right hand over their mouths while saying “mawo,” which means ‘wonderful.’ The Bushmen reportedly[1213] put their right hands to their necks and tilt their heads back. Mr. Winwood Reade has noticed that people along the West Coast of Africa, when surprised, clap their hands to their mouths, saying, “My mouth cleaves to me,” meaning to my hands; he’s heard that this is their typical reaction in such moments. Captain Speedy tells me that the Abyssinians place their right hand on their foreheads, palm facing out. Finally, Mr. Washington Matthews notes that among the wild tribes in the western United States, the typical sign of surprise is made by placing a half-closed hand over the mouth; in doing this, the head often bends forward, and they sometimes utter words or low groans. Catlin[1214] comments on the same gesture being used among the Mandans and other Indian tribes.
Admiration.—Little need be said on this head. Admiration apparently consists of surprise associated with some pleasure and a sense of approval. When vividly felt, the eyes are opened and the eyebrows raised; the eyes become bright, instead of remaining blank, as under simple astonishment; and the mouth, instead of gaping open, expands into a smile.
Admiration.—Not much needs to be said about this. Admiration seems to be a mix of surprise along with some enjoyment and a feeling of approval. When strongly experienced, the eyes widen and the eyebrows lift; the eyes light up instead of staying blank like they do with mere astonishment; and the mouth, instead of falling open, breaks into a smile.
Fear, Terror.—The word ‘fear’ seems to be derived from what is sudden and dangerous;[1215] and that of terror from the trembling of the vocal organs and body. I use the word ‘terror’ for extreme fear; but some writers think it ought to be confined to cases in which the imagination is more particularly concerned. Fear is often preceded by astonishment, and is so far akin to it, that both lead to the senses of sight and hearing being instantly aroused. In both cases the eyes and mouth are widely opened, and the eyebrows raised. The frightened man at first stands like a statue motionless and breathless, or crouches down as if instinctively to escape observation.
Fear, Terror.—The word ‘fear’ seems to come from something sudden and dangerous;[1215] while ‘terror’ comes from the trembling of the vocal cords and body. I use the word ‘terror’ to mean extreme fear; however, some writers believe it should be limited to situations where the imagination plays a bigger role. Fear is often preceded by astonishment, so they are related in that both trigger our senses of sight and hearing immediately. In both cases, the eyes and mouth open wide, and the eyebrows raise. A terrified person initially stands like a statue, motionless and breathless, or crouches down instinctively to hide.
The heart beats quickly and violently, so that it palpitates or knocks against the ribs; but it is very doubtful whether it then works more efficiently than usual, so as to send a greater supply of blood to all parts of the body; for the skin instantly becomes pale, as during incipient faintness. This paleness of the surface, however, is probably in large part, or exclusively, due to the vasomotor centre being affected in such a manner as to cause the contraction of the small arteries of the skin. That the skin is much affected under the sense of great fear, we see in the marvellous and inexplicable manner in which perspiration immediately exudes from it. This exudation is all the more remarkable, as the surface is then cold, and hence the term a cold sweat; whereas, the sudorific glands are properly excited into action when the surface is heated. The hairs also on the skin stand erect; and the superficial muscles shiver. In connection with the disturbed action of the heart, the breathing is hurried. The salivary glands act imperfectly; the mouth becomes dry,[1216] and is often opened and shut. I have also noticed that under slight fear there is a strong tendency to yawn. One of the best-marked symptoms is the trembling of all the muscles of the body; and this is often first seen in the lips. From this cause, and from the dryness of the mouth, the voice becomes husky or indistinct, or may altogether fail. “Obstupui, steteruntque comae, et vox faucibus haesit.”
The heart races quickly and forcefully, causing it to thump against the ribs; however, it's uncertain whether this makes it work more effectively to pump more blood throughout the body. The skin quickly turns pale, like during the early stages of fainting. This paleness is likely largely, if not entirely, due to the vasomotor center being affected, leading to the constriction of the small arteries in the skin. We can observe how significantly the skin reacts to intense fear through the astonishing and puzzling way sweat suddenly appears. This sweating is particularly striking since the skin feels cold, hence the term "cold sweat," while the sweat glands normally activate when the skin is warm. The hair on the skin also stands on end, and the superficial muscles tremble. Along with the erratic heartbeat, breathing becomes rapid. The salivary glands are not functioning well; the mouth dries up, and is often opened and closed repeatedly. I've also noticed that even minor fear can trigger a strong urge to yawn. One of the clearest signs is the trembling of all the body's muscles, often starting in the lips. Because of this, along with the dry mouth, the voice becomes hoarse or unclear, or may even completely fail. “Obstupui, steteruntque comae, et vox faucibus haesit.”
Of vague fear there is a well-known and grand description in Job:—“In thoughts from the visions of the night, when deep sleep falleth on men, fear came upon me, and trembling, which made all my bones to shake. Then a spirit passed before my face; the hair of my flesh stood up. It stood still, but I could not discern the form thereof: an image was before my eyes, there was silence, and I heard a voice, saying, Shall mortal man be more just than God? Shall a man be more pure than his Maker?” (Job iv. 13)
Of vague fear, there's a well-known and powerful description in Job:—“In thoughts from the visions of the night, when deep sleep falls on people, fear came upon me, and trembling that made all my bones shake. Then a spirit passed before my face; the hair on my skin stood up. It stood still, but I couldn't make out its form: an image was before my eyes, there was silence, and I heard a voice saying, ‘Shall mortal man be more just than God? Shall a man be more pure than his Maker?’” (Job iv. 13)
As fear increases into an agony of terror, we behold, as under all violent emotions, diversified results. The heart beats wildly, or may fail to act and faintness ensue; there is a death-like pallor; the breathing is laboured; the wings of the nostrils are wildly dilated; “there is a gasping and convulsive motion of the lips, a tremor on the hollow cheek, a gulping and catching of the throat;”[1217] the uncovered and protruding eyeballs are fixed on the object of terror; or they may roll restlessly from side to side, huc illuc volvens oculos totumque pererrat.[1218] The pupils are said to be enormously dilated. All the muscles of the body may become rigid, or may be thrown into convulsive movements. The hands are alternately clenched and opened, often with a twitching movement. The arms may be protruded, as if to avert some dreadful danger, or may be thrown wildly over the head. The Rev. Mr. Hagenauer has seen this latter action in a terrified Australian. In other cases there is a sudden and uncontrollable tendency to headlong flight; and so strong is this, that the boldest soldiers may be seized with a sudden panic.
As fear escalates into a paralyzing terror, we see, as with all intense emotions, a variety of responses. The heart races wildly or may stop completely, leading to faintness; there’s a deathly pallor; the breathing becomes heavy; the nostrils flare dramatically; “there's a gasping and convulsive motion of the lips, a tremor on the hollow cheek, a gulping and catching of the throat;”[1217] the wide-open and bulging eyeballs are fixed on the source of terror; or they may dart restlessly from side to side, huc illuc volvens oculos totumque pererrat.[1218] The pupils are said to be extremely dilated. All the muscles of the body may become tight, or they may shake uncontrollably. The hands alternately clench and open, often with a twitching motion. The arms may extend out, as if to ward off some terrible threat, or may be thrown wildly above the head. The Rev. Mr. Hagenauer has observed this latter action in a terrified Australian. In other instances, there’s a sudden and uncontrollable urge to flee; so intense is this that even the bravest soldiers can be struck with a sudden panic.
As fear rises to an extreme pitch, the dreadful scream of terror is heard. Great beads of sweat stand on the skin. All the muscles of the body are relaxed. Utter prostration soon follows, and the mental powers fail. The intestines are affected. The sphincter muscles cease to act, and no longer retain the contents of the body.
As fear reaches a peak, a terrifying scream echoes. Large beads of sweat form on the skin. All the body’s muscles are relaxed. Complete exhaustion quickly sets in, and mental abilities fade. The intestines are impacted. The sphincter muscles stop functioning and can no longer hold in the body’s contents.

Dr. J. Crichton Browne has given me so striking an account of intense fear in an insane woman, aged thirty-five, that the description though painful ought not to be omitted. When a paroxysm seizes her, she screams out, “This is hell!” “There is a black woman!” “I can’t get out!”—and other such exclamations. When thus screaming, her movements are those of alternate tension and tremor. For one instant she clenches her hands, holds her arms out before her in a stiff semi-flexed position; then suddenly bends her body forwards, sways rapidly to and fro, draws her fingers through her hair, clutches at her neck, and tries to tear off her clothes. The sterno-cleido-mastoid muscles (which serve to bend the head on the chest) stand out prominently, as if swollen, and the skin in front of them is much wrinkled. Her hair, which is cut short at the back of her head, and is smooth when she is calm, now stands on end; that in front being dishevelled by the movements of her hands. The countenance expresses great mental agony. The skin is flushed over the face and neck, down to the clavicles, and the veins of the forehead and neck stand out like thick cords. The lower lip drops, and is somewhat everted. The mouth is kept half open, with the lower jaw projecting. The cheeks are hollow and deeply furrowed in curved lines running from the wings of the nostrils to the corners of the mouth. The nostrils themselves are raised and extended. The eyes are widely opened, and beneath them the skin appears swollen; the pupils are large. The forehead is wrinkled transversely in many folds, and at the inner extremities of the eyebrows it is strongly furrowed in diverging lines, produced by the powerful and persistent contraction of the corrugators.
Dr. J. Crichton Browne has shared a striking account of intense fear in a thirty-five-year-old woman experiencing insanity. Though the description is painful, it shouldn't be left out. When she goes into a fit, she screams, “This is hell!” “There’s a black woman!” “I can’t get out!”—and other similar shoutings. While screaming, her movements show alternating tension and tremors. For a moment, she clenches her hands and holds her arms out in a stiff, semi-flexed position; then suddenly, she bends forward, sways rapidly back and forth, runs her fingers through her hair, grabs at her neck, and tries to rip off her clothes. The sterno-cleido-mastoid muscles (which help bend the head towards the chest) protrude prominently as if swollen, and the skin in front of them is heavily wrinkled. Her hair, cut short at the back of her head, which is smooth when she’s calm, now stands on end; the front is messy from her hands. Her face shows extreme mental pain. The skin on her face and neck is flushed, extending down to the collarbone, and the veins in her forehead and neck bulge like thick cords. Her lower lip droops and is slightly turned out. Her mouth is half-open, with the lower jaw jutted forward. Her cheeks are hollow and deeply lined in curved furrows from the sides of her nose to the corners of her mouth. Her nostrils are flared and extended. Her eyes are wide open, and the skin beneath them looks swollen; the pupils are large. Her forehead is crossed with many folds of wrinkles, and at the inner corners of her eyebrows, it’s deeply furrowed in diverging lines from the strong and continuous contractions of the corrugators.

Mr. Bell has also described[1219] an agony of terror and of despair, which he witnessed in a murderer, whilst carried to the place of execution in Turin. “On each side of the car the officiating priests were seated; and in the centre sat the criminal himself. It was impossible to witness the condition of this unhappy wretch without terror; and yet, as if impelled by some strange infatuation, it was equally impossible not to gaze upon an object so wild, so full of horror. He seemed about thirty-five years of age; of large and muscular form; his countenance marked by strong and savage features; half naked, pale as death, agonized with terror, every limb strained in anguish, his hands clenched convulsively, the sweat breaking out on his bent and contracted brow, he kissed incessantly the figure of our Saviour, painted on the flag which was suspended before him; but with an agony of wildness and despair, of which nothing ever exhibited on the stage can give the slightest conception.”
Mr. Bell also described an intense agony of fear and despair that he witnessed in a murderer being taken to the execution site in Turin. “On each side of the cart, the officiating priests were seated; and in the middle sat the criminal himself. It was impossible to see the state of this unfortunate soul without feeling terror; yet, as if pulled by some strange fascination, it was equally impossible not to stare at something so wild, so filled with horror. He looked to be about thirty-five years old, large and muscular; his face was marked by strong, savage features; half-naked, pale as death, consumed by fear, every limb strained in pain, his hands clenched tightly, sweat pouring down his bent and furrowed brow, he kept kissing the image of our Savior painted on the flag hanging before him; but with a wildness and despair that nothing ever shown onstage can even begin to convey.”
I will add only one other case, illustrative of a man utterly prostrated by terror. An atrocious murderer of two persons was brought into a hospital, under the mistaken impression that he had poisoned himself; and Dr. W. Ogle carefully watched him the next morning, while he was being handcuffed and taken away by the police. His pallor was extreme, and his prostration so great that he was hardly able to dress himself. His skin perspired; and his eyelids and head drooped so much that it was impossible to catch even a glimpse of his eyes. His lower jaw hung down. There was no contraction of any facial muscle, and Dr. Ogle is almost certain that the hair did not stand on end, for he observed it narrowly, as it had been dyed for the sake of concealment.
I’ll add just one more example, showing a man completely overcome by fear. An awful murderer of two people was brought into a hospital, under the false belief that he had poisoned himself; and Dr. W. Ogle closely observed him the next morning while he was being handcuffed and taken away by the police. He looked extremely pale, and his exhaustion was so severe that he could barely get dressed. He was sweating, and his eyelids and head drooped so much that you couldn’t even catch a glimpse of his eyes. His lower jaw hung down. There was no movement in any facial muscles, and Dr. Ogle is almost sure that his hair didn’t stand on end, as he watched it carefully, since it had been dyed to hide its appearance.
With respect to fear, as exhibited by the various races of man, my informants agree that the signs are the same as with Europeans. They are displayed in an exaggerated degree with the Hindoos and natives of Ceylon. Mr. Geach has seen Malays when terrified turn pale and shake; and Mr. Brough Smyth states that a native Australian “being on one occasion much frightened, showed a complexion as nearly approaching to what we call paleness, as can well be conceived in the case of a very black man.” Mr. Dyson Lacy has seen extreme fear shown in an Australian, by a nervous twitching of the hands, feet, and lips; and by the perspiration standing on the skin. Many savages do not repress the signs of fear so much as Europeans; and they often tremble greatly. With the Kafir, Gaika says, in his rather quaint English, the shaking “of the body is much experienced, and the eyes are widely open.” With savages, the sphincter muscles are often relaxed, just as may be observed in much frightened dogs, and as I have seen with monkeys when terrified by being caught.
Regarding fear, as shown by different races of people, my sources agree that the signs are similar to those seen in Europeans. These signs appear more exaggerated among Hindoos and the natives of Ceylon. Mr. Geach has observed Malays who turn pale and shake when scared; and Mr. Brough Smyth notes that a native Australian “once greatly frightened, displayed a complexion that came as close to what we refer to as paleness, as possible for a very black man.” Mr. Dyson Lacy has witnessed extreme fear in an Australian, shown by nervous twitching in the hands, feet, and lips, along with sweat beading on the skin. Many indigenous people don’t hide their fear as much as Europeans do and often tremble significantly. With the Kafir, Gaika remarks, in his rather charming English, that the shaking “of the body is much experienced, and the eyes are widely open.” Among indigenous people, the sphincter muscles often relax, similar to what is seen in very frightened dogs, and as I observed with monkeys when they were scared by being caught.
The erection of the hair.—Some of the signs of fear deserve a little further consideration. Poets continually speak of the hair standing on end; Brutus says to the ghost of Caesar, “that mak’st my blood cold, and my hair to stare.” And Cardinal Beaufort, after the murder of Gloucester exclaims, “Comb down his hair; look, look, it stands upright.” As I did not feel sure whether writers of fiction might not have applied to man what they had often observed in animals, I begged for information from Dr. Crichton Browne with respect to the insane. He states in answer that he has repeatedly seen their hair erected under the influence of sudden and extreme terror. For instance, it is occasionally necessary to inject morphia, under the skin of an insane woman, who dreads the operation extremely, though it causes very little pain; for she believes that poison is being introduced into her system, and that her bones will be softened, and her flesh turned into dust. She becomes deadly pale; her limbs are stiffened by a sort of tetanic spasm, and her hair is partially erected on the front of the head.
The erection of the hair.—Some signs of fear deserve a bit more attention. Poets often talk about hair standing on end; Brutus tells the ghost of Caesar, “you make my blood run cold, and my hair stand up.” And Cardinal Beaufort, after killing Gloucester, exclaims, “Comb down his hair; look, look, it’s standing upright.” Unsure if authors of fiction might have applied observations from animals to humans, I asked Dr. Crichton Browne for information about the insane. He replied that he has frequently seen their hair stand up due to sudden and extreme fear. For example, it’s sometimes necessary to inject morphine under the skin of a mentally ill woman who is extremely frightened of the procedure, even though it causes very little pain; she believes that poison is being put into her body, that her bones will soften, and her flesh will turn to dust. She becomes deathly pale; her limbs stiffen in a sort of tetanic spasm, and her hair partially stands up at the front of her head.
Dr. Browne further remarks that the bristling of the hair which is so common in the insane, is not always associated with terror. It is perhaps most frequently seen in chronic maniacs, who rave incoherently and have destructive impulses; but it is during their paroxysms of violence that the bristling is most observable. The fact of the hair becoming erect under the influence both of rage and fear agrees perfectly with what we have seen in the lower animals. Dr. Browne adduces several cases in evidence. Thus with a man now in the Asylum, before the recurrence of each maniacal paroxysm, “the hair rises up from his forehead like the mane of a Shetland pony.” He has sent me photographs of two women, taken in the intervals between their paroxysms, and he adds with respect to one of these women, “that the state of her hair is a sure and convenient criterion of her mental condition.” I have had one of these photographs copied, and the engraving gives, if viewed from a little distance, a faithful representation of the original, with the exception that the hair appears rather too coarse and too much curled. The extraordinary condition of the hair in the insane is due, not only to its erection, but to its dryness and harshness, consequent on the subcutaneous glands failing to act. Dr. Bucknill has said[1220] that a lunatic “is a lunatic to his finger’s ends;” he might have added, and often to the extremity of each particular hair.
Dr. Browne also points out that the hair standing up, which is so common in people with mental illness, isn't always linked to fear. It's often seen in chronic maniacs who ramble nonsensically and have destructive urges; however, it's during their violent outbursts that the hair standing up is most noticeable. The fact that hair can become erect due to both anger and fear aligns perfectly with what we've observed in animals. Dr. Browne presents several cases to support this. For example, there's a man currently in the asylum whose hair "rises up from his forehead like the mane of a Shetland pony" before each manic episode. He has sent me photos of two women taken between their episodes, mentioning that for one of them, "the state of her hair is a clear and convenient indicator of her mental condition." I've had one of these photos reproduced, and the engraving truly captures the original likeness from a distance, except that the hair looks a bit too coarse and overly curled. The unusual state of hair in people with mental illness is not only due to it standing up but also its dryness and roughness, as a result of the subcutaneous glands not functioning properly. Dr. Bucknill has said[1220] that a lunatic “is a lunatic to his finger’s ends;” he could have added, and often to the tips of each individual hair.
Dr. Browne mentions as an empirical confirmation of the relation which exists in the insane between the state of their hair and minds, that the wife of a medical man, who has charge of a lady suffering from acute melancholia, with a strong fear of death, for herself, her husband and children, reported verbally to him the day before receiving my letter as follows, “I think Mrs. —— will soon improve, for her hair is getting smooth; and I always notice that our patients get better whenever their hair ceases to be rough and unmanageable.”
Dr. Browne points out as evidence of the connection between mental and hair health in people with mental illness that the wife of a doctor caring for a woman with severe depression and a deep fear of death—for herself and her family—told him the day before I wrote that she believed Mrs. —— would soon get better because her hair was getting smoother. She added that she always observes that their patients tend to improve whenever their hair becomes less coarse and easier to manage.
Dr. Browne attributes the persistently rough condition of the hair in many insane patients, in part to their minds being always somewhat disturbed, and in part to the effects of habit,—that is, to the hair being frequently and strongly erected during their many recurrent paroxysms. In patients in whom the bristling of the hair is extreme, the disease is generally permanent and mortal; but in others, in whom the bristling is moderate, as soon as they recover their health of mind the hair recovers its smoothness.
Dr. Browne believes that the consistently rough condition of hair in many patients with mental illness is partly due to their minds being somewhat unsettled and partly due to habit—that is, because their hair is often and strongly raised during their many episodes. In patients with extremely bristled hair, the condition is usually permanent and deadly; however, in others where the bristling is moderate, as soon as they regain their mental health, their hair returns to being smooth.
In a previous chapter we have seen that with animals the hairs are erected by the contraction of minute, unstriped, and involuntary muscles, which run to each separate follicle. In addition to this action, Mr. J. Wood has clearly ascertained by experiment, as he informs me, that with man the hairs on the front of the head which slope forwards, and those on the back which slope backwards, are raised in opposite directions by the contraction of the occipito-frontalis or scalp muscle. So that this muscle seems to aid in the erection of the hairs on the head of man in the same manner as the homologous panniculus carnosus aids, or takes the greater part, in the erection of the spines on the backs of some of the lower animals.
In a previous chapter, we saw that in animals, the hairs stand up due to the contraction of tiny, smooth, involuntary muscles that connect to each individual follicle. Additionally, Mr. J. Wood has experimentally confirmed, as he has informed me, that in humans, the hairs on the front of the head that point forward and those on the back that point backward are raised in opposite directions by the contraction of the occipito-frontalis or scalp muscle. This suggests that this muscle helps lift the hairs on the human head in a similar way to how the homologous panniculus carnosus contributes significantly to the lifting of spines on the backs of some lower animals.
Contraction of the platysma myoides muscle.—This muscle is spread over the sides of the neck, extending downwards to a little beneath the collar-bones, and upwards to the lower part of the cheeks. A portion, called the risorius, is represented in the woodcut (M) fig. 2. The contraction of this muscle draws the corners of the mouth and the lower parts of the checks downwards and backwards. It produces at the same time divergent, longitudinal, prominent ridges on the sides of the neck in the young; and, in old thin persons, fine transverse wrinkles. This muscle is sometimes said not to be under the control of the will; but almost every one, if told to draw the corners of his mouth backwards and downwards with great force, brings it into action. I have, however, heard of a man who can voluntarily act on it only on one side of his neck.
Contraction of the platysma myoides muscle.—This muscle stretches across the sides of the neck, extending down a bit below the collarbones and up to the lower part of the cheeks. A part of it, called the risorius, is shown in the illustration (M) fig. 2. When this muscle contracts, it pulls the corners of the mouth and the lower parts of the cheeks down and back. At the same time, it creates noticeable, long ridges on the sides of the neck in young people and fine horizontal wrinkles in older, thinner individuals. It's sometimes said that this muscle isn't voluntarily controlled; however, most people can activate it if asked to pull the corners of their mouth back and down strongly. I have heard of a man who can only control it voluntarily on one side of his neck.
Sir C. Bell[1221] and others have stated that this muscle is strongly contracted under the influence of fear; and Duchenne insists so strongly on its importance in the expression of this emotion, that he calls it the muscle of fright.[1222] He admits, however, that its contraction is quite inexpressive unless associated with widely open eyes and mouth. He has given a photograph (copied and reduced in the accompanying woodcut) of the same old man as on former occasions, with his eyebrows strongly raised, his mouth opened, and the platysma contracted, all by means of galvanism. The original photograph was shown to twenty-four persons, and they were separately asked, without any explanation being given, what expression was intended: twenty instantly answered, “intense fright” or “horror”; three said pain, and one extreme discomfort. Dr. Duchenne has given another photograph of the same old man, with the platysma contracted, the eyes and mouth opened, and the eyebrows rendered oblique, by means of galvanism. The expression thus induced is very striking (see Plate VII. fig. 2); the obliquity of the eyebrows adding the appearance of great mental distress. The original was shown to fifteen persons; twelve answered terror or horror, and three agony or great suffering. From these cases, and from an examination of the other photographs given by Dr. Duchenne, together with his remarks thereon, I think there can be little doubt that the contraction of the platysma does add greatly to the expression of fear. Nevertheless this muscle ought hardly to be called that of fright, for its contraction is certainly not a necessary concomitant of this state of mind.
Sir C. Bell and others have noted that this muscle is strongly contracted when someone feels fear; Duchenne emphasizes its significance in expressing this emotion so much that he refers to it as the muscle of fright. He does acknowledge, though, that its contraction doesn't really convey anything unless it’s paired with widely open eyes and mouth. He provided a photograph (copied and reduced in the accompanying woodcut) of the same elderly man as before, featuring his eyebrows raised, mouth open, and the platysma contracted, all induced by galvanism. The original photograph was shown to twenty-four people, and when asked, without any explanation, what expression they perceived, twenty immediately responded with “intense fright” or “horror”; three said pain, and one mentioned extreme discomfort. Dr. Duchenne shared another photograph of the same elderly man, showing the platysma contracted, with the eyes and mouth wide open, and the eyebrows tilted, also using galvanism. The expression induced is quite striking (see Plate VII. fig. 2); the tilted eyebrows enhance the look of significant mental distress. The original was shown to fifteen people; twelve said terror or horror, while three said agony or great suffering. From these examples and by examining the other photographs provided by Dr. Duchenne, along with his observations, it seems clear that the contraction of the platysma significantly boosts the expression of fear. However, this muscle shouldn't strictly be labeled as the muscle of fright, since its contraction isn't necessarily tied to this state of mind.
A man may exhibit extreme terror in the plainest manner by death-like pallor, by drops of perspiration on his skin, and by utter prostration, with all the muscles of his body, including the platysma, completely relaxed. Although Dr. Browne has often seen this muscle quivering and contracting in the insane, he has not been able to connect its action with any emotional condition in them, though he carefully attended to patients suffering from great fear. Mr. Nicol, on the other hand, has observed three cases in which this muscle appeared to be more or less permanently contracted under the influence of melancholia, associated with much dread; but in one of these cases, various other muscles about the neck and head were subject to spasmodic contractions.
A man can show extreme fear in a very obvious way with a deathly pale face, beads of sweat on his skin, and complete exhaustion, with all the muscles in his body, including the platysma, fully relaxed. Although Dr. Browne has frequently seen this muscle twitching and tightening in people with mental illness, he hasn't been able to link its activity to any specific emotional state in them, despite closely monitoring patients experiencing intense fear. In contrast, Mr. Nicol has noted three cases where this muscle seemed to be somewhat permanently contracted due to deep sadness, which was accompanied by significant anxiety; however, in one of these cases, several other muscles around the neck and head were also experiencing spasmodic contractions.
Dr. W. Ogle observed for me in one of the London hospitals about twenty patients, just before they were put under the influence of chloroform for operations. They exhibited some trepidation, but no great terror. In only four of the cases was the platysma visibly contracted; and it did not begin to contract until the patients began to cry. The muscle seemed to contract at the moment of each deep-drawn inspiration; so that it is very doubtful whether the contraction depended at all on the emotion of fear. In a fifth case, the patient, who was not chloroformed, was much terrified; and his platysma was more forcibly and persistently contracted than in the other cases. But even here there is room for doubt, for the muscle which appeared to be unusually developed, was seen by Dr. Ogle to contract as the man moved his head from the pillow, after the operation was over.
Dr. W. Ogle observed about twenty patients in one of the London hospitals just before they were given chloroform for surgery. They showed some anxiety, but not much fear. In only four cases was the platysma visibly contracted, and that didn’t start until the patients began to cry. The muscle seemed to contract with each deep breath, making it unclear if the contraction was related to fear. In a fifth case, the patient who wasn’t given chloroform was quite terrified, and his platysma was more strongly and consistently contracted than in the other cases. However, there’s still some uncertainty because the muscle, which appeared to be more developed, was seen by Dr. Ogle to contract when the man moved his head off the pillow after the operation.
As I felt much perplexed why, in any case, a superficial muscle on the neck should be especially affected by fear, I applied to my many obliging correspondents for information about the contraction of this muscle under other circumstances. It would be superfluous to give all the answers which I have received. They show that this muscle acts, often in a variable manner and degree, under many different conditions. It is violently contracted in hydrophobia, and in a somewhat less degree in lockjaw; sometimes in a marked manner during the insensibility from chloroform. Dr. W. Ogle observed two male patients, suffering from such difficulty in breathing, that the trachea had to be opened, and in both the platysma was strongly contracted. One of these men overheard the conversation of the surgeons surrounding him, and when he was able to speak, declared that he had not been frightened. In some other cases of extreme difficulty of respiration, though not requiring tracheotomy, observed by Drs. Ogle and Langstaff, the platysma was not contracted.
As I was quite confused about why a superficial neck muscle would be particularly influenced by fear, I reached out to my many helpful correspondents to gather information about the contraction of this muscle in different situations. It would be unnecessary to list all the responses I've received. They indicate that this muscle reacts, often in varying ways and to different extents, under many different conditions. It is strongly contracted in cases of hydrophobia, and to a slightly lesser extent in lockjaw; sometimes it contracts noticeably during the insensibility caused by chloroform. Dr. W. Ogle noted two male patients who had such severe breathing difficulties that they needed a tracheotomy, and in both cases, the platysma was significantly contracted. One of these men overheard the surgeons talking around him, and when he was able to speak, he stated that he hadn’t been scared. In other cases of extreme breathing difficulties, although they didn’t require a tracheotomy, observed by Drs. Ogle and Langstaff, the platysma was not contracted.
Mr. J. Wood, who has studied with such care the muscles of the human body, as shown by his various publications, has often seen the platysma contracted in vomiting, nausea, and disgust; also in children and adults under the influence of rage,—for instance, in Irishwomen, quarrelling and brawling together with angry gesticulations. This may possibly have been due to their high and angry tones; for I know a lady, an excellent musician, who, in singing certain high notes, always contracts her platysma. So does a young man, as I have observed, in sounding certain notes on the flute. Mr. J. Wood informs me that he has found the platysma best developed in persons with thick necks and broad shoulders; and that in families inheriting these peculiarities, its development is usually associated with much voluntary power over the homologous occipito-frontalis muscle, by which the scalp can be moved.
Mr. J. Wood, who has carefully studied the muscles of the human body, as shown by his various publications, has often observed the platysma contracted during vomiting, nausea, and disgust; also in children and adults when they're angry—like Irish women fighting and arguing with exaggerated gestures. This might be due to their loud and intense voices; I know a woman, a talented musician, who always contracts her platysma when she hits certain high notes. I've also noticed a young man doing the same when playing specific notes on the flute. Mr. J. Wood tells me that he has found the platysma to be best developed in people with thick necks and broad shoulders; and in families that have these traits, its development is usually linked to considerable control over the homologous occipito-frontalis muscle, allowing them to move their scalp.
None of the foregoing cases appear to throw any light on the contraction of the platysma from fear; but it is different, I think, with the following cases. The gentleman before referred to, who can voluntarily act on this muscle only on one side of his neck, is positive that it contracts on both sides whenever he is startled. Evidence has already been given showing that this muscle sometimes contracts, perhaps for the sake of opening the mouth widely, when the breathing is rendered difficult by disease, and during the deep inspirations of crying-fits before an operation. Now, whenever a person starts at any sudden sight or sound, he instantaneously draws a deep breath; and thus the contraction of the platysma may possibly have become associated with the sense of fear. But there is, I believe, a more efficient relation. The first sensation of fear, or the imagination of something dreadful, commonly excites a shudder. I have caught myself giving a little involuntary shudder at a painful thought, and I distinctly perceived that my platysma contracted; so it does if I simulate a shudder. I have asked others to act in this manner; and in some the muscle contracted, but not in others. One of my sons, whilst getting out of bed, shuddered from the cold, and, as he happened to have his hand on his neck, he plainly felt that this muscle strongly contracted. He then voluntarily shuddered, as he had done on former occasions, but the platysma was not then affected. Mr. J. Wood has also several times observed this muscle contracting in patients, when stripped for examination, and who were not frightened, but shivered slightly from the cold. Unfortunately I have not been able to ascertain whether, when the whole body shakes, as in the cold stage of an ague fit, the platysma contracts. But as it certainly often contracts during a shudder; and as a shudder or shiver often accompanies the first sensation of fear, we have, I think, a clue to its action in this latter case.[1223] Its contraction, however, is not an invariable concomitant of fear; for it probably never acts under the influence of extreme, prostrating terror.
None of the previous cases seem to shed any light on the contraction of the platysma due to fear; however, I think the following cases are different. The gentleman mentioned earlier, who can voluntarily move this muscle on only one side of his neck, is certain that it contracts on both sides whenever he gets startled. Evidence has already been provided showing that this muscle sometimes contracts, perhaps to help open the mouth wide, when breathing is difficult due to illness and during deep breaths taken while crying before a surgery. Now, whenever someone gets startled by a sudden sight or sound, they instinctively take a deep breath; thus, the contraction of the platysma might be linked to the feeling of fear. But I believe there is a stronger connection. The initial feeling of fear, or imagining something horrifying, usually triggers a shudder. I've noticed myself giving a small involuntary shudder at a painful thought, and I clearly felt my platysma contract; it does the same if I pretend to shudder. I’ve asked others to do this, and in some cases, the muscle contracted, but not in others. One of my sons, when getting out of bed, shuddered from the cold and, since his hand was on his neck, he felt this muscle contract strongly. He then tried to shudder on purpose, as he had before, but this time the platysma didn’t respond. Mr. J. Wood has also observed this muscle contracting in patients who were undressed for examination and who were not scared but slightly shivering from the cold. Unfortunately, I haven’t been able to determine if the platysma contracts when the whole body shakes, as in the chill stage of a fever. However, it certainly often contracts during a shudder, and since a shudder or shiver frequently accompanies the first sensation of fear, I think we have some insight into its role in that situation. Its contraction, however, is not always linked to fear; it likely doesn’t respond under the influence of intense, overwhelming terror.
Dilatation of the Pupils.—Gratiolet repeatedly insists[1224] that the pupils are enormously dilated whenever terror is felt. I have no reason to doubt the accuracy of this statement, but have failed to obtain confirmatory evidence, excepting in the one instance before given of an insane woman suffering from great fear. When writers of fiction speak of the eyes being widely dilated, I presume that they refer to the eyelids. Munro’s statement, that with parrots the iris is affected by the passions, independently of the amount of light, seems to bear on this question; but Professor Donders informs me, that he has often seen movements in the pupils of these birds which he thinks may be related to their power of accommodation to distance, in nearly the same manner as our own pupils contract when our eyes converge for near vision. Gratiolet remarks that the dilated pupils appear as if they were gazing into profound darkness. No doubt the fears of man have often been excited in the dark; but hardly so often or so exclusively, as to account for a fixed and associated habit having thus arisen. It seems more probable, assuming that Gratiolet’s statement is correct, that the brain is directly affected by the powerful emotion of fear and reacts on the pupils; but Professor Donders informs me that this is an extremely complicated subject. I may add, as possibly throwing light on the subject, that Dr. Fyffe, of Netley Hospital, has observed in two patients that the pupils were distinctly dilated during the cold stage of an ague fit. Professor Donders has also often seen dilatation of the pupils in incipient faintness.[1225]
Dilation of the Pupils.—Gratiolet repeatedly asserts[1224] that the pupils are significantly dilated whenever fear is experienced. I have no reason to doubt this claim, but I haven't been able to find confirming evidence, except for the one case I previously mentioned of an insane woman experiencing intense fear. When fiction writers describe eyes as being widely dilated, I assume they are talking about the eyelids. Munro’s observation that in parrots the iris responds to emotions, regardless of the light levels, seems relevant here; however, Professor Donders has told me that he has frequently seen pupil movements in these birds that he believes may relate to their ability to adjust focus for distance, similar to how our pupils constrict when we focus on something close up. Gratiolet notes that dilated pupils look as though they are staring into deep darkness. It's true that people's fears have often been heightened in the dark; however, it’s unlikely that this accounts for a consistent habit that has developed. It seems more likely, if Gratiolet's statement is accurate, that the brain is directly influenced by the intense emotion of fear, which then affects the pupils. But Professor Donders has informed me that this is an incredibly complex topic. I might also mention, as possibly illuminating the issue, that Dr. Fyffe at Netley Hospital has observed that two patients exhibited noticeably dilated pupils during the cold stage of an ague fit. Professor Donders has also frequently observed dilation of the pupils in the early stages of fainting.[1225]
Horror.—The state of mind expressed by this term implies terror, and is in some, cases almost synonymous with it. Many a man must have felt, before the blessed discovery of chloroform, great horror at the thought of an impending surgical operation. He who dreads, as well as hates a man, will feel, as Milton uses the word, a horror of him. We feel horror if we see any one, for instance a child, exposed to some instant and crushing danger. Almost every one would experience the same feeling in the highest degree in witnessing a man being tortured or going to be tortured. In these cases there is no danger to ourselves; but from the power of the imagination and of sympathy we put ourselves in the position of the sufferer, and feel something akin to fear.
Horror.—The mindset described by this term conveys terror and, in some cases, is nearly synonymous with it. Many people must have felt immense horror at the thought of an upcoming surgery before the valuable discovery of chloroform. Those who fear, as well as despise someone, will feel, as Milton puts it, a horror of that person. We experience horror if we see anyone, like a child, facing immediate and overwhelming danger. Almost everyone would likely feel this emotion intensely when witnessing someone being tortured or about to be tortured. In these situations, there’s no threat to ourselves; however, through the power of imagination and empathy, we place ourselves in the sufferer’s position and experience a feeling similar to fear.

Sir C. Bell remarks,[1226] that “horror is full of energy; the body is in the utmost tension, not unnerved by fear.” It is, therefore, probable that horror would generally be accompanied by the strong contraction of the brows; but as fear is one of the elements, the eyes and mouth would be opened, and the eyebrows would be raised, as far as the antagonistic action of the corrugators permitted this movement. Duchenne has given a photograph[1227] (fig. 21) of the same old man as before, with his eyes somewhat staring, the eyebrows partially raised, and at the same time strongly contracted, the mouth opened, and the platysma in action, all effected by the means of galvanism. He considers that the expression thus produced shows extreme terror with horrible pain or torture. A tortured man, as long as his sufferings allowed him to feel any dread for the future, would probably exhibit horror in an extreme degree. I have shown the original of this photograph to twenty-three persons of both sexes and various ages; and thirteen immediately answered horror, great pain, torture, or agony; three answered extreme fright; so that sixteen answered nearly in accordance with Duchenne’s belief. Six, however, said anger, guided no doubt, by the strongly contracted brows, and overlooking the peculiarly opened mouth. One said disgust. On the whole, the evidence indicates that we have here a fairly good representation of horror and agony. The photograph before referred to (Pl. VII. fig. 2) likewise exhibits horror; but in this the oblique eyebrows indicate great mental distress in place of energy.
Sir C. Bell notes that "horror is full of energy; the body is under extreme tension, not paralyzed by fear." Therefore, it's likely that horror is usually accompanied by a strong furrowing of the brows; however, since fear is one of the components, the eyes and mouth would be wide open, and the eyebrows would be raised, as much as the opposing action of the corrugators would allow. Duchenne provided a photograph (fig. 21) of the same elderly man as before, with his eyes appearing somewhat wide, the eyebrows partly raised but also tightly contracted, the mouth open, and the platysma working, all achieved through galvanism. He believes that the expression created shows extreme terror coupled with horrible pain or torture. A tortured individual, as long as their suffering allows them to feel any anxiety about the future, would likely display horror to a significant degree. I have shown the original of this photograph to twenty-three people of both genders and various ages; thirteen immediately described it as horror, intense pain, torture, or agony; three described it as extreme fright; thus, sixteen responses were nearly consistent with Duchenne’s view. However, six said anger, likely influenced by the tightly furrowed brows and disregarding the notably open mouth. One mentioned disgust. Overall, the evidence suggests that we have a pretty accurate representation of horror and agony here. The earlier mentioned photograph (Pl. VII. fig. 2) also displays horror; but in this case, the slanted eyebrows indicate significant mental distress instead of energy.
Horror is generally accompanied by various gestures, which differ in different individuals. Judging from pictures, the whole body is often turned away or shrinks; or the arms are violently protruded as if to push away some dreadful object. The most frequent gesture, as far as can be inferred from the action of persons who endeavour to express a vividly-imagined scene of horror, is the raising of both shoulders, with the bent arms pressed closely against the sides or chest. These movements are nearly the same with those commonly made when we feel very cold; and they are generally accompanied by a shudder, as well as by a deep expiration or inspiration, according as the chest happens at the time to be expanded or contracted. The sounds thus made are expressed by words like uh or ugh.[1228] It is not, however, obvious why, when we feel cold or express a sense of horror, we press our bent arms against our bodies, raise our shoulders, and shudder.
Horror is usually marked by various gestures that vary from person to person. From pictures, we can see that the whole body often turns away or shrinks; or the arms are thrust out as if trying to push away something terrifying. The most common gesture, based on how people try to depict a vividly imagined scene of horror, is raising both shoulders while pressing the bent arms tightly against their sides or chest. These movements are very similar to those we make when we feel really cold; they are often accompanied by a shiver, along with a deep breath in or out, depending on whether the chest is expanded or contracted at that moment. The sounds made are often expressed with words like uh or ugh.[1228] However, it's not clear why, when we feel cold or express horror, we press our bent arms against our bodies, lift our shoulders, and shudder.
Conclusion.—I have now endeavoured to describe the diversified expressions of fear, in its gradations from mere attention to a start of surprise, into extreme terror and horror. Some of the signs may be accounted for through the principles of habit, association, and inheritance,—such as the wide opening of the mouth and eyes, with upraised eyebrows, so as to see as quickly as possible all around us, and to hear distinctly whatever sound may reach our ears. For we have thus habitually prepared ourselves to discover and encounter any danger. Some of the other signs of fear may likewise be accounted for, at least in part, through these same principles. Men, during numberless generations, have endeavoured to escape from their enemies or danger by headlong flight, or by violently struggling with them; and such great exertions will have caused the heart to beat rapidly, the breathing to be hurried, the chest to heave, and the nostrils to be dilated. As these exertions have often been prolonged to the last extremity, the final result will have been utter prostration, pallor, perspiration, trembling of all the muscles, or their complete relaxation. And now, whenever the emotion of fear is strongly felt, though it may not lead to any exertion, the same results tend to reappear, through the force of inheritance and association.
Conclusion.—I have now tried to describe the various expressions of fear, ranging from simply paying attention to sudden surprise, all the way to extreme terror and horror. Some signs can be explained through the principles of habit, association, and inheritance—like the wide opening of the mouth and eyes, along with raised eyebrows, so we can quickly see everything around us and hear clearly any sounds that might reach us. This preparation has helped us habitually to identify and confront danger. Other signs of fear can also be explained, at least in part, through these same principles. Over countless generations, people have tried to escape threats or danger by running away or fighting back; such intense efforts have led to a rapid heartbeat, quickened breathing, heaving chests, and flaring nostrils. Since these efforts have often continued to the brink, they can result in total exhaustion, paleness, sweating, trembling muscles, or complete relaxation. Now, whenever the emotion of fear is strongly felt, even if it doesn’t lead to any action, the same effects tend to show up again, thanks to inheritance and association.
Nevertheless, it is probable that many or most of the above symptoms of terror, such as the beating of the heart, the trembling of the muscles, cold perspiration, &c., are in large part directly due to the disturbed or interrupted transmission of nerve-force from the cerebro-spinal system to various parts of the body, owing to the mind being so powerfully affected. We may confidently look to this cause, independently of habit and association, in such cases as the modified secretions of the intestinal canal, and the failure of certain glands to act. With respect to the involuntary bristling of the hair, we have good reason to believe that in the case of animals this action, however it may have originated, serves, together with certain voluntary movements, to make them appear terrible to their enemies; and as the same involuntary and voluntary actions are performed by animals nearly related to man, we are led to believe that man has retained through inheritance a relic of them, now become useless. It is certainly a remarkable fact, that the minute unstriped muscles, by which the hairs thinly scattered over man’s almost naked body are erected, should have been preserved to the present day; and that they should still contract under the same emotions, namely, terror and rage, which cause the hairs to stand on end in the lower members of the Order to which man belongs.
Nevertheless, it’s likely that many or most of the symptoms of terror mentioned earlier, such as a racing heart, trembling muscles, cold sweat, etc., are largely due to the disrupted transmission of nerve signals from the central nervous system to different parts of the body, because the mind is so heavily impacted. We can confidently attribute this cause, aside from habits and associations, to cases like the altered secretions in the digestive system and the failure of certain glands to function. Regarding the involuntary hair raising, we have good reason to believe that in animals, this response, regardless of its origin, along with certain voluntary movements, helps them look intimidating to their predators; and since similar involuntary and voluntary actions are seen in animals closely related to humans, it suggests that humans have inherited a vestige of these responses, which are now largely unnecessary. It’s certainly interesting that the tiny, smooth muscles that cause the sparse hairs on the almost bare skin of humans to stand up have persisted to this day and still contract in response to the same emotions—namely, fear and anger—that cause the hairs to bristle in lower members of the species to which humans belong.
CHAPTER XIII.
SELF-ATTENTION—SHAME—SHYNESS—MODESTY:
BLUSHING.
Nature of a blush—Inheritance—The parts of the body most affected—Blushing in the various races of man—Accompanying gestures—Confusion of mind—Causes of blushing—Self-attention, the fundamental element—Shyness—Shame, from broken moral laws and conventional rules—Modesty—Theory of blushing—Recapitulation.
Nature of a blush—Inheritance—The body parts most affected—Blushing in different races of people—Related gestures—Feeling confused—Reasons for blushing—Self-awareness, the key element—Shyness—Shame, from violating moral laws and social norms—Modesty—Theory of blushing—Summary.
Blushing is the most peculiar and the most human of all expressions. Monkeys redden from passion, but it would require an overwhelming amount of evidence to make us believe that any animal could blush. The reddening of the face from a blush is due to the relaxation of the muscular coats of the small arteries, by which the capillaries become filled with blood; and this depends on the proper vaso-motor centre being affected. No doubt if there be at the same time much mental agitation, the general circulation will be affected; but it is not due to the action of the heart that the network of minute vessels covering the face becomes under a sense of shame gorged with blood. We can cause laughing by tickling the skin, weeping or frowning by a blow, trembling from the fear of pain, and so forth; but we cannot cause a blush, as Dr. Burgess remarks,[1301] by any physical means,—that is by any action on the body. It is the mind which must be affected. Blushing is not only involuntary; but the wish to restrain it, by leading to self-attention actually increases the tendency.
Blushing is one of the most unique and human expressions. Monkeys might turn red with passion, but it would take a lot of evidence to convince us that any animal can actually blush. The redness of the face from a blush happens because the muscles around the small arteries relax, causing the capillaries to fill with blood; this response is triggered by the vaso-motor center being stimulated. While it’s true that a lot of mental stress can affect overall blood circulation, the reason the tiny vessels in the face fill with blood when we're embarrassed isn't directly related to heart action. We can make ourselves laugh by tickling the skin, cry or frown by getting hit, or tremble from fear of pain, but we can't force ourselves to blush, as Dr. Burgess points out, by any physical means—that is, through any action on the body. It’s the mind that needs to be impacted. Blushing is not only something we can't control; actually trying to suppress it by focusing on ourselves only makes us more likely to blush.
The young blush much more freely than the old, but not during infancy,[1302] which is remarkable, as we know that infants at a very early age redden from passion. I have received authentic accounts of two little girls blushing at the ages of between two and three years; and of another sensitive child, a year older, blushing, when reproved for a fault. Many children, at a somewhat more advanced age blush in a strongly marked manner. It appears that the mental powers of infants are not as yet sufficiently developed to allow of their blushing. Hence, also, it is that idiots rarely blush. Dr. Crichton Browne observed for me those under his care, but never saw a genuine blush, though he has seen their faces flush, apparently from joy, when food was placed before them, and from anger. Nevertheless some, if not utterly degraded, are capable of blushing. A microcephalous idiot, for instance, thirteen years old, whose eyes brightened a little when he was pleased or amused, has been described by Dr. Behn,[1303] as blushing and turning to one side, when undressed for medical examination.
The young blush much more openly than the old, but not during infancy,[1302] which is interesting, as we know that babies at a very early age can redden due to strong feelings. I've received reliable reports of two little girls blushing at ages two and three; and of another sensitive child, who was a year older, blushing when scolded for a mistake. Many children, a bit older, blush quite noticeably. It seems that infants' mental abilities are not developed enough to allow for blushing. This is also why people with significant cognitive impairments rarely blush. Dr. Crichton Browne observed those in his care and never saw a true blush, although he noticed their faces flushing, seemingly from joy when food was presented, or from anger. Still, some, if not completely impaired, can indeed blush. For instance, Dr. Behn,[1303] described a thirteen-year-old with microcephaly, whose eyes brightened slightly when he felt happy or amused, and who blushed and turned to the side when undressed for a medical examination.
Women blush much more than men. It is rare to see an old man, but not nearly so rare to see an old woman blushing. The blind do not escape. Laura Bridgman, born in this condition, as well as completely deaf, blushes.[1304] The Rev. R. H. Blair, Principal of the Worcester College, informs me that three children born blind, out of seven or eight then in the Asylum, are great blushers. The blind are not at first conscious that they are observed, and it is a most important part of their education, as Mr. Blair informs me, to impress this knowledge on their minds; and the impression thus gained would greatly strengthen the tendency to blush, by increasing the habit of self-attention.
Women blush much more than men do. It's uncommon to see an older man blushing, but it's not nearly as rare to see an older woman blush. The blind are not excluded from this. Laura Bridgman, who was born blind and completely deaf, blushes. The Rev. R. H. Blair, Principal of Worcester College, tells me that three out of seven or eight children born blind in the Asylum are frequent blushers. The blind initially aren't aware that they're being watched, and as Mr. Blair points out, a crucial part of their education is to make them aware of this; this realization significantly strengthens their tendency to blush by enhancing their habit of self-awareness.
The tendency to blush is inherited. Dr. Burgess gives the case[1305] of a family consisting of a father, mother, and ten children, all of whom, without exception, were prone to blush to a most painful degree. The children were grown up; “and some of them were sent to travel in order to wear away this diseased sensibility, but nothing was of the slightest avail.” Even peculiarities in blushing seem to be inherited. Sir James Paget, whilst examining the spine of a girl, was struck at her singular manner of blushing; a big splash of red appeared first on one cheek, and then other splashes, variously scattered over the face and neck. He subsequently asked the mother whether her daughter always blushed in this peculiar manner; and was answered, “Yes, she takes after me.” Sir J. Paget then perceived that by asking this question he had caused the mother to blush; and she exhibited the same peculiarity as her daughter.
The tendency to blush is inherited. Dr. Burgess shares a case of a family made up of a father, mother, and ten children, all of whom were extremely prone to blushing. The children were adults, and “some of them were sent to travel to try to overcome this heightened sensitivity, but nothing worked at all.” Even specific patterns of blushing seem to be passed down. Sir James Paget, while examining the spine of a girl, noticed her unique way of blushing; a large red spot appeared first on one cheek and then other spots were scattered across her face and neck. He later asked the mother if her daughter always blushed like that, and she replied, “Yes, she takes after me.” Sir J. Paget then realized that by asking this question, he had made the mother blush, and she displayed the same unusual pattern as her daughter.
In most cases the face, ears and neck are the sole parts which redden; but many persons, whilst blushing intensely, feel that their whole bodies grow hot and tingle; and this shows that the entire surface must be in some manner affected. Blushes are said sometimes to commence on the forehead, but more commonly on the cheeks, afterwards spreading to the ears and neck.[1306] In two Albinos examined by Dr. Burgess, the blushes commenced by a small circumscribed spot on the cheeks, over the parotidean plexus of nerves, and then increased into a circle; between this blushing circle and the blush on the neck there was an evident line of demarcation; although both arose simultaneously. The retina, which is naturally red in the Albino, invariably increased at the same time in redness.[1307] Every one must have noticed how easily after one blush fresh blushes chase each other over the face. Blushing is preceded by a peculiar sensation in the skin. According to Dr. Burgess the reddening of the skin is generally succeeded by a slight pallor, which shows that the capillary vessels contract after dilating. In some rare cases paleness instead of redness is caused under conditions which would naturally induce a blush. For instance, a young lady told me that in a large and crowded party she caught her hair so firmly on the button of a passing servant, that it took some time before she could be extricated; from her sensations she imagined that she had blushed crimson; but was assured by a friend that she had turned extremely pale.
In most cases, only the face, ears, and neck turn red; however, many people, when blushing intensely, feel their entire body getting hot and tingly, indicating that the whole surface is somehow affected. Blushes are said to sometimes start on the forehead, but more commonly they begin on the cheeks and then spread to the ears and neck.[1306] In two Albinos examined by Dr. Burgess, the blushes began as a small, defined spot on the cheeks, over the parotid nerve plexus, and then expanded into a circle; there was a noticeable line of separation between this blushing area and the blush on the neck, even though both started at the same time. The retina, which is naturally red in Albinos, also increased in redness at the same time.[1307] Everyone has likely noticed how easily new blushes appear after one blush. Blushing is preceded by a unique sensation in the skin. According to Dr. Burgess, the reddening of the skin is typically followed by a slight paleness, indicating that the capillary vessels contract after dilating. In some rare cases, instead of turning red, the skin becomes pale under conditions that would normally cause a blush. For example, a young woman told me that in a large and crowded party, she got her hair caught so firmly on the button of a passing servant that it took some time to free herself; based on her feelings, she thought she had blushed bright red, but a friend assured her that she had actually turned extremely pale.
I was desirous to learn how far down the body blushes extend; and Sir J. Paget, who necessarily has frequent opportunities for observation, has kindly attended to this point for me during two or three years. He finds that with women who blush intensely on the face, ears, and nape of neck, the blush does not commonly extend any lower down the body. It is rare to see it as low down as the collar-bones and shoulder-blades; and he has never himself seen a single instance in which it extended below the upper part of the chest. He has also noticed that blushes sometimes die away downwards, not gradually and insensibly, but by irregular ruddy blotches. Dr. Langstaff has likewise observed for me several women whose bodies did not in the least redden while their faces were crimsoned with blushes. With the insane, some of whom appear to be particularly liable to blushing, Dr. J. Crichton Browne has several times seen the blush extend as far down as the collar-bones, and in two instances to the breasts. He gives me the case of a married woman, aged twenty-seven, who suffered from epilepsy. On the morning after her arrival in the Asylum, Dr. Browne, together with his assistants, visited her whilst she was in bed. The moment that he approached, she blushed deeply over her cheeks and temples; and the blush spread quickly to her ears. She was much agitated and tremulous. He unfastened the collar of her chemise in order to examine the state of her lungs; and then a brilliant blush rushed over her chest, in an arched line over the upper third of each breast, and extended downwards between the breasts nearly to the ensiform cartilage of the sternum. This case is interesting, as the blush did not thus extend downwards until it became intense by her attention being drawn to this part of her person. As the examination proceeded she became composed, and the blush disappeared; but on several subsequent occasions the same phenomena were observed.
I wanted to know how far down the body blushing goes, and Sir J. Paget, who naturally has many chances to observe this, has kindly looked into it for me over the past few years. He finds that with women who blush deeply on their faces, ears, and neck, the blush usually doesn’t extend lower on their bodies. It's rare to see it go down as far as the collarbones or shoulder blades, and he has never seen it reach below the upper part of the chest. He also noticed that sometimes blushes fade downward, not gradually and smoothly, but in irregular red spots. Dr. Langstaff has also observed several women whose bodies didn’t redden at all while their faces turned bright red. Among the mentally ill, some of whom seem particularly prone to blushing, Dr. J. Crichton Browne has seen the blush extend down to the collarbones a few times, and in two cases, to the breasts. He mentions a case of a married woman, aged twenty-seven, who had epilepsy. The morning after she arrived at the asylum, Dr. Browne and his assistants visited her while she was in bed. As soon as he approached, she blushed deeply on her cheeks and temples; the blush quickly spread to her ears. She was very agitated and shaky. He unfastened the collar of her nightgown to check her lungs, and then a brilliant blush spread across her chest, forming an arched line over the upper third of each breast and extending downward between them nearly to the bottom of the breastbone. This case is interesting because the blush didn’t extend downward until she became intensely aware of that part of her body. As the examination continued, she calmed down, and the blush faded; but similar phenomena were observed on several other occasions.
The foregoing facts show that, as a general rule, with English women, blushing does not extend beneath the neck and upper part of the chest. Nevertheless Sir J. Paget informs me that he has lately heard of a case, on which he can fully rely, in which a little girl, shocked by what she imagined to be an act of indelicacy, blushed all over her abdomen and the upper parts of her legs. Moreau also[1308] relates, on the authority of a celebrated painter, that the chest, shoulders, arms, and whole body of a girl, who unwillingly consented to serve as a model, reddened when she was first divested of her clothes.
The facts above indicate that, generally speaking, English women don’t blush below the neck and upper chest area. However, Sir J. Paget recently told me about a case he fully trusts, involving a little girl who, shocked by what she thought was an inappropriate act, blushed all over her abdomen and the upper parts of her legs. Moreau also relates, based on the account of a famous painter, that the chest, shoulders, arms, and entire body of a girl who reluctantly agreed to model turned red when she was first stripped of her clothes.
It is a rather curious question why, in most cases the face, ears, and neck alone redden, inasmuch as the whole surface of the body often tingles and grows hot. This seems to depend, chiefly, on the face and adjoining parts of the skin having been habitually exposed to the air, light, and alternations of temperature, by which the small arteries not only have acquired the habit of readily dilating and contracting, but appear to have become unusually developed in comparison with other parts of the surface.[1309] It is probably owing to this same cause, as M. Moreau and Dr. Burgess have remarked, that the face is so liable to redden under various circumstances, such as a fever-fit, ordinary heat, violent exertion, anger, a slight blow, &c.; and on the other hand that it is liable to grow pale from cold and fear, and to be discoloured during pregnancy. The face is also particularly liable to be affected by cutaneous complaints, by small-pox, erysipelas, &c. This view is likewise supported by the fact that the men of certain races, who habitually go nearly naked, often blush over their arms and chests and even down to their waists. A lady, who is a great blusher, informs Dr. Crichton Browne, that when she feels ashamed or is agitated, she blushes over her face, neck, wrists, and hands,—that is, over all the exposed portions of her skin. Nevertheless it may be doubted whether the habitual exposure of the skin of the face and neck, and its consequent power of reaction under stimulants of all kinds, is by itself sufficient to account for the much greater tendency in English women of these parts than of others to blush; for the hands are well supplied with nerves and small vessels, and have been as much exposed to the air as the face or neck, and yet the hands rarely blush. We shall presently see that the attention of the mind having been directed much more frequently and earnestly to the face than to any other part of the body, probably affords a sufficient explanation.
It’s an interesting question why, in most cases, only the face, ears, and neck turn red, even though the entire body often feels hot and tingly. This likely happens because the skin on the face and nearby areas is regularly exposed to air, light, and changes in temperature, causing the small blood vessels to become accustomed to quickly expanding and contracting, and it seems they have developed more than in other areas. As M. Moreau and Dr. Burgess have noted, this could explain why the face turns red under various conditions, like a fever, normal warmth, intense physical activity, anger, a minor blow, etc.; conversely, it can also pale due to cold and fear, or change color during pregnancy. The face is particularly susceptible to skin issues like smallpox and erysipelas. This idea is further backed by the observation that men from certain cultures who often go nearly naked tend to blush on their arms and chests, even down to their waists. A woman who blushes a lot tells Dr. Crichton Browne that when she feels embarrassed or anxious, she blushes on her face, neck, wrists, and hands—that is, on all the areas of her skin that are exposed. However, it’s debatable whether the regular exposure of facial and neck skin, along with its ability to react to various stimuli, alone explains why English women are more prone to blushing in these areas compared to others; after all, the hands have a rich supply of nerves and small blood vessels and are just as exposed to air as the face or neck, yet they rarely blush. We will soon see that the mind’s frequent and intense focus on the face compared to other body parts likely provides a sufficient explanation.
Blushing in the various races of man.—The small vessels of the face become filled with blood, from the emotion of shame, in almost all the races of man, though in the very dark races no distinct change of colour can be perceived. Blushing is evident in all the Aryan nations of Europe, and to a certain extent with those of India. But Mr. Erskine has never noticed that the necks of the Hindoos are decidedly affected. With the Lepchas of Sikhim, Mr. Scott has often observed a faint blush on the cheeks, base of the ears, and sides of the neck, accompanied by sunken eyes and lowered head. This has occurred when he has detected them in a falsehood, or has accused them of ingratitude. The pale, sallow complexions of these men render a blush much more conspicuous than in most of the other natives of India. With the latter, shame, or it may be in part fear, is expressed, according to Mr. Scott, much more plainly by the head being averted or bent down, with the eyes wavering or turned askant, than by any change of colour in the skin.
Blushing in the various races of man.—The small blood vessels in the face fill up with blood when a person feels shame, which is observed in nearly all human races, although in very dark-skinned individuals, no noticeable change in color can be seen. Blushing is clearly seen in all the Aryan nations of Europe and, to some extent, among those in India. However, Mr. Erskine has never noticed that the necks of Hindus show a clear response. With the Lepchas of Sikhim, Mr. Scott has frequently noted a slight blush on the cheeks, at the base of the ears, and on the sides of the neck, accompanied by sunken eyes and a lowered head. This occurs when he catches them in a lie or accuses them of being ungrateful. The pale, sallow complexions of these individuals make any blush much more noticeable than in most other Indian natives. According to Mr. Scott, for the latter group, shame, or possibly fear, is expressed much more distinctly through averted or lowered heads, with eyes that are wavering or looking sideways, rather than through any change in skin color.
The Semitic races blush freely, as might have been expected, from their general similitude to the Aryans. Thus with the Jews, it is said in the Book of Jeremiah (chap. vi. 15), “Nay, they were not at all ashamed, neither could they blush.” Mrs. Asa Gray saw an Arab managing his boat clumsily on the Nile, and when laughed at by his companions, “he blushed quite to the back of his neck.” Lady Duff Gordon remarks that a young Arab blushed on coming into her presence.[1310]
The Semitic groups blush easily, which isn't surprising given their similarities to the Aryans. For instance, with the Jews, it’s mentioned in the Book of Jeremiah (chap. vi. 15), “They were not at all ashamed, nor could they blush.” Mrs. Asa Gray observed an Arab awkwardly handling his boat on the Nile, and when his friends laughed at him, “he blushed all the way to the back of his neck.” Lady Duff Gordon notes that a young Arab blushed when he entered her presence. [1310]
Mr. Swinhoe has seen the Chinese blushing, but he thinks it is rare; yet they have the expression “to redden with shame.” Mr. Geach informs me that the Chinese settled in Malacca and the native Malays of the interior both blush. Some of these people go nearly naked, and he particularly attended to the downward extension of the blush. Omitting the cases in which the face alone was seen to blush, Mr. Geach observed that the face, arms, and breast of a Chinaman, aged 24 years, reddened from shame; and with another Chinese, when asked why he had not done his work in better style, the whole body was similarly affected. In two Malays[1311] he saw the face, neck, breast, and arms blushing; and in a third Malay (a Bugis) the blush extended down to the waist.
Mr. Swinhoe has seen the Chinese blush, but he thinks it’s rare; still, they use the phrase “to redden with shame.” Mr. Geach tells me that the Chinese living in Malacca and the native Malays from the interior both blush. Some of these people wear very little clothing, and he particularly noted how the blush spreads downwards. Ignoring the cases where only the face was observed to blush, Mr. Geach noticed that the face, arms, and chest of a 24-year-old Chinese man flushed with shame; and with another Chinese man, when asked why he hadn’t done his work better, the entire body reacted the same way. In two Malays[1311] he observed the face, neck, chest, and arms blushing; and in a third Malay (a Bugis), the blush went down to the waist.
The Polynesians blush freely. The Rev. Mr. Stack has seen hundreds of instances with the New Zealanders. The following case is worth giving, as it relates to an old man who was unusually dark-coloured and partly tattooed. After having let his land to an Englishman for a small yearly rental, a strong passion seized him to buy a gig, which had lately become the fashion with the Maoris. He consequently wished to draw all the rent for four years from his tenant, and consulted Mr. Stack whether he could do so. The man was old, clumsy, poor, and ragged, and the idea of his driving himself about in his carriage for display amused Mr. Stack so much that he could not help bursting out into a laugh; and then “the old man blushed up to the roots of his hair.” Forster says that “you may easily distinguish a spreading blush” on the cheeks of the fairest women in Tahiti.[1312] The natives also of several of the other archipelagoes in the Pacific have been seen to blush.
The Polynesians blush easily. Rev. Mr. Stack has observed hundreds of cases among the New Zealanders. One case is particularly interesting; it involves an old man who was quite dark-skinned and partially tattooed. After renting his land to an Englishman for a small annual fee, he became obsessed with buying a gig, which had recently become popular among the Maoris. As a result, he wanted to collect all four years' rent from his tenant and asked Mr. Stack if he could do that. The man was old, awkward, poor, and ragged, and the thought of him driving around in a carriage for show was so amusing to Mr. Stack that he couldn't help but laugh; then “the old man blushed all the way to the roots of his hair.” Forster notes that “you can easily see a noticeable blush” on the cheeks of the fairest women in Tahiti. [1312] The natives of several other Pacific archipelagos have also been seen to blush.
Mr. Washington Matthews has often seen a blush on the faces of the young squaws belonging to various wild Indian tribes of North America. At the opposite extremity of the continent in Tierra del Fuego, the natives, according to Mr. Bridges, “blush much, but chiefly in regard to women; but they certainly blush also at their own personal appearance.” This latter statement agrees with what I remember of the Fuegian, Jemmy Button, who blushed when he was quizzed about the care which he took in polishing his shoes, and in otherwise adorning himself. With respect to the Aymara Indians on the lofty plateaus of Bolivia, Mr. Forbes says,[1313] that from the colour of their skins it is impossible that their blushes should be as clearly visible as in the white races; still under such circumstances as would raise a blush in us, “there can always be seen the same expression of modesty or confusion; and even in the dark, a rise of temperature of the skin of the face can be felt, exactly as occurs in the European.” With the Indians who inhabit the hot, equable, and damp parts of South America, the skin apparently does not answer to mental excitement so readily as with the natives of the northern and southern parts of the continent, who have long been exposed to great vicissitudes of climate; for Humboldt quotes without a protest the sneer of the Spaniard, “How can those be trusted, who know not how to blush?”[1314] Von Spix and Martius, in speaking of the aborigines of Brazil, assert that they cannot properly be said to blush; “it was only after long intercourse with the whites, and after receiving some education, that we perceived in the Indians a change of colour expressive of the emotions of their minds.”[1315] It is, however, incredible that the power of blushing could have thus originated; but the habit of self-attention, consequent on their education and new course of life, would have much increased any innate tendency to blush.
Mr. Washington Matthews has often noticed a blush on the faces of the young women from various Native American tribes. On the opposite side of the continent in Tierra del Fuego, the locals, according to Mr. Bridges, “blush a lot, but mainly when it comes to women; they also blush about their own appearance.” This aligns with what I recall about the Fuegian, Jemmy Button, who blushed when asked about how he took care of polishing his shoes and dressing himself. Regarding the Aymara Indians on the high plateaus of Bolivia, Mr. Forbes says, [1313] that due to the color of their skin, their blushes aren’t as clearly visible as in white people; still, under conditions that would make us blush, “you can always see the same expression of modesty or embarrassment; and even in the dark, you can feel a rise in temperature on the skin of the face, just like in Europeans.” Among the Indians living in the warm, stable, and humid regions of South America, the skin doesn’t seem to respond to mental excitement as quickly as it does in the natives of the northern and southern parts of the continent, who have been exposed to significant climate changes for a long time; for Humboldt shares the Spaniard’s remark without objection, “How can those be trusted, who do not know how to blush?” [1314] Von Spix and Martius, talking about the indigenous people of Brazil, claim that they can’t truly be said to blush; “it was only after extensive interaction with white people and receiving some education that we noticed a change in color reflecting their emotions.” [1315] However, it's hard to believe that the ability to blush could have developed this way; but the habit of self-awareness, resulting from their education and new lifestyle, would have significantly increased any natural tendency to blush.
Several trustworthy observers have assured me that they have seen on the faces of negroes an appearance resembling a blush, under circumstances which would have excited one in us, though their skins were of an ebony-black tint. Some describe it as blushing brown, but most say that the blackness becomes more intense. An increased supply of blood in the skin seems in some manner to increase its blackness; thus certain exanthematous diseases cause the affected places in the negro to appear blacker, instead of, as with us, redder.[1316] The skin, perhaps, from being rendered more tense by the filling of the capillaries, would reflect a somewhat different tint to what it did before. That the capillaries of the face in the negro become filled with blood, under the emotion of shame, we may feel confident; because a perfectly characterized albino negress, described by Buffon,[1317] showed a faint tinge of crimson on her cheeks when she exhibited herself naked. Cicatrices of the skin remain for a long time white in the negro, and Dr. Burgess, who had frequent opportunities of observing a scar of this kind on the face of a negress, distinctly saw that it “invariably became red whenever she was abruptly spoken to, or charged with any trivial offence.”[1318] The blush could be seen proceeding from the circumference of the scar towards the middle, but it did not reach the centre. Mulattoes are often great blushers, blush succeeding blush over their faces. From these facts there can be no doubt that negroes blush, although no redness is visible on the skin.
Several reliable observers have told me that they’ve noticed a blushing-like expression on the faces of Black people in situations that would make someone like us blush, even though their skin is ebony-black. Some describe it as a brown blush, while most say the blackness intensifies. An increase in blood flow in the skin seems to somehow deepen its color; this means that certain skin diseases can make the affected areas on Black skin appear blacker instead of, like in us, redder.[1316] The skin might reflect a slightly different shade due to the tightening from the capillaries filling up. We can be confident that the capillaries in Black people’s faces fill with blood when they feel shame, because a fully identified albino woman described by Buffon,[1317] showed a faint red tint on her cheeks when she exposed herself. Scars on Black skin remain white for a long time, and Dr. Burgess, who often watched a scar on a Black woman's face, clearly saw that it “always turned red whenever she was suddenly spoken to or accused of something minor.”[1318] The blush would visibly spread from the edge of the scar to the center, but it wouldn’t reach the center. Mixed-race individuals often blush intensely, with blush after blush covering their faces. From these observations, it's clear that Black people do blush, even if there's no visible redness on their skin.
I am assured by Gaika and by Mrs. Barber that the Kafirs of South Africa never blush; but this may only mean that no change of colour is distinguishable. Gaika adds that under the circumstances which would make a European blush, his countrymen “look ashamed to keep their heads up.”
I’ve been told by Gaika and Mrs. Barber that the Kafirs of South Africa never blush; but this might just mean that their skin doesn’t change color noticeably. Gaika also mentions that in situations that would make a European blush, his fellow countrymen “look ashamed to hold their heads up.”
It is asserted by four of my informants that the Australians, who are almost as black as negroes, never blush. A fifth answers doubtfully, remarking that only a very strong blush could be seen, on account of the dirty state of their skins. Three observers state that they do blush;[1319] Mr. S. Wilson adding that this is noticeable only under a strong emotion, and when the skin is not too dark from long exposure and want of cleanliness. Mr. Lang answers, “I have noticed that shame almost always excites a blush, which frequently extends as low as the neck.” Shame is also shown, as he adds, “by the eyes being turned from side to side.” As Mr. Lang was a teacher in a native school, it is probable that he chiefly observed children; and we know that they blush more than adults. Mr. G. Taplin has seen half-castes blushing, and he says that the aborigines have a word expressive of shame. Mr. Hagenauer, who is one of those who has never observed the Australians to blush, says that he has “seen them looking down to the ground on account of shame;” and the missionary, Mr. Bulmer, remarks that though “I have not been able to detect anything like shame in the adult aborigines, I have noticed that the eyes of the children, when ashamed, present a restless, watery appearance, as if they did not know where to look.”
Four of my sources say that Australians, who are almost as dark as black people, never blush. A fifth source responds uncertainly, noting that only a very strong blush would be visible due to the dirtiness of their skin. Three observers claim that they do blush; Mr. S. Wilson adds that this is noticeable only during intense emotions and when the skin isn’t too dark from prolonged exposure and lack of cleanliness. Mr. Lang comments, “I’ve noticed that shame almost always causes a blush, which often extends down to the neck.” He also notes that shame is displayed “by the eyes looking from side to side.” Since Mr. Lang was a teacher in a native school, he likely mostly observed children, who we know blush more than adults. Mr. G. Taplin has seen mixed-race individuals blush, and he mentions that aborigines have a word for shame. Mr. Hagenauer, one of those who has never seen Australians blush, says that he has “seen them looking down at the ground out of shame;” and the missionary, Mr. Bulmer, notes that although “I haven’t been able to find anything resembling shame in adult aborigines, I’ve observed that the eyes of children, when ashamed, look restless and watery, as if they don’t know where to look.”
The facts now given are sufficient to show that blushing, whether or not there is any change of colour, is common to most, probably to all, of the races of man.
The facts presented here are enough to demonstrate that blushing, regardless of any change in color, is common to most, likely to all, human races.
Movements and gestures which accompany Blushing.—Under a keen sense of shame there is a strong desire for concealment.[1320] We turn away the whole body, more especially the face, which we endeavour in some manner to hide. An ashamed person can hardly endure to meet the gaze of those present, so that he almost invariably casts down his eyes or looks askant. As there generally exists at the same time a strong wish to avoid the appearance of shame, a vain attempt is made to look direct at the person who causes this feeling; and the antagonism between these opposite tendencies leads to various restless movements in the eyes. I have noticed two ladies who, whilst blushing, to which they are very liable, have thus acquired, as it appears, the oddest trick of incessantly blinking their eyelids with extraordinary rapidity. An intense blush is sometimes accompanied by a slight effusion of tears;[1321] and this, I presume, is due to the lacrymal glands partaking of the increased supply of blood, which we know rushes into the capillaries of the adjoining parts, including the retina.
Movements and gestures that come with Blushing.—When someone feels a strong sense of shame, there's a big urge to hide. We tend to turn our whole body away, especially our face, which we try to cover up in some way. A person who is embarrassed can hardly bear to meet the eyes of those around them, so they usually look down or away. At the same time, there's often a strong desire to avoid showing shame, leading to a futile attempt to look directly at the person who triggers this feeling; the conflict between these opposing urges results in various restless movements in the eyes. I've seen two ladies who, when they blush—a condition they frequently experience—have developed what seems to be a peculiar habit of blinking their eyes rapidly without pause. A deep blush is sometimes accompanied by a few tears; and I think this happens because the tear glands receive an increased blood flow, which also rushes into the capillaries of nearby areas, including the retina.
Many writers, ancient and modern, have noticed the foregoing movements; and it has already been shown that the aborigines in various parts of the world often exhibit their shame by looking downwards or askant, or by restless movements of their eyes. Ezra cries out (ch. ix. 6), “O, my God! I am ashamed, and blush to lift up my head to thee, my God.” In Isaiah (ch. I. 6) we meet with the words, “I hid not my face from shame.” Seneca remarks (Epist. xi. 5) “that the Roman players hang down their heads, fix their eyes on the ground and keep them lowered, but are unable to blush in acting shame.” According to Macrobius, who lived in the filth century (‘Saturnalia,’ B. vii. C. 11), “Natural philosophers assert that nature being moved by shame spreads the blood before herself as a veil, as we see any one blushing often puts his hands before his face.” Shakspeare makes Marcus (‘Titus Andronicus,’ act ii, sc. 5) say to his niece, “Ah! now thou turn’st away thy face for shame.” A lady informs me that she found in the Lock Hospital a girl whom she had formerly known, and who had become a wretched castaway, and the poor creature, when approached, hid her face under the bed-clothes, and could not be persuaded to uncover it. We often see little children, when shy or ashamed, turn away, and still standing up, bury their faces in their mother’s gown; or they throw themselves face downwards on her lap.
Many writers, both ancient and modern, have noticed these behaviors; and it's already been shown that people in different parts of the world often express shame by looking down or sideways, or through restless eye movements. Ezra cries out (ch. ix. 6), “O, my God! I am ashamed and feel too embarrassed to lift my head to you, my God.” In Isaiah (ch. I. 6), the phrase appears, “I did not hide my face from shame.” Seneca points out (Epist. xi. 5) that Roman actors bow their heads, fix their eyes on the ground, and keep them lowered, but still can't manage to blush while pretending to be ashamed. According to Macrobius, who lived in the fifth century (‘Saturnalia,’ B. vii. C. 11), “Natural philosophers claim that when nature feels shame, it uses blood as a veil, similar to how a person blushing often covers their face with their hands.” Shakespeare has Marcus say to his niece in ‘Titus Andronicus’ (act ii, sc. 5), “Ah! now you turn away your face out of shame.” A lady told me that she found a girl she had previously known in the Lock Hospital, who had become a tragic outcast, and the poor girl, when approached, hid her face under the bedclothes and couldn't be convinced to uncover it. We often see young children, when feeling shy or ashamed, turn away and, while still standing, bury their faces in their mother’s dress; or they throw themselves face down on her lap.
Confusion of mind.—Most persons, whilst blushing intensely, have their mental powers confused. This is recognized in such common expressions as “she was covered with confusion.” Persons in this condition lose their presence of mind, and utter singularly inappropriate remarks. They are often much distressed, stammer, and make awkward movements or strange grimaces. In certain cases involuntary twitchings of some of the facial muscles may be observed. I have been informed by a young lady, who blushes excessively, that at such times she does not even know what she is saying. When it was suggested to her that this might be due to her distress from the consciousness that her blushing was noticed, she answered that this could not be the case, “as she had sometimes felt quite as stupid when blushing at a thought in her own room.”
Confusion of mind.—Most people, when they blush intensely, find their thinking muddled. This is evident in phrases like “she was covered with confusion.” When in this state, individuals lose their composure and say things that are totally out of place. They often become quite distressed, stammer, and make awkward movements or odd facial expressions. In some cases, you can see involuntary twitching in some of the facial muscles. A young lady who blushes a lot told me that during those moments, she doesn’t even realize what she’s saying. When I suggested that this might stem from her anxiety about being noticed, she said that wasn’t true, “since she sometimes felt just as clueless when blushing over a thought while alone in her room.”
I will give an instance of the extreme disturbance of mind to which some sensitive men are liable. A gentleman, on whom I can rely, assured me that he had been an eye-witness of the following scene:—A small dinner-party was given in honour of an extremely shy man, who, when he rose to return thanks, rehearsed the speech, which he had evidently learnt by heart, in absolute silence, and did not utter a single word; but he acted as if he were speaking with much emphasis. His friends, perceiving how the case stood, loudly applauded the imaginary bursts of eloquence, whenever his gestures indicated a pause, and the man never discovered that he had remained the whole time completely silent. On the contrary, he afterwards remarked to my friend, with much satisfaction, that he thought he had succeeded uncommonly well.
I’ll share an example of the extreme anxiety that some sensitive people can experience. A reliable gentleman told me he witnessed the following scene: A small dinner party was held to honor a very shy man who, when he stood up to say thanks, delivered a speech that he had clearly memorized in complete silence, not saying a single word; he acted as if he was speaking with great emphasis. His friends, realizing what was happening, loudly applauded the imaginary moments of brilliance whenever his gestures suggested a pause, and the man never realized he had been completely silent the entire time. On the contrary, he later told my friend, with a sense of pride, that he believed he had done exceptionally well.
When a person is much ashamed or very shy, and blushes intensely, his heart beats rapidly and his breathing is disturbed. This can hardly fail to affect the circulation of the blood within the brain, and perhaps the mental powers. It seems however doubtful, judging from the still more powerful influence of anger and fear on the circulation, whether we can thus satisfactorily account for the confused state of mind in persons whilst blushing intensely.
When someone feels really ashamed or shy and blushes deeply, their heart starts to race and their breathing becomes irregular. This is likely to impact blood flow in the brain and possibly their mental clarity. However, it seems questionable, considering the even stronger effects of anger and fear on circulation, whether we can fully explain the confused state of mind that people experience when they blush intensely.
The true explanation apparently lies in the intimate sympathy which exists between the capillary circulation of the surface of the head and face, and that of the brain. On applying to Dr. J. Crichton Browne for information, he has given me various facts bearing on this subject. When the sympathetic nerve is divided on one side of the head, the capillaries on this side are relaxed and become filled with blood, causing the skin to redden and to grow hot, and at the same time the temperature within the cranium on the same side rises. Inflammation of the membranes of the brain leads to the engorgement of the face, ears, and eyes with blood. The first stage of an epileptic fit appears to be the contraction of the vessels of the brain, and the first outward manifestation is, an extreme pallor of countenance. Erysipelas of the head commonly induces delirium. Even the relief given to a severe headache by burning the skin with strong lotion, depends, I presume, on the same principle.
The real explanation seems to be the close connection between the tiny blood vessels in the surface of the head and face and those in the brain. When I asked Dr. J. Crichton Browne for information, he shared several facts related to this topic. When the sympathetic nerve is cut on one side of the head, the tiny blood vessels on that side relax and fill with blood, making the skin redden and feel warm, while the temperature inside the skull on that side also rises. Inflammation of the brain's membranes leads to increased blood flow in the face, ears, and eyes. The initial stage of an epileptic seizure appears to be the tightening of the brain's blood vessels, with the first visible sign being a marked paleness of the face. Erysipelas of the head often results in delirium. Even the relief from a severe headache by applying a strong lotion to the skin likely works on the same principle.
Dr. Browne has often administered to his patients the vapour of the nitrite of amyl,[1322] which has the singular property of causing vivid redness of the face in from thirty to sixty seconds. This flushing resembles blushing in almost every detail: it begins at several distinct points on the face, and spreads till it involves the whole surface of the head, neck, and front of the chest; but has been observed to extend only in one case to the abdomen. The arteries in the retina become enlarged; the eyes glisten, and in one instance there was a slight effusion of tears. The patients are at first pleasantly stimulated, but, as the flushing increases, they become confused and bewildered. One woman to whom the vapour had often been administered asserted that, as soon as she grew hot, she grew MUDDLED. With persons just commencing to blush it appears, judging from their bright eyes and lively behaviour, that their mental powers are somewhat stimulated. It is only when the blushing is excessive that the mind grows confused. Therefore it would seem that the capillaries of the face are affected, both during the inhalation of the nitrite of amyl and during blushing, before that part of the brain is affected on which the mental powers depend.
Dr. Browne frequently administers the vapor of amyl nitrite, which has the unique ability to cause a bright redness in the face within thirty to sixty seconds. This flushing is similar to blushing in almost every way: it starts at several distinct points on the face and spreads until it covers the entire surface of the head, neck, and front of the chest; however, it has been noted to extend to the abdomen in just one case. The blood vessels in the retina enlarge, the eyes shine, and in one instance, there was a slight tear production. Patients initially feel pleasantly stimulated, but as the flushing intensifies, they become confused and disoriented. One woman who had frequently received the vapor claimed that as soon as she felt hot, she also felt MUDDLED. From the lively behavior and bright eyes of those just starting to blush, it seems that their mental abilities are somewhat stimulated. It's only when the blushing becomes excessive that confusion sets in. Therefore, it appears that the tiny blood vessels in the face are affected during both the inhalation of amyl nitrite and blushing before the part of the brain responsible for mental functions is impacted.
Conversely when the brain is primarily affected; the circulation of the skin is so in a secondary manner. Dr. Browne has frequently observed, as he informs me, scattered red blotches and mottlings on the chests of epileptic patients. In these cases, when the skin on the thorax or abdomen is gently rubbed with a pencil or other object, or, in strongly-marked cases, is merely touched by the finger, the surface becomes suffused in less than half a minute with bright red marks, which spread to some distance on each side of the touched point, and persist for several minutes. These are the cerebral maculae of Trousseau; and they indicate, as Dr. Browne remarks, a highly modified condition of the cutaneous vascular system. If, then, there exists, as cannot be doubted, an intimate sympathy between the capillary circulation in that part of the brain on which our mental powers depend, and in the skin of the face, it is not surprising that the moral causes which induce intense blushing should likewise induce, independently of their own disturbing influence, much confusion of mind.
On the other hand, when the brain is mainly affected, the circulation of the skin is impacted in a secondary way. Dr. Browne has often seen, as he tells me, scattered red spots and patterns on the chests of epileptic patients. In these cases, when the skin on the chest or abdomen is gently rubbed with a pencil or another object, or, in more pronounced cases, is simply touched with a finger, the surface quickly shows bright red marks within less than half a minute, which spread a short distance on either side of the touched spot and last for several minutes. These are the cerebral maculae of Trousseau, and they indicate, as Dr. Browne points out, a significantly altered state of the skin's blood vessels. If there is indeed, as cannot be denied, a close connection between the capillary circulation in the area of the brain responsible for our mental abilities and the skin of the face, it makes sense that the emotional triggers that cause intense blushing would also lead to, independently of their own disruptive effects, a lot of mental confusion.
The Nature of the Mental States which induce Blushing.—These consist of shyness, shame, and modesty; the essential element in all being self-attention. Many reasons can be assigned for believing that originally self-attention directed to personal appearance, in relation to the opinion of others, was the exciting cause; the same effect being subsequently produced, through the force of association, by self-attention in relation to moral conduct. It is not the simple act of reflecting on our own appearance, but the thinking what others think of us, which excites a blush. In absolute solitude the most sensitive person would be quite indifferent about his appearance. We feel blame or disapprobation more acutely than approbation; and consequently depreciatory remarks or ridicule, whether of our appearance or conduct, causes us to blush much more readily than does praise. But undoubtedly praise and admiration are highly efficient: a pretty girl blushes when a man gazes intently at her, though she may know perfectly well that he is not depreciating her. Many children, as well as old and sensitive persons blush, when they are much praised. Hereafter the question will be discussed, how it has arisen that the consciousness that others are attending to our personal appearance should have led to the capillaries, especially those of the face, instantly becoming filled with blood.
The Nature of the Mental States that Cause Blushing.—These include shyness, shame, and modesty; the key factor in all of them is self-awareness. There are many reasons to believe that initially, self-awareness focused on our appearance, in relation to how others perceive us, was the trigger; later, this effect also occurred, through the power of association, when self-awareness related to our moral behavior. It's not just the act of thinking about our own appearance that causes us to blush, but rather the awareness of what others think of us. In complete solitude, even the most sensitive person wouldn’t care about their appearance. We feel criticism or disapproval more strongly than we feel approval; therefore, negative comments or ridicule about our appearance or actions make us blush much more quickly than compliments. However, praise and admiration are undeniably effective: a pretty girl blushes when a man looks at her intently, even if she knows he’s not criticizing her. Many children, as well as older and sensitive individuals, blush when they receive a lot of praise. Later on, we will discuss how the awareness that others are focusing on our appearance leads to the capillaries, especially those in the face, becoming instantly filled with blood.
My reasons for believing that attention directed to personal appearance, and not to moral conduct, has been the fundamental element in the acquirement of the habit of blushing, will now be given. They are separately light, but combined possess, as it appears to me, considerable weight. It is notorious that nothing makes a shy person blush so much as any remark, however slight, on his personal appearance. One cannot notice even the dress of a woman much given to blushing, without causing her face to crimson. It is sufficient to stare hard at some persons to make them, as Coleridge remarks, blush,—“account for that he who can.”[1323]
My reasons for believing that focusing on personal appearance, rather than moral behavior, has been the main factor in developing the habit of blushing will be outlined now. Each reason is individually minor, but together they seem to carry significant weight. It's well-known that nothing makes a shy person blush more than even the slightest comment about their looks. You can't even comment on the clothing of a woman who often blushes without making her face turn red. Sometimes, just staring intently at certain people can make them blush, as Coleridge puts it, “account for that he who can.”[1323]
With the two albinos observed by Dr. Burgess,[1324] “the slightest attempt to examine their peculiarities invariably caused them to blush deeply.” Women are much more sensitive about their personal appearance than men are, especially elderly women in comparison with elderly men, and they blush much more freely. The young of both sexes are much more sensitive on this same head than the old, and they also blush much more freely than the old. Children at a very early age do not blush; nor do they show those other signs of self-consciousness which generally accompany blushing; and it is one of their chief charms that they think nothing about what others think of them. At this early age they will stare at a stranger with a fixed gaze and un-blinking eyes, as on an inanimate object, in a manner which we elders cannot imitate.
With the two albinos observed by Dr. Burgess, [1324] “the slightest attempt to examine their peculiarities invariably caused them to blush deeply.” Women are much more sensitive about their looks than men are, especially older women compared to older men, and they tend to blush more easily. Young people of both genders are also more sensitive about their appearance than older individuals, and they blush more readily as well. Very young children don't blush; they also don't display the other signs of self-consciousness that usually come with blushing. One of their main charms is that they don't care at all about what others think of them. At this age, they will stare at a stranger with a steady, unblinking gaze, much like they would at an inanimate object, in a way that we adults can't replicate.
It is plain to every one that young men and women are highly sensitive to the opinion of each other with reference to their personal appearance; and they blush incomparably more in the presence of the opposite sex than in that of their own.[1325] A young man, not very liable to blush, will blush intensely at any slight ridicule of his appearance from a girl whose judgment on any important subject he would disregard. No happy pair of young lovers, valuing each other’s admiration and love more than anything else in the world, probably ever courted each other without many a blush. Even the barbarians of Tierra del Fuego, according to Mr. Bridges, blush “chiefly in regard to women, but certainly also at their own personal appearance.”
It's clear to everyone that young men and women are very sensitive to each other's opinions about their looks; they blush much more when they're around the opposite sex compared to their own. A young man who typically doesn't blush will turn red at even a little teasing about his looks from a girl whose views on serious topics he wouldn't care much about. No happy couple of young lovers, who cherish each other's admiration and love above all else, likely ever flirted without a lot of blushing. Even the people of Tierra del Fuego, according to Mr. Bridges, blush "mainly when it comes to women, but definitely also about their own appearance."
Of all parts of the body, the face is most considered and regarded, as is natural from its being the chief seat of expression and the source of the voice. It is also the chief seat of beauty and of ugliness, and throughout the world is the most ornamented.[1326] The face, therefore, will have been subjected during many generations to much closer and more earnest self-attention than any other part of the body; and in accordance with the principle here advanced we can understand why it should be the most liable to blush. Although exposure to alternations of temperature, &c., has probably much increased the power of dilatation and contraction in the capillaries of the face and adjoining parts, yet this by itself will hardly account for these parts blushing much more than the rest of the body; for it does not explain the fact of the hands rarely blushing. With Europeans the whole body tingles slightly when the face blushes intensely; and with the races of men who habitually go nearly naked, the blushes extend over a much larger surface than with us. These facts are, to a certain extent, intelligible, as the self-attention of primeval man, as well as of the existing races which still go naked, will not have been so exclusively confined to their faces, as is the case with the people who now go clothed.
Of all parts of the body, the face is the most considered and regarded, as is natural since it's the main area of expression and the source of our voice. It's also the primary area of beauty and ugliness, and around the globe, it's the most adorned. The face, therefore, has undergone much closer and more intense self-scrutiny over many generations than any other part of the body; and based on this principle, we can understand why it's the most prone to blushing. While exposure to changes in temperature, etc., has likely increased the ability of the capillaries in the face and surrounding areas to expand and contract, this alone doesn't fully explain why these areas blush significantly more than the rest of the body; it also doesn't clarify why hands rarely blush. In Europeans, the entire body feels a slight tingling when the face blushes deeply; and among races of people who generally go almost naked, the blushing spreads over a much larger area than it does with us. These facts can be somewhat understood, as the self-awareness of early humans, as well as of existing races that still remain naked, would not have been as exclusively focused on their faces, unlike people who are now clothed.
We have seen that in all parts of the world persons who feel shame for some moral delinquency, are apt to avert, bend down, or hide their faces, independently of any thought about their personal appearance. The object can hardly be to conceal their blushes, for the face is thus averted or hidden under circumstances which exclude any desire to conceal shame, as when guilt is fully confessed and repented of. It is, however, probable that primeval man before he had acquired much moral sensitiveness would have been highly sensitive about his personal appearance, at least in reference to the other sex, and he would consequently have felt distress at any depreciatory remarks about his appearance; and this is one form of shame. And as the face is the part of the body which is most regarded, it is intelligible that any one ashamed of his personal appearance would desire to conceal this part of his body. The habit having been thus acquired, would naturally be carried on when shame from strictly moral causes was felt; and it is not easy otherwise to see why under these circumstances there should be a desire to hide the face more than any other part of the body.
We've observed that people around the world who feel shame for a moral failure tend to turn away, look down, or hide their faces, regardless of any concern for their appearance. The goal isn't likely to hide their blushing, as their faces are turned or hidden even when there's no intention to conceal their shame, like when guilt is fully admitted and sincerely regretted. However, it's likely that primitive humans, before developing much moral awareness, were very self-conscious about their looks, especially around the opposite sex. As a result, they would have felt upset by any negative comments about their appearance, which is a form of shame. Since the face is the body part most noticed, it makes sense that someone embarrassed by their looks would want to hide it. Once this behavior became established, it would naturally carry over into situations where shame from moral reasons was felt. It's hard to explain otherwise why there would be a stronger urge to hide the face in these moments compared to any other part of the body.
The habit, so general with every one who feels ashamed, of turning away, or lowering his eyes, or restlessly moving them from side to side, probably follows from each glance directed towards those present, bringing home the conviction that he is intently regarded; and he endeavours, by not looking at those present, and especially not at their eyes, momentarily to escape from this painful conviction.
The habit that everyone has when they feel ashamed—looking away, lowering their eyes, or moving them restlessly from side to side—probably comes from each glance at those around them, reinforcing the feeling that they are being closely watched. They try to escape this uncomfortable realization by avoiding eye contact with others, especially their eyes.
Shyness.—This odd state of mind, often called shamefacedness, or false shame, or mauvaise honte, appears to be one of the most efficient of all the causes of blushing. Shyness is, indeed, chiefly recognized by the face reddening, by the eyes being averted or cast down, and by awkward, nervous movements of the body. Many a woman blushes from this cause, a hundred, perhaps a thousand times, to once that she blushes from having done anything deserving blame, and of which she is truly ashamed. Shyness seems to depend on sensitiveness to the opinion, whether good or bad, of others, more especially with respect to external appearance. Strangers neither know nor care anything about our conduct or character, but they may, and often do, criticize our appearance: hence shy persons are particularly apt to be shy and to blush in the presence of strangers. The consciousness of anything peculiar, or even new, in the dress, or any slight blemish on the person, and more especially, on the face—points which are likely to attract the attention of strangers—makes the shy intolerably shy. On the other hand, in those cases in which conduct and not personal appearance is concerned, we are much more apt to be shy in the presence of acquaintances, whose judgment we in some degree value, than in that of strangers. A physician told me that a young man, a wealthy duke, with whom he had travelled as medical attendant, blushed like a girl, when he paid him his fee; yet this young man probably would not have blushed and been shy, had he been paying a bill to a tradesman. Some persons, however, are so sensitive, that the mere act of speaking to almost any one is sufficient to rouse their self-consciousness, and a slight blush is the result.
Shyness.—This unusual state of mind, often referred to as shamefacedness, false shame, or mauvaise honte, seems to be one of the main reasons people blush. Shyness is mainly recognized by a reddening face, downcast or averted eyes, and awkward, nervous body movements. Many women blush from shyness a hundred or even a thousand times more than they blush for actually doing something shameful that they truly regret. Shyness appears to be linked to sensitivity about others' opinions, whether positive or negative, especially regarding appearance. Strangers typically don't know or care about our behavior or character, but they often do judge our looks: that’s why shy people tend to feel more anxious and blush around strangers. Being aware of any unique or even new clothing, or any small imperfection on one’s body—especially on the face—can make shy individuals extremely self-conscious. Conversely, when it comes to behavior rather than appearance, we are more likely to feel shy in front of people we know, whose opinions we care about, than in front of strangers. A doctor once told me about a wealthy duke he had accompanied as a medical attendant; this young man blushed like a girl when he received his fee. However, he probably wouldn’t have blushed and felt shy if he were paying a tradesman. Some people, though, are so sensitive that just speaking to almost anyone can trigger their self-consciousness, resulting in a slight blush.
Disapprobation or ridicule, from our sensitiveness on this head, causes shyness and blushing much more readily than does approbation; though the latter with some persons is highly efficient. The conceited are rarely shy; for they value themselves much too highly to expect depreciation. Why a proud man is often shy, as appears to be the case, is not so obvious, unless it be that, with all his self-reliance, he really thinks much about the opinion of others although in a disdainful spirit. Persons who are exceedingly shy are rarely shy in the presence of those with whom they are quite familiar, and of whose good opinion and sympathy they are perfectly assured;—for instance, a girl in the presence of her mother. I neglected to inquire in my printed paper whether shyness can be detected in the different races of man; but a Hindoo gentleman assured Mr. Erskine that it is recognizable in his countrymen.
Disapproval or mockery, given our sensitivity about this, leads to shyness and blushing much more easily than approval does; although for some people, approval can be very effective. Conceited individuals are rarely shy because they hold themselves in too high regard to expect criticism. Why a proud person is often shy, as seems to be the case, isn't entirely clear, unless it's because, despite their self-confidence, they do care a lot about what others think, albeit with a dismissive attitude. Extremely shy people are usually not shy around those they know well and whose good opinion and support they feel secure about; for example, a girl feels comfortable around her mother. I forgot to ask in my published paper whether shyness can be observed in different human races, but an Indian gentleman assured Mr. Erskine that it can be recognized in his fellow countrymen.
Shyness, as the derivation of the word indicates in several languages,[1327] is closely related to fear; yet it is distinct from fear in the ordinary sense. A shy man no doubt dreads the notice of strangers, but can hardly be said to be afraid of them, he may be as bold as a hero in battle, and yet have no self-confidence about trifles in the presence of strangers. Almost every one is extremely nervous when first addressing a public assembly, and most men remain so throughout their lives; but this appears to depend on the consciousness of a great coming exertion, with its associated effects on the system, rather than on shyness;[1328] although a timid or shy man no doubt suffers on such occasions infinitely more than another. With very young children it is difficult to distinguish between fear and shyness; but this latter feeling with them has often seemed to me to partake of the character of the wildness of an untamed animal. Shyness comes on at a very early age. In one of my own children, when two years and three months old, I saw a trace of what certainly appeared to be shyness, directed towards myself after an absence from home of only a week. This was shown not by a blush, but by the eyes being for a few minutes slightly averted from me. I have noticed on other occasions that shyness or shamefacedness and real shame are exhibited in the eyes of young children before they have acquired the power of blushing.
Shyness, as the origin of the word suggests in several languages, is closely linked to fear; however, it is different from fear in the usual sense. A shy person likely fears the attention of strangers, but they can't really be said to be afraid of them; they might be as brave as a hero in battle, yet lack confidence in small matters when around unfamiliar people. Almost everyone feels very nervous the first time they speak to a public crowd, and many people continue to feel that way throughout their lives; but this seems to relate more to the awareness of a significant upcoming effort, with its related effects on the body, rather than shyness. Although a timid or shy person undoubtedly suffers much more in these situations than someone else. With very young children, it's hard to tell the difference between fear and shyness; however, this latter emotion often seems to resemble the wildness of an untamed animal. Shyness appears at a very young age. In one of my children, when he was just two years and three months old, I noticed a sign of what clearly seemed to be shyness towards me after I had been away from home for only a week. This was indicated not by a blush, but by his eyes being slightly turned away from me for a few minutes. I have observed at other times that shyness or bashfulness as well as real shame are reflected in the eyes of young children before they have developed the ability to blush.
As shyness apparently depends on self-attention, we can perceive how right are those who maintain that reprehending children for shyness, instead of doing them any good, does much harm, as it calls their attention still more closely to themselves. It has been well urged that “nothing hurts young people more than to be watched continually about their feelings, to have their countenances scrutinized, and the degrees of their sensibility measured by the surveying eye of the unmerciful spectator. Under the constraint of such examinations they can think of nothing but that they are looked at, and feel nothing but shame or apprehension.”[1329]
As shyness seems to stem from being overly aware of oneself, we can see how right it is for those who argue that criticizing kids for being shy does more harm than good, as it only makes them more focused on themselves. It has been pointed out that “nothing affects young people worse than being constantly observed regarding their feelings, having their expressions analyzed, and having their sensitivity judged by the unforgiving eyes of the onlooker. With such scrutiny, all they can think about is being watched, and all they feel is shame or anxiety.”[1329]
Moral causes: guilt.—With respect to blushing from strictly moral causes, we meet with the same fundamental principle as before, namely, regard for the opinion of others. It is not the conscience which raises a blush, for a man may sincerely regret some slight fault committed in solitude, or he may suffer the deepest remorse for an undetected crime, but he will not blush. “I blush,” says Dr. Burgess,[1330] “in the presence of my accusers.” It is not the sense of guilt, but the thought that others think or know us to be guilty which crimsons the face. A man may feel thoroughly ashamed at having told a small falsehood, without blushing; but if he even suspects that he is detected he will instantly blush, especially if detected by one whom he reveres.
Moral causes: guilt.—When it comes to blushing for moral reasons, we encounter the same basic idea as before: concern for how others perceive us. It's not our conscience that causes us to blush; a person might genuinely regret a minor mistake made alone or feel deep remorse for a crime that goes unnoticed, yet they won't blush. “I blush,” says Dr. Burgess, [1330] “in front of my accusers.” It's not the feeling of guilt that causes the redness, but the awareness that others believe or know we are guilty that makes our face turn red. A person might feel completely ashamed for having told a small lie without blushing at all; however, if they even suspect they have been caught, they will immediately blush, especially if the one who discovered them is someone they respect.
On the other hand, a man may be convinced that God witnesses all his actions, and he may feel deeply conscious of some fault and pray for forgiveness; but this will not, as a lady who is a great blusher believes, ever excite a blush. The explanation of this difference between the knowledge by God and man of our actions lies, I presume, in man’s disapprobation of immoral conduct being somewhat akin in nature to his depreciation of our personal appearance, so that through association both lead to similar results; whereas the disapprobation of God brings up no such association.
On the other hand, a man may believe that God sees everything he does, and he might feel really aware of a mistake and pray for forgiveness; but this won’t, as a woman who blushes easily thinks, ever cause him to blush. The reason for this difference between how God and humans know our actions lies, I think, in the fact that a person’s disapproval of bad behavior is somewhat similar to how he judges our looks, so that both can lead to similar reactions; whereas God’s disapproval doesn’t create that kind of association.
Many a person has blushed intensely when accused of some crime, though completely innocent of it. Even the thought, as the lady before referred to has observed to me, that others think that we have made an unkind or stupid remark, is amply sufficient to cause a blush, although we know all the time that we have been completely misunderstood. An action may be meritorious or of an indifferent nature, but a sensitive person, if he suspects that others take a different view of it, will blush. For instance, a lady by herself may give money to a beggar without a trace of a blush, but if others are present, and she doubts whether they approve, or suspects that they think her influenced by display, she will blush. So it will be, if she offers to relieve the distress of a decayed gentlewoman, more particularly of one whom she had previously known under better circumstances, as she cannot then feel sure how her conduct will be viewed. But such cases as these blend into shyness.
Many people have blushed deeply when accused of a crime they didn’t commit. Even the thought—like the lady I mentioned earlier has pointed out—that others think we’ve made an unkind or foolish comment can make us blush, even if we know we’ve been completely misunderstood. An action might be admirable or neutral, but a sensitive person will blush if they suspect others have a different perspective on it. For example, a woman might give money to a beggar without a hint of embarrassment when she’s alone, but if others are around and she worries about their approval or thinks they might see her as trying to show off, she will blush. The same goes for if she tries to help an elderly woman in need, especially if she had known her in better times, as she can’t be sure how her actions will be judged. But situations like these blend into shyness.
Breaches of etiquette.—The rules of etiquette always refer to conduct in the presence of, or towards others. They have no necessary connection with the moral sense, and are often meaningless. Nevertheless as they depend on the fixed custom of our equals and superiors, whose opinion we highly regard, they are considered almost as binding as are the laws of honour to a gentleman. Consequently the breach of the laws of etiquette, that is, any impoliteness or gaucherie, any impropriety, or an inappropriate remark, though quite accidental, will cause the most intense blushing of which a man is capable. Even the recollection of such an act, after an interval of many years, will make the whole body to tingle. So strong, also, is the power of sympathy that a sensitive person, as a lady has assured me, will sometimes blush at a flagrant breach of etiquette by a perfect stranger, though the act may in no way concern her.
Breaches of etiquette.—The rules of etiquette always relate to how we behave in front of or towards others. They aren't necessarily connected to morality and can often feel pointless. However, since they are based on the established customs of our peers and superiors, whose opinions we value, they are seen as almost as obligatory as the laws of honor to a gentleman. Therefore, breaking the rules of etiquette—like any rudeness or clumsiness, any impropriety, or an inappropriate comment, even if unintentional—can lead to intense embarrassment for a man. Even recalling such an event years later can make him feel a physical tingle. The power of sympathy is also so strong that a sensitive person, as one lady has told me, might blush at a blatant breach of etiquette by a complete stranger, even if it doesn't concern her at all.
Modesty.—This is another powerful agent in exciting blushes; but the word modesty includes very different states of the mind. It implies humility, and we often judge of this by persons being greatly pleased and blushing at slight praise, or by being annoyed at praise which seems to them too high according to their own humble standard of themselves. Blushing here has the usual signification of regard for the opinion of others. But modesty frequently relates to acts of indelicacy; and indelicacy is an affair of etiquette, as we clearly see with the nations that go altogether or nearly naked. He who is modest, and blushes easily at acts of this nature, does so because they are breaches of a firmly and wisely established etiquette. This is indeed shown by the derivation of the word modest from modus, a measure or standard of behaviour. A blush due to this form of modesty is, moreover, apt to be intense, because it generally relates to the opposite sex; and we have seen how in all cases our liability to blush is thus increased. We apply the term ‘modest,’ as it would appear, to those who have an humble opinion of themselves, and to those who are extremely sensitive about an indelicate word or deed, simply because in both cases blushes are readily excited, for these two frames of mind have nothing else in common. Shyness also, from this same cause, is often mistaken for modesty in the sense of humility.
Modesty.—This is another strong factor in causing blushes; however, the term modesty encompasses very different mental states. It suggests humility, and we often interpret this through people being very pleased and blushing at minimal praise, or by being annoyed at praise they feel is too excessive based on their own humble view of themselves. Blushing in this context reflects a concern for what others think. But modesty also often has to do with situations that lack delicacy; and indelicacy is a matter of etiquette, as we can clearly observe with cultures that are completely or mostly unclothed. A person who is modest and blushes easily in response to such actions does so because they violate an established and sensible code of etiquette. This is highlighted by the origin of the word modest from modus, meaning a measure or standard of behavior. A blush resulting from this kind of modesty is also likely to be intense, because it usually involves the opposite sex; and we've noted how our tendency to blush increases in all such instances. We use the term ‘modest,’ as it seems, to describe those who have a low opinion of themselves and those who are extremely sensitive about inappropriate words or actions, simply because in both situations blushes can be easily triggered, even though these two mindsets have nothing else in common. Similarly, shyness is often wrongly identified as modesty in terms of humility for the same reasons.
Some persons flush up, as I have observed and have been assured, at any sudden and disagreeable recollection. The commonest cause seems to be the sudden remembrance of not having done something for another person which had been promised. In this case it may be that the thought passes half unconsciously through the mind, “What will he think of me?” and then the flush would partake of the nature of a true blush. But whether such flushes are in most cases due to the capillary circulation being affected, is very doubtful; for we must remember that almost every strong emotion, such as anger or great joy, acts on the heart, and causes the face to redden.
Some people flush, as I've noticed and been told, at any sudden and unpleasant memory. The most common reason seems to be suddenly remembering that they didn’t do something they promised for someone else. In this case, it might be that the thought runs through their mind almost without realizing it: “What will they think of me?” and then the flush would resemble a genuine blush. But whether these flushes are mostly caused by changes in blood circulation is very questionable; we have to remember that almost every strong feeling, like anger or extreme happiness, affects the heart and makes the face turn red.
The fact that blushes may be excited in absolute solitude seems opposed to the view here taken, namely that the habit originally arose from thinking about what others think of us. Several ladies, who are great blushers, are unanimous in regard to solitude; and some of them believe that they have blushed in the dark. From what Mr. Forbes has stated with respect to the Aymaras, and from my own sensations, I have no doubt that this latter statement is correct. Shakspeare, therefore, erred when he made Juliet, who was not even by herself, say to Romeo (act ii. sc. 2):—
The fact that people can blush even when they are completely alone seems to contradict the view presented here, which is that this habit initially developed from thinking about how others perceive us. Several women who blush easily all agree about feeling this way in solitude, and some believe they've blushed even in the dark. Based on what Mr. Forbes has mentioned about the Aymaras, along with my own experiences, I have no doubt that this claim is accurate. Therefore, Shakespeare was mistaken when he had Juliet, who wasn't even alone, say to Romeo (act ii. sc. 2):—
“Thou know’st the mask of night is on my face;
Else would a maiden blush bepaint my cheek,
For that which thou hast heard me speak to-night.”
"You know the night is covering my face;
Otherwise, a girl would blush on my cheek,
For what you heard me say tonight."
But when a blush is excited in solitude, the cause almost always relates to the thoughts of others about us—to acts done in their presence, or suspected by them; or again when we reflect what others would have thought of us had they known of the act. Nevertheless one or two of my informants believe that they have blushed from shame at acts in no way relating to others. If this be so, we must attribute the result to the force of inveterate habit and association, under a state of mind closely analogous to that which ordinarily excites a blush; nor need we feel surprise at this, as even sympathy with another person who commits a flagrant breach of etiquette is believed, as we have just seen, sometimes to cause a blush.
But when we blush in solitude, it's usually because we're thinking about what others think of us—about things we've done in front of them or that they might suspect. Or we might be imagining how they'd react if they knew about our actions. Still, a couple of my sources believe they've blushed out of shame for things that have nothing to do with others. If that's the case, we can chalk it up to the power of deep-rooted habit and association, in a mindset similar to what typically triggers a blush. We shouldn't be surprised by this since even feeling sympathy for someone who breaks social norms is known to sometimes cause a blush, as we've just discussed.
Finally, then, I conclude that blushing,—whether due to shyness—to shame for a real crime—to shame from a breach of the laws of etiquette—to modesty from humility—to modesty from an indelicacy—depends in all cases on the same principle; this principle being a sensitive regard for the opinion, more particularly for the depreciation of others, primarily in relation to our personal appearance, especially of our faces; and secondarily, through the force of association and habit, in relation to the opinion of others on our conduct.
In conclusion, I believe that blushing—whether it comes from shyness, feeling guilty about a real crime, embarrassment over breaking social norms, modesty from humility, or modesty due to something inappropriate—always stems from the same principle. This principle is a heightened awareness of how others perceive us, particularly regarding our appearance, especially our faces. Additionally, it relates to how we think others view our behavior, influenced by associations and habits.
Theory of Blushing.—We have now to consider, why should the thought that others are thinking about us affect our capillary circulation? Sir C. Bell insists[1331] that blushing “is a provision for expression, as may be inferred from the colour extending only to the surface of the face, neck, and breast, the parts most exposed. It is not acquired; it is from the beginning.” Dr. Burgess believes that it was designed by the Creator in “order that the soul might have sovereign power of displaying in the cheeks the various internal emotions of the moral feelings;” so as to serve as a check on ourselves, and as a sign to others, that we were violating rules which ought to be held sacred. Gratiolet merely remarks,—“Or, comme il est dans l’ordre de la nature que l’être social le plus intelligent soit aussi le plus intelligible, cette faculté de rougeur et de pâleur qui distingue l’homme, est un signe naturel de sa haute perfection.”
Theory of Blushing.—Now, let's explore why the idea that others are thinking about us impacts our blood circulation. Sir C. Bell points out[1331] that blushing “is a way to express ourselves, as seen by the color showing up only on the surface of the face, neck, and chest, which are the most visible areas. It’s not something we learn; it's inherent from the start.” Dr. Burgess believes it was created by the Creator so that “the soul could have the power to show various internal emotions on the cheeks related to our moral feelings;” acting as a reminder to ourselves and a signal to others that we are breaking rules that should be respected. Gratiolet simply notes, “Or, since it’s natural for the most intelligent social being to also be the most understandable, this ability to blush and pale that characterizes humans is a natural sign of our high perfection.”
The belief that blushing was SPECIALLY designed by the Creator is opposed to the general theory of evolution, which is now so largely accepted; but it forms no part of my duty here to argue on the general question. Those who believe in design, will find it difficult to account for shyness being the most frequent and efficient of all the causes of blushing, as it makes the blusher to suffer and the beholder uncomfortable, without being of the least service to either of them. They will also find it difficult to account for negroes and other dark-coloured races blushing, in whom a change of colour in the skin is scarcely or not at all visible.
The idea that blushing was specifically created by a higher power goes against the widely accepted theory of evolution; however, it's not my job to debate that topic here. Those who believe in design will struggle to explain why shyness is the most common and effective cause of blushing, as it causes distress for the person blushing and discomfort for those watching, without benefiting either of them. They will also find it hard to explain why people with darker skin tones blush, where a change in skin color is hardly noticeable.
No doubt a slight blush adds to the beauty of a maiden’s face; and the Circassian women who are capable of blushing, invariably fetch a higher price in the seraolio of the Sultan than less susceptible women.[1332] But the firmest believer in the efficacy of sexual selection will hardly suppose that blushing was acquired as a sexual ornament. This view would also be opposed to what has just been said about the dark-coloured races blushing in an invisible manner.
No doubt a slight blush enhances the beauty of a young woman's face, and Circassian women who can blush always command a higher price in the Sultan's harem than those who are less sensitive. [1332] However, even the strongest supporter of sexual selection would struggle to believe that blushing developed as a sexual trait. This perspective would also contradict what was just mentioned about dark-skinned races blushing in a way that's not visible.
The hypothesis which appears to me the most probable, though it may at first seem rash, is that attention closely directed to any part of the body tends to interfere with the ordinary and tonic contraction of the small arteries of that part. These vessels, in consequence, become at such times more or less relaxed, and are instantly filled with arterial blood. This tendency will have been much strengthened, if frequent attention has been paid during many generations to the same part, owing to nerve-force readily flowing along accustomed channels, and by the power of inheritance. Whenever we believe that others are depreciating or even considering our personal appearance, our attention is vividly directed to the outer and visible parts of our bodies; and of all such parts we are most sensitive about our faces, as no doubt has been the case during many past generations. Therefore, assuming for the moment that the capillary vessels can be acted on by close attention, those of the face will have become eminently susceptible. Through the force of association, the same effects will tend to follow whenever we think that others are considering or censuring our actions or character.
The hypothesis that seems most likely to me, even though it might initially sound bold, is that focusing closely on any part of the body tends to disrupt the normal and steady contraction of the small arteries in that area. As a result, these vessels become more or less relaxed, and are quickly filled with arterial blood. This tendency would be greatly enhanced if, over many generations, attention has frequently been directed to the same area, because nerve signals flow easily along familiar pathways, reinforced by the power of inheritance. Whenever we think others are judging or even critiquing our appearance, our focus tends to shift strongly to the outer and visible parts of our bodies; and of all these parts, we are most sensitive about our faces, just as has been true throughout many previous generations. So, assuming for a moment that close attention can influence the capillary vessels, those in our faces will have become particularly reactive. Through the power of association, similar effects are likely to occur whenever we believe others are evaluating or criticizing our actions or character.
As the basis of this theory rests on mental attention having some power to influence the capillary circulation, it will be necessary to give a considerable body of details, bearing more or less directly on this subject. Several observers,[1333] who from their wide experience and knowledge are eminently capable of forming a sound judgment, are convinced that attention or consciousness (which latter term Sir H. Holland thinks the more explicit) concentrated on almost any part of the body produces some direct physical effect on it. This applies to the movements of the involuntary muscles, and of the voluntary muscles when acting involuntarily,—to the secretion of the glands,—to the activity of the senses and sensations,—and even to the nutrition of parts.
As the foundation of this theory is that mental focus has some ability to influence the capillary circulation, it will be necessary to provide a substantial amount of details that are more or less directly related to this topic. Several observers, [1333] who, due to their extensive experience and knowledge, are well-qualified to make a sound judgment, believe that attention or consciousness (the latter term, according to Sir H. Holland, is more precise) focused on almost any part of the body creates some direct physical effect on it. This applies to the movements of involuntary muscles and voluntary muscles when they act involuntarily, the secretion of glands, the activity of the senses and sensations, and even the nutrition of various body parts.
It is known that the involuntary movements of the heart are affected if close attention be paid to them. Gratiolet[1334] gives the case of a man, who by continually watching and counting his own pulse, at last caused one beat out of every six to intermit. On the other hand, my father told me of a careful observer, who certainly had heart-disease and died from it, and who positively stated that his pulse was habitually irregular to an extreme degree; yet to his great disappointment it invariably became regular as soon as my father entered the room. Sir H. Holland remarks, that “the effect upon the circulation of a part from the consciousness suddenly directed and fixed upon it, is often obvious and immediate.” Professor Laycock, who has particularly attended to phenomena of this nature, insists that “when the attention is directed to any portion of the body, innervation and circulation are excited locally, and the functional activity of that portion developed.”
It’s known that the heart’s involuntary movements can be influenced if someone pays close attention to them. Gratiolet[1334] shares the story of a man who, by continually watching and counting his own pulse, eventually caused one beat out of every six to skip. Conversely, my father mentioned a careful observer who definitely had heart disease and ultimately died from it, yet he firmly stated that his pulse was usually extremely irregular; unfortunately for him, it always became regular as soon as my father walked into the room. Sir H. Holland notes that “the effect on the circulation of a part from the consciousness suddenly directed and focused on it is often clear and immediate.” Professor Laycock, who has especially studied these kinds of phenomena, emphasizes that “when attention is directed to any part of the body, innervation and circulation are stimulated locally, and the functional activity of that part increases.”
It is generally believed that the peristaltic movements of the intestines are influenced by attention being paid to them at fixed recurrent periods; and these movements depend on the contraction of unstriped and involuntary muscles. The abnormal action of the voluntary muscles in epilepsy, chorea, and hysteria is known to be influenced by the expectation of an attack, and by the sight of other patients similarly affected. So it is with the involuntary acts of yawning and laughing.
It’s commonly thought that the wave-like movements of the intestines are affected by focused attention given to them at regular intervals; these movements rely on the contraction of smooth, involuntary muscles. The unusual behavior of voluntary muscles in conditions like epilepsy, chorea, and hysteria is known to be impacted by anticipating an episode and seeing other patients who are similarly affected. The same goes for involuntary actions like yawning and laughing.
Certain glands are much influenced by thinking of them, or of the conditions under which they have been habitually excited. This is familiar to every one in the increased flow of saliva, when the thought, for instance, of intensely acid fruit is kept before the mind. It was shown in our sixth chapter, that an earnest and long-continued desire either to repress, or to increase, the action of the lacrymal glands is effectual. Some curious cases have been recorded in the case of women, of the power of the mind on the mammary glands; and still more remarkable ones in relation to the uterine functions.
Certain glands are greatly influenced by thinking about them or by the conditions that usually trigger them. This is well-known; for example, just thinking about sour fruit can cause an increase in saliva. In our sixth chapter, we demonstrated that a strong and persistent desire to either suppress or boost the activity of the tear glands is effective. Some interesting cases have been documented regarding women's mental influence on the breast glands, and even more remarkable instances have been noted concerning the functions of the uterus.
See Gratiolet on this subject, De la Phys. p. 287. Dr. J. Crichton Browne, from his observations on the insane, is convinced that attention directed for a prolonged period on any part or organ may ultimately influence its capillary circulation and nutrition. He has given me some extraordinary cases; one of these, which cannot here be related in full, refers to a married woman fifty years of age, who laboured under the firm and long-continued delusion that she was pregnant. When the expected period arrived, she acted precisely as if she had been really delivered of a child, and seemed to suffer extreme pain, so that the perspiration broke out on her forehead. The result was that a state of things returned, continuing for three days, which had ceased during the six previous years. Mr. Braid gives, in his ‘Magic, Hypnotism,’ &c., 1852, p. 95, and in his other works analogous cases, as well as other facts showing the great influence of the will on the mammary glands, even on one breast alone.
See Gratiolet on this subject, De la Phys. p. 287. Dr. J. Crichton Browne, based on his observations of the insane, believes that focusing attention on any part or organ for an extended period can eventually affect its capillary circulation and nutrition. He shared some remarkable cases with me; one such case, which I can't detail here fully, involves a married woman who was fifty years old and firmly believed she was pregnant for a long time. When the expected time arrived, she acted as if she had actually given birth and appeared to experience severe pain, causing sweat to bead on her forehead. This resulted in a condition that lasted for three days, which hadn't occurred during the previous six years. Mr. Braid discusses similar cases in his ‘Magic, Hypnotism,’ &c., 1852, p. 95, as well as in other works, demonstrating the significant impact of the will on the mammary glands, even affecting just one breast.
When we direct our whole attention to any one sense, its acuteness is increased;[1340] and the continued habit of close attention, as with blind people to that of hearing, and with the blind and deaf to that of touch, appears to improve the sense in question permanently. There is, also, some reason to believe, judging from the capacities of different races of man, that the effects are inherited. Turning to ordinary sensations, it is well known that pain is increased by attending to it; and Sir B. Brodie goes so far as to believe that pain may be felt in any part of the body to which attention is closely drawn.[1341] Sir H. Holland also remarks that we become not only conscious of the existence of a part subjected to concentrated attention, but we experience in it various odd sensations as of weight, heat, cold, tingling, or itching.[1342]
When we focus all our attention on one sense, it gets sharper;[1340] and the consistent practice of paying close attention, like blind people do with their hearing, and both the blind and deaf do with their sense of touch, seems to permanently enhance that sense. There’s also some reason to think, based on the abilities of different human races, that these effects can be inherited. Looking at regular sensations, it's well-known that pain intensifies when we pay attention to it; and Sir B. Brodie goes so far as to suggest that pain can be felt in any part of the body that we focus on closely.[1341] Sir H. Holland also notes that we not only become aware of the presence of a part we're concentrating on, but we also feel various strange sensations in it, like weight, heat, cold, tingling, or itching.[1342]
Lastly, some physiologists maintain that the mind can influence the nutrition of parts. Sir J. Paget has given a curious instance of the power, not indeed of the mind, but of the nervous system, on the hair. A lady “who is subject to attacks of what is called nervous headache, always finds in the morning after such an one, that some patches of her hair are white, as if powdered with starch. The change is effected in a night, and in a few days after, the hairs gradually regain their dark brownish colour.”[1343]
Lastly, some physiologists believe that the mind can affect the nutrition of different body parts. Sir J. Paget has provided an interesting example of the influence, not really of the mind, but of the nervous system on hair. A woman who suffers from what’s known as a nervous headache always notices in the morning after such an episode that some patches of her hair are white, as if dusted with starch. This change happens overnight, and within a few days, the hair gradually returns to its dark brown color. [1343]
We thus see that close attention certainly affects various parts and organs, which are not properly under the control of the will. By what means attention—perhaps the most wonderful of all the wondrous powers of the mind—is effected, is an extremely obscure subject. According to Müller,[1344] the process by which the sensory cells of the brain are rendered, through the will, susceptible of receiving more intense and distinct impressions, is closely analogous to that by which the motor cells are excited to send nerve-force to the voluntary muscles. There are many points of analogy in the action of the sensory and motor nerve-cells; for instance, the familiar fact that close attention to any one sense causes fatigue, like the prolonged exertion of any one muscle.[1345] When therefore we voluntarily concentrate our attention on any part of the body, the cells of the brain which receive impressions or sensations from that part are, it is probable, in some unknown manner stimulated into activity. This may account, without any local change in the part to which our attention is earnestly directed, for pain or odd sensations being there felt or increased.
We can see that paying close attention definitely impacts various parts and organs that aren't entirely under our control. How attention—possibly the most amazing of all the mind's amazing powers—works is a really complicated topic. According to Müller,[1344] the way the sensory cells in the brain become more receptive to stronger and clearer impressions through our will is very similar to how the motor cells are triggered to send nerve signals to the voluntary muscles. There are many similarities in how sensory and motor nerve cells operate; for example, we all know that focusing intently on one sense can cause fatigue, just like working out the same muscle for a long time.[1345] So, when we consciously focus our attention on a specific part of our body, it’s likely that the brain cells that receive signals from that area are stimulated in some unknown way. This could explain why we feel pain or unusual sensations in that area without any physical change occurring where our attention is strongly directed.
If, however, the part is furnished with muscles, we cannot feel sure, as Mr. Michael Foster has remarked to me, that some slight impulse may not be unconsciously sent to such muscles; and this would probably cause an obscure sensation in the part.
If the area has muscles, we can't be sure, as Mr. Michael Foster pointed out to me, that a small impulse isn't being unconsciously sent to those muscles; and this would likely create a subtle sensation in that area.
In a large number of cases, as with the salivary and lacrymal glands, intestinal canal, &c., the power of attention seems to rest, either chiefly, or as some physiologists think, exclusively, on the vaso-motor system being affected in such a manner that more blood is allowed to flow into the capillaries of the part in question. This increased action of the capillaries may in some cases be combined with the simultaneously increased activity of the sensorium.
In many cases, like with the salivary and tear glands, intestinal canal, etc., it seems that the ability to pay attention mainly, or as some physiologists believe, solely depends on the vaso-motor system being influenced in a way that allows more blood to flow into the capillaries of the specific area. This heightened activity of the capillaries may, in some instances, occur alongside an increased activity of the sensory system.
The manner in which the mind affects the vasomotor system may be conceived in the following manner. When we actually taste sour fruit, an impression is sent through the gustatory nerves to a certain part of the sensorium; this transmits nerve-force to the vasomotor centre, which consequently allows the muscular coats of the small arteries that permeate the salivary glands to relax. Hence more blood flows into these glands, and they secrete a copious supply of saliva. Now it does not seem an improbable assumption, that, when we reflect intently on a sensation, the same part of the sensorium, or a closely connected part of it, is brought into a state of activity, in the same manner as when we actually perceive the sensation. If so, the same cells in the brain will be excited, though, perhaps, in a less degree, by vividly thinking about a sour taste, as by perceiving it; and they will transmit in the one case, as in the other, nerve-force to the vaso-motor centre with the same results.
The way the mind influences the vasomotor system can be understood like this: When we taste sour fruit, a signal travels through the taste nerves to a specific area of the brain; this sends nerve energy to the vasomotor center, which then causes the muscles around the small arteries in the salivary glands to relax. As a result, more blood enters these glands, and they produce a large amount of saliva. It doesn’t seem unlikely to think that when we focus intensely on a sensation, the same part of the brain, or a closely related area, gets activated, just like when we actually experience the sensation. If that’s the case, the same brain cells will be stimulated—though maybe not as strongly—by vividly imagining a sour taste as they would be by actually tasting it; and they will send nerve energy to the vasomotor center in both situations with the same outcome.
To give another, and, in some respects, more appropriate illustration. If a man stands before a hot fire, his face reddens. This appears to be due, as Mr. Michael Foster informs me, in part to the local action of the heat, and in part to a reflex action from the vaso-motor centres.[1346] In this latter case, the heat affects the nerves of the face; these transmit an impression to the sensory cells of the brain, which act on the vaso-motor centre, and this reacts on the small arteries of the face, relaxing them and allowing them to become filled with blood. Here, again, it seems not improbable that if we were repeatedly to concentrate with great earnestness our attention on the recollection of our heated faces, the same part of the sensorium which gives us the consciousness of actual heat would be in some slight degree stimulated, and would in consequence tend to transmit some nerve-force to the vaso-motor centres, so as to relax the capillaries of the face. Now as men during endless generations have had their attention often and earnestly directed to their personal appearance, and especially to their faces, any incipient tendency in the facial capillaries to be thus affected will have become in the course of time greatly strengthened through the principles just referred to, namely, nerve-force passing readily along accustomed channels, and inherited habit. Thus, as it appears to me, a plausible explanation is afforded of the leading phenomena connected with the act of blushing.
To provide another example, which is, in some ways, more fitting. If a person stands in front of a hot fire, their face turns red. This seems to be partly because of the direct effects of the heat, and partly due to a reflex from the vaso-motor centers, as Mr. Michael Foster explains. In this case, the heat impacts the nerves in the face; these send a signal to the sensory cells in the brain, which then activate the vaso-motor center, causing it to respond by relaxing the small arteries in the face and allowing them to fill with blood. Again, it seems quite possible that if we frequently and intensely focus on the memory of our flushed faces, the same part of the brain that registers actual heat would be slightly stimulated, potentially sending some nerve signals to the vaso-motor centers to relax the facial capillaries. Given that people have long directed their attention earnestly to their appearance, particularly their faces, any initial tendency for the facial capillaries to react this way has likely been significantly reinforced over time due to the principles mentioned earlier, such as nerve signals flowing through familiar pathways and inherited habits. Therefore, it seems to me that a reasonable explanation for the main phenomena related to blushing is provided.
Recapitulation.—Men and women, and especially the young, have always valued, in a high degree, their personal appearance; and have likewise regarded the appearance of others. The face has been the chief object of attention, though, when man aboriginally went naked, the whole surface of his body would have been attended to. Our self-attention is excited almost exclusively by the opinion of others, for no person living in absolute solitude would care about his appearance. Every one feels blame more acutely than praise. Now, whenever we know, or suppose, that others are depreciating our personal appearance, our attention is strongly drawn towards ourselves, more especially to our faces. The probable effect of this will be, as has just been explained, to excite into activity that part of the sensorium, which receives the sensory nerves of the face; and this will react through the vaso-motor system on the facial capillaries. By frequent reiteration during numberless generations, the process will have become so habitual, in association with the belief that others are thinking of us, that even a suspicion of their depreciation suffices to relax the capillaries, without any conscious thought about our faces. With some sensitive persons it is enough even to notice their dress to produce the same effect. Through the force, also, of association and inheritance our capillaries are relaxed, whenever we know, or imagine, that any one is blaming, though in silence, our actions, thoughts, or character; and, again, when we are highly praised.
Recap.—Men and women, especially young people, have always placed a high value on their personal appearance and have also considered how others look. The face is the main focus, although when humans originally lived in the nude, every part of the body would have been noticed. We primarily care about our appearance because of how others perceive us; no one living in complete isolation would worry about how they look. People tend to feel criticism more intensely than compliments. Whenever we know or think that others are judging our appearance negatively, we become very self-conscious, especially about our faces. This likely triggers a specific response in the part of the brain that processes sensory information from the face, which in turn affects the blood vessels in the face. After countless generations, this reaction has become so automatic, tied to the belief that others are considering us, that even the slightest hint of being criticized can cause the blood vessels to relax, without us even consciously thinking about our appearance. For some sensitive individuals, just having someone notice their outfit can create a similar response. Additionally, because of learned behaviors and inherited traits, our blood vessels also relax whenever we know or think someone is silently disapproving of our actions, thoughts, or character, and the same happens when we receive high praise.
On this hypothesis we can understand how it is that the face blushes much more than any other part of the body, though the whole surface is somewhat affected, more especially with the races which still go nearly naked. It is not at all surprising that the dark-coloured races should blush, though no change of colour is visible in their skins. From the principle of inheritance it is not surprising that persons born blind should blush. We can understand why the young are much more affected than the old, and women more than men; and why the opposite sexes especially excite each other’s blushes. It becomes obvious why personal remarks should be particularly liable to cause blushing, and why the most powerful of all the causes is shyness; for shyness relates to the presence and opinion of others, and the shy are always more or less self-conscious. With respect to real shame from moral delinquencies, we can perceive why it is not guilt, but the thought that others think us guilty, which raises a blush. A man reflecting on a crime committed in solitude, and stung by his conscience, does not blush; yet he will blush under the vivid recollection of a detected fault, or of one committed in the presence of others, the degree of blushing being closely related to the feeling of regard for those who have detected, witnessed, or suspected his fault. Breaches of conventional rules of conduct, if they are rigidly insisted on by our equals or superiors, often cause more intense blushes even than a detected crime, and an act which is really criminal, if not blamed by our equals, hardly raises a tinge of colour on our cheeks. Modesty from humility, or from an indelicacy, excites a vivid blush, as both relate to the judgment or fixed customs of others.
Based on this idea, we can see why the face blushes much more than any other part of the body, even though the entire surface is somewhat affected, especially in people who often go nearly naked. It's not surprising that people with darker skin blush, even if their skin doesn't visibly change color. From the principle of inheritance, it also makes sense that people born blind might blush. We understand why young people blush more than older ones, and why women blush more than men; plus, why each gender tends to provoke blushing in the other. It's clear why personal comments often lead to blushing, and shyness is the strongest trigger because it’s about the presence and opinions of others, and shy individuals are generally more self-aware. Regarding true shame from moral failings, we can see that it’s not guilt itself that causes blushing, but rather the thought that others perceive us as guilty. A person reflecting on a crime committed in private, tormented by their conscience, won’t blush; however, they will blush when vividly recalling a fault they were caught in or one committed in front of others, with the intensity of the blush closely tied to how much they care about those who have noticed, witnessed, or suspected their mistake. Violations of societal norms, especially if strongly pointed out by peers or superiors, often result in more intense blushing than being caught in a crime, while a genuinely criminal act, if overlooked by our peers, barely causes any blush. Modesty due to humility or a sense of impropriety can provoke a strong blush since both relate to how others judge us or the customs they observe.
From the intimate sympathy which exists between the capillary circulation of the surface of the head and of the brain, whenever there is intense blushing, there will be some, and often great, confusion of mind. This is frequently accompanied by awkward movements, and sometimes by the involuntary twitching of certain muscles.
Due to the close connection between the capillary circulation in the surface of the head and the brain, whenever someone blushes intensely, they often experience confusion. This is usually coupled with awkward movements and sometimes leads to involuntary twitching of certain muscles.
As blushing, according to this hypothesis, is an indirect result of attention, originally directed to our personal appearance, that is to the surface of the body, and more especially to the face, we can understand the meaning of the gestures which accompany blushing throughout the world. These consist in hiding the face, or turning it towards the ground, or to one side. The eyes are generally averted or are restless, for to look at the man who causes us to feel shame or shyness, immediately brings home in an intolerable manner the consciousness that his gaze is directed on us. Through the principle of associated habit, the same movements of the face and eyes are practised, and can, indeed, hardly be avoided, whenever we know or believe that, others are blaming, or too strongly praising, our moral conduct.
Blushing, according to this idea, is an indirect result of attention that was originally focused on our appearance, especially our face. This helps us understand the gestures that go along with blushing around the world. People tend to hide their faces, look down, or turn their heads to the side. Their eyes usually look away or appear restless because making eye contact with someone who makes us feel shame or shyness makes us acutely aware that their gaze is on us. Due to the principle of associated habits, the same movements of the face and eyes happen and are difficult to avoid whenever we know or think that others are criticizing or overly praising our behavior.
CHAPTER XIV.
CONCLUDING REMARKS AND SUMMARY.
The three leading principles which have determined the chief movements of expression—Their inheritance—On the part which the will and intention have played in the acquirement of various expressions—The instinctive recognition of expression—The bearing of our subject on the specific unity of the races of man—On the successive acquirement of various expressions by the progenitors of man—The importance of expression—Conclusion.
The three main principles that have shaped the key movements of expression—Their inheritance—The role that will and intention have played in developing different expressions—The instinctive understanding of expression—How our topic relates to the unique unity of human races—On the gradual development of various expressions by human ancestors—The significance of expression—Conclusion.
I have now described, to the best of my ability, the chief expressive actions in man, and in some few of the lower animals. I have also attempted to explain the origin or development of these actions through the three principles given in the first chapter. The first of these principles is, that movements which are serviceable in gratifying some desire, or in relieving some sensation, if often repeated, become so habitual that they are performed, whether or not of any service, whenever the same desire or sensation is felt, even in a very weak degree.
I've now outlined, to the best of my skills, the main expressive actions in humans and a few lower animals. I've also tried to explain how these actions originate or develop based on the three principles mentioned in the first chapter. The first principle is that movements which help satisfy a desire or alleviate a sensation, when repeated often enough, become so habitual that they are done automatically, whether they are useful or not, whenever the same desire or sensation is experienced, even if it's just a little bit.
Our second principle is that of antithesis. The habit of voluntarily performing opposite movements under opposite impulses has become firmly established in us by the practice of our whole lives. Hence, if certain actions have been regularly performed, in accordance with our first principle, under a certain frame of mind, there will be a strong and involuntary tendency to the performance of directly opposite actions, whether or not these are of any use, under the excitement of an opposite frame of mind.
Our second principle is the concept of antithesis. The habit of willingly making opposite movements driven by opposing impulses has become ingrained in us through our entire lives. Therefore, if we’ve regularly performed certain actions, in line with our first principle, while in a specific state of mind, there will be a strong and involuntary tendency to engage in directly opposite actions, regardless of whether they are beneficial, when influenced by an opposing state of mind.
Our third principle is the direct action of the excited nervous system on the body, independently of the will, and independently, in large part, of habit. Experience shows that nerve-force is generated and set free whenever the cerebro-spinal system is excited. The direction which this nerve-force follows is necessarily determined by the lines of connection between the nerve-cells, with each other and with various parts of the body. But the direction is likewise much influenced by habit; inasmuch as nerve-force passes readily along accustomed channels.
Our third principle is the direct action of the excited nervous system on the body, without the need for willpower, and largely independent of habits. Experience shows that nerve energy is created and released whenever the cerebro-spinal system is stimulated. The path that this nerve energy takes is determined by the connections between the nerve cells, both with each other and with different parts of the body. However, the direction is also significantly influenced by habits, as nerve energy flows easily through familiar pathways.
The frantic and senseless actions of an enraged man may be attributed in part to the undirected flow of nerve-force, and in part to the effects of habit, for these actions often vaguely represent the act of striking. They thus pass into gestures included under our first principle; as when an indignant man unconsciously throws himself into a fitting attitude for attacking his opponent, though without any intention of making an actual attack. We see also the influence of habit in all the emotions and sensations which are called exciting; for they have assumed this character from having habitually led to energetic action; and action affects, in an indirect manner, the respiratory and circulatory system; and the latter reacts on the brain. Whenever these emotions or sensations are even slightly felt by us, though they may not at the time lead to any exertion, our whole system is nevertheless disturbed through the force of habit and association. Other emotions and sensations are called depressing, because they have not habitually led to energetic action, excepting just at first, as in the case of extreme pain, fear, and grief, and they have ultimately caused complete exhaustion; they are consequently expressed chiefly by negative signs and by prostration. Again, there are other emotions, such as that of affection, which do not commonly lead to action of any kind, and consequently are not exhibited by any strongly marked outward signs. Affection indeed, in as far as it is a pleasurable sensation, excites the ordinary signs of pleasure.
The frantic and pointless actions of an angry man can be partly explained by the uncontrolled flow of energy and the impact of habits, as these actions often vaguely resemble the act of hitting. They therefore fit into gestures based on our first principle; for example, when an upset man unconsciously adopts a stance ready to attack his opponent, even if he doesn’t actually plan to strike. We also see the impact of habits in all the emotions and sensations known as exciting; they have become this way because they usually lead to vigorous actions. This action indirectly influences the respiratory and circulatory systems, which in turn affects the brain. Whenever we feel these emotions or sensations, even slightly, they can disrupt our entire system due to habit and association, even if they don’t result in any physical activity at that moment. Other emotions and sensations are referred to as depressing, because they typically don’t lead to vigorous actions over time, except initially, as seen with intense pain, fear, and grief, which ultimately lead to complete exhaustion; therefore, they are mainly shown through negative signs and fatigue. Additionally, some emotions, like affection, generally don’t lead to any action and don’t show strong outward signs. Affection, to the extent that it is a pleasurable feeling, does trigger the usual signs of pleasure.
On the other hand, many of the effects due to the excitement of the nervous system seem to be quite independent of the flow of nerve-force along the channels which have been rendered habitual by former exertions of the will. Such effects, which often reveal the state of mind of the person thus affected, cannot at present be explained; for instance, the change of colour in the hair from extreme terror or grief,—the cold sweat and the trembling of the muscles from fear,—the modified secretions of the intestinal canal,—and the failure of certain glands to act.
On the other hand, many effects caused by the excitement of the nervous system appear to be quite independent of the flow of nerve energy along the pathways that have become habitual due to previous willful actions. These effects, which often show the emotional state of the person affected, can't currently be explained; for example, the color change in hair from extreme fear or sadness—the cold sweat and muscle tremors from fear—the altered secretions in the intestines—and the failure of certain glands to function.
Notwithstanding that much remains unintelligible in our present subject, so many expressive movements and actions can be explained to a certain extent through the above three principles, that we may hope hereafter to see all explained by these or by closely analogous principles.
Despite the fact that a lot in our current topic remains unclear, many expressive movements and actions can be somewhat explained by the three principles mentioned above. We can hope that in the future, everything will be explained by these or similar principles.
Actions of all kinds, if regularly accompanying any state of the mind, are at once recognized as expressive. These may consist of movements of any part of the body, as the wagging of a dog’s tail, the shrugging of a man’s shoulders, the erection of the hair, the exudation of perspiration, the state of the capillary circulation, laboured breathing, and the use of the vocal or other sound-producing instruments. Even insects express anger, terror, jealousy, and love by their stridulation. With man the respiratory organs are of especial importance in expression, not only in a direct, but in a still higher degree in an indirect manner.
Actions of all kinds, when consistently linked to a particular state of mind, are immediately recognized as expressive. These can include movements of any body part, like a dog wagging its tail, a person shrugging their shoulders, hair standing on end, sweating, changes in circulation, heavy breathing, and the use of vocal or other sound-making tools. Even insects convey emotions like anger, fear, jealousy, and love through their sounds. In humans, the respiratory system plays a crucial role in expression, both directly and even more so in indirect ways.
Few points are more interesting in our present subject than the extraordinarily complex chain of events which lead to certain expressive movements. Take, for instance, the oblique eyebrows of a man suffering from grief or anxiety. When infants scream loudly from hunger or pain, the circulation is affected, and the eyes tend to become gorged with blood: consequently the muscles surrounding the eyes are strongly contracted as a protection: this action, in the course of many generations, has become firmly fixed and inherited: but when, with advancing years and culture, the habit of screaming is partially repressed, the muscles round the eyes still tend to contract, whenever even slight distress is felt: of these muscles, the pyramidals of the nose are less under the control of the will than are the others and their contraction can be checked only by that of the central fasciae of the frontal muscle: these latter fasciae draw up the inner ends of the eyebrows, and wrinkle the forehead in a peculiar manner, which we instantly recognize as the expression of grief or anxiety. Slight movements, such as these just described, or the scarcely perceptible drawing down of the corners of the mouth, are the last remnants or rudiments of strongly marked and intelligible movements. They are as full of significance to us in regard to expression, as are ordinary rudiments to the naturalist in the classification and genealogy of organic beings.
Few things are more fascinating in our current topic than the incredibly complicated series of events that lead to certain expressive movements. For example, consider the raised eyebrows of a man experiencing grief or anxiety. When infants scream loudly due to hunger or pain, their circulation gets affected, and their eyes can become bloodshot: as a result, the muscles around the eyes are strongly contracted as a form of protection. Over many generations, this action has become ingrained and passed down. However, as people grow older and become more cultured, the tendency to scream decreases, but the muscles around the eyes still tend to contract in response to even minor distress. Among these muscles, the pyramidalis of the nose is less controllable by the will than the others, and its contraction can only be counteracted by the central fasciae of the frontal muscle. These fasciae pull up the inner corners of the eyebrows and create a distinct wrinkle on the forehead, which we instantly recognize as an expression of grief or anxiety. Subtle movements, like those just described, or the barely noticeable downturn of the corners of the mouth, are the final remnants of once strong and clear movements. They are just as meaningful to us in terms of expression as ordinary remnants are to a naturalist studying the classification and genealogy of living beings.
That the chief expressive actions, exhibited by man and by the lower animals, are now innate or inherited,—that is, have not been learnt by the individual,—is admitted by every one. So little has learning or imitation to do with several of them that they are from the earliest days and throughout life quite beyond our control; for instance, the relaxation of the arteries of the skin in blushing, and the increased action of the heart in anger. We may see children, only two or three years old, and even those born blind, blushing from shame; and the naked scalp of a very young infant reddens from passion. Infants scream from pain directly after birth, and all their features then assume the same form as during subsequent years. These facts alone suffice to show that many of our most important expressions have not been learnt; but it is remarkable that some, which are certainly innate, require practice in the individual, before they are performed in a full and perfect manner; for instance, weeping and laughing. The inheritance of most of our expressive actions explains the fact that those born blind display them, as I hear from the Rev. R. H. Blair, equally well with those gifted with eyesight. We can thus also understand the fact that the young and the old of widely different races, both with man and animals, express the same state of mind by the same movements.
It's widely accepted that the main expressive actions shown by humans and lower animals are innate or inherited—they're not learned by individuals. In fact, many of these actions are so automatic that they're completely beyond our control from early on in life. For example, the relaxation of the skin's arteries when we blush and the heart rate increase when we're angry. We can observe children as young as two or three years old, and even those born blind, blushing out of shame; even the bare scalp of a very young infant turns red from anger. Infants cry in pain immediately after birth, and their facial expressions look the same as they do in later years. These observations alone demonstrate that many of our key expressions aren't learned. However, it's interesting that some of these innate expressions require practice before they're performed fully and perfectly, like crying and laughing. The fact that most of our expressive actions are inherited explains why those born blind exhibit them as well as those with sight, as noted by Rev. R. H. Blair. This helps us understand why both young and old individuals from vastly different races—both in humans and animals—express the same emotions through the same physical movements.
We are so familiar with the fact of young and old animals displaying their feelings in the same manner, that we hardly perceive how remarkable it is that a young puppy should wag its tail when pleased, depress its ears and uncover its canine teeth when pretending to be savage, just like an old dog; or that a kitten should arch its little back and erect its hair when frightened and angry, like an old cat. When, however, we turn to less common gestures in ourselves, which we are accustomed to look at as artificial or conventional,—such as shrugging the shoulders, as a sign of impotence, or the raising the arms with open hands and extended fingers, as a sign of wonder,—we feel perhaps too much surprise at finding that they are innate. That these and some other gestures are inherited, we may infer from their being performed by very young children, by those born blind, and by the most widely distinct races of man. We should also bear in mind that new and highly peculiar tricks, in association with certain states of the mind, are known to have arisen in certain individuals, and to have been afterwards transmitted to their offspring, in some cases, for more than one generation.
We're so used to seeing both young and old animals express their feelings in the same way that we hardly notice how remarkable it is that a young puppy wags its tail when it's happy, puts its ears down and shows its teeth when pretending to be fierce, just like an older dog; or that a kitten arches its back and puffs up its fur when scared or angry, similar to an adult cat. However, when we look at less common gestures in ourselves, which we often see as artificial or learned—like shrugging our shoulders to show helplessness or raising our arms with open hands and fingers to express wonder—we might be too surprised to find out that they are actually natural. We can infer that these and other gestures are inherited because very young children, those born blind, and people from very different backgrounds all perform them. We should also remember that new and unique gestures associated with certain mental states have emerged in some individuals and have been passed down to their children, in some cases, for more than one generation.
Certain other gestures, which seem to us so natural that we might easily imagine that they were innate, apparently have been learnt like the words of a language. This seems to be the case with the joining of the uplifted hands, and the turning up of the eyes, in prayer. So it is with kissing as a mark of affection; but this is innate, in so far as it depends on the pleasure derived from contact with a beloved person. The evidence with respect to the inheritance of nodding and shaking the head, as signs of affirmation and negation, is doubtful; for they are not universal, yet seem too general to have been independently acquired by all the individuals of so many races.
Some gestures that seem completely natural to us might actually be learned, similar to how we learn words in a language. This seems to be true for raising our hands and looking up during prayer. The same goes for kissing as a sign of affection; although it seems innate because it stems from the pleasure of being close to someone we love. The evidence about whether nodding and shaking one's head as signs of "yes" and "no" are inherited is unclear; they aren't universal, but they seem too common to have been developed independently by all individuals across different cultures.
We will now consider how far the will and consciousness have come into play in the development of the various movements of expression. As far as we can judge, only a few expressive movements, such as those just referred to, are learnt by each individual; that is, were consciously and voluntarily performed during the early years of life for some definite object, or in imitation of others, and then became habitual. The far greater number of the movements of expression, and all the more important ones, are, as we have seen, innate or inherited; and such cannot be said to depend on the will of the individual. Nevertheless, all those included under our first principle were at first voluntarily performed for a definite object,—namely, to escape some danger, to relieve some distress, or to gratify some desire. For instance, there can hardly be a doubt that the animals which fight with their teeth, have acquired the habit of drawing back their ears closely to their heads, when feeling savage, from their progenitors having voluntarily acted in this manner in order to protect their ears from being torn by their antagonists; for those animals which do not fight with their teeth do not thus express a savage state of mind. We may infer as highly probable that we ourselves have acquired the habit of contracting the muscles round the eyes, whilst crying gently, that is, without the utterance of any loud sound, from our progenitors, especially during infancy, having experienced, during the act of screaming, an uncomfortable sensation in their eyeballs. Again, some highly expressive movements result from the endeavour to cheek or prevent other expressive movements; thus the obliquity of the eyebrows and the drawing down of the corners of the mouth follow from the endeavour to prevent a screaming-fit from coming on, or to cheek it after it has come on. Here it is obvious that the consciousness and will must at first have come into play; not that we are conscious in these or in other such cases what muscles are brought into action, any more than when we perform the most ordinary voluntary movements.
We will now look at how willpower and awareness have influenced the development of different expressive movements. From what we can tell, only a few expressive movements, like those previously mentioned, are learned by each person; that is, they were consciously and intentionally performed during early life for a specific reason, or in imitation of others, and then became habits. The vast majority of expressive movements, especially the most significant ones, are, as we've noted, innate or inherited; they don’t depend on an individual's will. However, all those under our first principle were initially performed intentionally for a specific purpose—to avoid danger, alleviate distress, or satisfy a desire. For example, it’s pretty clear that animals that fight with their teeth have developed the habit of pulling their ears back against their heads when they feel aggressive because their ancestors acted this way to protect their ears from being damaged by opponents; animals that don’t use their teeth in fights don’t exhibit this aggressive behavior. We can also reasonably conclude that we have developed the habit of tightening the muscles around our eyes when we cry softly, that is, without producing loud sounds, from our ancestors, particularly during infancy, having felt discomfort in their eyes when they screamed. Additionally, some highly expressive movements result from the effort to suppress or prevent other expressive movements; thus, the furrowing of the eyebrows and the pulling down of the corners of the mouth occur from trying to stop a crying fit from starting, or to hold it back once it has begun. Here, it’s clear that awareness and will must have initially played a role; though we're not conscious of which muscles are activated, just as we aren’t aware in our everyday voluntary movements.
With respect to the expressive movements due to the principle of antithesis, it is clear that the will has intervened, though in a remote and indirect manner. So again with the movements coming under our third principle; these, in as far as they are influenced by nerve-force readily passing along habitual channels, have been determined by former and repeated exertions of the will. The effects indirectly due to this latter agency are often combined in a complex manner, through the force of habit and association, with those directly resulting from the excitement of the cerebro-spinal system. This seems to be the case with the increased action of the heart under the influence of any strong emotion. When an animal erects its hair, assumes a threatening attitude, and utters fierce sounds, in order to terrify an enemy, we see a curious combination of movements which were originally voluntary with those that are involuntary. It is, however, possible that even strictly involuntary actions, such as the erection of the hair, may have been affected by the mysterious power of the will.
Regarding the expressive movements driven by the principle of antithesis, it’s clear that the will has played a role, albeit in a distant and indirect way. The same goes for the movements related to our third principle; these are influenced by nerve energy that follows established paths and have been shaped by previous and repeated acts of will. The effects that arise indirectly from this latter influence are often mixed in a complex way, through habit and association, with those that result directly from the stimulation of the central nervous system. This seems to be true for the increased heart rate triggered by strong emotions. When an animal raises its fur, takes a threatening posture, and makes aggressive sounds to scare off a foe, we observe an interesting combination of originally voluntary movements alongside involuntary ones. However, it’s possible that even purely involuntary actions, like the fur standing on end, could have been influenced by the enigmatic power of the will.
Some expressive movements may have arisen spontaneously, in association with certain states of the mind, like the tricks lately referred to, and afterwards been inherited. But I know of no evidence rendering this view probable.
Some expressive movements may have come about spontaneously, linked to specific mental states, like the tricks mentioned recently, and later been passed down. However, I have no evidence supporting this idea.
The power of communication between the members of the same tribe by means of language has been of paramount importance in the development of man; and the force of language is much aided by the expressive movements of the face and body. We perceive this at once when we converse on an important subject with any person whose face is concealed. Nevertheless there are no grounds, as far as I can discover, for believing that any muscle has been developed or even modified exclusively for the sake of expression. The vocal and other sound-producing organs, by which various expressive noises are produced, seem to form a partial exception; but I have elsewhere attempted to show that these organs were first developed for sexual purposes, in order that one sex might call or charm the other. Nor can I discover grounds for believing that any inherited movement, which now serves as a means of expression, was at first voluntarily and consciously performed for this special purpose,—like some of the gestures and the finger-language used by the deaf and dumb. On the contrary, every true or inherited movement of expression seems to have had some natural and independent origin. But when once acquired, such movements may be voluntarily and consciously employed as a means of communication. Even infants, if carefully attended to, find out at a very early age that their screaming brings relief, and they soon voluntarily practise it. We may frequently see a person voluntarily raising his eyebrows to express surprise, or smiling to express pretended satisfaction and acquiescence. A man often wishes to make certain gestures conspicuous or demonstrative, and will raise his extended arms with widely opened fingers above his head, to show astonishment, or lift his shoulders to his ears, to show that he cannot or will not do something. The tendency to such movements will be strengthened or increased by their being thus voluntarily and repeatedly performed; and the effects may be inherited.
The ability to communicate among members of the same group using language has been crucial in human development; the power of language is greatly enhanced by the expressive movements of our faces and bodies. We notice this immediately when we discuss an important topic with someone whose face is hidden. However, there’s no evidence, as far as I can tell, that any muscle has evolved or changed solely for the purpose of expression. The vocal and other sound-producing organs that create various expressive sounds seem to be a partial exception, but I’ve previously argued that these organs were first developed for sexual reasons, allowing one sex to attract the other. I also don’t see evidence that inherited movements, which we now use for expression, were initially performed willingly and consciously for that specific reason—like some gestures and sign languages used by the deaf. Instead, every genuine or inherited movement of expression appears to have had some natural and independent origin. However, once learned, these movements can be voluntarily and consciously used as a form of communication. Even infants, with proper attention, quickly learn that their crying prompts relief, and they soon practice it on their own. We often see someone consciously raising their eyebrows to show surprise or smiling to feign satisfaction and agreement. A person may want to make certain gestures stand out and might raise their arms high with fingers spread to express astonishment or shrug to indicate they can’t or won’t do something. The inclination to perform these movements is likely to strengthen or increase when they are repeatedly practiced voluntarily; and these effects can be passed down through generations.
It is perhaps worth consideration whether movements at first used only by one or a few individuals to express a certain state of mind may not sometimes have spread to others, and ultimately have become universal, through the power of conscious and unconscious imitation. That there exists in man a strong tendency to imitation, independently of the conscious will, is certain. This is exhibited in the most extraordinary manner in certain brain diseases, especially at the commencement of inflammatory softening of the brain, and has been called the “echo sign.” Patients thus affected imitate, without understanding every absurd gesture which is made, and every word which is uttered near them, even in a foreign language.[1401] In the case of animals, the jackal and wolf have learnt under confinement to imitate the barking of the dog. How the barking of the dog, which serves to express various emotions and desires, and which is so remarkable from having been acquired since the animal was domesticated, and from being inherited in different degrees by different breeds, was first learnt we do not know; but may we not suspect that imitation has had something to do with its acquisition, owing to dogs having long lived in strict association with so loquacious an animal as man?
It’s worth considering whether movements initially used by one or a few people to express a certain state of mind might have spread to others and eventually become universal through conscious and unconscious imitation. It's a fact that humans have a strong tendency to imitate, regardless of conscious intent. This tendency is displayed in striking ways during certain brain diseases, particularly at the onset of inflammatory brain softening, and is referred to as the “echo sign.” Patients affected by this condition mimic, without understanding, every bizarre gesture and word spoken around them, even in a foreign language. In the case of animals, jackals and wolves in captivity have learned to imitate the barking of dogs. We don’t know how dogs first learned to bark, which expresses various emotions and desires, especially since this behavior has developed over time due to domestication and varies among breeds. However, it’s possible that imitation played a role in this learning, considering how closely dogs have lived alongside humans, who are such chatty creatures.
In the course of the foregoing remarks and throughout this volume, I have often felt much difficulty about the proper application of the terms, will, consciousness, and intention. Actions, which were at first voluntary, soon became habitual, and at last hereditary, and may then be performed even in opposition to the will. Although they often reveal the state of the mind, this result was not at first either intended or expected. Even such words as that “certain movements serve as a means of expression,” are apt to mislead, as they imply that this was their primary purpose or object. This, however, seems rarely or never to have been the case; the movements having been at first either of some direct use, or the indirect effect of the excited state of the sensorium. An infant may scream either intentionally or instinctively to show that it wants food; but it has no wish or intention to draw its features into the peculiar form which so plainly indicates misery; yet some of the most characteristic expressions exhibited by man are derived from the act of screaming, as has been explained.
In the earlier comments and throughout this book, I’ve often struggled with the correct use of the terms will, consciousness, and intention. Actions that start off as voluntary soon become habitual, and eventually hereditary, and can even be done against someone's will. While these actions often reflect the state of the mind, this wasn’t the original intention or expectation. Phrases like “certain movements serve as a means of expression” can be misleading, as they suggest that was their main purpose. However, this is rarely, if ever, true; these movements initially either served a direct purpose or were an indirect consequence of an excited state of the nervous system. An infant might scream either deliberately or instinctively to signal that it’s hungry; however, it doesn’t intend to contort its face into the distinct expression of distress. Yet, some of the most recognizable expressions in humans come from the act of screaming, as previously discussed.
Although most of our expressive actions are innate or instinctive, as is admitted by everyone, it is a different question whether we have any instinctive power of recognizing them. This has generally been assumed to be the case; but the assumption has been strongly controverted by M. Lemoine.[1402] Monkeys soon learn to distinguish, not only the tones of voice of their masters, but the expression of their faces, as is asserted by a careful observer.[1403] Dogs well know the difference between caressing and threatening gestures or tones; and they seem to recognize a compassionate tone. But as far as I can make out, after repeated trials, they do not understand any movement confined to the features, excepting a smile or laugh; and this they appear, at least in some cases, to recognize. This limited amount of knowledge has probably been gained, both by monkeys and dogs, through their associating harsh or kind treatment with our actions; and the knowledge certainly is not instinctive. Children, no doubt, would soon learn the movements of expression in their elders in the same manner as animals learn those of man. Moreover, when a child cries or laughs, he knows in a general manner what he is doing and what he feels; so that a very small exertion of reason would tell him what crying or laughing meant in others. But the question is, do our children acquire their knowledge of expression solely by experience through the power of association and reason?
Although most of our expressive actions are natural or instinctive, as everyone agrees, it’s a different question whether we have any instinctive ability to recognize them. This has usually been taken for granted, but M. Lemoine has strongly argued against this. Monkeys quickly learn to tell apart not just the tones of their masters’ voices but also the expressions on their faces, as noted by a careful observer. Dogs easily recognize the difference between kind and threatening gestures or tones, and they seem to identify a sympathetic tone. However, from what I can gather after numerous trials, they don’t understand any movement limited to the features, except for a smile or laugh; and it seems they recognize this, at least in some cases. This limited knowledge has likely been acquired by both monkeys and dogs through associating positive or negative treatment with our actions, and this knowledge is certainly not instinctive. Children, of course, would quickly learn the expressions of their elders in the same way animals learn those of humans. Furthermore, when a child cries or laughs, they have a general understanding of what they are doing and feeling, so a very small amount of reasoning would inform them about what crying or laughing means in others. But the question remains, do our children gain their understanding of expression solely through experience by way of association and reasoning?
As most of the movements of expression must have been gradually acquired, afterwards becoming instinctive, there seems to be some degree of a priori probability that their recognition would likewise have become instinctive. There is, at least, no greater difficulty in believing this than in admitting that, when a female quadruped first bears young, she knows the cry of distress of her offspring, or than in admitting that many animals instinctively recognize and fear their enemies; and of both these statements there can be no reasonable doubt. It is however extremely difficult to prove that our children instinctively recognize any expression. I attended to this point in my first-born infant, who could not have learnt anything by associating with other children, and I was convinced that he understood a smile and received pleasure from seeing one, answering it by another, at much too early an age to have learnt anything by experience. When this child was about four months old, I made in his presence many odd noises and strange grimaces, and tried to look savage; but the noises, if not too loud, as well as the grimaces, were all taken as good jokes; and I attributed this at the time to their being preceded or accompanied by smiles. When five months old, he seemed to understand a compassionate, expression and tone of voice. When a few days over six months old, his nurse pretended to cry, and I saw that his face instantly assumed a melancholy expression, with the corners of the mouth strongly depressed; now this child could rarely have seen any other child crying, and never a grown-up person crying, and I should doubt whether at so early an age he could have reasoned on the subject. Therefore it seems to me that an innate feeling must have told him that the pretended crying of his nurse expressed grief; and this through the instinct of sympathy excited grief in him.
As most ways of expressing ourselves are probably learned over time and then become instinctual, there's a reasonable chance that recognizing these expressions also becomes instinctual. There’s really no more difficulty in believing this than in acknowledging that when a female animal has her first babies, she recognizes their cries of distress, or that many animals instinctively recognize and fear their predators; both statements are undeniably true. However, it’s very challenging to prove that children instinctively recognize any expressions. I focused on this with my first child, who couldn't have learned anything from being around other kids, and I was convinced that he understood a smile and felt happy when he saw one, responding with a smile of his own at an age too early to have learned through experience. When he was about four months old, I made a lot of unusual noises and funny faces in front of him, trying to look fierce, but he took the noises—if they weren't too loud—and the faces as jokes, which I attributed to them being accompanied by smiles. At five months, he appeared to understand a compassionate expression and tone of voice. A few days after he turned six months old, his caregiver pretended to cry, and I noticed that his face immediately showed a sad expression, with the corners of his mouth turned down. He could hardly have seen another child cry, let alone an adult, and I doubt he could have reasoned about it at such a young age. So, it seems to me that an innate sense must have informed him that his caregiver's pretend crying signified sadness, which triggered feelings of sadness in him through the instinct of empathy.
M. Lemoine argues that, if man possessed an innate knowledge of expression, authors and artists would not have found it so difficult, as is notoriously the case, to describe and depict the characteristic signs of each particular state of mind. But this does not seem to me a valid argument. We may actually behold the expression changing in an unmistakable manner in a man or animal, and yet be quite unable, as I know from experience, to analyse the nature of the change. In the two photographs given by Duchenne of the same old man (Plate III. figs. 5 and 6), almost every one recognized that the one represented a true, and the other a false smile; but I have found it very difficult to decide in what the whole amount of difference consists. It has often struck me as a curious fact that so many shades of expression are instantly recognized without any conscious process of analysis on our part. No one, I believe, can clearly describe a sullen or sly expression; yet many observers are unanimous that these expressions can be recognized in the various races of man. Almost everyone to whom I showed Duchenne’s photograph of the young man with oblique eyebrows (Plate II. fig. 2) at once declared that it expressed grief or some such feeling; yet probably not one of these persons, or one out of a thousand persons, could beforehand have told anything precise about the obliquity of the eyebrows with their inner ends puckered, or about the rectangular furrows on the forehead. So it is with many other expressions, of which I have had practical experience in the trouble requisite in instructing others what points to observe. If, then, great ignorance of details does not prevent our recognizing with certainty and promptitude various expressions, I do not see how this ignorance can be advanced as an argument that our knowledge, though vague and general, is not innate.
M. Lemoine argues that if people had an innate understanding of expression, authors and artists wouldn't have struggled, as they often do, to accurately describe and portray the distinct signs of different states of mind. But I don't find this to be a valid point. We can actually see expressions clearly changing in both people and animals, yet, as I know from experience, we might struggle to analyze how those changes occur. In the two photographs provided by Duchenne of the same elderly man (Plate III. figs. 5 and 6), almost everyone recognized that one showed a genuine smile while the other displayed a fake one, but I've found it quite difficult to pin down what exactly the difference is. I've often thought it was interesting that so many subtle expressions can be recognized instantly without us even actively analyzing them. I believe no one can clearly describe a sullen or sly expression; however, many observers agree that these expressions can be identified across various human races. Almost everyone I showed Duchenne's photograph of the young man with slanted eyebrows (Plate II. fig. 2) immediately said it expressed grief or something similar, yet probably none of those individuals – or maybe one in a thousand – could have precisely described the slant of the eyebrows with their inner ends furrowed or the rectangular lines on the forehead beforehand. This is true for many other expressions I’ve encountered when trying to teach others what to look for. So, if our lack of detailed knowledge doesn't stop us from recognizing various expressions quickly and accurately, I don't see how this lack of knowledge can be used to argue that our understanding, even if vague and general, isn't innate.
I have endeavoured to show in considerable detail that all the chief expressions exhibited by man are the same throughout the world. This fact is interesting, as it affords a new argument in favour of the several races being descended from a single parent-stock, which must have been almost completely human in structure, and to a large extent in mind, before the period at which the races diverged from each other. No doubt similar structures, adapted for the same purpose, have often been independently acquired through variation and natural selection by distinct species; but this view will not explain close similarity between distinct species in a multitude of unimportant details. Now if we bear in mind the numerous points of structure having no relation to expression, in which all the races of man closely agree, and then add to them the numerous points, some of the highest importance and many of the most trifling value, on which the movements of expression directly or indirectly depend, it seems to me improbable in the highest degree that so much similarity, or rather identity of structure, could have been acquired by independent means. Yet this must have been the case if the races of man are descended from several aboriginally distinct species. It is far more probable that the many points of close similarity in the various races are due to inheritance from a single parent-form, which had already assumed a human character.
I have tried to show in detail that all the main expressions shown by humans are the same around the world. This is interesting because it provides new evidence that different races descended from a single common ancestor, which must have been almost fully human in both body and mind before the races began to diverge. While it's true that separate species can develop similar structures through variation and natural selection for the same purpose, this perspective doesn’t explain the close similarities among different species in many minor details. If we consider the numerous structural features unrelated to expression in which all human races closely match and then add the many aspects—some very significant and others quite trivial—on which expressions rely, it seems extremely unlikely that such a high level of similarity or rather identity in structure could result from independent development. This would have to be the case if human races evolved from several originally distinct species. It’s much more likely that the many close similarities among the various races come from inheritance from a single common ancestor that had already taken on human traits.
It is a curious, though perhaps an idle speculation, how early in the long line of our progenitors the various expressive movements, now exhibited by man, were successively acquired. The following remarks will at least serve to recall some of the chief points discussed in this volume. We may confidently believe that laughter, as a sign of pleasure or enjoyment, was practised by our progenitors long before they deserved to be called human; for very many kinds of monkeys, when pleased, utter a reiterated sound, clearly analogous to our laughter, often accompanied by vibratory movements of their jaws or lips, with the corners of the mouth drawn backwards and upwards, by the wrinkling of the cheeks, and even by the brightening of the eyes.
It’s interesting, though maybe just a pointless thought, to wonder how early in the long history of our ancestors the various expressive movements we see in humans today were developed. The following comments will at least remind us of some of the main points discussed in this book. We can reasonably assume that laughter, as a sign of pleasure or enjoyment, was practiced by our ancestors long before they could be called human; many types of monkeys, when happy, make a repeated sound that is clearly similar to our laughter, often paired with vibrating movements of their jaws or lips, with the corners of their mouths pulled back and up, along with wrinkled cheeks and even shining eyes.
We may likewise infer that fear was expressed from an extremely remote period, in almost the same manner as it now is by man; namely, by trembling, the erection of the hair, cold perspiration, pallor, widely opened eyes, the relaxation of most of the muscles, and by the whole body cowering downwards or held motionless.
We can also assume that fear has been shown in a very early time, almost the same way it is by people today; specifically, through shaking, hair standing on end, cold sweat, paling skin, wide-open eyes, the loosening of most muscles, and the entire body shrinking down or staying completely still.
Suffering, if great, will from the first have caused screams or groans to be uttered, the body to be contorted, and the teeth to be ground together. But our progenitors will not have exhibited those highly expressive movements of the features which accompany screaming and crying until their circulatory and respiratory organs, and the muscles surrounding the eyes, had acquired their present structure. The shedding of tears appears to have originated through reflex action from the spasmodic contraction of the eyelids, together perhaps with the eyeballs becoming gorged with blood during the act of screaming. Therefore weeping probably came on rather late in the line of our descent; and this conclusion agrees with the fact that our nearest allies, the anthropomorphous apes, do not weep. But we must here exercise some caution, for as certain monkeys, which are not closely related to man, weep, this habit might have been developed long ago in a sub-branch of the group from which man is derived. Our early progenitors, when suffering from grief or anxiety, would not have made their eyebrows oblique, or have drawn down the corners of their mouth, until they had acquired the habit of endeavouring to restrain their screams. The expression, therefore, of grief and anxiety is eminently human.
Suffering, especially when intense, would have initially caused screams or groans, contorted bodies, and clenched teeth. However, our ancestors likely didn't show those pronounced facial expressions that go along with screaming and crying until their circulatory and respiratory systems, along with the muscles around the eyes, had developed into their current form. The act of shedding tears seems to have started as a reflex from the spasmodic contractions of the eyelids, possibly combined with the eyeballs becoming engorged with blood while screaming. So, weeping probably emerged relatively late in our evolutionary history, which aligns with the fact that our closest relatives, the anthropoid apes, do not cry. Nevertheless, we need to be cautious here because certain monkeys, which aren't closely related to humans, do cry; this behavior might have developed long ago in a separate branch of the lineage from which humans evolved. Our early ancestors, when experiencing grief or anxiety, wouldn't have angled their eyebrows or pulled down the corners of their mouths until they developed the habit of trying to suppress their screams. Thus, the expression of grief and anxiety is distinctly human.
Rage will have been expressed at a very early period by threatening or frantic gestures, by the reddening of the skin, and by glaring eyes, but not by frowning. For the habit of frowning seems to have been acquired chiefly from the corrugators being the first muscles to contract round the eyes, whenever during infancy pain, anger, or distress is felt, and there consequently is a near approach to screaming; and partly from a frown serving as a shade in difficult and intent vision. It seems probable that this shading action would not have become habitual until man had assumed a completely upright position, for monkeys do not frown when exposed to a glaring light. Our early progenitors, when enraged, would probably have exposed their teeth more freely than does man, even when giving full vent to his rage, as with the insane. We may, also, feel almost certain that they would have protruded their lips, when sulky or disappointed, in a greater degree than is the case with our own children, or even with the children of existing savage races.
Anger would have been shown very early on through threatening or frantic gestures, by reddening skin, and by glaring eyes, but not through frowning. It seems that the habit of frowning was mostly developed because the muscles around the eyes are the first to contract whenever an infant feels pain, anger, or distress, which often leads to a near scream; and also because frowning helps shade the eyes during focused vision. It’s likely that this shading action didn’t become a habit until humans stood completely upright, since monkeys don’t frown in bright light. Our early ancestors probably bared their teeth more openly when angry than modern humans do, even in extreme anger like that seen in the mad. We can also be fairly sure that they would have pushed their lips out more when sulky or disappointed than our own children do now, or even more than the children of existing primitive tribes.
Our early progenitors, when indignant or moderately angry, would not have held their heads erect, opened their chests, squared their shoulders, and clenched their fists, until they had acquired the ordinary carriage and upright attitude of man, and had learnt to fight with their fists or clubs. Until this period had arrived the antithetical gesture of shrugging the shoulders, as a sign of impotence or of patience, would not have been developed. From the same reason astonishment would not then have been expressed by raising the arms with open hands and extended fingers. Nor, judging from the actions of monkeys, would astonishment have been exhibited by a widely opened mouth; but the eyes would have been opened and the eyebrows arched. Disgust would have been shown at a very early period by movements round the mouth, like those of vomiting,—that is, if the view which I have suggested respecting the source of the expression is correct, namely, that our progenitors had the power, and used it, of voluntarily and quickly rejecting any food from their stomachs which they disliked. But the more refined manner of showing contempt or disdain, by lowering the eyelids, or turning away the eyes and face, as if the despised person were not worth looking at, would not probably have been acquired until a much later period.
Our early ancestors, when upset or a bit angry, wouldn’t have stood tall, puffed out their chests, squared their shoulders, and clenched their fists until they developed the typical posture and upright stance of humans, and learned to fight with their fists or clubs. Before that time, the contrasting gesture of shrugging shoulders—indicating helplessness or patience—probably wasn’t a thing. For the same reason, they wouldn’t have expressed surprise by raising their arms with open hands and spread fingers. Also, judging by monkey behavior, they likely wouldn’t have shown surprise by gaping mouths; instead, their eyes would have widened and their eyebrows raised. Disgust would have been shown very early on through facial movements similar to vomiting—assuming my idea about the source of the expression is right, that our ancestors could and would quickly reject any food from their stomachs they didn’t want. However, the more sophisticated way of showing contempt or disdain—by lowering the eyelids or turning away one’s eyes and face as if the person being disregarded wasn't worth a glance—probably developed much later.
Of all expressions, blushing seems to be the most strictly human; yet it is common to all or nearly all the races of man, whether or not any change of colour is visible in their skin. The relaxation of the small arteries of the surface, on which blushing depends, seems to have primarily resulted from earnest attention directed to the appearance of our own persons, especially of our faces, aided by habit, inheritance, and the ready flow of nerve-force along accustomed channels; and afterwards to have been extended by the power of association to self-attention directed to moral conduct. It can hardly be doubted that many animals are capable of appreciating beautiful colours and even forms, as is shown by the pains which the individuals of one sex take in displaying their beauty before those of the opposite sex. But it does not seem possible that any animal, until its mental powers had been developed to an equal or nearly equal degree with those of man, would have closely considered and been sensitive about its own personal appearance. Therefore we may conclude that blushing originated at a very late period in the long line of our descent.
Of all expressions, blushing seems to be the most distinctly human; yet it’s common to almost all races, regardless of whether any change in skin color is visible. The relaxation of the small arteries in the skin, which causes blushing, likely developed from our intense focus on how we appear, especially our faces, influenced by habits, genetics, and the easy flow of nerve signals along familiar pathways. This trait was then likely extended through the association of self-awareness connected to our moral behavior. It's hard to doubt that many animals can appreciate beautiful colors and even shapes, as shown by how much effort individuals of one sex put into displaying their beauty to the other sex. However, it doesn’t seem possible for any animal to closely think about or care about its own appearance until its mental abilities were developed to a level comparable to those of humans. Therefore, we can conclude that blushing emerged quite late in our evolutionary history.
From the various facts just alluded to, and given in the course of this volume, it follows that, if the structure of our organs of respiration and circulation had differed in only a slight degree from the state in which they now exist, most of our expressions would have been wonderfully different. A very slight change in the course of the arteries and veins which run to the head, would probably have prevented the blood from accumulating in our eyeballs during violent expiration; for this occurs in extremely few quadrupeds. In this case we should not have displayed some of our most characteristic expressions. If man had breathed water by the aid of external branchiae (though the idea is hardly conceivable), instead of air through his mouth and nostrils, his features would not have expressed his feelings much more efficiently than now do his hands or limbs. Rage and disgust, however, would still have been shown by movements about the lips and mouth, and the eyes would have become brighter or duller according to the state of the circulation. If our ears had remained movable, their movements would have been highly expressive, as is the case with all the animals which fight with their teeth; and we may infer that our early progenitors thus fought, as we still uncover the canine tooth on one side when we sneer at or defy any one, and we uncover all our teeth when furiously enraged.
From the various facts just mentioned and discussed throughout this volume, it follows that if our respiratory and circulatory systems had differed even slightly from their current state, many of our expressions would have been quite different. A small change in the pathways of the arteries and veins leading to the head would likely have prevented blood from pooling in our eyeballs during intense breathing out; this happens in very few four-legged animals. As a result, we wouldn’t have shown some of our most distinctive expressions. If humans had been able to breathe underwater using external gills (even though it’s a difficult concept to imagine), our facial features wouldn’t have communicated our feelings any better than our hands or limbs do now. However, rage and disgust would still be indicated by movements around the lips and mouth, and our eyes would have appeared brighter or duller based on blood flow. If our ears had remained flexible, their movements would have been very expressive, similar to how animals that fight with their teeth behave; we can speculate that our early ancestors did the same, as we still bare our canine teeth on one side when sneering or defying someone, and we show all our teeth when we’re extremely angry.
The movements of expression in the face and body, whatever their origin may have been, are in themselves of much importance for our welfare. They serve as the first means of communication between the mother and her infant; she smiles approval, and thus encourages her child on the right path, or frowns disapproval. We readily perceive sympathy in others by their expression; our sufferings are thus mitigated and our pleasures increased; and mutual good feeling is thus strengthened. The movements of expression give vividness and energy to our spoken words. They reveal the thoughts and intentions of others more truly than do words, which may be falsified. Whatever amount of truth the so-called science of physiognomy may contain, appears to depend, as Haller long ago remarked,[1404] on different persons bringing into frequent use different facial muscles, according to their dispositions; the development of these muscles being perhaps thus increased, and the lines or furrows on the face, due to their habitual contraction, being thus rendered deeper and more conspicuous. The free expression by outward signs of an emotion intensifies it. On the other hand, the repression, as far as this is possible, of all outward signs softens our emotions.[1405] He who gives way to violent gestures will increase his rage; he who does not control the signs of fear will experience fear in a greater degree; and he who remains passive when overwhelmed with grief loses his best chance of recovering elasticity of mind. These results follow partly from the intimate relation which exists between almost all the emotions and their outward manifestations; and partly from the direct influence of exertion on the heart, and consequently on the brain. Even the simulation of an emotion tends to arouse it in our minds. Shakespeare, who from his wonderful knowledge of the human mind ought to be an excellent judge, says:—
The expressions we make with our faces and bodies, no matter where they come from, are really important for our well-being. They are the first way a mother communicates with her baby; she smiles to show approval and encourage her child, or she frowns to show disapproval. We easily recognize sympathy in others through their expressions; this eases our pain and enhances our joy, strengthening the bond between us. The way we express ourselves adds liveliness and energy to our spoken words. They convey the thoughts and intentions of others more accurately than words, which can be misleading. The validity of physiognomy, as Haller mentioned long ago, seems to depend on the different ways people use their facial muscles based on their personalities. This frequent use might develop those muscles, leading to deeper and more noticeable lines on their faces. Showing our emotions through outward signs makes them feel stronger. Conversely, holding back those signs, as much as we can, tends to soften our feelings. Someone who gives in to wild gestures will amplify their anger; someone who can't hide their fear will feel even more afraid; and someone who stays passive while overwhelmed by grief minimizes their chances of feeling resilient again. These outcomes result partly from the close connection between emotions and their outward expressions, and partly from how physical exertion impacts the heart and brain. Even pretending to feel an emotion can trigger it in our minds. Shakespeare, with his incredible understanding of the human psyche, should be a great authority on this matter.
Is it not monstrous that this player here,
But in a fiction, in a dream of passion,
Could force his soul so to his own conceit,
That, from her working, all his visage wann’d;
Tears in his eyes, distraction in ’s aspect,
A broken voice, and his whole function suiting
With forms to his conceit? And all for nothing!
Hamlet, act ii. sc. 2.
Isn't it crazy that this actor here,
Just in a story, in a dream of feelings,
Could convince himself so completely,
That, from her performance, his whole appearance faded;
Tears in his eyes, confusion on his face,
A broken voice, and his entire behavior matching
The image he created? And all for nothing!
Hamlet, act ii. sc. 2.
We have seen that the study of the theory of expression confirms to a certain limited extent the conclusion that man is derived from some lower animal form, and supports the belief of the specific or sub-specific unity of the several races; but as far as my judgment serves, such confirmation was hardly needed. We have also seen that expression in itself, or the language of the emotions, as it has sometimes been called, is certainly of importance for the welfare of mankind. To understand, as far as possible, the source or origin of the various expressions which may be hourly seen on the faces of the men around us, not to mention our domesticated animals, ought to possess much interest for us. From these several causes, we may conclude that the philosophy of our subject has well deserved the attention which it has already received from several excellent observers, and that it deserves still further attention, especially from any able physiologist.
We have observed that studying the theory of expression somewhat confirms the idea that humans evolved from some lower animal form and supports the belief in the specific or sub-specific unity of different races; however, in my opinion, this confirmation wasn't really necessary. We've also noted that expression itself, or the language of emotions, as it's sometimes called, is definitely important for humanity's well-being. Understanding, as much as we can, the source or origin of the various expressions we see every day on the faces of the people around us, not to mention our pets, should interest us greatly. For these reasons, we can conclude that the philosophy of our topic has rightly earned the attention it has already received from some exceptional observers, and it deserves even more focus, particularly from any skilled physiologist.
FOOTNOTES:
1 (return)
[ J. Parsons, in his paper in
the Appendix to the ‘Philosophical Transactions’ for 1746, p. 41, gives a
list of forty-one old authors who have written on Expression.]
1 (return)
[ J. Parsons, in his article in the Appendix to the ‘Philosophical Transactions’ for 1746, p. 41, provides a list of forty-one past authors who have written about Expression.]
2 (return)
[ Conférences sur
l’expression des différents Caractères des Passions.’ Paris, 4to, 1667. I
always quote from the republication of the ‘Conférences’ in the edition of
Lavater, by Moreau, which appeared in 1820, as given in vol. ix. p. 257.]
2 (return)
[ Lectures on the Expression of Different Characteristics of Passions.’ Paris, 4to, 1667. I always reference the reissue of the ‘Lectures’ in Lavater's edition by Moreau, published in 1820, as noted in vol. ix. p. 257.]
3 (return)
[ ‘Discours par Pierre Camper
sur le moyen de représenter les diverses passions,’ &c. 1792. 1844]
3 (return)
[ 'Discourse by Pierre Camper on how to express various passions,' etc. 1792. 1844]
4 (return)
[ I always quote from the
third edition, 1844, which was published after the death of Sir C. Bell,
and contains his latest corrections. The first edition of 1806 is much
inferior in merit, and does not include some of his more important views.]
4 (return)
[ I always reference the third edition from 1844, which was released after Sir C. Bell passed away, and includes his most recent updates. The first edition from 1806 is significantly less valuable and misses some of his key insights.]
5 (return)
[ ‘De la Physionomie et de la
Parole,’ par Albert Lemoine, 1865, p. 101.]
5 (return)
[ 'On Physiognomy and Speech,' by Albert Lemoine, 1865, p. 101.]
6 (return)
[ ‘L’Art de connaître les
Hommes,’ &c., par G. Lavater. The earliest edition of this work,
referred to in the preface to the edition of 1820 in ten volumes, as containing
the observations of M. Moreau, is said to have been published in 1807; and I
have no doubt that this is correct, because the ‘Notice sur
Lavater’ at the commencement of volume i. is dated April 13, 1806. In
some bibliographical works, however, the date of 1805—1809 is given, but
it seems impossible that 1805 can be correct. Dr. Duchenne remarks
(‘Mécanisme de la Physionomie Humaine,’-8vo edit. 1862, p. 5, and
‘Archives Générales de Médecine,’ Jan. et Fév. 1862) that M. Moreau
“a composé pour son ouvrage un article important,” &c.,
in the year 1805; and I find in volume i. of the edition of 1820 passages
bearing the dates of December 12, 1805, and another January 5, 1806, besides
that of April 13, 1806, above referred to. In consequence of some of these
passages having thus been composed in 1805, Dr. Duchenne assigns to M.
Moreau the priority over Sir C. Bell, whose work, as we have seen, was
published in 1806. This is a very unusual manner of determining the priority of
scientific works; but such questions are of extremely little importance in
comparison with their relative merits. The passages above quoted from M. Moreau
and from Le Brun are taken in this and all other cases from the edition of 1820
of Lavater, tom. iv. p. 228, and tom. ix. p. 279.]
6 (return)
[ ‘The Art of Understanding People,’ etc., by G. Lavater. The first edition of this work, mentioned in the preface to the 1820 edition in ten volumes, is said to have been published in 1807; and I’m pretty sure this is accurate because the ‘Notice on Lavater’ at the beginning of volume I is dated April 13, 1806. However, some bibliographical sources list the date as 1805–1809, but it seems unlikely that 1805 is correct. Dr. Duchenne notes (‘Mechanism of Human Expression,’ 8vo edition 1862, p. 5, and ‘General Archives of Medicine,’ Jan. and Feb. 1862) that M. Moreau “wrote an important article for his work,” etc., in the year 1805; and I find in volume I of the 1820 edition passages dated December 12, 1805, and January 5, 1806, in addition to the April 13, 1806, date mentioned above. Because some of these passages were written in 1805, Dr. Duchenne gives M. Moreau precedence over Sir C. Bell, whose work was published in 1806. This is a very unusual way to establish the priority of scientific works, but such matters are of very little significance compared to their actual value. The passages quoted above from M. Moreau and from Le Brun are taken in this and all other instances from the 1820 edition of Lavater, vol. iv, p. 228, and vol. ix, p. 279.]
7 (return)
[ ‘Handbuch der
Systematischen Anatomie des Menschen.’ Band I. Dritte Abtheilung, 1858.]
7 (return)
[ ‘Handbook of Systematic Anatomy of Humans.’ Volume I. Third Section, 1858.]
8 (return)
[ ‘The Senses and the
Intellect,’ 2nd edit. 1864, pp. 96 and 288. The preface to the first
edition of this work is dated June, 1855. See also the 2nd edition of Mr.
Bain’s work on the ‘Emotions and Will.’]
8 (return)
[ ‘The Senses and the Intellect,’ 2nd ed. 1864, pp. 96 and 288. The preface for the first edition of this work is dated June, 1855. See also the 2nd edition of Mr. Bain’s work on the ‘Emotions and Will.’]
9 (return)
[ ‘The Anatomy of
Expression,’ 3rd edit. p. 121.]
9 (return)
[ ‘The Anatomy of Expression,’ 3rd ed. p. 121.]
10 (return)
[ ‘Essays, Scientific,
Political, and Speculative,’ Second Series, 1863, p. 111. There is a
discussion on Laughter in the First Series of Essays, which discussion
seems to me of very inferior value.]
10 (return)
[ ‘Essays, Scientific, Political, and Speculative,’ Second Series, 1863, p. 111. There's a discussion about laughter in the First Series of Essays, which I think is of much lower value.]
11 (return)
[ Since the publication of
the essay just referred to, Mr. Spencer has written another, on “Morals
and Moral Sentiments,” in the ‘Fortnightly Review,’ April 1, 1871, p. 426.
He has, also, now published his final conclusions in vol. ii. of the
second edit. of the ‘Principles of Psychology,’ 1872, p. 539. I may state,
in order that I may not be accused of trespassing on Mr. Spencer’s domain,
that I announced in my ‘Descent of Man,’ that I had then written a part of
the present volume: my first MS. notes on the subject of expression bear
the date of the year 1838.]
11 (return)
[ Since the release of the previously mentioned essay, Mr. Spencer has written another one titled “Morals and Moral Sentiments,” which appeared in the ‘Fortnightly Review’ on April 1, 1871, p. 426. He has also published his final conclusions in volume II of the second edition of the ‘Principles of Psychology,’ 1872, p. 539. I want to clarify, so I’m not seen as overstepping Mr. Spencer’s territory, that I mentioned in my ‘Descent of Man’ that I had already written part of this volume: my initial notes on the topic of expression are dated from 1838.]
12 (return)
[ ‘Anatomy of Expression,’
3rd edit. pp. 98, 121, 131.]
12 (return)
[ ‘Anatomy of Expression,’ 3rd ed. pp. 98, 121, 131.]
13 (return)
[ Professor Owen expressly
states (Proc. Zoolog. Soc. 1830, p. 28) that this is the case with respect
to the Orang, and specifies all the more important muscles which are well
known to serve with man for the expression of his feelings. See, also, a
description of several of the facial muscles in the Chimpanzee, by Prof.
Macalister, in ‘Annals and Magazine of Natural History,’ vol. vii. May,
1871, p. 342.]
13 (return)
[ Professor Owen clearly states (Proc. Zoolog. Soc. 1830, p. 28) that this applies to the Orangutan and identifies all the key muscles that are well-known to help humans express their feelings. Also, check out a description of several facial muscles in the Chimpanzee by Prof. Macalister in ‘Annals and Magazine of Natural History,’ vol. vii. May, 1871, p. 342.]
14 (return)
[ ‘Anatomy of Expression,’
pp. 121, 138.]
14 (return)
[ ‘Anatomy of Expression,’ pp. 121, 138.]
16 (return)
[ ‘Mécanisme de la
Physionomie Humaine,’ 8vo edit. p. 31.]
16 (return)
[ ‘Mechanism of Human Facial Expression,’ 8vo edit. p. 31.]
17 (return)
[ ‘Elements of Physiology,’
English translation, vol. ii. p. 934.]
17 (return)
[ ‘Elements of Physiology,’ English translation, vol. ii. p. 934.]
18 (return)
[ ‘Anatomy of Expression,’
3rd edit. p. 198.]
18 (return)
[ ‘Anatomy of Expression,’ 3rd ed. p. 198.]
19 (return)
[ See remarks to this
effect in Lessing’s ‘Lacooon,’ translated by W. Ross, 1836, p. 19.]
19 (return)
[See comments about this in Lessing’s ‘Laocoön,’ translated by W. Ross, 1836, p. 19.]
20 (return)
[ Mr. Partridge in Todd’s
‘Cyclopædia of Anatomy and Physiology,’ vol. ii. p. 227.]
20 (return)
[ Mr. Partridge in Todd’s
‘Encyclopedia of Anatomy and Physiology,’ vol. ii. p. 227.]
21 (return)
[ ‘La Physionomie,’ par G.
Lavater, tom. iv. 1820, p. 274. On the number of the facial muscles, see
vol. iv. pp. 209-211.]
21 (return)
[‘La Physionomie’ by G. Lavater, vol. iv, 1820, p. 274. For information on the number of facial muscles, see vol. iv, pp. 209-211.]
22 (return)
[ ‘Mimik und Physiognomik,’
1867, s. 91.]
22 (return)
[ 'Mimicry and Physiognomy,' 1867, p. 91.]
101 (return)
[ Mr. Herbert Spencer
(‘Essays,’ Second Series, 1863, p. 138) has drawn a clear distinction
between emotions and sensations, the latter being “generated in our
corporeal framework.” He classes as Feelings both emotions
and-sensations.]
101 (return)
[ Mr. Herbert Spencer
(‘Essays,’ Second Series, 1863, p. 138) has made a clear distinction between emotions and sensations, with the latter being “produced in our physical body.” He categorizes both emotions and sensations as Feelings.]
102 (return)
[ Müller, ‘Elements of
Physiology,’ Eng. translat. vol. ii. p. 939. See also Mr. H. Spencer’s
interesting speculations on the same subject, and on the genesis of
nerves, in his ‘Principles of Biology,’ vol. ii. p. 346; and in his
‘Principles of Psychology,’ 2nd edit. pp. 511-557.]
102 (return)
[ Müller, ‘Elements of Physiology,’ English translation, vol. ii, p. 939. Also, check out Mr. H. Spencer’s intriguing ideas on the same topic and the development of nerves in his ‘Principles of Biology,’ vol. ii, p. 346; and in his ‘Principles of Psychology,’ 2nd edition, pp. 511-557.]
103 (return)
[ A remark to much the
same effect was made long ago by Hippocrates and by the illustrious
Harvey; for both assert that a young animal forgets in the course of a few
days the art of sucking, and cannot without some difficulty again acquire
it. I give these assertions on the authority of Dr. Darwin, ‘Zoonomia,’
1794, vol. i. p. 140.]
103 (return)
[ A similar observation was made long ago by Hippocrates and the famous Harvey; both of them noted that a young animal forgets how to suck within a few days and finds it difficult to learn it again. I reference these claims from Dr. Darwin's ‘Zoonomia,’ 1794, vol. i. p. 140.]
104 (return)
[ See for my authorities,
and for various analogous facts, ‘The Variation of Animals and Plants
under Domestication,’ 1868, vol. ii. p. 304.]
104 (return)
[ Check out my sources, and for different similar facts, ‘The Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication,’ 1868, vol. ii. p. 304.]
105 (return)
[ ‘The Senses and the
Intellect,’ 2nd edit. 1864, p. 332. Prof. Huxley remarks (‘Elementary
Lessons in Physiology,’ 5th edit. 1872, p. 306), “It may be laid down as a
rule, that, if any two mental states be called up together, or in
succession, with due frequency and vividness, the subsequent production of
the one of them will suffice to call up the other, and that whether we
desire it or not.”]
105 (return)
[ ‘The Senses and the Intellect,’ 2nd ed. 1864, p. 332. Prof. Huxley notes (‘Elementary Lessons in Physiology,’ 5th ed. 1872, p. 306), “It can be stated as a rule that if two mental states are brought to mind together or in sequence, with enough frequency and intensity, triggering one of them later will be enough to bring up the other, whether we want it to happen or not.”]
106 (return)
[ Gratiolet (‘De la
Physionomie,’ p. 324), in his discussion on this subject, gives many
analogous instances. See p. 42, on the opening and shutting of the eyes.
Engel is quoted (p. 323) on the changed paces of a man, as his thoughts
change.]
106 (return)
[ Gratiolet (‘De la Physionomie,’ p. 324), in his discussion on this topic, provides many similar examples. See p. 42, regarding the opening and closing of the eyes. Engel is referenced (p. 323) about how a man's pace changes as his thoughts change.]
107 (return)
[ ‘Mécanisme de la
Physionomie Humaine,’ 1862, p. 17.]
107 (return)
[ ‘Mechanism of Human Physiognomy,’ 1862, p. 17.]
108 (return)
[ ‘The Variation of
Animals and Plants under Domestication,’ vol. ii. p. 6. The inheritance of
habitual gestures is so important for us, that I gladly avail myself of
Mr. F. Galton’s permission to give in his own words the following
remarkable case:—“The following account of a habit occurring in
individuals of three consecutive generations {footnote continues:} is of
peculiar interest, because it occurs only during sound sleep, and
therefore cannot be due to imitation, but must be altogether natural. The
particulars are perfectly trustworthy, for I have enquired fully into
them, and speak from abundant and independent evidence. A gentleman of
considerable position was found by his wife to have the curious trick,
when he lay fast asleep on his back in bed, of raising his right arm
slowly in front of his face, up to his forehead, and then dropping it with
a jerk, so that the wrist fell heavily on the bridge of his nose. The
trick did not occur every night, but occasionally, and was independent of
any ascertained cause. Sometimes it was repeated incessantly for an hour
or more. The gentleman’s nose was prominent, and its bridge often became
sore from the blows which it received. At one time an awkward sore was
produced, that was long in healing, on account of the recurrence, night
after night, of the blows which first caused it. His wife had to remove
the button from the wrist of his night-gown as it made severe scratches,
and some means were attempted of tying his arm.
108 (return)
[ ‘The Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication,’ vol. ii. p. 6. The inheritance of habitual gestures is so significant for us that I’m happy to take Mr. F. Galton’s permission to share this remarkable case in his own words:—“The following account of a habit seen in individuals across three consecutive generations {footnote continues:} is particularly intriguing because it only happens during deep sleep and cannot be attributed to imitation; it must be completely natural. The details are completely reliable, as I’ve thoroughly investigated them and speak from ample independent evidence. A gentleman of notable standing was discovered by his wife to have the unusual habit, when lying deeply asleep on his back in bed, of slowly raising his right arm in front of his face, up to his forehead, and then dropping it with a jerk, causing his wrist to hit heavily on the bridge of his nose. This habit didn’t occur every night but sometimes, and it wasn’t linked to any identified cause. At times it was repeated continuously for an hour or more. The gentleman had a prominent nose, and its bridge often became sore from the repeated impacts. At one point, an awkward sore developed that took a long time to heal due to the nightly recurrence of the blows that initially caused it. His wife had to remove the button from the wrist of his nightgown as it scratched him severely, and some attempts were made to tie his arm down.
“Many years after his death, his son married a lady who had never heard of the family incident. She, however, observed precisely the same peculiarity in her husband; but his nose, from not being particularly prominent, has never as yet suffered from the blows. The trick does not occur when he is half-asleep, as, for example, when dozing in his arm-chair, but the moment he is fast asleep it is apt to begin. It is, as with his father, intermittent; sometimes ceasing for many nights, and sometimes almost incessant during a part of every night. It is performed, as it was by his father, with his right hand.
“Many years after his death, his son married a woman who had never heard about the family incident. She noticed the same oddity in her husband; however, his nose, since it isn't particularly prominent, has never been harmed by the blows. The behavior doesn't happen when he is half-asleep, like when dozing in his armchair, but the moment he falls into a deep sleep, it tends to start. Just like with his father, it's intermittent; it can stop for several nights and then be almost constant during parts of every night. He does it, just as his father did, with his right hand.”
“One of his children, a girl, has inherited the same trick. She performs it, likewise, with the right hand, but in a slightly modified form; for, after raising the arm, she does not allow the wrist to drop upon the bridge of the nose, but the palm of the half-closed hand falls over and down the nose, striking it rather rapidly. It is also very intermittent with this child, not occurring for periods of some months, but sometimes occurring almost incessantly.”]
“One of his children, a girl, has inherited the same trick. She does it with her right hand too, but in a slightly different way; after she raises her arm, she doesn't let her wrist drop onto the bridge of her nose. Instead, the palm of her half-closed hand falls over and down her nose, hitting it quite quickly. It's also very sporadic with her; sometimes it doesn’t happen for several months, but when it does, it can occur almost nonstop.”
109 (return)
[ Prof. Huxley remarks
(‘Elementary Physiology,’ 5th edit. p. 305) that reflex actions proper to
the spinal cord are natural; but, by the help of the brain, that is
through habit, an infinity of artificial reflex actions may be acquired.
Virchow admits (‘Sammlung wissenschaft. Vorträge,’ &c., “Ueber das
Rückenmark,” 1871, ss. 24, 31) that some reflex actions can hardly be
distinguished from instincts; and, of the latter, it may be added, some
cannot be distinguished from inherited habits.]
109 (return)
[ Prof. Huxley points out (‘Elementary Physiology,’ 5th ed., p. 305) that reflex actions involving the spinal cord are natural; however, with the help of the brain, through practice, countless artificial reflex actions can be learned. Virchow acknowledges (‘Sammlung wissenschaft. Vorträge,’ etc., “Ueber das Rückenmark,” 1871, pp. 24, 31) that some reflex actions are nearly indistinguishable from instincts; and, it can be added regarding the latter, some cannot be separated from inherited habits.]
110 (return)
[ Dr. Maudsley, ‘Body and
Mind,’ 1870, p. 8.]
110 (return)
[ Dr. Maudsley, ‘Body and Mind,’ 1870, p. 8.]
111 (return)
[ See the very
interesting discussion on the whole subject by Claude Bernard, ‘Tissus
Vivants,’ 1866, p. 353-356.]
111 (return)
[ Check out the fascinating discussion on the entire topic by Claude Bernard, ‘Tissus Vivants,’ 1866, p. 353-356.]
112 (return)
[ ‘Chapters on Mental
Physiology,’ 1858, p. 85.]
112 (return)
[ 'Chapters on Mental Physiology,' 1858, p. 85.]
113 (return)
[ Müller remarks
(‘Elements of Physiology,’ Eng. tr. vol. ii. p. 1311) on starting being
always accompanied by the closure of the eyelids.]
113 (return)
[ Müller points out (‘Elements of Physiology,’ Eng. tr. vol. ii. p. 1311) that every time someone starts, it’s always accompanied by closing their eyelids.]
114 (return)
[ Dr. Maudsley remarks
(‘Body and Mind,’ p. 10) that “reflex movements which commonly effect a
useful end may, under the changed circumstances of disease, do great
mischief, becoming even the occasion of violent suffering and of a most
painful death.”]
114 (return)
[ Dr. Maudsley points out (‘Body and Mind,’ p. 10) that “reflex movements that usually serve a useful purpose can, in the altered conditions of illness, cause significant harm, even leading to intense suffering and a very painful death.”]
115 (return)
[ See Mr. F. H. Salvin’s
account of a tame jackal in ‘Land and Water,’ October, 1869.]
115 (return)
[ Check out Mr. F. H. Salvin’s story about a trained jackal in ‘Land and Water,’ October, 1869.]
116 (return)
[ “Dr. Darwin,
‘Zoonomia,’ 1794, vol. i. p. 160. I find that the fact of cats protruding
their feet when pleased is also noticed (p. 151) in this work.]
116 (return)
[ “Dr. Darwin, ‘Zoonomia,’ 1794, vol. i. p. 160. I see that the observation of cats extending their paws when they’re happy is also mentioned (p. 151) in this work.]
117 (return)
[ Carpenter, ‘Principles
of Comparative Physiology,’ 1854, p. 690, and Müller’s ‘Elements of
Physiology,’ Eng. translat. vol. ii. p. 936.]
117 (return)
[ Carpenter, ‘Principles of Comparative Physiology,’ 1854, p. 690, and Müller’s ‘Elements of Physiology,’ Eng. translat. vol. ii. p. 936.]
118 (return)
[ Mowbray on ‘Poultry,’
6th edit. 1830, p. 54.]
118 (return)
[ Mowbray on ‘Poultry,’ 6th ed. 1830, p. 54.]
119 (return)
[ See the account given
by this excellent observer in ‘Wild Sports of the Highlands,’ 1846, p.
142.]
119 (return)
[ See the account provided by this great observer in ‘Wild Sports of the Highlands,’ 1846, p. 142.]
120 (return)
[ ‘Philosophical
Translations,’ 1823, p. 182.]
120 (return)
[ 'Philosophical Translations,' 1823, p. 182.]
201 (return)
[ ‘Naturgeschichte der
Säugethiere von Paraguay,’ 1830, s. 55.]
201 (return)
[ 'Natural History of the Mammals of Paraguay,' 1830, p. 55.]
202 (return)
[ Mr. Tylor gives an
account of the Cistercian gesture-language in his ‘Early History of
Mankind’ (2nd edit. 1870, p. 40), and makes some remarks on the principle
of opposition in gestures.]
202 (return)
[ Mr. Tylor describes the Cistercian gesture-language in his 'Early History of Mankind' (2nd ed. 1870, p. 40), and shares some thoughts on the principle of opposition in gestures.]
203 (return)
[ See on this subject Dr.
W. R. Scott’s interesting work, ‘The Deaf and Dumb,’ 2nd edit. 1870, p.
12. He says, “This contracting of natural gestures into much shorter
gestures than the natural expression requires, is very common amongst the
deaf and dumb. This contracted gesture is frequently so shortened as
nearly to lose all semblance of the natural one, but to the deaf and dumb
who use it, it still has the force of the original expression.”]
203 (return)
[ For more on this topic, check out Dr. W. R. Scott’s fascinating book, ‘The Deaf and Dumb,’ 2nd edition, 1870, p. 12. He notes, “The tendency to shorten natural gestures into much simpler ones is quite common among the deaf and dumb. These shortened gestures can often lose much of the original expression, but for those who use them, they still carry the meaning of the original gesture.”]
301 (return)
[ See the interesting
cases collected by M. G. Pouchet in the ‘Revue des Deux Mondes,’ January
1, 1872, p. 79. An instance was also brought some years ago before the
British Association at Belfast.]
301 (return)
[ Check out the fascinating cases gathered by M. G. Pouchet in the ‘Revue des Deux Mondes,’ January 1, 1872, p. 79. A similar case was also presented a few years back at the British Association in Belfast.]
302 (return)
[ Müller remarks
(‘Elements of Physiology,’ Eng. translat. vol. ii. p. 934) that when the
feelings are very intense, “all the spinal nerves become affected to the
extent of imperfect paralysis, or the excitement of trembling of the whole
body.”]
302 (return)
[ Müller notes (‘Elements of Physiology,’ Eng. translat. vol. ii. p. 934) that when feelings are very intense, “all the spinal nerves are impacted to the point of causing partial paralysis, or triggering tremors throughout the entire body.”]
303 (return)
[ ‘Leçons sur les Prop.
des Tissus Vivants,’ 1866, pp. 457-466.]
303 (return)
[ ‘Lessons on the Properties of Living Tissues,’ 1866, pp. 457-466.]
304 (return)
[ Mr. Bartlett, “Notes on
the Birth of a Hippopotamus,” Proc. Zoolog. Soc. 1871, p. 255.]
304 (return)
[ Mr. Bartlett, “Notes on the Birth of a Hippopotamus,” Proc. Zoolog. Soc. 1871, p. 255.]
305 (return)
[ See, on this subject,
Claude Bernard, ‘Tissus Vivants,’ 1866, pp. 316, 337, 358. Virchow
expresses himself to almost exactly the same effect in his essay “Ueber
das Rückenmark” (Sammlung wissenschaft. Vorträge, 1871, s. 28).]
305 (return)
[ Check out Claude Bernard, ‘Living Tissues,’ 1866, pp. 316, 337, 358 for more on this topic. Virchow makes a similar point in his essay “On the Spinal Cord” (Collection of Scientific Lectures, 1871, p. 28).]
306 (return)
[ Müller (‘Elements of
Physiology,’ Eng. translat. vol. ii. p. 932) in speaking of the nerves,
says, “any sudden change of condition of whatever kind sets the nervous
principle into action.” See Virchow and Bernard on the same subject in
passages in the two works referred to in my last foot-note.]
306 (return)
[ Müller (‘Elements of Physiology,’ Eng. translat. vol. ii. p. 932) discusses nerves, stating, “any sudden change of condition, no matter what, activates the nervous system.” See Virchow and Bernard on the same topic in the sections of the two works mentioned in my last footnote.]
307 (return)
[ H. Spencer, ‘Essays,
Scientific, Political,’ &c., Second Series, 1863, pp. 109, 111.]
307 (return)
[ H. Spencer, ‘Essays, Scientific, Political,’ etc., Second Series, 1863, pp. 109, 111.]
308 (return)
[ Sir H. Holland, in
speaking (‘Medical Notes and Reflexions,’ 1839, p. 328) of that curious
state of body called the fidgets, remarks that it seems due to “an
accumulation of some cause of irritation which requires muscular action
for its relief.”]
308 (return)
[ Sir H. Holland, while discussing (‘Medical Notes and Reflexions,’ 1839, p. 328) that peculiar condition known as the fidgets, notes that it appears to stem from “an accumulation of some cause of irritation which requires muscular action for its relief.”]
309 (return)
[ I am much indebted to
Mr. A. H. Garrod for having informed me of M. Lorain’s work on the pulse,
in which a sphygmogram of a woman in a rage is given; and this shows much
difference in the rate and other characters from that of the same woman in
her ordinary state.]
309 (return)
[I am very grateful to Mr. A. H. Garrod for informing me about M. Lorain’s work on the pulse, which includes a sphygmogram of a woman in a rage; this shows significant differences in the rate and other characteristics compared to that of the same woman in her usual state.]
310 (return)
[ How powerfully intense
joy excites the brain, and how the brain reacts on the body, is well shown
in the rare cases of Psychical Intoxication. Dr. J. Crichton Browne
(‘Medical Mirror,’ 1865) records the case of a young man of strongly
nervous temperament, who, on hearing by a telegram that a fortune had been
bequeathed him, first became pale, then exhilarated, and soon in the
highest spirits, but flushed and very restless. He then took a walk with a
friend for the sake of tranquillising himself, but returned staggering in
his gait, uproariously laughing, yet irritable in temper, incessantly
talking, and singing loudly in the public streets. It was positively
ascertained that he had not touched any spirituous liquor, though every
one thought that he was intoxicated. Vomiting after a time came on, and
the half-digested contents of his stomach were examined, but no odour of
alcohol could be detected. He then slept heavily, and on awaking was well,
except that he suffered from headache, nausea, and prostration of
strength.]
310 (return)
[ The way intense joy affects the brain and how the brain influences the body is clearly illustrated in rare cases of Psychical Intoxication. Dr. J. Crichton Browne ('Medical Mirror,' 1865) reports the story of a young man with a very nervous disposition who, upon receiving a telegram that he had inherited a fortune, initially became pale, then excited, and soon found himself in the highest spirits, although flushed and quite restless. He went for a walk with a friend to calm himself, but returned swaying, laughing loudly, and overly talkative, singing in the streets. It was confirmed that he hadn't consumed any alcoholic drinks, yet everyone assumed he was drunk. After a while, he began to vomit, and the contents of his stomach were analyzed, revealing no trace of alcohol. He eventually fell into a deep sleep, and when he awoke, he felt better, but experienced a headache, nausea, and extreme fatigue.]
311 (return)
[ Dr. Darwin, ‘Zoonomia,’
1794, vol. i. p. 148.]
311 (return)
[ Dr. Darwin, ‘Zoonomia,’ 1794, vol. i. p. 148.]
312 (return)
[ Mrs. Oliphant, in her
novel of ‘Miss Majoribanks,’ p. 362. All this reacts on the brain, and
prostration soon follows with collapsed muscles and dulled eyes. As
associated habit no longer prompts the sufferer to action, he is urged by
his friends to voluntary exertion, and not to give way to silent,
motionless grief. Exertion stimulates the heart, and this reacts on the
brain, and aids the mind to bear its heavy load.]
312 (return)
[ Mrs. Oliphant, in her novel 'Miss Majoribanks,' p. 362. All of this affects the mind, leading to exhaustion and weakness in the muscles, along with a loss of brightness in the eyes. Since familiar routines no longer motivate the person to take action, friends encourage them to make an effort and not to succumb to quiet, stagnant sorrow. Action stimulates the heart, which in turn impacts the mind, helping it cope with the heavy burden.]
401 (return)
[ See the evidence on
this head in my ‘Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication,’
vol. i. p. 27. On the cooing of pigeons, vol. i. pp. 154, 155.]
401 (return)
[ See the evidence on this topic in my ‘Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication,’ vol. i. p. 27. On the cooing of pigeons, vol. i. pp. 154, 155.]
402 (return)
[ ‘Essays, Scientific,
Political, and Speculative,’ 1858. ‘The Origin and Function of Music,’ p.
359.]
402 (return)
[ ‘Essays, Scientific, Political, and Speculative,’ 1858. ‘The Origin and Function of Music,’ p. 359.]
403 (return)
[ ‘The Descent of Man,’
1870, vol. ii. p. 332. The words quoted are from Professor Owen. It has
lately been shown that some quadrupeds much lower in the scale than
monkeys, namely Rodents, are able to produce correct musical tones: see
the account of a singing Hesperomys, by the Rev. S. Lockwood, in the
‘American Naturalist,’ vol. v. December, 1871, p. 761.]
403 (return)
[ ‘The Descent of Man,’ 1870, vol. ii. p. 332. The quoted words are from Professor Owen. Recently, it's been demonstrated that some animals much lower on the evolutionary ladder than monkeys, specifically Rodents, can produce accurate musical tones: see the account of a singing Hesperomys by Rev. S. Lockwood in the ‘American Naturalist,’ vol. v. December, 1871, p. 761.]
404 (return)
[ Mr. Tylor (‘Primitive
Culture,’ 1871, vol. i. p. 166), in his discussion on this subject,
alludes to the whining of the dog.]
404 (return)
[Mr. Tylor (‘Primitive Culture,’ 1871, vol. i. p. 166), in his discussion on this topic, mentions the whimpering of the dog.]
405 (return)
[ ‘Naturgeschichte der
Säugethiere von Paraguay,’ 1830, s. 46.]
405 (return)
[ ‘Natural History of the Mammals of Paraguay,’ 1830, p. 46.]
406 (return)
[ Quoted by Gratiolet,
‘De la Physionomie,’ 1865, p. 115.]
406 (return)
[Quoted by Gratiolet, ‘On Physiognomy,’ 1865, p. 115.]
407 (return)
[ ‘Théorie Physiologique
de la Musique,’ Paris, 1868, P. 146. Helmholtz has also fully discussed in
this profound work the relation of the form of the cavity of the mouth to
the production of vowel-sounds.]
407 (return)
[ 'Physiological Theory of Music,' Paris, 1868, p. 146. Helmholtz also thoroughly examines the relationship between the shape of the mouth cavity and the production of vowel sounds in this important work.]
408 (return)
[ I have given some
details on this subject in my ‘Descent of Man,’ vol. i. pp. 352, 384.]
408 (return)
[ I’ve provided some details on this topic in my ‘Descent of Man,’ vol. i. pp. 352, 384.]
409 (return)
[ As quoted in Huxley’s
‘Evidence as to Man’s Place in Nature,’ 1863, p. 52.]
409 (return)
[ As quoted in Huxley’s 'Evidence as to Man’s Place in Nature,' 1863, p. 52.]
410 (return)
[ Illust. Thierleben,
1864, B. i. s. 130.]
410 (return)
[ Illust. Thierleben, 1864, B. i. s. 130.]
411 (return)
[ The Hon. J. Caton,
Ottawa Acad. of Nat. Sciences, May, 1868, pp. 36, 40. For the Capra,
Ægagrus, ‘Land and Water,’ 1867, p. 37.]
411 (return)
[ The Hon. J. Caton, Ottawa Academy of Natural Sciences, May 1868, pp. 36, 40. For the Capra, Ægagrus, ‘Land and Water,’ 1867, p. 37.]
412 (return)
[ ‘Land and Water,’ July
20, 1867, p. 659.]
412 (return)
[ ‘Land and Water,’ July 20, 1867, p. 659.]
413 (return)
[ Phaeton rubricauda:
‘Ibis,’ vol. iii. 1861, p. 180.]
413 (return)
[ Phaeton rubricauda: ‘Ibis,’ vol. iii. 1861, p. 180.]
414 (return)
[ On the Strix flammea,
Audubon, ‘Ornithological Biography,’ 1864, vol. ii. p. 407. I have
observed other cases in the Zoological Gardens.]
414 (return)
[ Regarding the Strix flammea, Audubon, ‘Ornithological Biography,’ 1864, vol. ii. p. 407. I have seen other instances in the Zoological Gardens.]
415 (return)
[ Melopsittacus
undulatus. See an account of its habits by Gould, ‘Handbook of Birds
of Australia,’ 1865, vol. ii. p. 82.]
415 (return)
[ Melopsittacus undulatus. Check out the description of its behaviors by Gould, ‘Handbook of Birds of Australia,’ 1865, vol. ii. p. 82.]
416 (return)
[ See, for instance, the
account which I have given (‘Descent of Man,’ vol. ii. p. 32) of an Anolis
and Draco.]
416 (return)
[Check out the description I provided (‘Descent of Man,’ vol. ii. p. 32) about an Anolis and Draco.]
417 (return)
[ These muscles are
described in his well-known works. I am greatly indebted to this
distinguished observer for having given me in a letter information on this
same subject.]
417 (return)
[ These muscles are discussed in his famous works. I’m very grateful to this esteemed observer for providing me with information on this topic in a letter.]
418 (return)
[ ‘Lehrbuch der
Histologie des Menschen,’ 1857, s. 82. I owe to Prof. W. Turner’s kindness
an extract from this work.]
418 (return)
[ ‘Textbook of Human Histology,’ 1857, p. 82. I am grateful to Prof. W. Turner for providing an excerpt from this work.]
419 (return)
[ ‘Quarterly Journal of
Microscopical Science,’ 1853, vol. i. p. 262.]
419 (return)
[ 'Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science,' 1853, vol. i. p. 262.]
420 (return)
[ ‘Lehrbuch der
Histologie,’ 1857, s. 82.]
420 (return)
[ 'Textbook of Histology,' 1857, p. 82.]
421 (return)
[ ‘Dictionary of English
Etymology,’ p. 403.]
421 (return)
[ ‘Dictionary of English Etymology,’ p. 403.]
422 (return)
[ See the account of the
habits of this animal by Dr. Cooper, as quoted in ‘Nature,’ April 27,
1871, p. 512.]
422 (return)
[ Check out Dr. Cooper's account of this animal's habits in 'Nature,' April 27, 1871, p. 512.]
423 (return)
[ Dr. Günther, ‘Reptiles
of British India,’ p. 262.]
423 (return)
[ Dr. Günther, ‘Reptiles of British India,’ p. 262.]
424 (return)
[ Mr. J. Mansel Weale,
‘Nature,’ April 27, 1871, p. 508.]
424 (return)
[ Mr. J. Mansel Weale, ‘Nature,’ April 27, 1871, p. 508.]
425 (return)
[ ‘Journal of Researches
during the Voyage of the “Beagle,”’ 1845, p. 96. I have compared the
rattling thus produced with that of the Rattle-snake.]
425 (return)
[‘Journal of Researches during the Voyage of the “Beagle,” 1845, p. 96. I have compared the rattling produced with that of the rattlesnake.]
426 (return)
[ See the account by Dr.
Anderson, Proc. Zool. Soc. 1871, p. 196.]
426 (return)
[ See the account by Dr. Anderson, Proc. Zool. Soc. 1871, p. 196.]
427 (return)
[ The ‘American
Naturalist,’ Jan. 1872, p. 32. I regret that I cannot follow Prof. Shaler
in believing that the rattle has been developed, by the aid of natural
selection, for the sake of producing sounds which deceive and attract
birds, so that they may serve as prey to the snake. I do not, however,
wish to doubt that the sounds may occasionally subserve this end. But the
conclusion at which I have arrived, viz. that the rattling serves as a
warning to would-be devourers, appears to me much more probable, as it
connects together various classes of facts. If this snake had acquired its
rattle and the habit of rattling, for the sake of attracting prey, it does
not seem probable that it would have invariably used its instrument when
angered or disturbed. Prof. Shaler takes nearly the same view as I do of
the manner of development of the rattle; and I have always held this
opinion since observing the Trigonocephalus in South America.]
427 (return)
[ The ‘American Naturalist,’ Jan. 1872, p. 32. I regret that I can't agree with Prof. Shaler's belief that the rattle developed through natural selection to create sounds that deceive and attract birds, making them easy prey for the snake. However, I don’t want to dismiss the idea that the sounds might sometimes serve this purpose. The conclusion I've reached—that the rattling serves as a warning to potential predators—seems much more likely to me, as it links various types of evidence. If this snake developed its rattle and the behavior of rattling to attract prey, it doesn’t seem reasonable that it would always use its rattle when threatened or disturbed. Prof. Shaler shares a similar view to mine regarding how the rattle developed, and I've held this opinion since observing the Trigonocephalus in South America.]
428 (return)
[ From the accounts
lately collected, and given in the ‘Journal of the Linnean Society,’ by
Airs. Barber, on the habits of the snakes of South Africa; and from the
accounts published by several writers, for instance by Lawson, of the
rattle-snake in North America,—it does not seem improbable that the
terrific appearance of snakes and the sounds produced by them, may
likewise serve in procuring prey, by paralysing, or as it is sometimes
called fascinating, the smaller animals.]
428 (return)
[Based on the recent reports compiled in the ‘Journal of the Linnean Society’ by Mr. Barber about the behaviors of snakes in South Africa, along with the accounts from various authors, including Lawson regarding the rattlesnake in North America—it seems likely that the frightening look of snakes and the noises they make might also help them catch prey by paralyzing, or as it’s sometimes termed, fascinating smaller animals.]
429 (return)
[ See the account by Dr.
R. Brown, in Proc. Zool. Soc. 1871, p. 39. He says that as soon as a pig
sees a snake it rushes upon it; and a snake makes off immediately on the
appearance of a pig.]
429 (return)
[ Check out Dr. R. Brown's account in Proc. Zool. Soc. 1871, p. 39. He notes that as soon as a pig sees a snake, it charges at it, and the snake quickly escapes when a pig shows up.]
430 (return)
[ Dr. Günther remarks
(‘Reptiles of British India,’ p. 340) on the destruction of cobras by the
ichneumon or herpestes, and whilst the cobras are young by the
jungle-fowl. It is well known that the peacock also eagerly kills snakes.]
430 (return)
[ Dr. Günther notes
(‘Reptiles of British India,’ p. 340) that ichneumons or mongooses destroy cobras, and that young cobras are preyed upon by jungle-fowl. It's also well known that peacocks are keen hunters of snakes.]
431 (return)
[ Prof. Cope enumerates a
number of kinds in his ‘Method of Creation of Organic Types,’ read before
the American Phil. Soc., December 15th, 1871, p. 20. Prof. Cope takes the
same view as I do of the use of the gestures and sounds made by snakes. I
briefly alluded to this subject in the last edition of my ‘Origin of
Species.’ Since the passages in the text above have been printed, I have
been pleased to find that Mr. Henderson (‘The American Naturalist,’ May,
1872, p. 260) also takes a similar view of the use of the rattle, namely
“in preventing an attack from being made.”]
431 (return)
[ Prof. Cope lists several types in his ‘Method of Creation of Organic Types,’ presented to the American Phil. Soc. on December 15, 1871, p. 20. Prof. Cope shares my perspective on the significance of the gestures and sounds produced by snakes. I briefly mentioned this topic in the last edition of my ‘Origin of Species.’ Since the excerpts in the text above were published, I have been happy to discover that Mr. Henderson (‘The American Naturalist,’ May 1872, p. 260) also supports a similar view regarding the use of the rattle, specifically that it is “to prevent an attack from being made.”]
432 (return)
[ Mr. des Vœux, in Proc.
Zool. Soc. 1871, p. 3.]
432 (return)
[ Mr. des Vœux, in Proc. Zool. Soc. 1871, p. 3.]
433 (return)
[ ‘The Sportsman and
Naturalist in Canada,’ 1866, p. 53. p. 53.{sic}]
433 (return)
[ 'The Sportsman and Naturalist in Canada,' 1866, p. 53. p. 53.{sic}]
434 (return)
[ ‘The Nile Tributaries
of Abyssinia,’ 1867, p. 443.]
434 (return)
[ ‘The Nile Tributaries of Abyssinia,’ 1867, p. 443.]
501 (return)
[ ‘The Anatomy of
Expression,’ 1844, p. 190.]
501 (return)
[ ‘The Anatomy of Expression,’ 1844, p. 190.]
502 (return)
[ ‘De la Physionomie,’
1865, pp. 187, 218.]
502 (return)
[ ‘De la Physionomie,’ 1865, pp. 187, 218.]
503 (return)
[ ‘The Anatomy of
Expression,’ 1844, p. 140.]
503 (return)
[ ‘The Anatomy of Expression,’ 1844, p. 140.]
504 (return)
[ Many particulars are
given by Gueldenstädt in his account of the jackal in Nov. Comm. Acad. Sc.
Imp. Petrop. 1775, tom. xx. p. 449. See also another excellent account of
the manners of this animal and of its play, in ‘Land and Water,’ October,
1869. Lieut. Annesley, R. A., has also communicated to me some particulars
with respect to the jackal. I have made many inquiries about wolves and
jackals in the Zoological Gardens, and have observed them for myself.]
504 (return)
[ Gueldenstädt provides many details in his report on the jackal in the Nov. Comm. Acad. Sc. Imp. Petrop. 1775, vol. xx, p. 449. You can also find another great description of the behavior of this animal and its play in ‘Land and Water,’ October 1869. Lieut. Annesley, R. A., has also shared some details with me regarding the jackal. I have asked many questions about wolves and jackals at the Zoological Gardens and have observed them myself.]
505 (return)
[ ‘Land and Water,’
November 6, 1869.]
505 (return)
[ ‘Land and Water,’ November 6, 1869.]
506 (return)
[ Azara, ‘Quadrupèdes du
Paraquay,’ 1801, tom. 1. p. 136.]
506 (return)
[ Azara, ‘Quadrupèdes du Paraguay,’ 1801, vol. 1, p. 136.]
507 (return)
[ ‘Land and Water,’ 1867,
p. 657. See also Azara on the Puma, in the work above quoted.]
507 (return)
[ ‘Land and Water,’ 1867, p. 657. See also Azara on the Puma, in the previously mentioned work.]
508 (return)
[ Sir C. Bell, ‘Anatomy
of Expression,’ 3rd edit. p. 123. See also p. 126, on horses not breathing
through their mouths, with reference to their distended nostrils.]
508 (return)
[ Sir C. Bell, ‘Anatomy of Expression,’ 3rd ed. p. 123. See also p. 126, regarding horses not breathing through their mouths, noting their flared nostrils.]
510 (return)
[ ‘Natural History of
Mammalia,’ 1841, vol. 1. pp. 383, 410.]
510 (return)
[ ‘Natural History of Mammals,’ 1841, vol. 1. pp. 383, 410.]
511 (return)
[ Rengger (‘Sagetheire
von Paraquay’, 1830, s. 46) kept these monkeys in confinement for seven
years in their native country of Paraguay.]
511 (return)
[ Rengger (‘Sagetheire von Paraquay’, 1830, p. 46) kept these monkeys in captivity for seven years in their home country of Paraguay.]
512 (return)
[ Rengger, ibid. s. 46.
Humboldt, ‘Personal Narrative, Eng. translat. vol. iv. p. 527.]
512 (return)
[ Rengger, ibid. p. 46. Humboldt, ‘Personal Narrative, Eng. trans. vol. iv. p. 527.]
513 (return)
[ Nat. Hist. of Mammalia,
1841, p. 351.]
513 (return)
[ Nat. Hist. of Mammalia, 1841, p. 351.]
514 (return)
[ Brehm, ‘Thierleben,’ B.
i. s. 84. On baboons striking the ground, s. 61.]
514 (return)
[ Brehm, ‘Animal Life,’ B. i. p. 84. On baboons hitting the ground, p. 61.]
515 (return)
[ Brehm remarks
(‘Thierleben,’ s. 68) that the eyebrows of the Inuus ecaudatus are
frequently moved up and down when the animal is angered.]
515 (return)
[ Brehm notes (‘Thierleben,’ p. 68) that the eyebrows of the Inuus ecaudatus often move up and down when the animal is angry.]
516 (return)
[ G. Bennett, ‘Wanderings
in New South Wales,’ &c. vol. ii. 1834, p. 153. FIG. 18.-Chimpanzee
disappointed and sulky. Drawn from life by Mr. Wood.]
516 (return)
[ G. Bennett, ‘Wanderings in New South Wales,’ &c. vol. ii. 1834, p. 153. FIG. 18.-Chimpanzee feeling let down and moody. Captured from life by Mr. Wood.]
517 (return)
[ W. L. Martin, Nat.
Hist. of Mamm. Animals, 1841, p. 405.]
517 (return)
[ W. L. Martin, Nat. Hist. of Mamm. Animals, 1841, p. 405.]
518 (return)
[ Prof. Owen on the
Orang, Proc. Zool. Soc. 1830, p. 28. On the Chimpanzee, see Prof.
Macalister, in Annals and Mag. of Nat. Hist. vol. vii. 1871, p. 342, who
states that the corrugator supercilii is inseparable from the orbicularis
palpebrarum.]
518 (return)
[ Prof. Owen on the Orangutan, Proc. Zool. Soc. 1830, p. 28. For information on the Chimpanzee, see Prof. Macalister, in Annals and Mag. of Nat. Hist. vol. vii. 1871, p. 342, who mentions that the corrugator supercilii is connected to the orbicularis palpebrarum.]
519 (return)
[ Boston Journal of Nat.
Hist. 1845—-47, vol. v. p. 423. On the Chimpanzee, ibid. 1843-44,
vol. iv. p. 365.]
519 (return)
[ Boston Journal of Natural History 1845—-47, vol. v. p. 423. On the Chimpanzee, ibid. 1843-44, vol. iv. p. 365.]
520 (return)
[ See on this subject,
‘Descent of Man,’ vol. i. p. 20.]
520 (return)
[ For more on this topic, see 'Descent of Man,' vol. i. p. 20.]
522 (return)
[ ‘Anatomy of
Expression,’ 3rd edit. 1844, pp. 138, 121.]
522 (return)
[ 'Anatomy of Expression,' 3rd ed. 1844, pp. 138, 121.]
601 (return)
[ The best photographs in
my collection are by Mr. Rejlander, of Victoria Street, London, and by
Herr Kindermann, of Hamburg. Figs. 1, 3, 4, and 6 are by the former; and
figs. 2 and 5, by the latter gentleman. Fig. 6 is given to show moderate
crying in an older child.]
601 (return)
[ The best photos in my collection are by Mr. Rejlander, from Victoria Street, London, and by Herr Kindermann, from Hamburg. Figures 1, 3, 4, and 6 are by Mr. Rejlander; figures 2 and 5 are by Herr Kindermann. Figure 6 is included to illustrate moderate crying in an older child.]
602 (return)
[ Henle (‘Handbuch d.
Syst. Anat. 1858, B. i. s. 139) agrees with Duchenne that this is the
effect of the contraction of the pyramidalis nasi.]
602 (return)
[Henle (‘Handbook of Systematic Anatomy 1858, Vol. 1, p. 139) agrees with Duchenne that this is the result of the contraction of the pyramidalis nasi.]
603 (return)
[ These consist of the levator
labii superioris alaeque nasi, the levator labii proprius, the
malaris, and the zygomaticus minor, or little zygomatic.
This latter muscle runs parallel to and above the great zygomatic, and is
attached to the outer part of the upper lip. It is represented in fig. 2
(I. p. 24), but not in figs. 1 and 3. Dr. Duchenne first showed
(‘Mécanisme de la Physionomie Humaine,’ Album, 1862, p. 39) the importance
of the contraction of this muscle in the shape assumed by the features in
crying. Henle considers the above-named muscles (excepting the malaris)
as subdivisions of the quadratus labii superioris.]
603 (return)
[ These include the levator labii superioris alaeque nasi, the levator labii proprius, the malaris, and the zygomaticus minor, or little zygomatic. This last muscle runs parallel to and above the larger zygomatic and is attached to the outer part of the upper lip. It is shown in fig. 2 (I. p. 24), but not in figs. 1 and 3. Dr. Duchenne first highlighted (‘Mécanisme de la Physionomie Humaine,’ Album, 1862, p. 39) the importance of this muscle's contraction in shaping facial features during crying. Henle considers the muscles mentioned above (except for the malaris) as subdivisions of the quadratus labii superioris.]
604 (return)
[ Although Dr. Duchenne
has so carefully studied the contraction of the different muscles during
the act of crying, and the furrows on the face thus produced, there seems
to be something incomplete in his account; but what this is I cannot say.
He has given a figure (Album, fig. 48) in which one half of the face is
made, by galvanizing the proper muscles, to smile; whilst the other half
is similarly made to begin crying. Almost all those (viz. nineteen out of
twenty-one persons) to whom I showed the smiling half of the face
instantly recognized the expression; but, with respect to the other half,
only six persons out of twenty-one recognized it,—that is, if we
accept such terms as “grief,” “misery,” “annoyance,” as correct;—whereas,
fifteen persons were ludicrously mistaken; some of them saying the face
expressed “fun,” “satisfaction,” “cunning,” “disgust,” &c. We may
infer from this that there is something wrong in the expression. Some of
the fifteen persons may, however, have been partly misled by not expecting
to see an old man crying, and by tears not being secreted. With respect to
another figure by Dr. Duchenne (fig. 49), in which the muscles of half the
face are galvanized in order to represent a man beginning to cry, with the
eyebrow on the same side rendered oblique, which is characteristic of
misery, the expression was recognized by a greater proportional number of
persons. Out of twenty-three persons, fourteen answered correctly,
“sorrow,” “distress,” “grief,” “just going to cry,” “endurance of pain,”
&c. On the other hand, nine persons either could form no opinion or
were entirely wrong, answering, “cunning leer,” “jocund,” “looking at an
intense light,” “looking at a distant object,” &c.]
604 (return)
[ Although Dr. Duchenne has carefully studied how different muscles contract during crying and the resulting facial expressions, there seems to be something lacking in his description; but I can't pinpoint what it is. He provided an illustration (Album, fig. 48) where one half of the face is stimulated to smile while the other half is similarly induced to start crying. Almost all the people (nineteen out of twenty-one) I showed the smiling side to instantly recognized the expression; however, only six out of twenty-one identified the crying side correctly—using terms like “grief,” “misery,” “annoyance”—while fifteen others were comically mistaken, interpreting the expression as “fun,” “satisfaction,” “cunning,” “disgust,” etc. This suggests something is off with the expression. Some of the fifteen might have been influenced by not expecting to see an old man crying and the absence of tears. Regarding another illustration by Dr. Duchenne (fig. 49), which shows half the face stimulated to depict a man starting to cry with the eyebrow on that side angled downwards, typical of misery, a higher proportion of people recognized the expression. Out of twenty-three individuals, fourteen accurately described it as “sorrow,” “distress,” “grief,” “about to cry,” “endurance of pain,” etc. Conversely, nine either had no opinion or were completely wrong, suggesting “cunning leer,” “joyful,” “looking at a bright light,” “looking at something far away,” etc.]
605 (return)
[ Mrs. Gaskell, ‘Mary
Barton,’ new edit. p. 84.]
605 (return)
[ Mrs. Gaskell, ‘Mary Barton,’ new edit. p. 84.]
606 (return)
[ ‘Mimik und
Physiognomik,’ 1867, s. 102. Duchenne, Mécanisme de la Phys. Humaine,
Album, p. 34.]
606 (return)
[ ‘Mimicry and Physiognomy,’ 1867, p. 102. Duchenne, Mechanism of Human Physiology, Album, p. 34.]
607 (return)
[ Dr. Duchenne makes this
remark, ibid. p. 39.]
607 (return)
[ Dr. Duchenne notes this in the same source, p. 39.]
608 (return)
[ ‘The Origin of
Civilization,’ 1870, p. 355.]
608 (return)
[ ‘The Origin of Civilization,’ 1870, p. 355.]
609 (return)
[ See, for instance, Mr.
Marshall’s account of an idiot in Philosoph. Transact. 1864, p. 526. With
respect to cretins, see Dr. Piderit, ‘Mimik und Physiognomik,’ 1867, s.
61.]
609 (return)
[See, for example, Mr. Marshall’s description of a fool in Philosoph. Transact. 1864, p. 526. Regarding cretins, refer to Dr. Piderit, ‘Mimik und Physiognomik,’ 1867, p. 61.]
610 (return)
[ ‘New Zealand and its
Inhabitants,’ 1855, p. 175.]
610 (return)
[‘New Zealand and its Inhabitants,’ 1855, p. 175.]
612 (return)
[ ‘The Anatomy of
Expression,’ 1844, p. 106. See also his paper in the ‘Philosophical
Transactions,’ 1822, p. 284, ibid. 1823, pp. 166 and 289. Also ‘The
Nervous System of the Human Body,’ 3rd edit. 1836, p. 175.]
612 (return)
[ ‘The Anatomy of Expression,’ 1844, p. 106. See also his paper in the ‘Philosophical Transactions,’ 1822, p. 284, ibid. 1823, pp. 166 and 289. Also ‘The Nervous System of the Human Body,’ 3rd ed. 1836, p. 175.]
613 (return)
[ See Dr. Brinton’s
account of the act of vomiting, in Todd’s Cyclop. of Anatomy and
Physiology, 1859, vol. v. Supplement, p. 318.]
613 (return)
[ See Dr. Brinton’s description of vomiting in Todd’s Cyclopedia of Anatomy and Physiology, 1859, vol. v. Supplement, p. 318.]
614 (return)
[ I am greatly indebted
to Mr. Bowman for having introduced me to Prof. Donders, and for his aid
in persuading this great physiologist to undertake the investigation of
the present subject. I am likewise much indebted to Mr. Bowman for having
given me, with the utmost kindness, information on many points.]
614 (return)
[ I'm very grateful to Mr. Bowman for introducing me to Prof. Donders and for his help in convincing this great physiologist to study this topic. I also owe a lot to Mr. Bowman for kindly providing me with information on many points.]
615 (return)
[ This memoir first
appeared in the ‘Nederlandsch Archief voor Genees en Natuurkunde,’ Deel
5, 1870. It has been translated by Dr. W. D. Moore, under the title of “On
the Action of the Eyelids in determination of Blood from expiratory
effort,” in ‘Archives of Medicine,’ edited by Dr. L. S. Beale, 1870, vol.
v. p. 20.]
615 (return)
[ This memoir was first published in the ‘Dutch Archive for Medicine and Natural Science,’ Volume 5, 1870. It has been translated by Dr. W. D. Moore, titled “On the Action of the Eyelids in Determining Blood from Exhalation Efforts,” in ‘Archives of Medicine,’ edited by Dr. L. S. Beale, 1870, vol. v. p. 20.]
616 (return)
[ Prof. Donders remarks
(ibid. p. 28), that, “After injury to the eye, after operations, and in
some forms of internal inflammation, we attach great value to the uniform
support of the closed eyelids, and we increase this in many instances by
the application of a bandage. In both cases we carefully endeavour to
avoid great expiratory pressure, the disadvantage of which is well known.”
Mr. Bowman informs me that in the excessive photophobia, accompanying what
is called scrofulous ophthalmia in children, when the light is so very
painful that during weeks or months it is constantly excluded by the most
forcible closure of the lids, he has often been struck on opening the lids
by the paleness of the eye,—not an unnatural paleness, but an
absence of the redness that might have been expected when the surface is
somewhat inflamed, as is then usually the case; and this paleness he is
inclined to attribute to the forcible closure of the eyelids.]
616 (return)
[ Prof. Donders notes (ibid. p. 28) that, “After an eye injury, following surgeries, and in some types of internal inflammation, we place significant importance on maintaining consistent support of the closed eyelids, which we often enhance by using a bandage. In both situations, we carefully try to avoid excessive pressure when exhaling, as the drawbacks of this are well-recognized.” Mr. Bowman tells me that in cases of severe sensitivity to light, known as scrofulous ophthalmia in children, where the light is so painful that it is kept out by the eyelids being tightly shut for weeks or months, he has often noticed, upon opening the eyelids, the eye’s unusual paleness—not a natural pale, but a lack of redness that would normally be expected in a somewhat inflamed surface, as is typically the case; he believes this pallor might be due to the forceful closure of the eyelids.]
618 (return)
[ Mr. Hensleigh Wedgwood
(Dict. of English Etymology, 1859, vol. i. p. 410) says, “the verb to weep
comes from Anglo-Saxon wop, the primary meaning of which is simply
outcry.”]
618 (return)
[ Mr. Hensleigh Wedgwood (Dict. of English Etymology, 1859, vol. i. p. 410) says, “the verb to weep comes from Anglo-Saxon wop, which primarily means just an outcry.”]
620 (return)
[ ‘Ceylon,’ 3rd edit.
1859, vol. ii. pp. 364, 376. I applied to Mr. Thwaites, in Ceylon, for
further information with respect to the weeping of the elephant; and in
consequence received a letter from the Rev. Mr Glenie, who, with others,
kindly observed for me a herd of recently captured elephants. These, when
irritated, screamed violently; but it is remarkable that they never when
thus screaming contracted the muscles round the eyes. Nor did they shed
tears; and the native hunters asserted that they had never observed
elephants weeping. Nevertheless, it appears to me impossible to doubt Sir
E. Tennent’s distinct details about their weeping, supported as they are
by the positive assertion of the keeper in the Zoological Gardens. It is
certain that the two elephants in the Gardens, when they began to trumpet
loudly, invariably contracted their orbicular muscles. I can reconcile
these conflicting statements only by supposing that the recently captured
elephants in Ceylon, from being enraged or frightened, desired to observe
their persecutors, and consequently did not contract their orbicular
muscles, so that their vision might not be impeded. Those seen weeping by
Sir E. Tennent were prostrate, and had given up the contest in despair.
The elephants which trumpeted in the Zoological Gardens at the word of
command, were, of course, neither alarmed nor enraged.]
620 (return)
[ ‘Ceylon,’ 3rd edit. 1859, vol. ii. pp. 364, 376. I reached out to Mr. Thwaites in Ceylon for more information about the elephants' crying; as a result, I received a letter from Rev. Mr. Glenie, who, along with others, kindly observed a group of recently captured elephants for me. When these elephants were irritated, they screamed loudly; however, it's notable that they never contracted the muscles around their eyes while doing so. Nor did they shed tears, and the local hunters claimed they had never seen elephants cry. However, I find it hard to doubt Sir E. Tennent’s clear descriptions about their crying, especially since they are backed by the keeper's strong assertion from the Zoological Gardens. It’s a fact that the two elephants in the Gardens, when they started trumpeting loudly, always contracted their eye muscles. I can only make sense of these conflicting accounts by suggesting that the recently captured elephants in Ceylon, being angry or frightened, wanted to keep an eye on their pursuers and thus didn’t contract their eye muscles so that their vision wouldn’t be obstructed. The elephants seen crying by Sir E. Tennent were lying down and had given up in despair. The elephants that trumpeted on command in the Zoological Gardens, of course, were neither scared nor angry.]
621 (return)
[ Bergeon, as quoted in
the ‘Journal of Anatomy and Physiology,’ Nov. 1871, p. 235.]
621 (return)
[ Bergeon, as cited in the 'Journal of Anatomy and Physiology,' Nov. 1871, p. 235.]
622 (return)
[ See, for instance, a
case given by Sir Charles Bell, ‘Philosophical Transactions,’ 1823, p.
177.]
622 (return)
[Check out a case presented by Sir Charles Bell in 'Philosophical Transactions,' 1823, p. 177.]
623 (return)
[ See, on these several
points, Prof. Donders ‘On the Anomalies of Accommodation and Refraction of
the Eye,’ 1864, p. 573.]
623 (return)
[See, on these various points, Prof. Donders’ "On the Anomalies of Accommodation and Refraction of the Eye," 1864, p. 573.]
624 (return)
[ Quoted by Sir J.
Lubbock, ‘Prehistoric Times,’ 1865, p. 458.]
624 (return)
[ Quoted by Sir J. Lubbock, ‘Prehistoric Times,’ 1865, p. 458.]
701 (return)
[ The above descriptive
remarks are taken in part from my own observations, but chiefly from
Gratiolet (‘De la Physionomie,’ pp. 53, 337; on Sighing, 232), who has
well treated this whole subject. See, also, Huschke, ‘Mimices et
Physiognomices, Fragmentum Physiologi-cum,’ 1821, p. 21. On the dulness of
the eyes, Dr. Piderit, ‘Mimik und Physiognomik,’ 1867, s. 65.]
701 (return)
[ The descriptive comments above come partly from my own observations, but mainly from Gratiolet (‘De la Physionomie,’ pp. 53, 337; on Sighing, 232), who has thoroughly explored this entire topic. Also, see Huschke, ‘Mimices et Physiognomices, Fragmentum Physiologi-cum,’ 1821, p. 21. Regarding the dullness of the eyes, refer to Dr. Piderit, ‘Mimik und Physiognomik,’ 1867, s. 65.]
702 (return)
[ On the action of grief
on the organs of respiration, see more especially Sir C. Bell, ‘Anatomy of
Expression,’ 3rd edit. 1844, p. 151.]
702 (return)
[ For information on how grief affects the respiratory system, refer to Sir C. Bell, ‘Anatomy of Expression,’ 3rd edition, 1844, p. 151.]
703 (return)
[ In the foregoing
remarks on the manner in which the eyebrows are made oblique, I have
followed what seems to be the universal opinion of all the anatomists,
whose works I have consulted on the action of the above-named muscles, or
with whom I have conversed. Hence throughout this work I shall take a
similar view of the action of the corrugator supercilii, orbicularis,
pyramidalis nasi, and frontalis muscles. Dr. Duchenne, however, believes,
and every conclusion at which he arrives deserves serious consideration,
that it is the corrugator, called by him the sourcilier, which raises the
inner corner of the eyebrows and is antagonistic to the upper and inner
part of the orbicular muscle, as well as to the pyramidalis nasi (see
Mécanisme de la Phys. Humaine, 1862, folio, art. v., text and figures 19
to 29: octavo edit. 1862, p. 43 text). He admits, however, that the
corrugator draws together the eyebrows, causing vertical furrows above the
base of the nose, or a frown. He further believes that towards the outer
two-thirds of the eyebrow the corrugator acts in conjunction with the
upper orbicular muscle; both here standing in antagonism to the frontal
muscle. I am unable to understand, judging from Henle’s drawings (woodcut,
fig. 3), how the corrugator can act in the manner described by Duchenne.
See, also, on this subject, Prof. Donders’ remarks in the ‘Archives of
Medicine,’ 1870, vol. v. p. 34. Mr. J. Wood, who is so well known for his
careful study of the muscles of the human frame, informs me that he
believes the account which I have given of the action of the corrugator to
be correct. But this is not a point of any importance with respect to the
expression which is caused by the obliquity of the eyebrows, nor of much
importance to the theory of its origin.]
703 (return)
[ In my earlier comments about how the eyebrows are tilted, I’ve followed what seems to be the general agreement among all the anatomists whose works I’ve reviewed regarding the functions of these muscles, or with whom I’ve talked. Therefore, throughout this work, I will maintain a similar perspective on the role of the corrugator supercilii, orbicularis, pyramidalis nasi, and frontalis muscles. Dr. Duchenne, however, has a different opinion, and his conclusions deserve serious consideration. He believes that the corrugator, which he refers to as the sourcilier, raises the inner corner of the eyebrows and opposes the upper inner part of the orbicular muscle, as well as the pyramidalis nasi (see Mécanisme de la Phys. Humaine, 1862, folio, art. v., text and figures 19 to 29: octavo edit. 1862, p. 43 text). He does acknowledge that the corrugator brings the eyebrows together, creating vertical lines above the base of the nose, or a frown. He also believes that in the outer two-thirds of the eyebrow, the corrugator works along with the upper orbicular muscle; both opposing the frontal muscle. I find it difficult to understand, based on Henle’s drawings (woodcut, fig. 3), how the corrugator can function as Duchenne describes. See also Prof. Donders’ comments on this topic in the ‘Archives of Medicine,’ 1870, vol. v. p. 34. Mr. J. Wood, known for his thorough study of the muscles of the human body, has informed me that he thinks my explanation of the corrugator’s action is accurate. However, this is not particularly significant regarding the expression caused by the tilting of the eyebrows, nor is it very important to the theory of its origin.]
704 (return)
[ I am greatly indebted
to Dr. Duchenne for permission to have these two photographs (figs. 1 and
2) reproduced by the heliotype process from his work in folio. Many of the
foregoing remarks on the furrowing of the skin, when the eyebrows are
rendered oblique, are taken from his excellent discussion on this
subject.]
704 (return)
[ I am very grateful to Dr. Duchenne for allowing me to reproduce these two photographs (figs. 1 and 2) using the heliotype process from his folio. Many of the previous comments on the skin folds when the eyebrows are angled are drawn from his excellent discussion on this topic.]
705 (return)
[ Mécanisme de la Phys.
Humaine, Album, p. 15.]
705 (return)
[Mechanism of Human Physiology, Album, p. 15.]
706 (return)
[ Henle, Handbuch der
Anat. des Menschen, 1858, B. i. s. 148, figs. 68 and 69.]
706 (return)
[ Henle, Handbook of Human Anatomy, 1858, Vol. I, p. 148, figs. 68 and 69.]
707 (return)
[ See the account of the
action of this muscle by Dr. Duchenne, ‘Mécanisme de la Physionomie
Humaine, Album (1862), viii. p. 34.]
707 (return)
[ See the description of how this muscle works by Dr. Duchenne, ‘Mécanisme de la Physionomie Humaine, Album (1862), viii. p. 34.]
801 (return)
[ Herbert Spencer,
‘Essays Scientific,’ &c., 1858, p. 360.]
801 (return)
[ Herbert Spencer, ‘Scientific Essays,’ etc., 1858, p. 360.]
802 (return)
[ F. Lieber on the vocal
sounds of L. Bridgman, ‘Smithsonian Contributions,’ 1851, vol. ii. p. 6.]
802 (return)
[ F. Lieber on the vocal sounds of L. Bridgman, ‘Smithsonian Contributions,’ 1851, vol. ii. p. 6.]
803 (return)
[ See, also, Mr.
Marshall, in Phil. Transact. 1864, p. 526.]
803 (return)
[See also Mr. Marshall in Phil. Transact. 1864, p. 526.]
804 (return)
[ Mr. Bain (‘The Emotions
and the Will,’ 1865, p. 247) has a long and interesting discussion on the
Ludicrous. The quotation above given about the laughter of the gods is
taken from this work. See, also, Mandeville, ‘The Fable of the Bees,’ vol.
ii. p. 168.]
804 (return)
[ Mr. Bain (‘The Emotions and the Will,’ 1865, p. 247) has a lengthy and engaging discussion on what’s funny. The quote above regarding the laughter of the gods comes from this work. Also, see Mandeville, ‘The Fable of the Bees,’ vol. ii. p. 168.]
805 (return)
[ ‘The Physiology of
Laughter,’ Essays, Second Series, 1863, p. 114.]
805 (return)
[ 'The Physiology of Laughter,' Essays, Second Series, 1863, p. 114.]
806 (return)
[ J. Lister in ‘Quarterly
Journal of Microscopical Science,’ 1853, vol. 1. p. 266.]
806 (return)
[ J. Lister in ‘Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science,’ 1853, vol. 1. p. 266.]
808 (return)
[ Sir C. Bell (Anat. of
Expression, p. 147) makes some remarks on the movement of the diaphragm
during laughter.]
808 (return)
[ Sir C. Bell (Anat. of Expression, p. 147) comments on how the diaphragm moves when we laugh.]
809 (return)
[ ‘Mécanisme de la
Physionomie Humaine,’ Album, Légende vi.]
809 (return)
[ ‘Mechanism of Human Physionomy,’ Album, Legend vi.]
810 (return)
[ Handbuch der System.
Anat. des Menschen, 1858, B. i. s. 144. See my woodcut (H. fig. 2).]
810 (return)
[ Handbook of the System. Anatomy of Humans, 1858, Vol. I, p. 144. Check out my illustration (H. fig. 2).]
811 (return)
[ See, also, remarks to
the same effect by Dr. J. Crichton Browne in ‘Journal of Mental Science,’
April, 1871, p. 149.]
811 (return)
[ See, also, remarks to the same effect by Dr. J. Crichton Browne in ‘Journal of Mental Science,’ April, 1871, p. 149.]
812 (return)
[ C. Vogt, ‘Mémoire sur
les Microcéphales,’ 1867, p. 21.]
812 (return)
[ C. Vogt, ‘Memory on the Microcephals,’ 1867, p. 21.]
813 (return)
[ Sir C. Bell, ‘Anatomy
of Expression,’ p. 133.]
813 (return)
[ Sir C. Bell, ‘Anatomy of Expression,’ p. 133.]
814 (return)
[ ‘Mimik und
Physiognomik,’ 1867, s. 63-67.]
814 (return)
[ 'Mimicry and Physiognomy,' 1867, pp. 63-67.]
815 (return)
[ Sir T. Reynolds remarks
(‘Discourses,’ xii. p. 100), “it is curious to observe, and it is
certainly true, that the extremes of contrary passions are, with very
little variation, expressed by the same action.” He gives as an instance
the frantic joy of a Bacchante and the grief of a Mary Magdalen.]
815 (return)
[ Sir T. Reynolds notes (‘Discourses,’ xii. p. 100), “it’s interesting to see, and it’s definitely true, that the extremes of opposing emotions are expressed by nearly the same action.” He uses the wild joy of a Bacchante and the sorrow of Mary Magdalene as examples.]
816 (return)
[ Dr. Piderit has come to
the same conclusion, ibid. s. 99.]
816 (return)
[ Dr. Piderit has reached the same conclusion, ibid. p. 99.]
817 (return)
[ ‘La Physionomie,’ par
G. Lavater, edit. of 1820, vol. iv. p. 224. See, also, Sir C. Bell,
‘Anatomy of Expression,’ p. 172, for the quotation given below.]
817 (return)
[ 'Physiognomy,' by G. Lavater, 1820 edition, vol. iv, p. 224. Also, see Sir C. Bell, 'Anatomy of Expression,' p. 172, for the quote provided below.]
818 (return)
[ A ‘Dictionary of
English Etymology,’ 2nd edit. 1872, Introduction, p. xliv.]
818 (return)
[ A ‘Dictionary of English Etymology,’ 2nd ed. 1872, Introduction, p. xliv.]
819 (return)
[ Crantz, quoted by
Tylor, ‘Primitive Culture,’ 1871, Vol. i. P. 169.]
819 (return)
[ Crantz, cited by Tylor, ‘Primitive Culture,’ 1871, Vol. i. P. 169.]
820 (return)
[ F. Lieber, ‘Smithsonian
Contributions,’ 1851, vol. ii. p. 7.]
820 (return)
[ F. Lieber, ‘Smithsonian Contributions,’ 1851, vol. ii. p. 7.]
821 (return)
[ Mr. Bain remarks
(‘Mental and Moral Science,’ 1868, p. 239), “Tenderness is a pleasurable
emotion, variously stimulated, whose effort is to draw human beings into
mutual embrace.”]
821 (return)
[ Mr. Bain comments (‘Mental and Moral Science,’ 1868, p. 239), “Tenderness is a pleasurable emotion, triggered in different ways, aimed at bringing people together in a close bond.”]
822 (return)
[ Sir J. Lubbock,
‘Prehistoric Times,’ 2nd edit. 1869, p. 552, gives full authorities for
these statements. The quotation from Steele is taken from this work.]
822 (return)
[ Sir J. Lubbock, ‘Prehistoric Times,’ 2nd ed. 1869, p. 552, provides complete references for these statements. The quote from Steele is sourced from this book.]
823 (return)
[ See a full acount,{sic}
with references, by E. B. Tylor, ‘Researches into the Early History of
Mankind,’ 2nd edit. 1870, p. 51.]
823 (return)
[ See a complete account, with references, by E. B. Tylor, ‘Researches into the Early History of Mankind,’ 2nd edition, 1870, p. 51.]
824 (return)
[ ‘The Descent of Man,’
vol. ii. p. 336.]
824 (return)
[ ‘The Descent of Man,’ vol. ii. p. 336.]
825 (return)
[ Dr. Mandsley has a
discussion to this effect in his ‘Body and Mind,’ 1870, p. 85.]
825 (return)
[ Dr. Mandsley talks about this in his book 'Body and Mind,' 1870, p. 85.]
826 (return)
[ ‘The Anatomy of
Expression,’ p. 103, and ‘Philosophical Transactions,’ 1823, p. 182.]
826 (return)
[ ‘The Anatomy of Expression,’ p. 103, and ‘Philosophical Transactions,’ 1823, p. 182.]
827 (return)
[ ‘The Origin of
Language,’ 1866, p. 146. Mr. Tylor (‘Early History of Mankind,’ 2nd edit.
1870, p. 48) gives a more complex origin to the position of the hands
during prayer.]
827 (return)
[ 'The Origin of Language,' 1866, p. 146. Mr. Tylor ('Early History of Mankind,' 2nd ed. 1870, p. 48) offers a more complex explanation for the position of the hands during prayer.]
901 (return)
[ ‘Anatomy of
Expression,’ pp. 137, 139. It is not surprising that the corrugators
should have become much more developed in man than in the anthropoid apes;
for they are brought into incessant action by him under various
circumstances, and will have been strengthened and modified by the
inherited effects of use. We have seen how important a part they play,
together with the orbiculares, in protecting the eyes from being too much
gorged with blood during violent expiratory movements. When the eyes are
closed as quickly and as forcibly as possible, to save them from being
injured by a blow, the corrugators contract. With savages or other men
whose heads are uncovered, the eyebrows are continually lowered and
contracted to serve as a shade against a too strong light; and this is
effected partly by the corrugators. This movement would have been more
especially serviceable to man, as soon as his early progenitors held their
heads erect. Lastly, Prof. Donders believes (‘Archives of Medicine,’ ed.
by L. Beale, 1870, vol. v. p. 34), that the corrugators are brought into
action in causing the eyeball to advance in accommodation for proximity in
vision.]
901 (return)
[ ‘Anatomy of Expression,’ pp. 137, 139. It's not surprising that the corrugators are more developed in humans than in anthropoid apes; they are constantly activated by humans in various situations and would have been strengthened and adapted through inherited effects of use. We’ve seen how vital they are, along with the orbiculares, in protecting the eyes from excessive blood accumulation during intense exhalation. When the eyes need to be closed quickly and forcefully to avoid injury from a blow, the corrugators tighten. In people living in simpler conditions or those with uncovered heads, the eyebrows are frequently lowered and furrowed to act as a shield against strong light; this is partly due to the corrugators. This action would have been particularly useful to humans as soon as their early ancestors started holding their heads upright. Lastly, Prof. Donders believes (‘Archives of Medicine,’ ed. by L. Beale, 1870, vol. v. p. 34) that the corrugators are involved in moving the eyeball forward to adjust for close-up vision.]
902 (return)
[ ‘Mécanisme de la
Physionomie Humaine,’ Album, Légende iii.]
902 (return)
[ ‘Mechanism of Human Physiognomy,’ Album, Legend iii.]
904 (return)
[ ‘History of the
Abipones,’ Eng. translat. vol. ii. p. 59, as quoted by Lubbock, ‘Origin of
Civilisation,’ 1870, p. 355.]
904 (return)
[ ‘History of the Abipones,’ Eng. translat. vol. ii. p. 59, as quoted by Lubbock, ‘Origin of Civilization,’ 1870, p. 355.]
905 (return)
[ ‘De la Physionomie,’
pp. 15, 144, 146. Mr. Herbert Spencer accounts for frowning exclusively by
the habit of contracting the brows as a shade to the eyes in a bright
light: see ‘Principles of Physiology,’ 2nd edit. 1872, p. 546.]
905 (return)
[ ‘On Physiognomy,’ pp. 15, 144, 146. Mr. Herbert Spencer explains frowning solely as a result of the habit of furrowing the brows to shield the eyes from bright light: see ‘Principles of Physiology,’ 2nd edition, 1872, p. 546.]
906 (return)
[ Gratiolet remarks (De
la Phys. p. 35), “Quand l’attention est fixee sur quelque image
interieure, l’oeil regarde dons le vide et s’associe automatiquement a la
contemplation de l’esprit.” But this view hardly deserves to be called an
explanation.]
906 (return)
[ Gratiolet notes (De la Phys. p. 35), “When attention is focused on some inner image, the eye stares into space and automatically aligns with the contemplation of the mind.” But this perspective barely qualifies as an explanation.]
908 (return)
[ The original photograph
by Herr Kindermann is much more expressive than this copy, as it shows the
frown on the brow more plainly.]
908 (return)
[ The original photograph by Herr Kindermann is way more expressive than this copy, as it clearly shows the frown on the brow.]
909 (return)
[ ‘Mécanisme de la
Physionomie Humaine,’ Album, Légende iv. figs. 16-18.]
909 (return)
[ 'Mechanism of Human Physiognomy,' Album, Legend iv. figs. 16-18.]
910 (return)
[ Hensleigh Wedgwood on
‘The Origin of Language,’ 1866, p. 78.]
910 (return)
[ Hensleigh Wedgwood on
‘The Origin of Language,’ 1866, p. 78.]
911 (return)
[ Müller, as quoted by
Huxley, ‘Man’s Place in Nature,’ 1863, p. 38.]
911 (return)
[ Müller, as quoted by Huxley, ‘Man’s Place in Nature,’ 1863, p. 38.]
912 (return)
[ I have given several
instances in my ‘Descent of Man,’ vol. i. chap. iv.]
912 (return)
[ I have provided several examples in my ‘Descent of Man,’ vol. i. chap. iv.]
1001 (return)
[ See some remarks to
this effect by Mr. Bain, ‘The Emotions and the Will,’ 2nd edit. 1865, p.
127.]
1001 (return)
[ Check out some comments on this by Mr. Bain, ‘The Emotions and the Will,’ 2nd edition, 1865, p. 127.]
1002 (return)
[ Rengger, Naturgesch.
der Säugethiere von Paraguay, 1830, s. 3.]
1002 (return)
[ Rengger, Natural History of Mammals in Paraguay, 1830, p. 3.]
1003 (return)
[ Sir C. Bell, ‘Anatomy
of Expression,’ p. 96. On the other hand, Dr. Burgess (‘Physiology of
Blushing,’ 1839, p. 31) speaks of the reddening of a cicatrix in a negress
as of the nature of a blush.]
1003 (return)
[ Sir C. Bell, ‘Anatomy of Expression,’ p. 96. Conversely, Dr. Burgess (‘Physiology of Blushing,’ 1839, p. 31) discusses the reddening of a scar in a Black woman as resembling a blush.]
1004 (return)
[ Moreau and Gratiolet
have discussed the colour of the face under the influence of intense
passion: see the edit. of 1820 of Lavater, vol. iv. pp. 282 and 300; and
Gratiolet, ‘De la Physionomie,’ p. 345.]
1004 (return)
[ Moreau and Gratiolet have talked about how the color of the face changes with strong emotions: see the 1820 edition of Lavater, vol. iv. pp. 282 and 300; and Gratiolet, ‘De la Physionomie,’ p. 345.]
1005 (return)
[ Sir C. Bell ‘Anatomy
of Expression,’ pp. 91, 107, has fully discussed this subject. Moreau
remarks (in the edit. of 1820 of ‘La Physionomie, par G. Lavater,’ vol.
iv. p. 237), and quotes Portal in confirmation, that asthmatic patients
acquire permanently expanded nostrils, owing to the habitual contraction
of the elevatory muscles of the wings of the nose. The explanation by Dr.
Piderit (‘Mimik und Physiognomik,’ s. 82) of the distension of the
nostrils, namely, to allow free breathing whilst the mouth is closed and
the teeth clenched, does not appear to be nearly so correct as that by Sir
C. Bell, who attributes it to the sympathy (i. e. habitual
co-action) of all the respiratory muscles. The nostrils of an angry man
may be seen to become dilated, although his mouth is open.]
1005 (return)
[ Sir C. Bell’s ‘Anatomy of Expression,’ pages 91 and 107, discusses this topic in detail. Moreau notes (in the 1820 edition of ‘La Physionomie, par G. Lavater,’ volume iv, page 237), citing Portal for support, that people with asthma develop permanently expanded nostrils due to the constant tightening of the muscles that lift the nostrils. Dr. Piderit's explanation (‘Mimik und Physiognomik,’ page 82) suggests that the nostrils expand to allow breathing when the mouth is closed and the teeth are clenched, but this doesn’t seem nearly as accurate as Sir C. Bell's view, which links it to the coordination of all respiratory muscles. You can observe that an angry person's nostrils become dilated even when their mouth is open.]
1006 (return)
[ Mr. Wedgwood, ‘On the
Origin of Language,’ 1866, p. 76. He also observes that the sound of hard
breathing “is represented by the syllables puff, huff, whiff,
whence a huff is a fit of ill-temper.”]
1006 (return)
[ Mr. Wedgwood, ‘On the Origin of Language,’ 1866, p. 76. He also notes that the sound of heavy breathing “is captured by the syllables puff, huff, whiff, which is why a huff refers to a fit of bad temper.”]
1007 (return)
[ Sir C. Bell ‘Anatomy
of Expression,’ p. 95) has some excellent remarks on the expression of
rage.]
1007 (return)
[ Sir C. Bell ‘Anatomy of Expression,’ p. 95) offers some great insights on the expression of anger.]
1008 (return)
[ ‘De la Physionomie,’
1865, p. 346.]
1008 (return)
[ ‘On Physiognomy,’ 1865, p. 346.]
1009 (return)
[ Sir C. Bell, ‘Anatomy
of Expression,’ p. 177. Gratiolet (De la Phys. p. 369) says, ‘les dents se
découvrent, et imitent symboliquement l’action de déchirer et de mordre.’I
If, instead of using the vague term symboliquement, Gratiolet had
said that the action was a remnant of a habit acquired during primeval
times when our semi-human progenitors fought together with their teeth,
like gorillas and orangs at the present day, he would have been more
intelligible. Dr. Piderit (‘Mimik,’ &c., s. 82) also speaks of the
retraction of the upper lip during rage. In an engraving of one of
Hogarth’s wonderful pictures, passion is represented in the plainest
manner by the open glaring eyes, frowning forehead, and exposed grinning
teeth.]
1009 (return)
[ Sir C. Bell, ‘Anatomy of Expression,’ p. 177. Gratiolet (De la Phys. p. 369) says, ‘the teeth are bared, and symbolically imitate the act of tearing and biting.’ If Gratiolet had replaced the vague term symbolically with a description of this action as a remnant of a habit from ancient times when our semi-human ancestors fought with their teeth, like gorillas and orangutans do today, he would have been clearer. Dr. Piderit (‘Mimik,’ &c., s. 82) also mentions the lifting of the upper lip during anger. In an engraving of one of Hogarth’s remarkable pictures, passion is depicted quite clearly through wide-open glaring eyes, a furrowed brow, and exposed grinning teeth.]
1010 (return)
[ ‘Oliver Twist,’ vol.
iii. p. 245.]
1010 (return)
[ ‘Oliver Twist,’ vol. iii. p. 245.]
1011 (return)
[ ‘The Spectator,’ July
11, 1868, p. 810.]
1011 (return)
[ 'The Spectator,' July 11, 1868, p. 810.]
1012 (return)
[ ‘Body and Mind,’
1870, pp. 51-53.]
1012 (return)
[ ‘Body and Mind,’ 1870, pp. 51-53.]
1013 (return)
[ Le Brun, in his
well-known ‘Conference sur l’Expression’ (‘La Physionomie, par Lavater,’
edit. of 1820, vol. lx. p. 268), remarks that anger is expressed by the
clenching of the fists. See, to the same effect, Huschke, ‘Mimices et
Physiognomices, Fragmentum Physiologicum,’ 1824, p. 20. Also Sir C. Bell,
‘Anatomy of Expression,’ p. 219.]
1013 (return)
[ Le Brun, in his well-known ‘Conference on Expression’ (‘Physiognomy, by Lavater,’ ed. of 1820, vol. lx. p. 268), notes that anger is shown by clenching the fists. See, similarly, Huschke, ‘Mimics and Physiognomics, Physiological Fragment,’ 1824, p. 20. Also Sir C. Bell, ‘Anatomy of Expression,’ p. 219.]
1014 (return)
[ Transact. Philosoph.
Soc., Appendix, 1746, p. 65.]
1014 (return)
[ Transact. Philosoph. Soc., Appendix, 1746, p. 65.]
1015 (return)
[ ‘Anatomy of
Expression,’ p. 136. Sir C. Bell calls (p. 131) the muscles which uncover
the canines the snarling muscles.]
1015 (return)
[ ‘Anatomy of Expression,’ p. 136. Sir C. Bell refers to (p. 131) the muscles that expose the canine teeth as the snarling muscles.]
1016 (return)
[ Hensleigh Wedgwood,
‘Dictionary of English Etymology,’ 1865, vol. iii. pp. 240, 243.]
1016 (return)
[ Hensleigh Wedgwood, ‘Dictionary of English Etymology,’ 1865, vol. iii. pp. 240, 243.]
1017 (return)
[ ‘The Descent of Man,’
1871, vol. L p. 126.]
1017 (return)
[ ‘The Descent of Man,’ 1871, vol. L p. 126.]
1101 (return)
[ ‘De In Physionomie et
la Parole,’ 1865, p. 89.]
1101 (return)
[ 'On Physiology and Speech,' 1865, p. 89.]
1102 (return)
[ ‘Physionomie
Humaine,’ Album, Légende viii. p. 35. Gratiolet also speaks (De la Phys.
1865, p. 52) of the turning away of the eyes and body.]
1102 (return)
[ ‘Human Physiology,’ Album, Legend viii. p. 35. Gratiolet also discusses (On Physiology, 1865, p. 52) the turning away of the eyes and body.]
1103 (return)
[ Dr. W. Ogle, in an
interesting paper on the Sense of Smell (‘Medico-Chirurgical
Transactions,’ vol. liii. p. 268), shows that when we wish to smell
carefully, instead of taking one deep nasal inspiration, we draw in the
air by a succession of rapid short sniffs. If “the nostrils be watched
during this process, it will be seen that, so far from dilating, they
actually contract at each sniff. The contraction does not include the
whole anterior opening, but only the posterior portion.” He then explains
the cause of this movement. When, on the other hand, we wish to exclude
any odour, the contraction, I presume, affects only the anterior part of
the nostrils.]
1103 (return)
[ Dr. W. Ogle, in an interesting paper on the Sense of Smell (‘Medico-Chirurgical Transactions,’ vol. liii. p. 268), shows that when we want to smell something carefully, instead of taking one deep breath through our nose, we actually take in the air with a series of quick, short sniffs. If you watch the nostrils during this process, you'll see that they actually narrow with each sniff instead of widening. This narrowing doesn't include the entire front opening, just the back part.” He then explains the reason for this movement. Conversely, when we want to block out a smell, I assume that the narrowing affects only the front part of the nostrils.]
1104 (return)
[ ‘Mimik und
Physiognomik,’ ss. 84, 93. Gratiolet (ibid. p. 155) takes nearly the same
view with Dr. Piderit respecting the expression of contempt and disgust.]
1104 (return)
[ 'Mimicry and Physiognomy,' pp. 84, 93. Gratiolet (ibid. p. 155) shares a similar perspective with Dr. Piderit regarding the expression of contempt and disgust.]
1105 (return)
[ Scorn implies a
strong form of contempt; and one of the roots of the word ‘scorn’ means,
according to Mr. Wedgwood (Dict. of English Etymology, vol. iii. p. 125),
ordure or dirt. A person who is scorned is treated like dirt.]
1105 (return)
[Scorn indicates a deep level of contempt; and one meaning of the word 'scorn,' as noted by Mr. Wedgwood (Dict. of English Etymology, vol. iii. p. 125), refers to filth or dirt. Someone who is scorned is regarded as worthless.]
1106 (return)
[ ‘Early History of
Mankind,’ 2nd edit. 1870, p. 45.]
1106 (return)
[ ‘Early History of Mankind,’ 2nd ed. 1870, p. 45.]
1107 (return)
[ See, to this effect,
Mr. Hensleigh Wedgwood’s Introduction to the ‘Dictionary of English
Etymology,’ 2nd edit. 1872, p. xxxvii.]
1107 (return)
[ See, for this purpose, Mr. Hensleigh Wedgwood’s Introduction to the ‘Dictionary of English Etymology,’ 2nd ed. 1872, p. xxxvii.]
1108 (return)
[ Duchenne believes
that in the eversion of the lower lip, the corners are drawn downwards by
the depressores anguli oris. Henle (Handbuch d. Anat. des Menschen,
1858, B. i. s. 151) concludes that this is effected by the musculus
quadratus menti.]
1108 (return)
[ Duchenne thinks that when the lower lip is turned outwards, the corners are pulled down by the depressores anguli oris. Henle (Handbuch d. Anat. des Menschen, 1858, B. i. s. 151) concludes that this is caused by the musculus quadratus menti.]
1109 (return)
[ As quoted by Tylor,
‘Primitive Culture,’ 1871, vol. i. p. 169.]
1109 (return)
[ As quoted by Tylor, ‘Primitive Culture,’ 1871, vol. i. p. 169.]
1110 (return)
[ Both these quotations
are given by Mr. H. Wedgwood, ‘On the Origin of Language,’ 1866, p. 75.]
1110 (return)
[ Both these quotes are from Mr. H. Wedgwood, ‘On the Origin of Language,’ 1866, p. 75.]
1111 (return)
[ This is stated to be
the case by Mr. Tylor (Early Hist. of Mankind, 2nd edit. 1870, p. 52); and
he adds, “it is not clear why this should be so.”]
1111 (return)
[ Mr. Tylor mentions this (Early Hist. of Mankind, 2nd edit. 1870, p. 52), and he adds, “it’s not clear why this is the case.”]
1112 (return)
[ ‘Principles of
Psychology,’ 2nd edit. 1872, p. 552.]
1112 (return)
[ ‘Principles of Psychology,’ 2nd edit. 1872, p. 552.]
1113 (return)
[ Gratiolet (De la
Phys. p. 351) makes this remark, and has some good observations on the
expression of pride. See Sir C. Bell (‘Anatomy of Expression,’ p. 111) on
the action of the musculus superbus.]
1113 (return)
[ Gratiolet (De la Phys. p. 351) makes this point and offers some interesting insights on the expression of pride. Check out Sir C. Bell (‘Anatomy of Expression,’ p. 111) for details on the action of the musculus superbus.]
1116 (return)
[ Mrs. Oliphant, ‘The
Brownlows,’ vol. ii. p. 206.]
1116 (return)
[ Mrs. Oliphant, ‘The Brownlows,’ vol. ii. p. 206.]
1117 (return)
[ ‘Essai sur le
Langage,’ 2nd edit. 1846. I am much indebted to Miss Wedgwood for having
given me this information, with an extract from the work.]
1117 (return)
[ ‘Essay on Language,’ 2nd edition, 1846. I'm very grateful to Miss Wedgwood for providing me with this information, along with an excerpt from the work.]
1118 (return)
[ ‘On the Origin of
Language,’ 1866, p. 91.]
1118 (return)
[ ‘On the Origin of Language,’ 1866, p. 91.]
1119 (return)
[ ‘On the Vocal Sounds
of L. Bridgman;’ Smithsonian Contributions, 1851, vol. ii. p. 11.]
1119 (return)
[ ‘On the Vocal Sounds of L. Bridgman;’ Smithsonian Contributions, 1851, vol. ii. p. 11.]
1120 (return)
[ ‘Mémoire sur les
Microcéphales,’ 1867, p. 27.]
1120 (return)
[ 'Memoir on Microcephaly,' 1867, p. 27.]
1121 (return)
[ Quoted by Tylor,
‘Early History of Mankind,’ 2nd edit. 1870, p. 38.]
1121 (return)
[ Quoted by Tylor, ‘Early History of Mankind,’ 2nd edition, 1870, p. 38.]
1122 (return)
[ Mr. J. B. Jukes,
‘Letters and Extracts,’ &c. 1871, p. 248.]
1122 (return)
[ Mr. J. B. Jukes, ‘Letters and Extracts,’ & c. 1871, p. 248.]
1123 (return)
[ F. Lieber, ‘On the
Vocal Sounds,’ &c. p. 11. Tylor, ibid. p. 53.]
1123 (return)
[ F. Lieber, ‘On the Vocal Sounds,’ &c. p. 11. Tylor, ibid. p. 53.]
1124 (return)
[ Dr. King, Edinburgh
Phil. Journal, 1845, p. 313.]
1124 (return)
[ Dr. King, Edinburgh Phil. Journal, 1845, p. 313.]
1125 (return)
[ Tylor, ‘Early History
of Mankind,’ 2nd edit. 1870, p. 53.]
1125 (return)
[ Tylor, ‘Early History of Mankind,’ 2nd ed. 1870, p. 53.]
1126 (return)
[ Lubbock, ‘The Origin
of Civilization,’ 1870, p. 277. Tylor, ibid. p. 38. Lieber (ibid. p. 11)
remarks on the negative of the Italians.]
1126 (return)
[ Lubbock, ‘The Origin of Civilization,’ 1870, p. 277. Tylor, ibid. p. 38. Lieber (ibid. p. 11) comments on the negatives of the Italians.]
1201 (return)
[ ‘Mécanisme de la
Physionomie,’ Album, 1862, p. 42.]
1201 (return)
[ 'Mechanism of the Face,' Album, 1862, p. 42.]
1202 (return)
[ ‘The Polyglot News
Letter,’ Melbourne, Dec. 1858, p. 2.]
1202 (return)
[ ‘The Polyglot Newsletter,’ Melbourne, Dec. 1858, p. 2.]
1203 (return)
[ ‘The Anatomy of
Expression,’ p. 106.]
1203 (return)
[ ‘The Anatomy of Expression,’ p. 106.]
1204 (return)
[ Mécanisme de la
Physionomie,’ Album, p. 6.]
1204 (return)
[ Mechanism of Physiognomy,’ Album, p. 6.]
1205 (return)
[ See, for instance,
Dr. Piderit (‘Mimik und Physiognomik,’ s. 88), who has a good discussion
on the expression of surprise.]
1205 (return)
[See, for example, Dr. Piderit (‘Mimik und Physiognomik,’ p. 88), who has a solid discussion on the expression of surprise.]
1206 (return)
[ Dr. Murie has also
given me information leading to the same conclusion, derived in part from
comparative anatomy.]
1206 (return)
[ Dr. Murie has also provided me with information that supports the same conclusion, which is partly based on comparative anatomy.]
1207 (return)
[ ‘De la Physionomie,’
1865, p. 234.]
1207 (return)
[ 'De la Physionomie,' 1865, p. 234.]
1208 (return)
[ See, on this subject,
Gratiolet, ibid. p. 254.]
1208 (return)
[See, on this topic, Gratiolet, ibid. p. 254.]
1209 (return)
[ Lieber, ‘On the Vocal
Sounds of Laura Bridgman,’ Smithsonian Contributions, 1851, vol. ii. p.
7.]
1209 (return)
[ Lieber, ‘On the Vocal Sounds of Laura Bridgman,’ Smithsonian Contributions, 1851, vol. ii. p. 7.]
1211 (return)
[ Lieber, ‘On the Vocal
Sounds,’ &c., ibid. p. 7.]
1211 (return)
[ Lieber, ‘On the Vocal Sounds,’ &c., ibid. p. 7.]
1212 (return)
[ Huschke, ‘Mimices et
Physiognomices,’ 1821, p. 18. Gratiolet (De la Phys. p. 255) gives a
figure of a man in this attitude, which, however, seems to me expressive
of fear combined with astonishment. Le Brun also refers (Lavater, vol. ix.
p. 299) to the hands of an astonished man being opened.]
1212 (return)
[ Huschke, ‘Mimices et Physiognomices,’ 1821, p. 18. Gratiolet (De la Phys. p. 255) provides an illustration of a man in this position, which, in my opinion, conveys a mix of fear and surprise. Le Brun also notes (Lavater, vol. ix. p. 299) that the hands of a shocked person are often open.]
1214 (return)
[ ‘North American
Indians,’ 3rd edit. 1842, vol. i. p. 105.]
1214 (return)
[ ‘North American Indians,’ 3rd edition, 1842, vol. i, p. 105.]
1215 (return)
[ H. Wedgwood, Dict. of
English Etymology, vol. ii. 1862, p. 35. See, also, Gratiolet (‘De la
Physionomie,’ p. 135) on the sources of such words as ‘terror, horror,
rigidus, frigidus,’ &c.]
1215 (return)
[ H. Wedgwood, Dict. of English Etymology, vol. ii. 1862, p. 35. See also Gratiolet (‘De la Physionomie,’ p. 135) on the origins of words like ‘terror, horror, rigid, frigid,’ etc.]
1216 (return)
[ Mr. Bain (‘The
Emotions and the Will,’ 1865, p. 54) explains in the following manner the
origin of the custom “of subjecting criminals in India to the ordeal of
the morsel of rice. The accused is made to take a mouthful of rice, and
after a little time to throw it out. If the morsel is quite dry, the party
is believed to be guilty,—his own evil conscience operating to
paralyse the salivating organs.”]
1216 (return)
[ Mr. Bain (‘The Emotions and the Will,’ 1865, p. 54) describes the origin of the custom of subjecting criminals in India to the ordeal of a mouthful of rice like this: The accused is asked to take a mouthful of rice and then, after a short time, spit it out. If the morsel is completely dry, it's assumed the person is guilty—because their own guilty conscience causes their salivary glands to fail.]
1217 (return)
[ Sir C. Bell,
Transactions of Royal Phil. Soc. 1822, p. 308. ‘Anatomy of Expression,’ p.
88 and pp. 164-469.]
1217 (return)
[ Sir C. Bell, Transactions of Royal Phil. Soc. 1822, p. 308. ‘Anatomy of Expression,’ p. 88 and pp. 164-469.]
1218 (return)
[ See Moreau on the
rolling of the eyes, in the edit. of 1820 of Lavater, tome iv. p. 263.
Also, Gratiolet, De la Phys. p. 17.]
1218 (return)
[ See Moreau on eye-rolling, in the 1820 edition of Lavater, volume iv, page 263. Also, Gratiolet, De la Phys. page 17.]
1219 (return)
[ ‘Observations on
Italy,’ 1825, p. 48, as quoted in ‘The Anatomy of Expression,’ p. 168.]
1219 (return)
[ ‘Observations on Italy,’ 1825, p. 48, as quoted in ‘The Anatomy of Expression,’ p. 168.]
1220 (return)
[ Quoted by Dr.
Maudsley, ‘Body and Mind,’ 1870, p. 41.]
1220 (return)
[Quoted by Dr. Maudsley, 'Body and Mind,' 1870, p. 41.]
1222 (return)
[ Mécanisme de la Phys.
Humaine, Album, Légende xi.]
1222 (return)
[ Mechanism of Human Physiology, Album, Legend xi.]
1223 (return)
[ Ducheinne takes, in
fact, this view (ibid. p. 45), as he attributes the contraction of the
platysma to the shivering of fear (frisson de la peur); but he
elsewhere compares the action with that which causes the hair of
frightened quadrupeds to stand erect; and this can hardly be considered as
quite correct.]
1223 (return)
[ Ducheinne actually supports this view (ibid. p. 45) as he links the tightening of the platysma to the shivering that comes with fear (frisson de la peur); however, he also compares this action to what happens when the hair of frightened animals stands on end; and this can hardly be seen as entirely accurate.]
1224 (return)
[ ‘De la Physionomie,’
pp. 51, 256, 346.]
1224 (return)
[ ‘De la Physionomie,’ pp. 51, 256, 346.]
1225 (return)
[ As quoted in White’s
‘Gradation in Man,’ p. 57.]
1225 (return)
[ As quoted in White’s ‘Gradation in Man,’ p. 57.]
1227 (return)
[ ‘Mécanisme de la
Physionomie,’ Album, pl. 65, pp. 44, 45.]
1227 (return)
[ 'Mechanism of the Physionomy,' Album, pl. 65, pp. 44, 45.]
1228 (return)
[ See remarks to this
effect by Mr. Wedgwood, in the Introduction to his ‘Dictionary of English
Etymology,’ 2nd edit. 1872, p. xxxvii. He shows by intermediate forms that
the sounds here referred to have probably given rise to many words, such
as ugly, huge, &c.]
1228 (return)
[ See comments on this by Mr. Wedgwood in the Introduction to his ‘Dictionary of English Etymology,’ 2nd ed. 1872, p. xxxvii. He demonstrates through intermediate forms that the sounds mentioned here have likely led to the creation of many words, like ugly, huge, etc.]
1301 (return)
[ ‘The Physiology or
Mechanism of Blushing,’ 1839, p. 156. I shall have occasion often to quote
this work in the present chapter.]
1301 (return)
[ ‘The Physiology or Mechanism of Blushing,’ 1839, p. 156. I will frequently reference this work in the current chapter.]
1302 (return)
[ Dr. Burgess, ibid. p.
56. At p. 33 he also remarks on women blushing more freely than men, as
stated below.]
1302 (return)
[ Dr. Burgess, ibid. p. 56. On p. 33, he also notes that women tend to blush more easily than men, as mentioned below.]
1303 (return)
[ Quoted by Vogt,
‘Mémoire sur les Microcéphales,’ 1867, p. 20. Dr. Burgess (ibid. p. 56)
doubts whether idiots ever blush.]
1303 (return)
[ Quoted by Vogt, 'Memoir on Microcephaly,' 1867, p. 20. Dr. Burgess (ibid. p. 56) questions whether people with intellectual disabilities ever blush.]
1304 (return)
[ Lieber ‘On the Vocal
Sounds,’ &c.; Smithsonian Contributions, 1851, vol. ii. p. 6.]
1304 (return)
[ Lieber 'On the Vocal Sounds,' etc.; Smithsonian Contributions, 1851, vol. ii. p. 6.]
1305 (return)
[ Ibid. p. 182.]
1305 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[Same source, p. 182.]
1306 (return)
[ Moreau, in edit. of
1820 of Lavater, vol. iv. p. 303.]
1306 (return)
[ Moreau, in the 1820 edition of Lavater, vol. iv. p. 303.]
1307 (return)
[ Burgess. ibid. p. 38,
on paleness after blushing, p. 177.]
1307 (return)
[ Burgess. same source. p. 38, on paleness after blushing, p. 177.]
1308 (return)
[ See Lavater, edit. of
1820, vol. iv. p. 303.]
1308 (return)
[ See Lavater, edit. of 1820, vol. iv. p. 303.]
1309 (return)
[ Burgess, ibid. pp.
114, 122. Moreau in Lavater, ibid. vol. iv. p. 293.]
1309 (return)
[ Burgess, same source, pp. 114, 122. Moreau in Lavater, same source, vol. iv. p. 293.]
1310 (return)
[ ‘Letters from Egypt,’
1865, p. 66. Lady Gordon is mistaken when she says Malays and Mulattoes
never blush.]
1310 (return)
[‘Letters from Egypt,’ 1865, p. 66. Lady Gordon is wrong when she claims Malays and Mulattoes never blush.]
1311 (return)
[ Capt. Osborn
(‘Quedah,’ p. 199), in speaking of a Malay, whom he reproached for
cruelty, says he was glad to see that the man blushed.]
1311 (return)
[Capt. Osborn (‘Quedah,’ p. 199), commenting on a Malay whom he criticized for being cruel, mentions that he was pleased to see the man blush.]
1312 (return)
[ J. R. Forster,
‘Observations during a Voyage round the World,’ 4to, 1778, p. 229. Waitz
gives (‘Introduction to Anthropology,’ Eng. translat. 1863, vol. i. p.
135) references for other islands in the Pacific. See, also, Dampier ‘On
the Blushing of the Tunquinese’ (vol. ii. p. 40); but I have not consulted
this work. Waitz quotes Bergmann, that the Kalmucks do not blush, but this
may be doubted after what we have seen with respect to the Chinese. He
also quotes Roth, who denies that the Abyssinians are capable of blushing.
Unfortunately, Capt. Speedy, who lived so long with the Abyssinians, has
not answered my inquiry on this head. Lastly, I must add that the Rajah
Brooke has never observed the least sign of a blush with the Dyaks of
Borneo; on the contrary under circumstances which would excite a blush in
us, they assert “that they feel the blood drawn from their faces.”]
1312 (return)
[ J. R. Forster, ‘Observations during a Voyage around the World,’ 4to, 1778, p. 229. Waitz gives (‘Introduction to Anthropology,’ Eng. translat. 1863, vol. i. p. 135) references for other islands in the Pacific. See also Dampier ‘On the Blushing of the Tunquinese’ (vol. ii. p. 40); but I have not consulted this work. Waitz quotes Bergmann, who states that the Kalmucks do not blush, but this can be questioned based on what we have seen regarding the Chinese. He also cites Roth, who claims that the Abyssinians cannot blush. Unfortunately, Capt. Speedy, who lived with the Abyssinians for a long time, has not responded to my inquiry on this matter. Lastly, I must mention that Rajah Brooke has never observed any sign of a blush among the Dyaks of Borneo; on the contrary, in situations that would cause a blush in us, they report “that they feel the blood drawn from their faces.”]
1313 (return)
[ Transact. of the
Ethnological Soc. 1870, vol. ii. p. 16.]
1313 (return)
[ Transactions of the Ethnological Society 1870, vol. ii. p. 16.]
1314 (return)
[ Humboldt, ‘Personal
Narrative,’ Eng. translat. vol. iii. p. 229.]
1314 (return)
[ Humboldt, 'Personal Narrative,' Eng. translat. vol. iii. p. 229.]
1315 (return)
[ Quoted by Prichard,
Phys. Hist. of Mankind, 4th edit 1851, vol. i. p. 271.]
1315 (return)
[ Quoted by Prichard,
Phys. Hist. of Mankind, 4th edit 1851, vol. i. p. 271.]
1316 (return)
[ See, on this head,
Burgess, ibid. p. 32. Also Waitz, ‘Introduction to Anthropology,’ Eng.
edit. vol. i. p. 139. Moreau gives a detailed account (‘Lavater,’ 1820,
tom. iv. p. 302) of the blushing of a Madagascar negress-slave when forced
by her brutal master to exhibit her naked bosom.]
1316 (return)
[ See, on this topic, Burgess, ibid. p. 32. Also Waitz, ‘Introduction to Anthropology,’ Eng. edit. vol. i. p. 139. Moreau provides a detailed account (‘Lavater,’ 1820, tom. iv. p. 302) of the blushing of a Madagascar enslaved woman when compelled by her cruel master to reveal her bare chest.]
1317 (return)
[ Quoted by Prichard,
Phys. Hist. of Mankind, 4th edit. 1851, vol. i. p. 225.]
1317 (return)
[ Quoted by Prichard, Phys. Hist. of Mankind, 4th edit. 1851, vol. i. p. 225.]
1318 (return)
[ Burgess, ibid. p. 31.
On mulattoes blushing, see p. 33. I have received similar accounts with
respect to, mulattoes.]
1318 (return)
[ Burgess, ibid. p. 31. On mulattoes blushing, see p. 33. I have received similar accounts regarding mulattoes.]
1319 (return)
[ Barrington also says
that the Australians of New South Wales blush, as quoted by Waitz, ibid.
p. 135.]
1319 (return)
[ Barrington also mentions that the people of New South Wales feel embarrassed, as cited by Waitz, ibid. p. 135.]
1320 (return)
[ Mr. Wedgwood says
(Dict. of English Etymology, vol. iii. 1865, p. 155) that the word shame
“may well originate in the idea of shade or concealment, and may be
illustrated by the Low German scheme, shade or shadow.” Gratiolet
(De la Phys. pp. 357-362) has a good discussion on the gestures
accompanying shame; but some of his remarks seem to me rather fanciful.
See, also, Burgess (ibid. pp. 69, 134) on the same subject.]
1320 (return)
[ Mr. Wedgwood states (Dict. of English Etymology, vol. iii. 1865, p. 155) that the word shame “likely comes from the idea of shade or concealment, and can be seen in the Low German scheme, meaning shade or shadow.” Gratiolet (De la Phys. pp. 357-362) has an interesting discussion on the gestures that go along with shame; however, some of his points seem a bit far-fetched to me. See also, Burgess (ibid. pp. 69, 134) on the same topic.]
1321 (return)
[ Burgess, ibid. pp.
181, 182. Boerhaave also noticed (as quoted by Gratiolet, ibid. p. 361)
the tendency to the secretion of tears during intense blushing. Mr.
Bulmer, as we have seen, speaks of the “watery eyes” of the children of
the Australian aborigines when ashamed.]
1321 (return)
[ Burgess, same source, pp. 181, 182. Boerhaave also noted (as quoted by Gratiolet, same source, p. 361) the tendency to tear up when blushing intensely. Mr. Bulmer, as we've seen, mentions the “watery eyes” of Australian aboriginal children when they feel ashamed.]
1322 (return)
[ See also Dr. J.
Crichton Browne’s Memoir on this subject in the ‘West Riding Lunatic
Asylum Medical Report,’ 1871, pp. 95-98.]
1322 (return)
[ See also Dr. J. Crichton Browne’s Memoir on this subject in the ‘West Riding Lunatic Asylum Medical Report,’ 1871, pp. 95-98.]
1323 (return)
[ In a discussion on
so-called animal magnetism in ‘Table Talk,’ vol. i.]
1323 (return)
[ In a discussion about so-called animal magnetism in ‘Table Talk,’ vol. i.]
1324 (return)
[ Ibid. p. 40.]
1324 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Same source, p. 40.]
1325 (return)
[ Mr. Bain (‘The
Emotions and the Will,’ 1865, p. 65) remarks on “the shyness of manners
which is induced between the sexes.... from the influence of mutual
regard, by the apprehension on either side of not standing well with the
other.”]
1325 (return)
[ Mr. Bain (‘The Emotions and the Will,’ 1865, p. 65) comments on “the shyness in behavior that happens between men and women.... due to the impact of mutual feelings, and the fear on either side of not being well-regarded by the other.”]
1326 (return)
[ See, for evidence on
this subject, ‘The Descent of Man,’ &c., vol. ii. pp. 71, 341.]
1326 (return)
[For evidence on this topic, see 'The Descent of Man,' &c., vol. ii. pp. 71, 341.]
1327 (return)
[ H. Wedgwood, Dict.
English Etymology, vol. iii. 1865, p. 184. So with the Latin word verecundus.]
1327 (return)
[ H. Wedgwood, Dict. English Etymology, vol. iii. 1865, p. 184. Same goes for the Latin word verecundus.]
1328 (return)
[ Mr. Bain (‘The
Emotions and the Will,’ p. 64) has discussed the “abashed” feelings
experienced on these occasions, as well as the stage-fright of
actors unused to the stage. Mr. Bain apparently attributes these feelings
to simple apprehension or dread.]
1328 (return)
[ Mr. Bain (‘The Emotions and the Will,’ p. 64) has talked about the “embarrassed” feelings people have in these situations, along with the stage fright actors feel when they’re not used to performing. Mr. Bain seems to suggest that these feelings come from basic anxiety or fear.]
1329 (return)
[ ‘Essays on Practical
Education,’ by Maria and R. L. Edgeworth, new edit. vol. ii. 1822, p. 38.
Dr. Burgess (ibid. p. 187) insists strongly to the same effect.]
1329 (return)
[ 'Essays on Practical Education,' by Maria and R. L. Edgeworth, new edition, vol. ii, 1822, p. 38. Dr. Burgess (ibid. p. 187) strongly argues the same point.]
1330 (return)
[ ‘Essays on Practical
Education,’ by Maria and R. L. Edgeworth, new edit. vol. ii. 1822, p. 50.]
1330 (return)
[ ‘Essays on Practical Education,’ by Maria and R. L. Edgeworth, new edit. vol. ii. 1822, p. 50.]
1331 (return)
[ Bell, ‘Anatomy of
Expression,’ p. 95. Burgess, as quoted below, ibid. p. 49. Gratiolet, De
la Phys. p. 94.]
1331 (return)
[ Bell, ‘Anatomy of Expression,’ p. 95. Burgess, as mentioned below, ibid. p. 49. Gratiolet, De la Phys. p. 94.]
1332 (return)
[ On the authority of
Lady Mary Wortley Montague; see Burgess, ibid. p. 43.]
1332 (return)
[ According to Lady Mary Wortley Montague; see Burgess, ibid. p. 43.]
1333 (return)
[ In England, Sir H.
Holland was, I believe, the first to consider the influence of mental
attention on various parts of the body, in his ‘Medical Notes and
Reflections,’ 1839 p. 64. This essay, much enlarged, was reprinted by Sir
H. Holland in his ‘Chapters on Mental Physiology,’ 1858, p. 79, from which
work I always quote. At nearly the same time, as well as subsequently,
Prof. Laycock discussed the same subject: see ‘Edinburgh Medical and
Surgical Journal,’ 1839, July, pp. 17-22. Also his ‘Treatise on the
Nervous Diseases of Women,’ 1840, p. 110; and ‘Mind and Brain,’ vol. ii.
1860, p. 327. Dr. Carpenter’s views on mesmerism have a nearly similar
bearing. The great physiologist Müller treated (‘Elements of Physiology,’
Eng. translat. vol. ii. pp. 937, 1085) of the influence of the attention
on the senses. Sir J. Paget discusses the influence of the mind on the
nutrition of parts, in his ‘Lectures on Surgical Pathology,’ 1853, vol. i.
p. 39: 1 quote from the 3rd edit. revised by Prof. Turner, 1870, p. 28.
See, also, Gratiolet, De la Phys. pp. 283-287.]
1333 (return)
[ In England, Sir H. Holland was, I believe, the first to explore how mental focus affects different parts of the body in his ‘Medical Notes and Reflections,’ 1839 p. 64. This essay, significantly expanded, was republished by Sir H. Holland in his ‘Chapters on Mental Physiology,’ 1858, p. 79, which I always reference. Around the same time, and later on, Prof. Laycock addressed the same topic: see ‘Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal,’ 1839, July, pp. 17-22. Also, his ‘Treatise on the Nervous Diseases of Women,’ 1840, p. 110; and ‘Mind and Brain,’ vol. ii. 1860, p. 327. Dr. Carpenter’s thoughts on mesmerism are quite similar. The great physiologist Müller discussed (‘Elements of Physiology,’ Eng. translat. vol. ii. pp. 937, 1085) the impact of attention on the senses. Sir J. Paget explores how the mind affects the nutrition of body parts in his ‘Lectures on Surgical Pathology,’ 1853, vol. i. p. 39: 1 quote from the 3rd edition revised by Prof. Turner, 1870, p. 28. See also, Gratiolet, De la Phys. pp. 283-287.]
1340 (return)
[ Dr. Maudsley has
given (‘The Physiology and Pathology of Mind,’ 2nd edit. 1868, p. 105), on
good authority, some curious statements with respect to the improvement of
the sense of touch by practice and attention. It is remarkable that when
this sense has thus been rendered more acute at any point of the body, for
instance, in a finger, it is likewise improved at the corresponding point
on the opposite side of the body.]
1340 (return)
[ Dr. Maudsley has provided ('The Physiology and Pathology of Mind,' 2nd ed. 1868, p. 105), based on reliable sources, some interesting observations regarding how practice and focus can enhance the sense of touch. It's notable that when this sense becomes sharper at any part of the body, such as a finger, it also improves at the corresponding area on the opposite side of the body.]
1341 (return)
[ The Lancet,’ 1838,
pp. 39-40, as quoted by Prof. Laycock, ‘Nervous Diseases of Women,’ 1840,
p. 110.]
1341 (return)
[ The Lancet, 1838, pp. 39-40, as quoted by Prof. Laycock, 'Nervous Diseases of Women,' 1840, p. 110.]
1342 (return)
[ ‘Chapters on Mental
Physiology,’ 1858, pp. 91-93.]
1342 (return)
[ ‘Chapters on Mental Physiology,’ 1858, pp. 91-93.]
1343 (return)
[ ‘Lectures on Surgical
Pathology,’ 3rd edit. revised by Prof. Turner, 1870, pp. 28, 31.]
1343 (return)
[ 'Lectures on Surgical Pathology,' 3rd edition, revised by Prof. Turner, 1870, pp. 28, 31.]
1344 (return)
[ ‘Elements of
Physiology,’ Eng. translat. vol. ii. p. 938.]
1344 (return)
[ ‘Elements of Physiology,’ English translation, vol. ii. p. 938.]
1345 (return)
[ Prof. Laycock has
discussed this point in a very interesting manner. See his ‘Nervous
Diseases of Women,’ 1840, p. 110.]
1345 (return)
[ Prof. Laycock has talked about this topic in a really interesting way. Check out his ‘Nervous Diseases of Women,’ 1840, p. 110.]
1346 (return)
[ See, also, Mr.
Michael Foster, on the action of the vaso-motor system, in his interesting
Lecture before the royal Institution, as translated in the ‘Revue des
Cours Scientifiques,’ Sept. 25, 1869, p. 683.]
1346 (return)
[Also, check out Mr. Michael Foster’s talk about the vaso-motor system in his engaging lecture at the Royal Institution, as translated in the ‘Revue des Cours Scientifiques,’ Sept. 25, 1869, p. 683.]
1401 (return)
[ See the interesting
facts given by Dr. Bateman on ‘Aphasia,’ 1870, p. 110.]
1401 (return)
[ Check out the interesting facts presented by Dr. Bateman on ‘Aphasia,’ 1870, p. 110.]
1402 (return)
[ ‘La Physionomie et la
Parole,’ 1865, pp. 103, 118.]
1402 (return)
[ ‘Facial Expressions and Speech,’ 1865, pp. 103, 118.]
1403 (return)
[ Rengger,
‘Naturgeschichte der Säugethiere von Paraguay,’ 1830, s. 55.]
1403 (return)
[ Rengger, ‘Natural History of the Mammals of Paraguay,’ 1830, p. 55.]
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