Page 230

It seems desirable, at the outset, to set forth certain general conclusions regarding the Tinguian and their neighbors. Probably no pagan tribe of the Philippines has received more frequent notice in literature, or has been the subject of more theories regarding its origin, despite the fact that information concerning it has been exceedingly scanty, and careful observations on the language and physical types have been totally lacking.

According to various writers, these people are descended from Chinese, Japanese, or Arabs; are typical Malay; are identical with the Igorot; are pacific, hospitable, and industrious; are inveterate head-hunters, inhospitable, lazy, and dirty. The detailed discussion of these assertions will follow later in the volume, but at this point I wish to state briefly the racial and cultural situation, as I believe it to exist in northwestern Luzon.

I am under the impression that at one time this whole region was inhabited by pygmy blacks, known as Aeta or Negrito, small groups of whom still retain their identity. With the coming of an alien people they were pressed back from the coasts to the less hospitable regions of the interior, where they were, for the most part, exterminated, but they intermarried with the invaders to such an extent that to-day there is no tribe or group in northwestern Luzon but shows evidence of intermixture with them. I believe that the newcomers were drawn from the so-called primitive Malay peoples of southeastern Asia; that in their movement eastward and northward they met with and absorbed remnants of an earlier migration made up of a people closely related to the Polynesians, and that the results of this intermixture are still evident, not only in Luzon, but in every part of the Archipelago.

In northern Luzon, I hold, we find evidences of at least two series of waves and periods of migration, the members of which are similar physical type and language. It appears, however, that they came from somewhat different localities of southeastern Asia and had, in their old homes, developed social organizations and other elements of Page 234culture radically different from one another—institutions and groupings which they brought with them to the Philippines, and which they have maintained up to the present time.

To the first series belong the Igorot1 with their institutions of trial marriage; division of their settlements into social and political units known as ato; separate dormitories for unmarried men and women; government by the federated divisions of a village as represented by the old men; and a peculiar and characteristic type of dwelling.

In the second wave series we find the Apayo, the western division at least of the people known as Kalinga, the Tinguian, and Ilocano.2 In none of these groups do we find the institutions just mentioned. Trial unions are unknown, and marriage restrictions are based solely on blood relationship; government is through the headman aided by the elders of his village, or is a pure democracy. Considerable variation exists between the dwellings of these four peoples, yet they conform to a general type which is radically different from that of the Igorot.

The Apayao and Kalinga divisions of this second wave series, by reason of their environment, their more isolated localities and consequent lack of frequent communication with the coast, have a simpler culture than that of the Tinguian; yet they have, during many generations, developed certain traits and institutions now apparently peculiar to them. The Tinguian and Ilocano, on the other hand, have had the advantages of outside communication of extensive trade, and the admixture of a certain amount of foreign blood.

These last two groups evidently left their ancient home as a unit, at a time prior to the Hindu domination of Java and Sumatra, but probably not until the influence of that civilization had begun to make itself felt. Traces of Indian culture are still to be found in the language, folklore, religion, and economic life of this people, while the native script which the Spanish found in use among the Ilocano seems, without doubt, to owe its origin to that source.

After reaching Luzon, this people slowly broke up into groups which spread out over the provinces of Ilocos Sur and Norte, Union and Abra. The partial isolation of some of these divisions, local feuds, the universal custom of head-hunting, and the need of human victims to accompany the spirits of the dead, all doubtless aided in separating Page 235the tribe into a number of dialect groups,—groups which nevertheless retained the old culture to a surprising degree.

Long before the arrival of the Spanish, Chinese and Japanese traders were visiting the Ilocos coasts. We are also informed that merchants from Macao and India went there from time to time, while trade relations with Pangasinan and the Tagalog provinces were well developed.

The leavening influence of trade and contact with other peoples resulted in such advancement that this people was early mentioned as one of the six “civilized” tribes of the Philippines.

Upon the arrival of Salcedo, the greater portion of the coast people accepted the rule of Spain and the Christian religion, while the more conservative element retired to the interior, and there became merged with the mountain people. To the Spaniards, the Christianized natives became known as Ilocano, while the people of the mountain valleys were called Tinguian, or mountain dwellers.

If the foregoing sketch is correct, as I believe the data which follow prove it to be, we find in the Tinguian of to-day a people living much the same sort of life as did the members of the more advanced groups at the time of the Spanish invasion, and we can study in them early Philippine society stripped of its European veneer.

This second and concluding section of Volume XIV gives the greater part of the results of an investigation carried on by me with the assistance of Mrs. Cole among the Tinguian, from January, 1907, to June, 1908; the funds for which were furnished Field Museum of Natural History by the late Robert F. Cummings. The further generosity of Mrs. Cummings, in contributing a fund toward the printing of this publication is also gratefully acknowledged.

A collection of texts and a study of the language are contemplated for a separate volume, as is also the detailed treatment of the anthropometric data.

For the transcription of the phonograph records and the chapter on Music, I am indebted to Mr. Albert Gale. His painstaking analysis establishes beyond question the value of the phonograph as an aid in ethnographic research.

The photographs, unless otherwise noted, were taken by the author in the field. Page 236

The Tinguian are a pagan Philippine people who inhabit chiefly the mountain province of Abra in northwestern Luzon. From this center their settlements radiate in all directions. To the north and west, they extend into Ilocos Sur and Norte as far as Kabittaoran. Manabo, on the south, is their last settlement; but Barit, Amtuagan, Gayaman, and Luluno are Tinguian mixed with Igorot from Agawa and Sagada. Villaviciosa is an Igorot settlement from Sagada, but Bulilising, still farther south, is predominantly Tinguian. Sigay in Amburayan is said to be made up of emigrants from Abra, while a few rancherias in Lepanto are likewise much influenced. The non-Christian population of Ilocos Sur, south of Vigan, is commonly called Tinguian, but only seven villages are properly so classed;1 four others are inhabited by a mixed population, while the balance are Igorot colonies from Titipan, Sagada, and Fidilisan. Along the Cordillera Central, from the head-waters of the Saltan (Malokbot) river as far south as Balatok, is found a population of mixed Tinguian, Kalinga, and Igorot blood. Kalinga predominates north of Balbalasang and along the Gobang river, while the Igorot is dominant in Guina-an, Lubuagan, and Balatok. Tinguian intermarriage has not extended far beyond Balbalasang, but their culture and dress have affected the whole region.2 From this belt there have been extensive migrations into Abra, the newcomers for the most part marrying with the Tinguian, but in the Ikmin river valley emigrants from Balatok formed the towns of Danok, Amti, and Doa-angan, which have remained quite isolated up to the present time. Agsimao and other towns of the Tineg group, in the extreme northern end of Abra, are made up chiefly of Apayao mixed with Kalinga, while all the villages on the headwaters of the Binongan have received emigrants from the Kagayan side. The population of the towns properly classed as Tinguian is approximately twenty thousand individuals.3 Page 237

From the foregoing it is seen that, with the exception of a few villages of mixed descent, all their territory lies on the western side of the Cordillera Central,4 the great mountain range which runs from north to south through northern Luzon.

As one emerges from the jungle, which covers the eastern slopes of these mountains, and looks down over the province of Abra, he sees an exceedingly broken land (Plates I and II), the subordinate ranges succeeding one another like the waves of the sea. The first impression is one of barrenness. The forest vanishes, and in its place are long grassy slopes, broken here and there by scattered pines and lower down by dense growths of the graceful, feathery bamboo. But this lack of trees is more fancied than real, for as one proceeds down any of the valleys he meets with side canyons, where the tropical jungle still holds sway, while many a mountain side is covered with a dense undergrowth of shrubs, plants, and vines. It seems probable that the forest once covered the western slopes of the mountains, but accident and intention on the part of man has cleared broad sections. As soon as the shade is removed, the land is invaded by a coarse grass (the cogon), and this is burned over each year in order to provide feed for the stock and to make good hunting grounds. The young trees are killed off and reforesting prevented.

Numerous streams plunge from the high mountains toward the coast. In places they rush through deep gorges between high mountains, again they pass peacefully through mountain valleys. Everywhere they are fed by minor streams and waterfalls until at last, as they emerge into the broader valleys of the Abra and its tributaries, they are rivers of respectable size.

The great central valley of Abra is far from being a level plain. In places, as about Manabo, Bukay, and Bangued, there are stretches of level land; but, for the most part, the country is rough and broken. This valley is cut off from the sea by the Coast Range of mountains which forms the provincial line between Abra and Ilocos Sur, while another heavy spur forms the northern limits of Abra from Ilocos Sur to the Cordillera Central. Two small and rather difficult passes afford entrance from the coastal plain into the valley, but the chief avenue of communication is the cut through which the Abra river reaches the sea. So narrow is this entrance that, at high water, the river completely covers the floor and often raises its waters ten or fifteen feet up the canyon side. In recent years a road has been cut in the rocks above the flood waters, but even to-day most of the traffic between Abra and Page 238the coast is carried on by means of rafts which are poled up the river.5

The rainfall averages about one hundred inches, and most of this precipitation takes place between May and the end of September. This, coupled with the lack of forest, causes the rivers to become rushing torrents during the rainy season, while during the balance of the year most of them are mere rivulets. Under these conditions there has been no development of navigation by the mountaineers. On occasion they may construct a bamboo raft, but they possess no boats of any description.

The great fluctuation of the streams makes fishing an uncertain occupation; yet at least a dozen varieties of fish are known, and enough are taken to add materially to the food supply.

Deer and pig are fairly abundant, and a considerable number is killed each year; wild carabao roam the mountain sides and uninhabited valleys, but they are dangerous animals, and can seldom be taken with the primitive weapons of the natives. Wild chickens are plentiful, and many are snared, together with smaller birds. In fact, there is sufficient game and fish to support a considerable population, if the people would turn seriously to their capture, so that the oft repeated statement that the mountaineers of Abra were forced to agriculture is not entirely accurate. It seems much more probable that, at the time of their entrance into the interior valleys, the Tinguian were already acquainted with terraced hillside fields, and that they developed them as needed.

The soil is fairly fertile, the rainfall abundant during the growing season, and the climate warm enough to insure good crops. The thermometer ranges between 80° and 85° during the day, but there is generally a land or sea breeze, so that actual discomfort from the heat is unusual. The nights are somewhat cooler, but a drop of a few degrees is felt so keenly that a person may be uncomfortarble at 70°.

Fogs and cold rains are not uncommon during the wet season, while one or more typhoons can be expected each year. Earthquakes are likewise of occasional occurrence, but the construction of the houses is such that storms and earthquakes do much less damage than along the coast.

There is no doubt that the natural ruggedness of the country and the long rainy season have had a strong influence on the people, but this has been chiefly in isolating them in small groups. The high Page 239mountains separating the narrow valleys, the lack of water transportation, the difficulty of maintaining trails, have all tended to keep the people in small communities, while the practice of head-hunting has likewise raised a barrier to free communication. Thus, the settlements within a limited area have become self-sustaining groups; a condition which has existed long enough to allow for the development of five dialects.

The traditions of the Tinguian furnish us with no stories of an earlier home than Luzon, but there are many accounts of migrations from the coast back into the mountains, after the arrival of the Spaniards and the Christianization of the Ilocano. The fact that there is an historical background for these tales is amply proven by fragments of pottery and the like, which the writer has recovered from the reported sites of ancient settlements.

The part played by this people in Philippine history is small indeed, and most of the references to them have been of an incidental nature.

Apparently, they first came in contact with the Spanish in 1572 when Salcedo was entrusted with the task of subduing that part of Luzon now known as the Ilocano provinces. The people he encountered are described as being more barbarous than the Tagalog, not so light complexioned, nor so well clad, but husbandmen who possessed large fields, and whose land abounded in rice and cotton.

Their villages were of considerable size, and each was ruled over by a local headman who owed allegiance to no central authority, There was a uniform, well recognized code of law or custom, and a considerable part of the population could read and write in a native script similar to that of the Tagalog. They also possessed gold, which was reported to have come from rich mines in the interior, and on primitive forges were turning out excellent steel weapons, but the use of fire-arms was unknown. According to Reyes, their weapons consisted of lances, bows and arrows, bolos, great shields which protected them from head to foot, blow guns and poisoned arrows. The newcomers also found a flourishing trade being carried on with Manila and the settlements in Pangasinan, as well as with the Chinese. This trade was of such importance that, as early as 1580 pirate fleets from Japan frequently scoured the coast in search of Chinese vessels and goods, while from time to time Japanese traders visited the Ilocos ports.

Apparently trade relations were not interrupted for a considerable time after the arrival of the Spaniards, for in 1629 Medina states that Page 240ships from China, Macao, and India “are accustomed to anchor in these ports—and all to the advantage of this district.”6

That pre-Spanish trade was not restricted to the Ilocos provinces, but was active along the whole northern coast of Luzon has been amply proved by many writers. In fact, the inhabitants of Pangasinan not only had trade relations with Borneo, Japan, and China,7 but it now seems probable that they can be identified as the Ping-ka-shi-lan who, as early as 1406, sent an embassy to China with gifts of horses, silver, and other objects for the emperor Yung-lo.8

Trade relations of an even earlier date are evident throughout all this area, in the presence far in the interior of Chinese pottery of the fourteenth century and possibly of the tenth.9

With friendly relations so long established, it is to be expected that many evidences of Chinese material culture would be found in all the northern provinces; and it is not unlikely that a considerable amount of Chinese blood may have been introduced into the population in ancient times, as it has been during the historic period. It does not seem probable, however that either the influence of Chinese blood or culture need have been stronger in the Ilocos provinces than in the other regions which they visited.

When Salcedo attempted a landing at Vigan, he was at first opposed; but the superior weapons of the Spaniards quickly overcame all resistance, and the invaders took possession of the city, which they rechristened Fernandino. From this center they carried on an energetic campaign of reduction and Christianization. As fast as the natives accepted the rule of Spain, they were baptized and taken into the church, and so rapid was the process that by 1587 the Ilocano were reported to be Christianized.10 In fact, force played such a part that Page 241Fray Martin de Herrada, who wrote from Ilocos in June, 1574, protested that the reduction was accomplished through fear, for if the people remained in their villages and received the rule of Spain and the Church, they were accepted as friends and forthwith compelled to pay tribute; but if they resisted and fled to other settlements, the troops followed and pillaged and laid waste their new dwellings.11

Paralleling the coast, a few miles inland, is a range of mountains on the far side of which lie the broad valleys of the Abra river and its tributaries. The more conservative elements of the population retreated to the mountain valleys, and from these secure retreats bade defiance to the newcomers and their religion. To these mountaineers was applied the name Tinguianes—a term at first used to designate the mountain dwellers throughout the Islands, but later usually restricted to his tribe.12 The Tinguian themselves do not use or know the appellation, but call themselves Itneg, a name which should be used for them but for the fact that they are already established in literature under the former term.

Although they were in constant feuds among themselves, the mountain people do not appear to have given the newcomers much trouble until toward the end of the sixteenth century, when hostile raids against the coast settlements became rather frequent. To protect the Christianized natives, as well as to aid in the conversion of these heathens, the Spanish, in 1598, entered the valley of the Abra and established a garrison at the village of Bangued.13

As before, the natives abandoned their homes and retreated several miles farther up the river, where they established the settlement of Lagangilang.

From Bangued as a center, the Augustinian friars worked tirelessly to convert the pagans, but with so little success that San Antonio,14 writing in 1738, says of the Tinguian, that little fruit was Page 242obtained, despite extensive missions, and that although he had made extraordinary efforts, he had even failed to learn their number.

In the mountains of Ilocos Sur, the missionaries met with somewhat better success, and in 1704 Olarte states that in the two preceding years one hundred and fifty-six “infidel Tinguianes” had been converted and baptized. Again, in 1760, four hundred and fifty-four converts are reported to have been formed into the villages of Santiago, Magsingal, and Batak.15 About this time the work in Abra also took on a more favorable aspect; by 1753 three Tinguian villages, with a combined population of more than one thousand, had been established near Bangued, and in the next century five more settlements were added to this list.16

In general the relations between the pagan and Christianized natives were not cordial, and oftentimes they were openly hostile; but despite mutual distrust the coast people have on several occasions enlisted the aid of the mountaineers against outside enemies. In 1660 a serious revolt occurred in Pangasinan and Zambales, and the rebels, after gaining control of these provinces, started on a looting expedition in the northern districts. In the face of strong resistance they proceeded as far north as Badok, in Ilocos Sur, burning and pillaging many villages including the capital city of Vigan (Fernandino). The Tinguian came to the aid of the hard-pressed Ilocano, and their combined forces fell upon the enemy just outside the village of Narbacan. The tribesmen had previously made the road almost impassable by planting it thickly with sharpened sticks; and, while the invaders were endeavoring to remove these obstacles, they set upon them with great fury and, it is said, succeeded in killing more than four hundred of the Zambal, a part of whom they beheaded.17

As Spanish rule was extended into the Tinguian territory, Ilocano settlers pressed in and acquired holdings of land. This led to many bitter disputes which were consistently settled in favor of the converts; but at the same time many inducements were offered the pagans to get them into the Christianized village. All converts were to be exempted from paying tribute, while their villages received many favors withheld from the pagan settlements. This failing to bring Page 243the desired results, all the nearby villages of the Tinguian were incorporated with the civilized pueblos, and thereafter they had to furnish the major part of all taxes and most of the forced labor.

Following the appointment of Gov. Esteban de Penñarubia in 1868, the tribesmen suffered still greater hardships. Under his orders all those who refused baptism were to be expelled from the organized communities, an edict which meant virtual banishment from their old homes and confiscation of their property. Further, no Tinguian in native dress was to be allowed to enter the towns. “Conversions” increased with amazing rapidity, but when it was learned that many of the new converts still practiced their old customs, the governor had the apostates seized and imprisoned. The hostile attitude of Penñarubia encouraged adventurers from the coast in the seizure of lands and the exploitation of the pagans, and thus a deep resentment was added to the dislike the Tinguian already held for “the Christians.” Yet, despite the many causes for hostility, steady trade relations have been maintained between the two groups, and the influence of the Ilocano has been increasingly strong. A little more than a half century ago head-hunting was still common even in the valley of Abra, where it is now practically unknown. As a matter of dire necessity the mountain people made raids of reprisal against the hostile Igorot villages on the eastern side of the great mountain range, and it is still the proud boast of many a man in the vicinity of Manabo that he took part in the raid which netted that village a score of heads from the towns of Balatok and Lubuagan. But, as will be seen later, head-hunting was by no means limited to forays against other tribes; local feuds, funeral observances, and the desire for renown, all encouraged the warriors to seek heads even from nearby settlements. Those incentives have not been entirely removed, and an occasional head is still taken in the mountain districts, but the influence of the Ilocano, backed by Spanish and American authority, is rapidly making this sport a thing of the past.

The rule of Governor Penñarubia had so embittered the Tinguian against the “white man” that a considerable number joined the insurrecto troops to fight against the Spaniards and Americans. These warriors, armed with spears, shields, and head-axes, made their way to Malolos, where they joined the Filipino troops the day of the first American bombardment. The booming of cannon and the bursting of shells was too much for the warriors, and, as they express it, “the first gun was the beginning of their going home.”

Friendly relations with the insurgents were early destroyed by Page 244bands of armed robbers who, posing as Filipino troops, looted a number of Tinguian villages. In several localities the tribesmen retaliated by levying tribute on the Christianized villages, and in some instances took a toll of heads to square accounts. At this juncture the Americans appeared in Abra, and the considerate treatment of the pagans by the soldiers soon won for them a friendly reception. Later, as the result of the efforts of Commissioner Worcester, the Tinguian villages were made independent of Ilocano control, and the people were given the full right to conduct their own affairs, so long as they did not disturb the peace and welfare of the province.

Under American rule the Tinguian have proved themselves to be quiet, peaceable citizens; a few minor disturbances have occurred, but none of sufficient importance to necessitate the presence of troops in their district. They have received less attention from the Government than most of the pagan tribes, but, even so, a measure of progress is discernible. They still stoutly resist the advances of the missionaries, but the few schools which have been opened for their children have always been crowded to overflowing; trade relations are much freer and more friendly than a decade ago; and with the removal of unequal taxes and labor requirements, the feelings of hostility towards “the Christians” are rapidly vanishing. It now seems probable that within one or two generations the Tinguian will again merge with the Ilocano. Page 245

From the time of the Spanish invasion up to the present, nearly every author who has mentioned the people of northern Luzon has described the Tinguian as being different from other Philippine tribes. The majority of these writers has pictured them as being of larger stature than their neighbors; as lighter in color, possessing aquiline features and mongoloid eyes; as being tranquil and pacific in character, and having a great aptitude for agriculture. From these characteristics they have concluded that they are probably descended from early Chinese traders, emigrants, or castaways, or are derived from the remnants of the pirate band of the Chinese corsair Limahon (Lin-fung), which fled into the mountains of Pangasinan after his defeat by Salcedo in 1574.

These conjectures are strengthened by the reported discovery, in early times, of graves in northwestern Luzon, which contained bodies of men of large stature accompanied by Chinese and Japanese jewels. The undisputed fact that hundreds of ancient Chinese jars and dishes are still among the cherished possessions of the Tinguian is also cited as a further proof of a close relationship between these peoples. Finally it is said that the head-bands, jackets, and wide trousers of the men resemble closely those of the fishermen of Fukien, one of the nearest of the Chinese provinces.1

Two writers,2 basing their observations on color, physical resemblances, Page 246and the fact that the Tinguian blacken their teeth and tattoo their bodies, are convinced that they are the descendants of Japanese castaways; while Moya3 states that the features, dress, and customs of this people indicate their migration from the region of the Red Sea in pre-Mohammedan times.

Finally, Quatrefages and Hamy are quoted as regarding the Tinguian as modern examples of “the Indonesian, an allophylic branch of the pure white race, non-Aryan, therefore, who went forth from India about 500 B.C.”4

Dr. Barrows5 classes all the pagan tribes of northern Luzon—the pygmies excepted—with the Igorot, a position assailed by Worcester,6 particularly in regard to the Tinguian; but the latter writer is convinced that the Apayao and Tinguian are divisions of the same people, who have been separated only a comparatively short time.

In the introduction to the present volume (p. 236) I have expressed the opinion that the Tinguian and Ilocano are identical, and that they form one of the waves of a series which brought the Apayao and western Kalinga to northern Luzon, a wave which reached the Islands at a later period than that represented by the Igorot, and which originated in a somewhat different region of southeastern Asia.7

In order to come to a definite decision concerning these various theories, we shall inquire into the cultural, linguistic, and physical types of the people concerned.

The most striking cultural differences between the Igorot and the Tinguian, indicated in the introduction, will be brought out in more detail in the following pages, as will also the evidence of Chinese influence in this region. Here it needs only to be restated, that there Page 247are radical differences in social organization, government, house-building, and the like, between the Igorot-Ifugao groups, and the Ilocano-Tinguian-Apayao-Kalinga divisions.

All the tribes of northwestern Luzon belong to the same linguistic stock which, in turn, is closely related to the other Philippine languages. There are local differences sufficiently great to make it impossible for people to communicate when first brought together, but the vocabularies are sufficiently alike, and the morphology of the dialects is so similar that it is the task of only a short time for a person conversant with one idiom to acquire a speaking and understanding knowledge of any other in this region. It is important to note that these dialects belong to the Philippine group, and there seems to be very little evidence of Chinese influence8 either in structure or vocabulary.9

The various descriptions of the physical types have been of such a conflicting nature that it seems best at this point to present rather detailed descriptions of the Tinguian, Ilocano, and Apayao, and to compare these with the principal measurements of the other tribes and peoples under discussion.

For purposes of comparison, the Tinguian have been divided into a valley and mountain group; for, as already indicated, there has been a considerable movement of the mixed Kalinga-Igorot people of the upper Saltan (Malokbot) river, of Guinaan Lubuagan and Balatok, into the mountain districts of Abra, and these immigrants becoming merged into the population have modified the physical type to a certain extent.

In the detailed description of the Ilocano, all the subjects have been drawn from the cities of Bangued in Abra, and Vigan in Ilocos Sur, in order to eliminate, so far as possible, the results of recent intermixture with the Tinguian,—a process which is continually taking place in all the border towns. The more general tabulation includes Ilocano from all the northern provinces. Page 248

Aged and immature individuals have been eliminated from all the descriptions here presented.10

Ilocano

Eyes—Dark brown, 3–4 of Martin scale.

Hair—Often black, but usually brown-black. 50 per cent straight and about 50 per cent slightly wavy. One case closely curled.

Forehead—Usually high, broad, and moderately retreating, but sometimes vaulted.

Crown and back of head—Middle arched. Two cases flat.

Face—Moderately high; broad and oval. Three cases angular.

Eye-slit—Generally slightly oblique, moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian fold present in 45 per cent.

Nose—Root:—Middle broad and moderately high.
Bridge:—Inclined to be concave, but often straight.
Wings:—Middle thick and slightly arched or swelled.

Lips:—Middle thick and double bowed (slightly).

Ears:—Outstanding. Lobes generally small and close growing, but are sometimes free.

Ilocano11

Observations Made By Folkmar (See Album of Philippine Types, Manila, 1904)

Page 249

Valley Tinguian

Eyes—Dark brown, 3–4 of Martin table.

Hair—Varies from black to brownish black. Usually wavy, but straight in about one third.

Forehead—Moderately high and broad; slightly retreating, but sometimes vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in three cases.

Crown and back of head—Middle arched. Two cases of flattening. Page 250

Face—Moderately high and broad; cheek bones sufficiently outstanding to give face angular appearance, tapering from above, but oval faces are common.

Eye-slit—Straight or slightly oblique; moderately wide open and inclined to be almond shaped; Mongolian fold slightly developed in about 20 per cent.

Nose—Root:—middle broad and high, seldom small or flat.
Bridge:—middle broad and usually straight, but 25 per cent are slightly concave, while two cases are convex.
Wings:—In most cases are thin, but are commonly thick; both are slightly arched.

Lips—Middle thick and double bowed (slightly).

Ears—Outstanding, with small close-growing lobes.

Valley Tinguian

Eyes—Dark brown, 3–4 of Martin table.

Hair—Usually brown black, but black is common. Sometimes straight, but generally slightly wavy.

Forehead—Considerable variation. Usually moderately high, broad, and vaulted, but is sometimes low and moderately retreating.

Crown and back of head—Middle arched. Two cases of flattening.

Face—Moderately high and oval. In a few cases angular, tapering from above.

Eye-slit—Generally oblique, moderately open and almond shape. Is sometimes straight and narrowly open. Mongolian fold slightly developed in about 25 per cent.

Nose—Root:—Moderately broad and either flat or slightly elevated.
Bridge:—Middle broad and slightly concave. In five cases is straight and in two is convex.
Wings:—Equally divided between thick and thin. Slightly arched.

Lips—Middle thick and double bowed (slightly).

Ears—Outstanding, with small, close growing lobes. Page 251

Mountain Tinguian

Eyes—Dark brown, 3–4 of Martin table.

Hair—Brown black, and slightly wavy.

Forehead—Middle high to high, moderately broad, moderately retreating, but sometimes vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in five cases.

Crown and back of head—Middle or strongly arched.

Face—Moderately high. Cheek bones moderately outstanding giving face angular appearance, tapering from above. In seven cases face is oval.

Eye-slit—Sometimes straight, but usually slightly oblique, moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian fold in five cases.

Nose—Root:—Middle broad and moderately high, but sometimes high.
Bridge:—Middle broad and straight. Seven cases concave and three convex.
Wings:—Middle thick and arched.

Lips—Middle thick, sometimes thin; double bowed.

Ears—Outstanding; lobes generally small and close growing.

Mountain Tinguian

Page 252

Eyes—Dark brown, 3–4 of Martin table.

Hair—Brown-black and slightly wavy.

Forehead—Moderately high and broad; moderately retreating.

Crown and back of head—Middle arched.

Face—Moderately high and generally oval; sometimes angular tapering from above.

Eye-slit—About equally divided between straight and oblique; moderately open. Mongolian fold slightly developed in one third of cases.

Nose—Root:—Moderately broad and nearly flat, but sometimes moderately high.
Bridge:—Middle broad and inclined to be concave. Straight noses occur.
Wings:—Usually thin and inclined to be swelled.

Lips—Middle thick and inclined to be double bowed.

Ears—Outstanding. Lobes small and close growing.

Apayao

Eyes—Dark brown, 1 to 4 in Martin table.

Hair—Brown black and wavy.

Forehead—High and generally moderately retreating, but in about one third is vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in six cases.

Crown and back of head—Rather strongly arched. Six cases (all from one village) showed slight flattening of occipital region.

Face—Usually high. The cheek bones are moderately outstanding giving face angular appearance, tapering from above. In eight cases face tapers from below, and in nine is oval.

Eye-slit—Usually oblique, moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian fold in about 50 per cent.

Nose—Root:—Middle broad and flat or slightly elevated.Page 253
Bridge:—Middle broad and slightly or strongly concave. Seven instances of straight noses occur.
Wings:—Middle thick, arched or swelled.

Lips—Middle thick and slightly double bowed.

Ears—Outstanding. Lobes small and close growing.

Bontoc Igorot12

Observations By Jenks (See The Bontoc Igorot, Manila, 1905)

Color—Ranges from light brown, with strong saffron undertone, to very dark brown or bronze.

Eyes—Black to hazel brown. “Malayan” fold in large majority.

Hair—Coarse, straight and black. A few individuals possess curly or wavy hair.

Nose—Jenks gives no statement, but his photos show the root of the nose to be rather high; the bridge appears to be broad and straight, although in some individuals it tends toward concave.

Very different results were obtained by Kroeber13 from the group of Igorot exhibited in San Francisco in 1906. His figures may possibly be accounted for by the fact that about one third of the party came from Alap near the southern end of the Bontoc area, also, as he has suggested, by the preponderance of very young men. The figures for this group are as follows: Page 254

From these descriptive sheets it is obvious that each tribe is made up of very heterogeneous elements, and each overlaps the other to a considerable extent; however, the number of individuals measured is sufficiently great for us to draw certain general conclusions from the averages of each group.

It is at once evident that the differences between the Ilocano and the Valley Tinguian are very slight, in fact are less than those between the valley and mountain people of the latter tribe. The Ilocano appear to be slightly taller, the length of head a little less, and the breadth a bit more; yet there is an average difference of only two points in the cephalic indices of the two groups. The only other points of divergence are: the greater percentage among the Ilocano of eyes showing the Mongolian fold, and the occurrence of straight hair in about half the individuals measured. However, this latter feature may be more apparent than real; for the Ilocano cut the hair short, and a slight degree of waviness might readily pass unobserved.

As we pass from the Valley to the Mountain Tinguian, and from them to the Apayao, we find the average stature almost constant, but the head becomes longer; there is a greater tendency for the cheekbones to protrude and the face to be angular, and there is a more frequent development of the supra-orbital ridges. The root of the nose is often flat and the bridge concave; while wavy hair becomes the rule in the mountains. There is a slight decrease, in the Tinguian groups, of eyes showing the Mongolian fold, but in the Apayao the percentage again equals that of the Ilocano.

The Apayao present no radical differences to the Mountain Tinguian; yet, as already noted, the length and height of the head are Page 255slightly greater; the zygomatic arches more strongly developed; the face more angular; and the nose is broader as compared with its length. Evidences of former extensive intermixture are here apparent, while at the present time there is rather free marriage with the neighboring Kalinga and Negrito.

Comparing these four groups with the Igorot, we find that the latter averages slightly taller than all but the Ilocano. The breadth of the head is about the same as the Ilocano; but the length is much greater, and there is, in consequence, a considerable difference in the cephalic index. Reference to our tables will show the Ilocano and both Tinguian divisions to be brachycephalic, while the Igorot is mesaticephalic. The average index of the Apayao also falls in the latter classification; but the variation from Igorot is greater than is indicated, for the Apayao skull is actually considerably shorter and narrower. In the length and breadth of the nose, the Igorot exceeds any of the groups studied, while the Malayan (Mongolian?) fold of the eye is reported in the great majority of cases. The bodily appearance of the Tinguian and Bontoc Igorot differs little, although the latter are generally of a slightly heavier build. Both are lithe and well proportioned, their full rounded muscles giving them the appearance of trained athletes; neither is as stocky or heavy set as are the Igorot of Amburayan, Lepanto, and Benguet.

There is great variation in color among the members of all these tribes, the tones varying from a light olive brown to a dark reddish brown; but in general the Ilocano and Valley Tinguian are of a lighter hue than the mountain people.

Observations on the Southern Chinese and the South Perak Malay are given below, not with the intention of connecting them with any one of the tribes of Luzon, but in order to test, by comparison, the theory of the Chinese origin of the Tinguian, and also to secure, if possible, some clue as to the relationships of both peoples.

The Southern Chinese

Dr. Girard,14 as a result of his studies on the Chinese of Kwang-si, a province of southern China, expresses the belief that the population is greatly mixed, but all considered they appear more like Indo-Chinese than like the Chinese proper (that is, Northern Chinese). Deniker15 Page 256comes to a similar conclusion from a study of the results obtained by many observers.

Girard gives the following measurements for 25 males of Kwang-si:

Deniker (p. 578) gives the average height of 15,582 males, mostly Hakka of Kwang-tung, as 1.622. The cephalic index of 61 living subjects and 84 crania, principally from Canton, he finds to be—Living 81.2; crania 78.2.

Martin16 presents the following data: Average height of males—1.614; average height of females—1.498. Cephalic index (49 males)—81.8. Length-Height index (49 males)—66.5. Nasal index (49 males)—77.7.17

South Perak Malay18

Observations by Annandale and Robinson (Fasciculi Malayenses, Pt. I, pp. 105 et seq., London, 1903).

Page 257

Color—Varies from dark olive to red; less commonly olive or yellowish white.

Eyes—Black, sometimes reddish brown.

Hair—Appears to be straight in most cases, but being cut short a slight waviness might not be noticed. Black.

A comparison of these figures with those of our Luzon groups brings out several interesting points. It shows that the Tinguian are not related to the Chinese, “because of their tall stature;” for they are, as a matter of fact, shorter than either the Chinese or Igorot. It is also evident that they resemble the southern Chinese no more than do the people of Bontoc. Further it is seen that both the Tinguian-Ilocano and the Chinese show greater likeness to the Perak Malay than they do to each other. As a matter of fact, we find no radical differences between any of the peoples discussed; despite evident minor variations, the tribes of northwestern Luzon approach a common type, and this type appears not to be far removed from the dominant element in southern China, Indo-China, and Malaysia generally, a fact which probably can be attributed to a common ancestry in times far past.19

With this data before us, we might readily dismiss most of the theories of early writers as interesting speculations based on superficial observation; but the statement that the Tinguian are derived from the pirate band of Limahon has received such wide currency that it deserves further notice. It should be borne in mind that the scene of the Chinese disaster was in Pangasinan, a march of three days to the south of the Tinguian territory. It is unlikely that a force sufficiently large to impress its type on the local population could have made its way into Abra, without having been reported to Salcedo, who then had his headquarters at Vigan.

As early as 1598 the Tinguian were so powerful and aggressive that active steps had to be taken to protect the coast people from their raids. Had they been recognized as being essentially Chinese—a foreign, hostile population—some mention of that fact must certainly have crept into the Spanish records of that period. Such data are entirely wanting, while the exceedingly rich traditions of the Tinguian20 likewise fail to give any evidence of such an invasion. Page 258

The presence of large quantities of ancient Chinese pottery in Abra must be ascribed to trade, for it is inconceivable that a fugitive band of warriors would have carried with them the hundreds of jars—many of large size—which are now found in the interior.

The reputed similarity of the garments of the men to those of Fukien fishermen is likewise without value, for at the time of the Spanish invasion both Ilocano and Tinguian were innocent of trousers. It was not until the order of Gov. Penñarubia, in 1868, barring all unclad pagans from the Christianized towns, that the latter donned such garments. To-day many of the men possess full suits, but the ordinary dress is still the head-band, breech-cloth, and belt.

Finally, it seems curious that the Tinguian should be of “a pacific character” because of the fact that they are descended from a band of Chinese pirates.

Summarizing our material, we can say of the Tinguian, that they are a rather short, well-built people with moderately high, brachycephalic heads, fairly high noses, and angular faces. Their hair is brown black and inclined to be wavy, while the skin varies from a light olive brown to a dark reddish brown. A study of our tables shows that within this group there are great extremes in stature, head and nasal form, color, and the like, indicating very heterogeneous elements in its make-up. We also find that physically the Tinguian conform closely to the Ilocano, while they merge without a sharp break into the Apayao of the eastern mountain slopes. When compared to the Igorot, greater differences are manifest; but even here, the similarities are so many that we cannot classify the two tribes as members of different races.

We have seen that this people approaches the southern Chinese in many respects, but this is likewise true of all the other tribes under discussion and, hence, we are not justified, on anatomic grounds, in considering the Tinguian as distinct, because of Chinese origin. The testimony of historical data and language leads us to the same conclusions. Chinese influence, through trade, has been active for many centuries along the north and west coast of Luzon, but it has not been of a sufficiently intimate nature to introduce such common articles of convenience and necessity as the composite bow, the potter's wheel, wheeled vehicles, and the like.

The anatomical data likewise prevent us from setting this tribe apart from the others, because of Japanese or Indonesian origin. Page 259

Birth.—The natural cause of pregnancy is understood by the Tinguian, but coupled with this knowledge is a belief in its close relationship to the spirit world. Supernatural conception and unnatural births are frequently mentioned in the traditions, and are accepted as true by the mass of people; while the possibility of increasing the fertility of the husband and wife by magical acts, performed in connection with the marriage ceremony, is unquestioned. Likewise, the wife may be affected if she eats peculiar articles of food,1 and unappeased desires for fruits and the like may result disastrously both for the expectant mother and the child.2 The close relationship which exists between the father and the unborn babe is clearly brought out by various facts; for instance, the husband of a pregnant woman is never whipped at a funeral, as are the other guests, lest it result in injury to the child.

The fact that these mythical happenings and magical practices do not agree with his actual knowledge in no way disturbs the Tinguian. It is doubtful if he is conscious of a conflict; and should it be brought to his attention, he would explain it by reference to the tales of former times, or to the activities of superior beings. Like man in civilized society, he seldom rationalizes about the well-known facts—religious or otherwise—generally held by his group to be true.

It is thought that, when a mortal woman conceives, an anito woman likewise becomes pregnant, and the two give birth at the same time. Otherwise, the lives of the two children do not seem to be closely related, though, as we shall see later, the mothers follow the same procedure for a time after delivery (cf. p. 268).

According to common belief, supernatural beings have become possessed at times, with menstrual blood or the afterbirth which under their care developed into human offspring, some of whom occupy a Page 260prominent place in the tribal mythology.3 In the tales we are told that a frog became pregnant, and gave birth to a child after having lapped up the spittle of Aponitolau,4 a maid conceived when the head-band of her lover rested on her skirt,5 while the customary delivery of children during the mythical period seems to have been from between the fingers of the expectant mother.6 Anitos and, in a few cases, the shades of the dead have had intercourse with Tinguian women,7 but children of such unions are always born prematurely. As a rule, a miscarriage is thought to be the result of union with the inhabitants of the spirit realm, though an expectant woman is often warned not to become angry or sorrowful lest her “blood become strong and the child be born.” Abortion is said to be practised occasionally by unmarried women; but such instances are exceedingly rare, as offspring is much desired, and the chance of making a satisfactory match would be in no way injured by the possession of an illegitimate child.8

Except for the district about Manabo, it is not customary to make any offerings or to cause any changes in the daily life of the pregnant woman until the time of her delivery is near at hand. In Manabo a family gathering is held about a month before the anticipated event, at which time the woman eats a small chicken, while her relatives look on. After completing this meal, she places two bundles of grass, some bark and beads in a small basket and ties it beside the window. The significance of the act is not clear to the people, but it is “an old custom, and is pleasing to the spirits.”

Shortly before the child is expected, two or three mediums are summoned to the dwelling. Spreading a mat in the center of the room, they place on it their outfits (cf. p. 302) and gifts9 for all the spirits who are apt to attend the ceremony. Nine small jars covered with alin leaves are distributed about the house and yard; one sits on Page 261a head-axe placed upon an inverted rice-mortar near the dwelling, another stands near by in a winnower, and is covered with a bundle of rice; four go to a corner of the room; while the balance is placed on either side of the doorway. These jars are later used to hold the cooked rice which is offered to the Inginlaod, spirits of the west. At the foot of the house ladder a spear is planted, and to it is attached a long narrow cloth of many colors. Last of all, a bound pig is laid just outside the door with its head toward the east.

When all is ready, the mediums bid the men to play on the tong-a-tong (cf. p. 314); then, squatting beside the pig, they stroke its side with oiled fingers, meanwhile chanting appropriate dīams (cf. p. 296). This done, they begin to summon spirits into their bodies, and from them learn what must be done to insure the health and happiness of the child. Later, water is poured into the pig's ear, that “as it shakes out the water, so may the evil spirits be thrown out of the place.”10 Then an old man cuts open the body of the animal and, thrusting in his hand, draws out the still palpitating heart, which he gives to the medium. With this she strokes the body of the expectant woman, “so that the birth may be easy, and as a protection against harm,” and also touches the other members of the family.11 She next directs her attention to the liver, for by its condition it is possible to foretell the child's future (cf. p. 307).

While the medium has been busy with the immediate family, friends and relatives have been preparing the flesh for food, which is now served. No part is reserved, except the boiled entrails which are placed in a wooden dish and set among other gifts intended for the superior beings.

Following the meal, the mediums continue summoning spirits until late afternoon when the ceremony known as Gīpas—the dividing—is held.12 The chief medium, who is now possessed by a powerful spirit, covers her shoulder with a sacred blanket,13 and in company with the oldest male relative of the expectant woman goes to the middle of the room, where a bound pig lies with a narrow cloth extending along its body from head to tail. After much debating they decide on the exact center of the animal, and then with her left hand each seizes a Page 262leg. They lift the victim from the floor, and with the head-axes, which they hold in their free hands, they cut it in two. In this way the mortals pay the spirits for their share in the child, and henceforth they have no claims to it. The spirit and the old man drink basi, to cement their friendship; and the ceremony is at an end.

The small pots and other objects used as offerings are placed on the sacred blanket in one corner of the room, where they remain until the child is born, “so that all the spirits may know that Gīpas has been held.” A portion of the slaughtered animals and some small present are given to the mediums, who then depart.

In San Juan a cloth is placed on the floor, and on it are laid betel-nuts, four beads, and a lead sinker. These are divided with the head-axe in the same manner as the pig, but the medium retains for her own use the share given to the spirits.

In the better class of dwellings, constructed of boards, there is generally a small section in one corner, where the flooring is of bamboo; and it is here that the delivery takes place, but in the ordinary dwellings there is no specified location.

The patient is in a kneeling or squatting position with her hands on a rope or bamboo rod, which is suspended from a rafter about the height of her shoulders.14 She draws on this, while one or more old women, skilled in matters pertaining to childbirth, knead and press down on the abdomen, and finally remove the child. The naval cord is cut with a bamboo knife,15 and is tied with bark cloth. Should the delivery be hard, a pig will be killed beneath the house, and its blood and flesh offered to the spirits, in order to gain their aid.

If the child is apparently still-born, the midwife places a Chinese dish close to its ear, and strikes against it several times with a lead sinker. If this fails to gain a response, the body is wrapped in a cloth, and is soon buried beneath the house. There is no belief here, as is common in many other parts of the Philippines, that the spirits of unborn or still-born children form the chief recruits for the army of evil spirits.

The after-birth is placed in a small jar together with bamboo leaves, “so that the child will grow like that lusty plant,” and is then Page 263intrusted to an old man, usually a relative. He must exercise the greatest care in his mission, for should he squint, while the jar is in his possession, the child will be likewise afflicted. If it is desired that the infant shall become a great hunter, the jar is hung in the jungle; if he is to be an expert swimmer and a successful fisherman, it is placed in the river; but ill fortune is in store for the baby if the pot is buried, for he will always be afraid to climb a tree or to ascend a mountain.

These close ties between the infant and the after-birth are easily comprehended by a people who also believe in the close relationship between a person and any object recently handled by him (cf. p. 305). In general it is thought that the after-birth soon disappears and no longer influences the child; yet certain of the folk-tales reflect a firm conviction that a group of spirits, known as alan, sometimes take the placenta, and transform it into a real child, who is then more powerful than ordinary mortals.16

Immediately following the birth the father constructs a shallow bamboo framework (baitkᴇn),17 which he fills with ashes, and places in the room close to the mother. On this a fire is kept burning constantly for twenty-nine days18 For this fire he must carefully prepare each stick of wood, for should it have rough places on it, the baby would have lumps on its head. A double explanation is offered for this fire; firstly, “to keep the mother warm;” secondly, as a protection against evil spirits. The idea of protection is evidently the original and dominant one; for, as we shall see, evil spirits are wont to frequent a house, where a birth or death has occurred, and a fire is always kept burning below the house or beside the ladder at such a time.19

When the child has been washed, it is placed on an inverted rice-winnower, Page 264and an old man or woman gives it the name it is to bear. The winnower is raised a few inches above the ground, and the woman asks the child its name, then drops it. Again she raises it, pronounces the name, and lets it fall. A third time it is raised and dropped, with the injunction, “When your mother sends you, you go,” or “You must not be lazy.” If it is a boy, it may be instructed, “When your father sends you to plow, you go.”

Among the Tinguian of Ilocos Norte it is customary for the person who is giving the name to wave a burning torch beneath the winnower, meanwhile saying, if to a boy, “Here is your light when you go to fight. Here is your light when you go to other towns.” If the child is a girl, she says, “Here is your light when you go to sell things.”

In the San Juan district, the fire is made of pine sticks; for “the burning pine gives a bright light, and thus makes it clear to the spirits that the child is born. The heat and smoke make the child hard and sturdy.” Just before the naming, the rice winnower is circled above the fire and the person officiating calls to the spirits, saying, “Come and take this child, or I shall take it.” Then, as the infant still remains alive, she proceeds to give it its name.20

A Tinguian child is nearly always named after a dead ancestor; often it receives two names—one for a relative in the father's family, and one in the mother's. A third name commemorating the day or some event, or perhaps the name of a spirit, is frequently added.21 Certain names, such as Abacas (“worthless”), Inaknam (“taken up”), and Dolso (“rice-chaff”) are common. If the infant is ailing, or if the family has been unfortunate in raising children, the newborn is named in the regular way, then is placed on an old rice winnower, and is carried to a refuse heap and left. Evil spirits witnessing this will think that the child is dead, and will pay no more heed to it. After a time, a woman from another house will pick the child up and carry it back to the dwelling, where it is renamed. In such a case it is probable that the new name will recall the event.22 Page 265

If a former child has died, it is possible that the infant will receive its name, but if so, it will be renamed within a few days. In this manner, respect is shown both for the deceased child and the ancestor for which it was named; yet the newborn is not forced to bear a title which is apparently displeasing to the spirits. Continued sickness may also result in the giving of a new name.23 In such a case a small plot of rice is planted as an offering to the spirits, which have caused the illness.

According to Reyes, the child to be named is carried to a tree, and the medium says, “Your name is ——;” at the same time she strikes the tree with a knife. If the tree “sweats,” the name is satisfactory; otherwise, other names are mentioned until a favorable sign is obtained.24 The writer found no trace of such procedure in any part of the Tinguian belt.

For a month succeeding the birth, the mother must follow a very strict set of rules. Each day she is bathed with water in which certain herbs and leaves, distasteful to evil spirits, are boiled.25 Beginning with the second day and until the tenth she must add one bath each day, at least one of which is in cold water. From the tenth to the twenty-fourth day she takes one hot and one cold bath, and from then to the end of the month she continues the one hot bath. Until these are completed, the family must keep a strip of ayabong bark burning beneath the house, in order to protect the baby from evil spirits. As an additional defence, a miniature bow and arrow, and a bamboo shield, with a leaf attached, as hung above the infant's head (Fig. 4, No. 1).

On the fifth day the mother makes a ring out of old cloth, rice stalks, and a vine, and puts it on her head; over her shoulders is an old blanket, while in one hand she holds a reed staff, which “helps her in her weakness, and protects her from evil beings.” She carries a coconut shell filled with ashes, a basket and a jar, and thus equipped she goes to the village spring. Arriving there, she cleans the dishes “as a sign that her weakness has passed, and that she can now care for herself;” then she sets fire to a piece of bark, and leaves it burning beside the water, as a further sign of her recovery. When she returns to the dwelling, the cleansed dishes and the staff are placed above the spot, where she and the baby sleep. Page 266

On the 29th day the fire is extinguished, and the bamboo frame is fastened under the floor of the house, below the mother's mat, “so that all can see that the family has followed the custom.” As the frame is carried out, the mother calls to the anito mother (cf. p. 261) to throw out her fire.

In the mountain districts about Lakub, a ceremony in which the spirits are besought to look to the child's welfare is held about the third day after the birth. The mediums summon several spirits; a chicken or a pig is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is offered up. At the conclusion a small saloko26 containing an egg is attached to one end of the roof. In Ba-ak this is generally a three to six day event attended by all the friends and relatives of the family. Here, in place of the egg, a jar containing pine-sticks is attached to the roof, for the pine which burns brightly makes it plain to the spirits what the people are doing.

In the light of the extended and rather complex procedure just related, it is interesting to note that the Tinguian woman is one of those mythical beings whom careless or uninformed writers have been wont to describe as giving birth to her children without bodily discomfort. Reyes27 tells us that she cuts the umbilical cord, after which she proceeds to the nearest brook, and washes the clothing soiled during the birth. Lerena likewise credits her with delivering herself without aid, at whatever spot she may then chance to be; then, without further ado or inconvenience, she continues her duties as before. If she happens to be near to a river, she bathes the child; or, if water is not handy, she cleans it with grass or leaves, and then gives it such a name as stone, rooster, or carabao.28

Throughout the greater part of the Tinguian territory, nothing further of importance takes place for about two years, providing the child progresses normally, but should it be ailing, a medium will be summoned to conduct the Ībal ceremony.29 For this a pig or rooster is prepared for sacrifice, but before it is killed, the medium squats before it and, stroking its side with oiled fingers, she chants the following dīam. Page 267

“Those who live in the same town go to raid, to take heads. After they arrive, those who live in the same town, ‘We go and dance with the heads,’ said the people, who live in the same town, ‘because they make a celebration, those who went to kill.’ ‘When the sun goes down, you come to join us,’ said the mother and baby (to her husband who goes to the celebration). After that the sun truly went down; she went truly to join her husband; after that they were not (there), the mother and the baby (i.e., when the father arrived where they had agreed to meet, the mother and child were not there).

“He saw their hats lying on the ground. He looked down; the mother and the baby were in (the ground), which ground swallowed them. ‘Why (are) the mother and the baby in the ground? How can I get them?’ When he raises the mother and the baby, they go (back) into the ground. After that Kabonīyan above, looking down (said), ‘What can you do? The spirits of Ībal in Daem are the cause of their trouble. It is better that you go to the home of your parents-in-law, and you go and prepare the things needed in Ībal,’ said Kabonīyan.

“They went truly and prepared; after that they brought (the things) to the gate. After that the mother and child came out of the ground. ‘After this when there is a happening like this, of which you Īpogau are in danger, you do like this (i. e., make the Ībal ceremony); and I alone, Kabonīyan am the one you summon,’ said Kabonīyan.

“After that they got well because they came up, the mother and the baby.”

When the chant is finished, the animal is slaughtered, and food is prepared both for guests and spirits. Following the instructions of Kabonīyan, the latter is placed at the entrance to the village; after which it is possible that this powerful spirit will visit the gathering in the person of the medium, and give further instructions for the care of the infant.

In the village of Lakub the writer witnessed a variation of this ceremony which, it is said, is also followed in case the pregnancy is not progressing favorably. A piece of banana stalk, wrought into the form of a child, and wearing a bark head-band, was placed on the mat beside the medium. She, acting for a spirit, seized the miniature shield and bow and arrow which hung above the baby, and attempted to shoot the figure. Immediately two old women came to the rescue of the image, and after a sharp tussel compelled the spirit to desist. They then secured the weapons, and in their turn tried to shoot the figure, which was now defended in vain by the medium. It was later explained that, in the first place, the figure represented the child, and Page 268had the spirit succeeded in shooting it, the babe would have died; later, it impersonated the child of the spirit, and when that being saw its own offspring in danger, it immediately departed from the village. Several other spirits then entered the body of the medium, and after receiving food and drink, gave friendly advice.

When the child is about two years old, a ceremony known as Olog30 is held. The mediums who are summoned prepare a spirit mat,31 and at once begin to recite dīams over the body of a bound pig. As soon as the animal is killed, its heart is removed, and is rubbed against the breast of each member of the family. The medium then resumes her place at the mat, and soon is possessed by a spirit who takes charge of the proceedings. At his suggestion, the child is rubbed from head to foot with the thread from the medium's outfit, “so that it will not cry any more;” next, he orders that the intestines of the pig be cleaned, placed on a wooden dish, and be carried to the gate of the town. When they arrive at the designated spot, the mediums make a “stove” by driving three sticks into the ground, so as to outline a triangle, and within these they burn a bundle of rice-straw. Beside the “stove” is placed a branch, each leaf of which is pierced with a chicken feather. This completed, the child is brought up to the fire, and is crowned with the intestines; while one of the mediums strikes the ground vigorously with a split stick,32 to attract the attention of the spirits. Next, she secures a rooster, and with this in one hand and a spear in the other, she marches five times around the fire meanwhile reciting a dīam. At the conclusion of this performance the fowl is killed; and its blood, mixed with rice, is scattered on the ground. At the same time the medium calls to all the spirits to come and eat, to be satisfied, and not cause the child to become ill. The flesh and rice cakes are likewise offered, but after a few moments have elapsed, they are eaten by all the people.

At the conclusion of the meal, a wreath of vines is substituted for the intestines, which are hung beside the fire. This concludes the ceremony; but, as the mother and child reach the ladder of their home, the people above sprinkle them with water, meanwhile calling out eight times, “You are in a heavy storm.” The significance of this sprinkling is not known, but the custom is widespread, and is evidently very ancient. Page 269

In the mountain village of Likuan, a man who wears a very large hat takes the child to a nearby saloko. As he returns, he is sprinkled by a medium, who says, “You are wet from the rain; in what place did you get wet?” He replies, “Yes, we are wet from the rain; we were wet in Inakban (a town of the spirits);” then placing two small baskets in the saloko, he carries the child into the dwelling. Soon the father appears and goes about inquiring for his wife and child; suddenly spying the baskets, he seizes them and takes them into the house, saying, “Here are the mother and the child.”

The following morning, the women place rice cakes and betel-nuts, ready to chew, in leaves, and tie them to a bamboo stalk with many branches. This is then planted beside the spring, “so that the child will grow and be strong like the bamboo.” The sight of all these good things is also pleasing to the spirits, and they will thus be inclined to grant to the child many favors.

When the women return to the house, they carry with them a coconut shell filled with water, and with this they wash the infant's face “to keep it from crying, and to keep it well.” This done, they tie a knot of banana leaves to the house ladder as a sign that no person may enter the dwelling until after its removal the next day.33

A ceremony, not witnessed by the writer, is said to take place when evil spirits have persistently annoyed the mother and the child, when the delivery is long overdue, or when an anito child34 has been born to a human mother. The husband and his friends arm themselves with long knives or head-axes, and enter the dwelling, where they kill a rooster. The blood is mixed with rice; and this, together with nine coconut shells filled with basi, is placed beneath the house for the anitos to eat. While the spirits are busy with this repast, the mother, wrapped in a blanket, is secretly passed out a window and taken to another house. Then the men begin shouting, and at the same time slash right and left against the house-posts with their weapons. In this way the evil spirits are not only kept from noticing the absence of the mother, but are also driven to a distance. This procedure is repeated under nine houses, after which they return to the dwelling with the woman. As soon as they reach the top of the ladder, an old woman throws down ashes “to blind the eyes of the Page 270anitos, so that they cannot see to come up.”35 She likewise breaks a number of small jars, “which look like heads,” as a threat of the treatment which awaits them if they attempt to return to the house.

Within the dwelling food and presents are offered to the good spirits, and all who have participated in the anito driving are feasted.

Next morning, a wash, said to be particularly distasteful to the evil anito, is prepared. It consists of water in which are placed lemon, bamboo, and atis leaves, a cigar stub, and ashes from burned rice straw. The family wash in this mixture, and are then fully protected against any evil spirits, which may still remain after the terrifying events of the previous night.

Childhood.—When outside the house, small babies are always carried by their mothers or older sisters (Plate XV). The little one either sits astride its mother's hip or fits against the small of the back, and is held in place by her arm or by a blanket which passes over one shoulder. From this position the infant is readily shifted, so that it can nurse whenever it is hungry. There are no regular periods for feeding, neither is there a definite time for weaning. Most children continue to nurse until quite large, or until they are displaced by newcomers. However, they are given some solid food, such as rice, while very young, and soon they are allowed to suck sugar-cane and sweet potatoes. It is also a common thing to see a mother take the pipe from her mouth, and place it in that of her nursing infant. They thus acquire the habit of using tobacco at a very early age, and continue it through life, but apparently without evil effects. Weaning is accomplished by rubbing the breasts with powdered chile peppers, or plants with sour flavor.

A crib or sleeping basket is made out of bamboo or rattan, and this is attached to the center of a long bamboo pole, which is suspended across one corner of the room (Fig. 1, No. 2). The pole bends with each movement of the child, and thus it rocks itself to sleep. Another device in which small children are kept is known as galong-galong. This consists of a board seat attached to a strip of split rattan at each corner. Sliding up and down on these strips are vertical and horizontal pieces of reed or bamboo, which form an open box-like frame (Fig. 1, No. 1). The reeds are raised, the child is put in, and then they are slipped back in place. This device is suspended from a rafter, at such a height that it can serve either as a swing or walker, as desired.

When the mother goes to the village spring or to the river, she Page 271carries her baby with her, and invariably gives it a bath in the cold water. This she applies with her hand or a coconut shell, and frequently she ends the process by dipping the small body into the water. Apparently, the children do not enjoy the ordeal any more than European youngsters; but this early dislike for the water is soon overcome, and they go to the streams to paddle and play, and quickly become excellent swimmers. They learn that certain sluggish fish hide beneath large rocks; and oftentimes a whole troop of naked youngsters may be seen going up stream, carefully feeling under the stones, and occasionally shouting with glee, as a slippery trophy is drawn out with the bare hands. They also gather shell fish and shrimps, and their catch often adds variety to the family meal.

Children are seldom punished or scolded. All the family exhibit real affection for the youngsters, and find time to devote to them. A man is never too old or too busy to take up and amuse or caress the babies. Kissing seems to be unknown, but a similar sign of affection is given by placing the lips to the face and drawing the breath in suddenly. A mother is often heard singing to her babes, but the songs are usually improvised, and generally consist of a single sentence repeated over and over. Page 272Aside from the daily bath, the child has little to disturb it during the first five or six years of its life. It has no birthdays, its hair is never cut, unless it be that it is trimmed over the eyes to form bangs, and it wears clothing only on very special occasions. The children are by no means innocent in sexual matters; but absolute familiarity with nudity has removed all curiosity and false modesty, and the relations between the sexes are no freer than in civilized communities.

When garments are put on, they are identical with those worn by the elders. At all ages the people will discard their clothing without any sense of shame, whenever the occasion demands; as, for instance, the fording of a stream, or when a number of both sexes happen to be bathing at the same time in the village pool. This does not lead to immodesty or lewdness, and a person who is careless about the acts, which are not considered proper in Tinguian society, is an object of scorn quite as much as he would be in a more advanced community.

The first toys generally consist of pigs, carabao, or horses made by sticking bamboo legs into a sweet potato or mango. A more elaborate plaything is an imitation snake made of short bamboo strips fastened together with cords at top, center, and bottom. When this is held near the middle by the thumb and forefinger, it winds and curls about as if alive.

Stilts of bamboo, similar to those used in America, are sometimes used by the older children, but the more popular local variety is made by fastening cords through the tops of half coconut shells. The youth holds a cord in each hand, stands on the shells with the lines passing between the first two toes, and then walks.

Flat boards with cords attached become “carabao sleds,” and in these immense loads of imaginary rice are hauled to the granaries. A similar device serves as a harrow, while a stick is converted into a “plough” or “horse,” as is desired. Imitation carabao yokes are much prized, and the children pass many hours serving as draught animals or drivers. The bull-roarer, made by putting a thin piece of bamboo on a cord and whirling it about the head, makes a pleasing noise, and is excellent to use in frightening stray horses. Blow-guns, made out of bamboo or the hollow tubes of plants, vie in popularity with a pop-gun of similar construction. A wad of leaves is driven through with a plunger, and gives a sharp report, as it is expelled.

Tops are among the prized possessions of the boys. They are spun, or are wound with cord, and are thrown overhand at those of other players, with the intention of splitting or marking them.

Quite as popular, with the small girls, are tiny pestles with which they industriously pound rice chaff, in imitation of their mothers. Page 273

While still mere babies, the boys begin to play with toy knives made of wood, but by the time they are seven or eight years of age, they are permitted to carry long bolos, and before puberty they are expert with the weapons used by the tribe (Plate XI). In the mountain regions in particular, it is a common occurrence for groups of youngsters, armed with reed spears and palm-bark shields, to carry on mock battles. They also learn to make traps and nets, and oftentimes they return to the village with a good catch of small birds.

Full grown dogs are seldom friendly or considered as pets; but puppies, small chickens, parrakeets, pigs, and baby carabao make excellent playfellows, and suffer accordingly. From the day of its birth, the young carabao is taken possession of by the children, who will fondle and tease it, ride on its back, or slide off over its head or tail. Soon they gain confidence, and find similar amusements with the full grown animals. These huge beasts are often surly or vicious, especially around white men, but they recognize their masters in the little brown folk, and submit meekly to their antics. In fact, the greater part of the care of these animals is entrusted to young boys.

When not engaged in some of the amusements already mentioned, it is probable that the youngster is one of the group of naked little savages, which races through the village on the way to the swimming hole, or climbs tall trees from the top of which sleeping pigs can be easily bombarded. Should the children be so fortunate as to possess a tin can, secured from some visiting traveller, they quickly convert it into a drum or gansa, and forthwith start a celebration. All can dance and sing, play on nose flutes, bamboo guitars, or Jew's harps.

In addition to songs of their own composition, there are other songs, which are heard whenever the children are at play. They make a swing by tying ropes to a carabao yoke, and attach it to a limb; then, as they swing, they sing:

“Pull swing. My swing is a snake.
Do not writhe like a snake. My swing is a big snake.
Do not turn and twist. My swing is a lizard.
Do not tremble or shake.”

When a group gathers under a house to pop corn in the burning rice chaff, they chant:

“Pop, pop, become like the privates of a woman.
Make a noise, make a noise, like the clay jar.
Pop, pop, like the coconut shell dish.
Sagai, sagai,36 make a noise like the big jar.”

When the smoke blows toward a part of the children, the others sing over and over:

“Deep water here; high land there.”

A favorite game is played by a number of children. Part stand on the edge of a bank, part below. Those above sing, “Jump down, where the big stone is, the big stone which swallows people. Big stone, which swallows people, where are you?” To this the children below reply, “I am here. I am the big rock which swallows men. Come down here.” As those on the bank jump down, they are piled upon, and a free-for-all tussel ensues. In the midst of this, one of the players suddenly sings out, “I am a deer in—, I am very fat.” With this he starts off on a run, and the rest of the party, now suddenly transformed into dogs, take up the chase, yelping and barking. When the deer becomes tired, he makes for the water, where he is considered safe; but if he is caught, he is rolled and bitten by the dogs.

Another game played by both boys and girls is known as maysansani, and is much like hide-and-go-seek. One boy holds out an open hand, and the others lay their fingers in his palm, while the leader counts, maysansani, duan-nani, mataltali,37 ocop. As ocop (“four” or “ready”) is pronounced, the boy quickly closes his hand in order to catch a finger. If he succeeds, the prisoner puts his hands over his eyes, and the leader holds him, while the others run and hide. When all are ready, he is released, and then must find all the players; or he is beaten on the forearm with the first and second fingers of all the participants, or they may pick him up by his head and feet, and whirl him about.

Like European children, they have a set of small sayings or acts for use on appropriate occasions. A youngster may come up to another who is eating a luscious mango; when requested for a bite, he is apt to draw down the lower lid of his eye and coolly answer, “I will make a sound like swallowing for you,” and then go on with the feast. He may even hold out the tempting fruit, as if to comply with the request, then suddenly jerk it back and shout “kilat.”38 This is often the signal for a scuffle.

As the children grow older, they begin more and more to take their place in the village life. The little girl becomes the chief guardian of a new arrival in the family; and with the little one strapped on her back, she romps and plays, while the baby enjoys it all or sleeps serenely (Plate XII). The boy also assists his father and mother in the fields, but still he finds some time for games of a more definite character than those just described. Probably the most popular of these is known as agbita or līpī. Page 275

This is played with the large disk-shaped seeds of the līpī plant (Ilocano līpai). Each player puts two disks in line, then all go to a distance and shoot toward them. The shooter is held between the thumb and first finger of the left hand, and is propelled forward by the index finger of the right. The one whose seed goes the farthest gets first shot, and the others follow in order. All seeds knocked down belong to the player, and if any are still in line after each has had his turn, the leader shoots again. When each boy has had two shots, or when all the disks are down, a new line is made; and he whose seed lies at the greatest distance shoots first.

Another common game is patpatinglad, which has certain resemblances to cricket. A small cylinder-shaped missel, called papa-anak (“little duck”), about four inches long, is set in a shallow groove, so that one end stands free; it is then struck and batted with a bamboo stock—papa-ina (“mother duck”). The lad who has driven his missel the farthest is the winner, and hence has the privilege of batting away the papa-anak of the other players, so that they will have to chase them. If he likes, he may take hold of the feet of a looser and compel him to walk on his hands to secure this missel. A loser is sometimes taken by the head and feet, and is swung in a circle,

A game frequently seen in the lowland valleys is also common to the Ilocano children, who call it San Pedro. Lines are drawn on the ground to enclose a space about thirty feet square (see diagram Fig. 2). The boys at d try to run between the lines, and at the same time evade the guards a, b, and c. Guard a can run along line 1, or 4 as far as 2. Guard b must stay on line 2; and c must keep on 3. When the runners are captured, they become the guards.

From the preceding paragraphs it may be surmized that the youth is quite untrained and untaught. It is true that he spends no time in a class-room; he passes through no initiation at the time of puberty, neither are there ceremonies or observances of any kind which reveal to him the secret knowledge of the tribe, yet he quickly learns his place Page 276in society, and at an early age begins to absorb its customs and beliefs. He sits about the village fires in the evenings, and listens to the tales of long ago, or hears the elders discuss the problems of their daily life. During the hot midday hours, he lounges in the field-houses, while his parents relate the fate of lazy children; or tell of punishments sent by the spirits on those who fail to follow the customs of the ancestors, or give heed to the omens. He attends the ceremonies, where he not only learns the details of these important events, but with his own eyes sees the bodies of the mediums possessed by superior beings, and thus the close relationship of the spirit world to his people is forcibly brought to his notice. He is never debarred from the dances or other activities; in fact, he is encouraged to take part in them or to imitate his elders. Soon custom gathers him into its net, and unless he is the exceptional individual, or comes in intimate contact with outsiders, he never escapes.

It has already been seen that he begins very early to take an active part in the village life, but it is many years before he assumes a position of importance in the group. It is only when age and experience have gained for him the respect of his fellows that he begins to have a voice in the more weighty affairs of Tinguian life.

Engagement and Marriage.—Since there are no clans or other groupings to limit the number of families in which unions may be contracted, the only impediments are former marriage ties or blood relationship. Cousins may not marry, neither is a man allowed to wed his step-sister, his wife's sister, or her mother.

Engagement takes place while the children are very young, sometimes while they are still babes-in-arms; but usually the contract is made when they are six or eight years of age.

The boy's parents take the initiative, and having selected a suitable girl, they broach the subject to her family. This is not done directly, but through an intermediary, generally a relative, “who can talk much and well.” He carries with him three beads—one red, one yellow, and one agate,39 which he offers “as an evidence of affection,” and then proceeds to relate the many desirable qualities of the groom and his family, as well as the advantages to be gained by the union. If the suit is favored, the beads are attached to the girl's wrist as a sign of her engagement, and a day is set for the pakálon40 or price fixing. Page 277

On the appointed day, friends and relatives gather at the girl's home and, after several hours of feasting and drinking, settle down to the real business on hand. A large pig is slaughtered, and its liver is carefully examined; for, should the omens be unfavorable, it would be useless to continue the negotiations further at that time (cf. p. 307). If the signs are good, the happy crowd forms a circle, and then begins a long and noisy discussion of the price which the girl should bring. Theoretically, the payment is made in horses, carabao, jars, blankets, and rice, but as each article is considered as having a value of five pesos ($2.50), the money is frequently substituted, especially by people in poor circumstances.

A portion of the agreed price is paid at once, and is distributed between the girl's parents and her relatives, who thus become vitally interested in the successful termination of the match; for should it fail of consummation, they must return the gifts received. The balance of the payment is often delayed for a considerable time, and it not infrequently happens that there is still a balance due when the man dies. In such a case no division of his property can be made until the marriage agreement is settled in full.

The completion of the list is the signal for great rejoicing; liquor circulates freely, the men sing daleng (cf. p. 440), and tadek (cf. p. 440) is danced far into the night.

In the yard where the dancing takes place, three inverted rice-mortars are placed one above the other, “to serve as a table for the spirits who always attend.” A dish of liquor is placed on it, while at its side is a spear decorated with a man's belt.

These engagement-parties are the great social affairs of the year, and friends will journey long distances to be present, but the betrothed couple is seldom in evidence, and in many instances the groom is absent.

Following their engagement the children live with their parents until such a time as they are considered old enough to maintain their own home. If the lad comes from a well-to-do family, it is probable that the final ceremony will take place before either of the couple reaches puberty; but, if the groom must earn a living, the marriage may be delayed until he is eighteen or nineteen years old (Plate XIII).

When the time for the fulfillment of the agreement arrives, the boy goes, in company, at night to the girl's house. He has a headaxe hanging from his belt, but he is the only one so armed. An earlier writer41 has described a feigned attack on the house of the bride as Page 278a part of the marriage ceremony, but the present writer did not witness anything of the sort, nor could he learn of any such action.

The groom carries with him a small part of the marriage payment and a valuable jar; these he presents to his parents-in-law, and from that time on he may never call them or their near relatives by name. Should he do so, “he will have boils and the first child will be insane.”

The bride's people have provided a coconut shell filled with water and a wooden dish42 containing cooked rice. These are placed between the couple, as they sit in the center of the room (Plate XIV). The boy's mother drops two beads into the shell cup, and bids them drink; for, “as the two beads always go together at the bottom, so you will go together and will not part. The cool water will keep you from becoming angry.”

Great care must be exercised in handling the cup; for should the contents be shaken the couple will become dizzy, and in old age their heads and hands will shake. After they have drunk, each takes a handful of rice, and squeezes it into a ball. The girl drops hers through the slits in the bamboo floor as an offering to the spirits, but the boy tosses his into the air. If it breaks or rolls, it is a bad sign, and the couple is apt to part, or their children die. In such a circumstance, the marriage is usually deferred, and tried again at a later date; but repeated scattering of the rice generally results in the annulling of the agreement.43 Should anything in the dwelling fall or be broken during the ceremony, it is halted at once; to proceed further that night would be to court misfortune. However, it may be undertaken again a few days later.

The guests depart immediately after the rice ceremony. No food or drink is offered to them, nor is there any kind of celebration.44 Page 279

That night the couple sleep with a pillow between them,45 and under the groom's pillow is a head-axe. Early in the morning, the girl's mother or some other elderly female of her family awakens them, and leads the way to the village spring. Arriving there, she pours water in a coconut shell, which contains a cigar from which the couple have drawn smoke;46 she adds leaves of bamboo and agiwas, and washes their faces with the liquid, “to show that they now have all in common; that the tobacco may keep them and their children from becoming insane; that the agiwas will keep them in health; and the bamboo will make them strong and insure many children, the same as it has many sprouts.” On their way home, the boy cuts a dangla shrub (Vitex negundo L.) with his head-axe, and later attaches it to the door of their home, “so that they may have many children.”

Throughout that day the doors and windows are kept tightly closed; for should the young people see birds or chickens having intercourse, they are apt to become insane, and their first born have sore or crossed eyes.

The next morning is known as sipsīpot (“the watching”). Accompanied by the girl's parents, the couple goes to the father's fields. On the way they carefully observe any signs which animals, birds, or nature, may give them. When they reach the fields, the boy shows his respect for his elders by cutting the grass along the borders with his head-axe. This service also counteracts any bad sign which they may have received that morning. He next takes a little of the soil on his axe, and both he and his bride taste of it, “so that the ground will yield good harvests” for them, and they will become rich.47 Page 280

Nowadays the couple goes to the home, prepared by the groom and his parents, as soon as it is ready, but the tales indicate48 that in former times they lived for a time with the boy's parents. They are accompanied by the groom's mother, and go very early in the morning, as they are then less apt to receive bad signs from the birds. The girl carries her sleeping mat and two pillows; but before she has deposited these in her new dwelling, she seats herself on the bamboo floor with her legs stretched out in front. It then becomes necessary for the groom to present her with a string of agate beads equal in length to the combined width of the bamboo slats which she covers. Before she can eat of her husband's rice, he must give her a string of beads, or she will become ill; she may not open his granary until a like present has been given, or the resident spirit will make her blind; neither may she take food from the pots or water from the jars, until other beads have been presented to her.

If the girl comes from another village, it is customary to make a payment to her parents for each stream crossed on the journey to the new home; another is demanded before she goes up the house ladder, and still others when she enters the house, and her belongings are brought in.49

A common occurrence in Ba-ak and the San Juan district is for the parents of the girl to spread rows of baskets, Chinese plates or jars on the floor and to offer them to the groom. Before he can accept them, he must make a return gift of money, beads, and the like for each one. It is explained by the elders that, when the young people see all the gifts spread out on the floor, they will appreciate the expense involved, and will be less likely to separate.

If at any time the relatives of the girl have reason to doubt the husband's affection, they go to his home, and hold a gathering known as nagkakaló-nan. They place a pig, a jar, and a number of baskets on the floor; and the husband is obliged to exchange money and other gifts for them, if he desires to convince the people of his continued love. After the pig has been served as food, the old men deliberate; and should they decide that the relatives have erred, they assess the Page 281whole cost of the gathering to the plaintiffs, and return the gifts. If the charge is sustained, the relatives recover the price of the pig, and retain the articles received in exchange for the baskets and dishes.

Divorce is not uncommon, and is effected by a council similar to that just described. An attempt to reconcile the couple is made, but if that fails, the old men decide who is at fault, and assess the expenses of the gathering to that one. If blame attaches to the husband, he must complete any part of the marriage price still due; but if the woman is guilty, her parents and relatives must return the gifts distributed at the time of the engagement. The chief causes for divorce are cruelty or laziness on the part of the man, or unfaithfulness of the woman.

Small children are generally left with the mother, but when they are old enough to decide, they may choose between their parents. However, the father must aid in the support of his offspring, and they share in his property when he dies. Either party to a divorce may remarry at any time.

The Tinguian recognize only one wife, but a man may have as many concubines (pota), as he can secure. The pota lives in a house of her own, but she is held somewhat in contempt by the other woman, and is seldom seen in the social gatherings or in other homes. Her children belong to the father, and she has no right of appeal to the old men, except in cases of cruelty. Men with concubines do not suffer in the estimation of their fellows, but are considered clever to have won two or three women.

The pota is generally faithful to one man, and prostitution is almost unknown. Unfaithfulness on the part of a betrothed girl, or wife, or even a pota is almost certain to cause serious trouble, and is likely to end in a murder.

The early pledging and marriage of the children has reduced illicit sexual intercourse to a minimum; nevertheless, it sometimes happens that an unbetrothed girl, not a pota, is found to be pregnant. In such a case the man is expected to make a gift of about one hundred pesos to the girl's people, and he must support the child when finally it comes into his keeping. Neither party to such an occurrence loses standing in the community unless the father should fail to redeem the child. Should this happen, he would be a subject of ridicule in the community, and a fine might also result. The usual outcome of such an illicit union is that the girl becomes the pota of her child's father.

Death and Burial.—Sickness and death are usually caused by unfriendly spirits;50 sometimes Kadaklan himself thus punishes those Page 282who refuse to obey the customs; sometimes they are brought about by mortals who practise magic, or by individuals themselves as punishment for violated taboos; and finally violent death is recognized as coming from human agency.

The methods of cajoling the spirits, of overcoming magic, and thwarting evil designs are discussed in another chapter (cf. pp. 295 et seq.). If all these fail, and the patient dies, the family and relatives at once don old garments, and enter on a period of mourning, while friends and relatives assist in the disposal of the corpse.

A funeral is a great event in a Tinguian village. The dead is bathed, “so that his spirit51 may be clean,” and is placed in a bamboo seat at the end of the house. This seat, which is known as sangádel, is constructed by placing three long bamboo poles against the wall and resting a frame of bamboo slats on them, to a height of about three feet. A mat is attached to the top, and is stretched onto the floor in front.

The corpse is dressed in its best garments, beads and silver wire surround its neck, while above and about it are many valuable blankets, belts, clouts, woven skirts, and the like, which the spirit is to take with him to the ancestors in Maglawa, his future home. A live chicken is placed behind the chair as an offering, but following the funeral it becomes the property of the friend, who removes the poles from the house. The flesh of a small pig is also offered to the spirits, while the intestines are hung just outside the door, until the body is buried. In the yard at the north-east corner of the house stands an inverted rice-mortar on which is a dish of basi,—an offering to the spirit Al-lot, who in return prevents the people from becoming angry.

The needs of the spirit of the deceased are looked after by the members of the family. It is their duty to place two small jars of liquor near to the corpse and to bring food to it, when the others are eating.

Up to this point only those spirits who attend the ceremony with friendly intent have been provided for, but the Tinguian realize that there are others who must be kept at a distance or at least be compelled to leave the body unharmed. The first of these evil beings to be guarded against is Kadongáyan,52 who in former times used to attend each funeral and amuse himself by sliting the mouth of the Page 283corpse, so that it extended from ear to ear. Through the friendly instruction of Kabonīyan it was learned that, if a live chicken, with its mouth split down to its throat, were fastened to the door of the house, its suffering would be noticed by the evil spirit, who, fearing similar treatment, would not attempt to enter the dwelling.53

The spirit Ībwa is also much feared.54 Long ago he used to mingle with the people in human form, without harming them, but the thoughtless act of a mourner started him on the evil course he has since pursued. In those times, it is said, the corpse was kept in the dwelling seven days; and, as the body decomposed, the liquid which came from it was caught in dishes, and was placed in the grave. On the occasion referred to, he was handed a cup of the “lard” to drink. He immediately acquired a great liking for this disgusting dish, and frequently even devoured the body as well. Since he fears iron, it is possible to drive him away by using metal weapons. It is also necessary to guard the grave against him and the spirit Sᴇlday, who demands blood or the corpse.

Akop is another evil spirit, who has a head, long slimy arms and legs, but no body. He is always near the place of death, awaiting an opportunity to embrace the spouse of the deceased, and once let the living feel his cold embrace, death is sure to follow. So a barricade of pillows is erected at one corner of the room, and behind this the wife is compelled to remain during the three days the body is kept in the house, while throughout the night she sleeps under a fish net, in the meshes of which the long fingers of the spirit are sure to become entangled. Meanwhile, two or three old women sit near the corpse fanning it and wailing continually, at the same time keeping close watch to prevent the spirits from approaching the body or the widow (Plate XVI). From time to time the wife may creep over to the corpse, and wailing and caressing it beg the spirit not to depart.55 According to custom, she has already taken off her beads, has put on old garments and a bark head-band, and has placed over her head a Page 284large white blanket, which she wears until after the burial.56 Likewise all the relatives don old garments, and are barred from all work. The immediate family is under still stricter rules. Corn is their only food; they may not touch anything bloody, neither can they swing their arms as they walk. They are prohibited from mounting a horse, and under no circumstances are they allowed to leave the village or join in merry-making. Failure to obey these rules is followed by swift punishment, generally meted out by the spirit of the dead.57 Except for the wife, these restrictions are raised after the blood and oil ceremony (described in a later paragraph), but the widow continues in mourning until the Layog is celebrated, at the end of a year.

According to many informants among the older men, it was formerly necessary, following the death of an adult, for the men to put on white head-bands and go out on a head-hunt. Until their return it was impossible to hold the ceremony which released the relatives from the taboo.58 During the first two days that the body is in the house, the friends and relatives gather to do honor to the dead and to partake of the food and drink, which are always freely given at such a time; but there is neither music, singing, or dancing.59

On the morning of the third day, the male guests assemble in the yard, and after drinking basi they select one of their number and proceed to beat him across the wrist or thigh, with a light rod (Plate XVII). Two hundred blows are required, but since the stick is split at one end only, one hundred strokes are given. This whipping is not severe, but the repeated blows are sufficient to cause the flesh to swell. As soon as the first man is beaten, he takes the rod and then proceeds to apply one hundred and fifty strokes60 to each man Page 285present, excepting only those whose wives are pregnant. Should one of the latter be punished, his wife would suffer a miscarriage. The avowed purpose of this whipping is “to make all the people feel as sorry as the relatives of the dead man.”

Burial in most of the valley towns is beneath the house, “as it is much easier to defend the body against evil spirits, and the grave is also protected against the rain.” In Manabo and many mountain villages, however, burial is in the yard. It is customary to open a grave already occupied by several of the relatives of the deceased.

Toward noon of the last day, some of the men begin clearing away the bamboo, which protects the old burial, and to remove the dirt.

The grave is generally of one of the forms indicated in Fig. 3, and when a depth of about three feet has been reached, the workers encounter stone slabs which protect a lower chamber.61 When these are reached, the diggers make an opening and thrusting in burning pine-sticks, they call to the dead within, “You must light your pipes with these.” As soon as the slabs are raised, the oldest female relative of the deceased goes into the grave, gathers up the bones of the last person interred, ties them into a bundle, and reburies them in one corner. There is at present no such type of burial chamber, as is described by La Gironière,62 nor is there a memory or tradition of such an arrangement. As his visit took place less than a century ago, it is unlikely that all trace of it would have been lost. The heavy rainfall in this district would make the construction and maintenance of such Page 286a chamber almost impossible, while the dread of leaving the corpses thus exposed to hostile spirits and the raids of enemies in search of heads would also argue against such a practice. His description of the mummifying or drying of the corpse by means of fires built around it63 is likewise denied by the old men of Manabo, who insist that they never had such a custom. It certainly does not exist to-day. In a culture, in which the influence of custom is as strong as it is here, it would seem that the care of the corpse, which is intimately related to the condition of the spirit in its final abode, would be one of the last things to change, while the proceedings following a death are to-day so uniform throughout the Tinguian belt, that they argue for a considerable antiquity.

When the grave is ready, the fact is announced in the dwelling, and is the signal for renewed lamentation. The wife and near relatives throw themselves on the corpse, caressing it and crying wildly. Whatever there may have been of duty or respect in the wailing of the first two days, this parting burst of sorrow is genuine. Tears stand in the eyes of many, while others cease their wailing and sob convulsively. After a time an old woman brings in some oldot seeds, each strung on a thread, and fastens one on the wrist of each person, as a protection against the evil spirit Akop, who, having been defeated in his designs against the widow, may seek to vent his anger on others.

When this has been done, a medium seats herself in front of the body; and, covering her face with her hands, begins to chant and wail, bidding the spirit to enter her body. Suddenly she falls back in a faint, while suppressed excitement is manifested by all the onlookers. After a moment or two, fire and water are placed at her head and feet, “in order to frighten the spirit away,” and then the medium gives the last message of the dead man to his family. This is, except for very rare exceptions, the only time that the spirits of the deceased communicate with mortals; and it is, so far as the writer has been able to learn, the only occasion when the medium repeats messages given to her. At other times she is possessed by natural spirits,64 who then talk directly with mortals.

As a last preparation for the grave, a small hole is burned in each garment worn by the dead person, for otherwise the spirit Ībwa will envy him his clothing and attempt to steal them. The corpse is then Page 287wrapped in a mat, and is carried from the house.65 The bearers go directly to the balaua,66 and rest the body in it for a moment. Unless this is done, the spirit will be poor in its future life and unable to build balaua.

The body is deposited full length in the grave, the stone slabs are relaid, the chinks between them filled in with damp clay, and the grave is refilled.67 As the last earth is pushed in, a small pig is killed, and its blood is sprinkled on the loose soil. Meanwhile Sᴇlday is besought to respect the grave and leave it untouched. The animal is cut up, and a small piece is given to each guest, who will stop on the way to his home, and place the meat on the ground as an offering, meanwhile repeating a dīam. Should he fail to do this, sickness or death is certain to visit his home or village.

As a further protection against evily disposed spirits, especially Ībwa, an iron plough-point is placed over the grave, “for most evil spirits fear iron;” and during this night and the nine succeeding, a fire is kept burning at the grave and at the foot of the house-ladder.68

That night the men spend about an hour in the house of mourning, singing sang-sangit, a song in which they praise the dead man, encourage the widow, and bespeak the welfare of the family. The wailers still remain in the dwelling to protect the widow, and a male relative is detailed to see that the fire at the foot of the ladder is kept burning brightly.

Early the next morning, the widow, closely guarded by the wailers, goes to the river, throws her headband into the water, and then goes in herself. As she sinks in the water, an old man throws a bundle of burning rice-straw on her. “The water will wash away some of the sorrow, and the fire will make her thoughts clear.” Upon her return to the village, the grave is enclosed with a bamboo fence, and above it is hung a shallow box-like frame, known as patay, in which are placed the articles needed by the spirit.69 Within the house the mat and pillow Page 288of the dead are laid ready for use, and at meal time food is placed beside it. The length of time that the mat is left spread out differs somewhat between towns and families. In some cases it is taken up at the end of the period of taboo, while in others it is not rolled up; nor are the windows of the house opened until after the celebration of the Layog ceremony, a year later.

The taboo is usually strictly observed through ten days; but should there be some urgent reason, such as planting or reaping, it may be raised somewhat earlier. It is concluded by the blood and oil ceremony. The lakay, the other old men of the settlement, and all the relatives, gather in the house of mourning, while the mediums prepare for the ceremony. They kill a small pig and collect its blood in a dish; in another receptacle they place oil. A brush has been made out of a variety of leaves, and this the medium dips into the blood and oil, then draws it over the wrists or ankles of each person present, meanwhile saying, “Let the lew-lew (Fiscus hauili Blanco) leaves take the sickness and death to another town; let the kawayan (“bamboo”) make them grow fast and be strong as it is, and have many branches; let the atilwag (Breynia acuminata Nuell. Arg.) turn the sickness to other towns.” A little oil is rubbed on the head of each person present; and all, except the widow, are then freed from restrictions. She must still refrain from wearing her beads, ornaments, or good clothing; and she is barred from taking part in any merry-making until after the Layog ceremony.70

At the conclusion of the anointing, the old men discuss the disposal of the property and other matters of importance in connection with the death.

The Layog.71—Several months after the burial (generally after the lapse of a year), the friends and relatives are summoned in the Layog,—a ceremony held with the avowed intention “to show respect for the dead and to cause the family to forget their sorrow.” Friends come Page 289from near and far; and rice, pigs, cows or carabaos are prepared for food, while basi flows freely. It is said that the liquor served at this time is “like tears for the dead.” A medium goes to the guardian stones of the village, and there offers rice mixed with blood; she oils the stones, places new yellow headbands on each one, and after dancing tadek, returns to the gathering. Often she is accompanied by a number of men, who shout on their return trip “to frighten away evil spirits.”

Near the house a chair is made ready for the deceased, and in it are placed clothing and food. In the yard four crossed spears form the frame-work on which a shield rests (Plate XVIII)72 and on this are beads, food, and garments—offerings for the spirits; while near the house ladder is the spirits' table made of inverted rice mortars.

The duration of this ceremony depends largely on the wealth of the family, for the relatives must furnish everything needed at this time. Games are played, and there is much drinking and singing; but before the members of the family may take part, they are dressed in good garments, and the blood and oil ceremony is repeated on them. At the conclusion of the dancing, they go into the house, roll up the mat used by the dead, open the doors and windows, and all are again free to do as they wish. Should they fail to roll up the mat at this time, it must remain until another Layog is held; and during the interval all the former restrictions are in force.73

About twenty years ago, a great number of people in Patok died of cholera; and since then the people of that village have held a Layog in their honor each November, to the expense of which all contribute. As this is just before the rice-harvest, a time when all the people wear their best garments, it is customary for the old men to allow bereaved families to participate in this ceremony and then release them from mourning.

Beliefs Concerning the Spirit of the Dead.—Direct questioning brings out some differences of opinion, in the various districts, concerning the spirit of the dead. In Manabo, a town influenced both by the Igorot of the Upit River valley and the Christianized Ilocano of San Jose, the spirit is said to go at once to the great spirit Kadaklan, Page 290and then to continue on “to the town where it lives.” “It is like a person, but is so light that it can be carried along by the wind when it blows.”74 The people of Ba-ay, a mountain village partially made up of immigrants from the eastern side of the Cordillera Central, claim that the spirits of the dead go to a mountain called Singet, where they have a great town. Here, it is also stated, the good are rewarded with fine houses, while the bad have to be content with hovels. The general belief, however, is that the spirit (kalading) has a body like that of the living person, but is usually invisible, although spirits have appeared, and have even sought to injure living beings. Immediately following death, the spirit stays near to its old home, ready to take vengeance on any relative, who fails to show his body proper respect. After the blood and oil ceremony, he goes to his future home, Maglawa, carrying with him gifts for the ancestors, which the people have placed about his corpse. In Maglawa he finds conditions much the same as on earth; people are rich and poor; they need houses; they plant and reap; and they conduct ceremonies for the superior beings, just as they had done during their life on earth. Beyond this, the people do not pretend to be posted, “for Kabonīyan did not tell.” With the exception of the people of Ba-ay and a few individuals influenced by Christianity, the Tinguian has no idea of reward or punishment in the future life, but he does believe that the position of the spirit in its new home can be affected by the acts of the living (cf. p. 289). No trace of a belief in re-incarnation was found in any district inhabited by this tribe.

Life and Death.—The foregoing details concerning birth, childhood, sickness, and death, seem to give us an insight into the Tinguian conception of life and death. For him life and death do not appear to be but incidents in an endless cycle of birth, death, and re-incarnation ad infinitum, such as pictured by Lévy-Bruhl;75 yet, in many instances, his acts and beliefs fit in closely with the theory outlined by that author. In this society, there is only a weak line of demarcation between the living and the dead, and the dead for a time at least participate more or less in the life of the living. This is equally true of the unborn child, whose future condition, physical and mental, may be largely moulded by the acts of others. According to Lévy-Bruhl, this would indicate that the child at delivery is not fully born, is not as yet a member of the Page 291group; and the succeeding ceremonies are necessary to its full participation in life. Death is likewise of long duration. Following the last breath, the spirit remains near by until the magic power of the funeral severs, to an extent, his participation with society. The purpose of the final ceremony is to complete the rupture between the living and the dead.

To the writer, the facts of Tinguian life and beliefs suggest a somewhat different explanation. We have seen how strong individuals may be affected by magical practices. The close connection between an individual, his garments, or even his name, must be considered to apply with quite as much force to the helpless infant and the afterbirth. So strong is this bond, that even unintentional acts may injure the babe. Evil spirits are always near; and, unless great precautions are taken, they will injure adults if they can get them at a disadvantage, particularly when they are asleep. The child is not able to protect itself from these beings; therefore the adults perform such acts, as they think will secure the good will and help of friendly spirits, while they bribe or buy up those who might otherwise be hostile; and lastly they make use of such magical objects and ceremonies, as will compel the evil spirits to leave the infant alone. As the child grows in size and strength, he is less in need of protection; and at an early age he is treated like the other younger members of the community. Naming follows almost immediately after birth, while puberty and initiation ceremonies are entirely lacking. Apparently then, a child is considered as being fully alive at birth, and at no time does he undergo any rites or ceremonies which make him more a part of the community than he was on the first day he saw the light.

When death occurs, the spirit remains near to the corpse until after the funeral, and even then is close by until the ten days of taboo are over. He still finds need of nourishment, and hence food is placed near to his mat. As at birth, he is not in a position to protect his body from the designs of evil spirits, and if his relatives fail to give the corpse proper care, it is certain to be mutilated; likewise certain acts of the living towards the corpse can affect the position of the spirit in Maglawa. Hence it is of supreme importance that the former owner guards against any possible neglect or injury to the body, and it seems plausible that the presence of the spirit near its old haunts may be for the purpose of seeing that its body is carefully attended to. The folktales tell of several instances, in which the spirits took vengeance on relatives who neglected their bodies, or violated the period of taboo.76 Page 292

When the danger period is past, the spirit at once leaves its old home, and returns again only at the time of the Layog. From that time on, he continues his existence in the upper world, neither troubling, nor being troubled by mortals on earth.77 Ancestor worship does not occur here, nor are offerings made to the dead, other than those described above. Page 293

The Tinguian has been taught by his elders that he is surrounded by a great body of spirits, some good, some malevolent. The folk-tales handed down from ancient times add their authority to the teachings of older generations, while the individual himself has seen the bodies of the mediums possessed by the superior beings; he has communicated with them direct, has seen them cure the sick and predict coming events. At many a funeral, he has seen the medium squat before the corpse, chanting a weird song, and then suddenly become possessed by the spirit of the deceased; and, finally, he or some of his friends or townspeople are confident that they have seen and talked to ghosts of the recently departed. All these beings are real to him; he is so certain of their existence that he seldom speculates about them or their acts.

Some of these spirits are always near; and a part of them, at least, take more than an ordinary interest in human affairs. Thanks to the teachings of the elders, the Tinguian knows how to propitiate them; and, if necessary, he may even compel friendly action on the part of many. Toward the less powerful of the evily disposed beings, he shows indifference or insolence; he may make fun of, or lie to, and cheat them during the day, but he is careful to guard himself at night against their machinations. To the more powerful he shows the utmost respect; he offers them gifts of food, drink, and material objects; and conducts ceremonies in the manner demanded by them. Having done these things, he feels that he is a party to a bargain; and the spirits must, on their part, repay by granting the benefits desired. Not entirely content with these precautions, he performs certain magical acts which prevent evil spirits from doing harm to an individual or a community, and by the same means he is able to control storms, the rise of streams, and the growth of crops. It is doubtful if the Tinguian has ever speculated in regard to this magical force, yet he clearly separates it from the power resident in the spirit world. It appears to be a great undifferentiated force to which spirits, nature, and men are subject alike.

If a troublesome question arises, or an evident inconsistency in his beliefs is called to his attention, he disposes of it by the simple statement that it is kadauyan (“custom”), “was taught by the ancestors,” and hence is not subject to question. Page 294

His religion holds forth no threat of punishment in a future world, neither are there rewards in that existence to urge men to better deeds. The chief teaching is that the customs of ancient times must be faithfully followed; to change is to show disrespect for the dead, for the spirits who are responsible for the customs, which are synonymous with law.

Custom and religion have become so closely interwoven in this society that it is well-nigh impossible to separate them. The building of a house, the planting, harvesting and care of the rice, the procedure at a birth, wedding, or funeral, in short, all the events of the social and economic life, are so governed by custom and religious beliefs, that it is safe to say that nearly every act in the life of the Tinguian is directed or affected by these forces.

Two classes of spirits are recognized; first, those who have existed through all time, whom we shall call natural spirits; second, the spirits of deceased mortals. The latter reside forever in Maglawa, a place midway between earth and sky; but a small number of them have joined the company of the natural spirits. Except for these few, they are not worshiped, and no offerings are made to them, after the period of mourning is past. The members of the first class cover a wide range, from Kadaklan, the great spirit who resides above, to Kabonīyan, the teacher and helper, to those resident in the guardian stones, to the half human, half bird-like alan, to the low, mean spirits who delight to annoy mortals. These beings are usually invisible, but at times of ceremonies they enter the bodies of the mediums, possess them, and thus communicate with the people. On rare occasions they are visible in their own forms, as when Kabonīyan appeared as the antagonist and later as the friend of Sayen.1

These beings are addressed, first through certain semi-magical formulas, know as dīams. These are seldom prayers or supplications, but are a part of a definite ritual, the whole of which is expected to gain definite favors.

At the beginning, and during the course of all ceremonies, animals are killed. A part of the flesh and the blood is mixed with rice, and is offered to the spirits; but the bulk of the offering is eaten by the participants. Liquor is consumed in great quantities at such a time, but a small amount is always poured out for the use of the superior beings. Finally, the mediums summon the spirits into their bodies; and, when possessed, they are no longer considered as persons, but are the spirits Page 295themselves. The beings who appear in this way talk directly with the people; they offer advice, give information concerning affairs in the spirit world, and oftentimes they mingle with the people on equal terms, joining in their dances and taking a lively interest in their daily affairs.

The people seldom pray to or supplicate the invisible spirits; but when they are present in the bodies of the mediums, they make requests, and ask advice, as they would from any friend or acquaintance. With many, the Tinguian is on amicable terms, while toward Kabonīyan he exhibits a degree of respect and gratitude which is close to affection. He realizes that there are many unfriendly spirits, but he has means of controlling or thwarting their evil designs; and hence he does not live in that state of perpetual fear which is so often pictured as the condition of the savage.

The Spirits.—A great host of unnamed spirits are known to exist; they often attend the ceremonies and sometimes enter the bodies of the mediums, and in this way new figures appear from time to time. In addition to these, there are certain superior beings who are well known, and who, as already indicated, exercise a potent influence on the daily life of the people. The following list will serve to give some idea of these spirits and their attributes; while the names of the less important will be found in connection with the detailed description of the ceremonies.

Kadaklan (“the greatest”), a powerful male spirit, who lives in the sky, created the earth, sun, moon, and stars. The stars are only stones, but the sun and moon are lights. At times Kadaklan enters the body of a favored medium, and talks directly with the people; but more frequently he takes other means of communication. Oftentimes he sends his dog Kīmat, the lightening, to bite a tree or strike a field or house, and in this way makes known his wish that the owner celebrate the Padīam ceremony (cf. p. 401). All other beings are in a measure subservient to him, and his wishes are frequently made known through them. Thunder is his drum with which he amuses himself during stormy weather, but sometimes he plays on it even on clear days.

Agᴇmᴇm is the wife of Kadaklan. She lives in the ground. Little is known of her except that she has given birth to two sons,2 whose chief duty is to see that the commands of their father are obeyed.

Adám and Baliyen are the sons of Kadaklan. The name of the Page 296first boy is suggestive of Christian influence, but there are no traditions or further details to link him with the Biblical character.

Kabonīyan is the friend and helper of the people, and by many is classed above or identified with Kadaklan. At times he lives in the sky; again in a great cave near Patok.3 From this cave came the jars which could talk and move, here were found the copper gongs used in the dances, and here too grew the wonderful tree which bore the agate beads so prized by the women. This spirit gave the Tinguian rice and sugar-cane, taught them how to plant and reap, how to foil the designs of ill-disposed spirits, the words of the dīams and the details of many ceremonies. Further to bind himself to the people, it is said, he married “in the first times” a woman from Manabo. He is summoned in nearly every ceremony, and there are several accounts of his having appeared in his own form. According to one of these, he is of immense proportions; his spear is as large as a tree, and his head-axe the size of the end of the house.4

Apdel is the spirit who resides in the guardian stones (pīnaing) at the gate of the town. During a ceremony, or when the men are away for a fight, it becomes his special duty to protect the village from sickness and enemies. He has been known to appear as a red rooster or as a white dog.

Īdadaya, who lives in the east (daya), is a powerful spirit who attends the Pala-an ceremony. He rides a horse, which he ties to the little structure built during the rite. Ten grand-children reside with him, and they all wear in their hair the īgam (notched feathers attached to a stick). When these feathers lose their lustre, they can only be restored by the celebration of Pala-an(cf. p. 328). Hence the owners cause some mortal, who has the right to conduct the ceremony, to become ill, and then inform him through the mediums as to the cause of his affliction. The names of the grand-children are as follows: Pensipenondosan, Logosen, Bakoden, Bing-gasan, Bakdañgan, Giligen, Idomalo, Agkabkabayo, Ebloyan, and Agtabtabokal.

Kaiba-an is the spirit who lives in the little house or saloko in the rice-fields, and who protects the growing crops. Offerings are made to him, when a new field is constructed, when the rice is transplanted, and at harvest time. “The ground which grows” (that is the nest of the white ant) is said to be made by him. Page 297

Makaboteng, also called Sanadan, is the guardian of the deer and wild hogs. His good will is necessary if the dogs are to be successful in the chase; consequently he is summoned to many ceremonies, where he receives the most courteous treatment. In one ceremony he declared, “I can become the sunset sky.”

Sabīan or Isabīan is the guardian of the dogs.

Bisangolan (“the place of opening or tearing”) is a gigantic spirit, who lives near the river, and who in time of floods uses his head-axe and walking-stick to keep the logs and refuse from jamming. “He is very old, like the world, and he pulls out his beard with his finger nails and his knife. His seat is a wooden plate.” He appears in the Dawak, Tangpap, and Sayang ceremonies, holding a rooster and a bundle of rice. In Ba-ak he is called Ibalinsogóan, and is the first spirit summoned in Dawak.

Kakalonan, also known as Boboyonan, is the one who makes friends, and who learns the source of troubles. When summoned at the beginning of a ceremony, he tells what needs to be done, in order to insure the results desired.

Sasagangen, sometimes called Ingalit, are spirits whose business it is to take heads and put them on the saga or in the saloko (cf. p. 310). Headache is caused by them.

Abat are numerous spirits who cause sore feet and headache. Salono and bawi are built for them (cf. pp. 309–310). The spirits of Ībal, who live in Daem, are responsible for most sickness among children, but they are easily appeased with blood and rice. The Ībal ceremony is held for them.

Maganáwan, who lives in Nagbotobotan (“the place near which the rivers empty into the hole, where all streams go”) is one of the spirits, called in the Sangásang ceremony, and for whom the blood of the rooster mixed with rice is put into the saloko, which stands in the yard.

Ináwen is a pregnant female spirit, who lives in the sea, and who demands the blood of a chicken mixed with rice to satisfy her capricious appetite. She also attends the Sangásang.

Kīdeng is a tall, fat spirit with nine heads. He is the servant of Ináwen, and carries the gifts of mortals to his mistress.

Ībwa is an evil spirit, who once mingled with the people in human form. Due to the thoughtless act of a mourner at a funeral, he became so addicted to the taste of human flesh, that it has since then been necessary to protect the corpse from him. He fears iron, and hence a piece of that metal is always laid on the grave. Holes are burned Page 298in each garment placed on the body to keep him from stealing them.

Akop is likewise evil. He has a head, long slimy arms and legs, but no body. He always frequents the place of death, and seeks to embrace the spouse of the deceased. Should he succeed, death follows quickly. To defeat his plans, the widow is closely guarded by the wailers; she also sleeps under a fish net as an additional protection against his long fingers, and she wears seeds which are disliked by this being.

Kadongáyan indulges in the malicious sport of slitting the mouth of the corpse back to the ears. In order to frighten him away, a live chicken, with its mouth split to its throat, is placed by the door, during the time the body is in the house. When he sees the sufferings of the bird, he fears to enter the dwelling lest the people treat him in the same manner.

Sᴇlday is an ill-disposed being. He causes people to have sore feet, and only relieves them, when offerings are made to him in the saloko or bawi. He lives in the wooded hill, but quickly learns of a death, and appears at the open grave. Unless he is bought off with an offering, the blood of a small pig, he is almost certain to make away with the body, or cause a great sickness to visit the village. As the mourners return home, after the burial, they place bits of the slaughtered animal by the trail, so that he will not make them ill.

Bayon is a male spirit, who dwells in the sky, and who comes to earth as a fresh breeze. He once stole a girl from Layógan, changed her two breasts into one, placed this in the center of her chest, and married her.

Lokadáya is the human wife of Bayon. She now appears to have joined the company of the natural spirits and to be immortal. At times, both she and her husband enter the bodies of the mediums.

Agonán is the spirit who knows many dialects. He lives in Dingolowan.

Gīlen attends many ceremonies, and occupies an important place in Tangpap; yet little is known of him.

Inginlaod are spirits who live in the west.

Ginobáyan is a female spirit, always present in the Tangpap ceremony.

Sangalo is a spirit who gives good and bad signs.

Dapeg, Balingen-ngen, Benisalsal, and Kikiba-an, are all disturbers and mischief-makers. They cause illness, sore feet, headache, and bad dreams. They are important only because of the frequency with which they appear.

Al-lot attends festivals and prevents quarrels. Page 299

Liblibayan, Banbanayo, and Banbantay, are lesser spirits, who formerly aided “the people of the first times.”

The term “Alan” comprises a large body of spirits with half human, half bird-like forms. They have wings and can fly; their toes are at the back of their feet, and their fingers attach to the wrists and point backward. Often they hang from the branches of trees, like bats, but they are also pictured as having fine houses and great riches. They are sometimes hostile or mischievous, but more frequently are friendly. They play a very important part in the mythology, but not in the cult.5

Komau is a giant spirit, who, according to tradition, was killed by the hero Sayen. Among the Ilocano and some of the Tinguian, the Komau is known as a great invisible bird, which steals people and their possessions. He does not visit the people through the bodies of the mediums.

Anito is a general term used to designate members of the spirit world.

A survey of the foregoing list brings out a noticeable lack of nature-spirits; of trees, rocks, and natural formations considered as animate; and of guardian spirits of families and industries. There is a strong suggestion, however, in the folk-tales to the effect that this has not always been the case; and even to-day there are some conflicts regarding the status of certain spirits. In the village of Manabo, thunder is known as Kidol; in Likuan and Bakaok, as Kido-ol; and in each place he is recognized as a powerful spirit. In Ba-ay, two types of lightning are known to be spirits. The flash from the sky is Salit, that “from the ground” is Kilawit. Here thunder is Kadaklan, but the sun is the all powerful being. He is male, and is “so powerful that he does not need or desire ceremonies or houses.” The moon is likewise a powerful spirit, but female.

In the discussion of the tales6 it was suggested that these and other ideas, which differ from those held by the majority of the tribe, may represent older conceptions, which have been swamped, or may have been introduced into Abra by emigrants from the north and east.

The Mediums.—The superior beings talk with mortals through the aid of mediums, known individually and collectively as alopogan (“she who covers her face”).7 These are generally women past middle life, though men are not barred from the profession, who, when Page 300chosen, are made aware of the fact by having trembling fits when they are not cold, by warnings in dreams, or by being informed by other mediums that they are desired by the spirits. A woman may live the greater part of her life without any idea of becoming a medium, and then because of such a notification will undertake to qualify. She goes to one already versed, and from her learns the details of the various ceremonies, the gifts suitable for each spirit, and the chants or dīams which must be used at certain times. This is a considerable task, for the dīams must be learned word for word; and, likewise, each ceremony must be conducted, just as it was taught by the spirits to the “people of the first times.” The training occupies several months; and when all is ready, the candidate secures her pīling. This is a collection of large sea-shells attached to cords, which is kept in a small basket together with a Chinese plate and a hundred fathoms of thread (Plate XIX). New shells may be used, but it is preferable to secure, if possible, the pīling of a dead medium. Being thus supplied, the novice seeks the approval of the spirits and acceptance as a medium. The wishes of the higher beings are learned by means of a ceremony, in the course of which a pig is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is scattered on the ground. The liver of the animal is eagerly examined; for, if certain marks appear on it, the candidate is rejected, or must continue her period of probation for several months, before another trial can be made. During this time she may aid in ceremonies, but she is not possessed by the spirits. When finally accepted, she may begin to summon the spirits into her body. She places offerings on a mat, seats herself in front of them, and calls the attention of the spirits by striking her pīling, or a bit of lead, against a plate; then covering her face with her hands, she begins to chant. Suddenly she is possessed; and then, no longer as a human, but as the spirit itself, she talks with the people, asking and answering questions, or giving directions, as to what shall be done to avert sickness and trouble, or to bring good fortune.

Certain mediums are visited only by low, mean spirits; others, by both good and bad; while still others may be possessed even by Kadaklan, the greatest of all. It is customary for the spirit of a deceased mortal to enter the body of a medium, just before the corpse is to be buried, to give messages to the family; but he seldom comes again in this manner.

The pay of a medium is small, usually a portion of a sacrificed animal, a few bundles of rice, and some beads; but this payment is more than offset by the restrictions placed on her. At no time may Page 301she eat of carabao, wild pig, wild chicken, or shrimp; nor may she touch peppers—all prized articles of food.

The inducements for a person to enter this vocation are so few that a candidate begins her training with reluctance; but, once accepted by the spirits, the medium yields herself fully and sincerely to their wishes. When possessed by a spirit, her own personality is submerged, and she does many things of which she is apparently ignorant, when she emerges from the spell. Oftentimes, as she squats by the mat, summoning the spirits, her eyes take on a far-away stare; the veins of her face and neck stand out prominently, while the muscles of her arms and legs are tense; then, as she is possessed, she assumes the character and habits of the superior being. If it is a spirit supposed to dwell in Igorot or Kalinga land, she speaks in a dialect unfamiliar to her hearers, orders them to dance in Igorot fashion, and then instructs them in dances, which she or her townspeople could never have seen.8 At times she carries on sleight-of-hand tricks, as when she places beads in a dish of oil, and dances with it high above her head, until the beads vanish. A day or two later she will recover them from the hair of some participant in the ceremony. Most of her acts are in accordance with a set procedure; yet at times she goes further, and does things which seem quite inexplainable.

One evening, in the village of Manabo, we were attending a ceremony. Spirit after spirit had appeared, and at their order dances and other acts had taken place. About ten o'clock a brilliant flash of lightning occurred, although it was not a stormy evening. The body of the medium was at that time possessed by Amangau, a head-hunting spirit. He at once stopped his dance, and announced that he had just taken the head of a boy from Luluno, and that the people of his village were even then dancing about the skull. Earlier in the evening we had noticed this lad (evidently a consumptive) among the spectators. When the spirit made this claim, we looked for him, but he had vanished. A little later we learned that he had died of a hemorrhage at about the time of the flash. Page 302

Such occurrences make a deep impression on the mind of the people, and strengthen their belief in the spirit world; but, so far as could be observed, the prestige of the medium was in nowise enhanced.

Since most of the ceremonies are held to keep the family or individual in good health, the medium takes the place of a physician. She often makes use of simple herbs and medicinal plants, but always with the idea that the treatment is distasteful to the being, who has caused the trouble, and not with any idea of its curative properties. Since magic and religion are practically the same in this society, the medium is the one who usually conducts or orders the magic rites; and for the same reason she, better than all others, can read the signs and omens sent by members of the spirit world.

Magic and Omens.—The folk-tales are filled with accounts of magical acts, performed by “the people of the first times.” They annihilated time and space, commanded inanimate objects to do their will, created human beings from pieces of betel-nut, and caused the magical increase of food and drink. Those days have passed, yet magical acts still pervade all the ceremonies; nature is overcome, while the power to work evil by other than human means is a recognized fact of daily life. In the detailed accounts of the ceremonies will be found many examples of these magical acts, but the few here mentioned will give a good idea of all.

In one ceremony, a blanket is placed over the family, and on their heads a coconut is cut in two, and the halves are allowed to fall; for, “as they drop to the ground, so does sickness and evil fall away from the people.” A bound pig is placed in the center of the floor, and water is poured into its ear that, “as it shakes out the water, so may evil spirits and sickness be thrown out of the place.” At one point in the Tangpap ceremony, a boy takes the sacrificial blood and rice from a large dish, and puts it in a number of smaller ones, then returns it again to the first; for, “when the spirits make a man sick, they take a part of his life. When they make him well, they put it back, just as the boy takes away a part of the food, gives it to the spirits, and then replaces it,” The same idea appears in the dance which follows. The boy and the medium take hold of a winnower, raise it in the air, and dance half way around a rice-mortar; then return, as they came, and replace it, “just as the spirits took away a part of the patient's life, but now will put it back.”

The whole life of a child can be determined, or at least largely influenced, by the treatment given the afterbirth, while the use of Page 303bamboo and other prolific plants, at this time and at a wedding, promote growth and fertility.

A piece of charcoal attached to a certain type of notched stick is placed in the rice-seed beds, and thus the new leaves are compelled to turn the dark green color of sturdy plants.

If a river is overflowing its banks, it can be controlled by cutting off a pig's head and throwing it into the waters. An even more certain method is to have a woman, who was born on the other side of the river, take her weaving baton and plant it on the bank. The water will not rise past this barrier.

Blackening of the teeth is a semi-magical procedure. A mixture of tan-bark and iron salts is twice applied to the teeth, and is allowed to remain several hours; but, in order to obtain the desired result, it is necessary to use the mixture after nightfall and to remove it, before the cocks begin to crow, in the morning. If the fowls are heard, while the teeth are being treated, they will remain white; likewise they will refuse to take the color, should their owner approach a corpse or grave.

On well-travelled trails one often sees, at the tops of high hills, piles of stones, which have been built up during many years. As he ascends a steep slope, each traveller picks up a small stone, and carries it to the top, where he places it on the pile. As he does so, he leaves his weariness behind him, and continues his journey fresh and strong.

The use of love-charms is widespread: certain roots and leaves, when oiled or dampened with saliva, give forth a pleasant odor, which compels the affection of a woman, even in spite of her wishes.9

Evil magic, known as gamot (“poison”) is also extensively used. A little dust taken from the footprint of a foe, a bit of clothing, or an article recently handled by him, is placed in a dish of water, and is stirred violently. Soon the victim begins to feel the effect of this treatment, and within a few hours becomes insane. To make him lame, it is only necessary to place poison on articles recently touched by his feet. Death or impotency can be produced by placing poison on his Page 304garments. A fly is named after a person, and is placed in a bamboo tube. This is set near the fire, and in a short time the victim of the plot is seized with fever. Likewise magical chants and dances, carried on beneath a house, may bring death to all the people of the dwelling.

A combination of true poisoning and magical practice is also found. To cause consumption or some wasting disease, a snake is killed, and its head cut off; then the body is hung up, and the liquor coming from the decomposing flesh is caught in a shell cup. This fluid is introduced into the victim's food, or some of his belongings are treated with it. If the subject dies, his relatives may get revenge on the poisoner. This is accomplished by taking out the heart of a pig and inserting it in the mouth or stomach of the victim. This must be done under the cover of darkness, and the corpse be buried at once. A high bamboo fence is then built around the grave, so that no one can reach it. The person responsible for the death will fall ill at once, and will die unless he is able to secure one of the victim's garments or dirt from the grave.

The actual introduction of poison in food and drink is thought to be very common. The writer attended one ceremony following which a large number of the guests fell sick. The illness was ascribed to magic poisoning, yet it was evident that the cause was over-indulgence in fresh pork by people, who for months had eaten little if any meat.

Omens.—The ability to foretell future events by the flight or calls of birds, actions of animals, by the condition of the liver and gall of sacrificed pigs, or by the movements of certain articles under the questioning of a medium, is an undoubted fact in this society.

A small bird known as labᴇg, is the messenger of the spirits, who control the Bakid and Sangásang ceremonies. When this bird enters the house, it is caught at once, its feathers are oiled; beads are attached to its feet, and it is released with the promise that the ceremony will be celebrated at once. This bird accompanies the warriors, and warns or encourages them with its calls. If it flies across their path from right to left, all is well; but if it comes from the left, they must return home, or trouble will befall the party.

The spirits of Sangásang make use of other birds and animals to warn the builders of a house, if the location selected does not please them. All the Tinguian know that the arrival of snakes, big lizards, deer, or wild hogs at the site of a new house is a bad sign.

If a party or an individual is starting on a journey, and the kingfisher Page 305(salaksak) flies from in front toward the place just left, it is a command to return at once; else illness in the village or family will compel a later return.10 Should the koling cry awīt, awīt (“to carry, to carry”), an immediate return is necessary, or a member of the party will die, and will be carried home. When a snake crawls across the trail, and goes into a hole, it is a certain warning that, unless the trip is given up, some of the party will die, and be buried in the ground.

The falling of a tree across the trail, when the groom is on his way to the home of his bride, threatens death for the couple, while the breaking or falling of an object during the marriage ceremony presages misfortune.

Not all the signs are evil; for, if a man is starting to hunt, or trade, and he sees a hawk fly in front of him and catch a bird or chicken, he may on that day secure all the game he can carry, or can trade on his own terms.

All the foregoing are important, but the most constantly employed method of foretelling the future is to examine the gall and liver of slain pigs. These animals are killed in all great ceremonies, at the conclusion of a medium's probation period, at birth, death, and funeral observances, and for other important events. If a head-hunt is to be attempted, the gall sack is removed, and is carefully examined, for if it is large and full, and the liquor in it is bitter, the enemy will be powerless; but if the sack is small, and only partially filled with a weak liquor, it will fare ill with the warriors who go into battle. For all other events, the liver itself gives the signs. When it is full and smooth, the omens are favorable; but if it is pitted, has black specks on it, is wrinkled, or has cross lines on it, the spirits are ill-disposed, and the project should be delayed. If, however, the matter is very urgent, another pig or a fowl may be offered in the hope that the attitude of the spirits may be changed. If the liver of the new sacrifice is good, the ceremony or raid may continue. The blood of these animals is always mixed with rice, and is scattered about for the superior beings, but the flesh is cooked, and is consumed by the mortals.11 Page 306

To recover stolen and misplaced articles or animals, one of three methods is employed. The first is to attach a cord to a jar-cover or the shells used by a medium. This is suspended so that it hangs freely, and questions are put to it. If the answer is “yes,” it will swing to and fro. The second method is to place a bamboo stick horizontally on the ground and then to stand an egg on it. As the question is asked, the egg is released. If it falls, the answer is in the negative; if it stands, it replies “yes.” The third and more common way is to place a head-axe on the ground, then to blow on the end of a spear and put it point down on the blade of the axe. If it balances, the answer is “yes.”

Ceremonial Structures and Paraphernalia.—As has been indicated, the Tinguian holds many ceremonies in honor of the superior beings; and, in connection with these, builds numerous small structures, and employs various paraphernalia, most of which bear definite names, and have well established uses. Since a knowledge of these structures and devices is necessary to a full understanding of the ceremonies, an alphabetical list is here furnished, before proceeding to the detailed discussion of the rites.

Alalot: Two arches of bamboo, which support a grass roof. A small jar of basi stands in this structure for the use of visiting spirits. Is generally constructed during the Sayang ceremony, but in Bakaok it is built alone to cure sickness or to change a bad disposition (Plate XX, No. 4).

Aligang: A four-pronged fork of a branch in which a jar of basi and other offerings are placed for the Igorot spirits of Talegteg (Salegseg). It is placed at the corner of the house during Sayang.

Ansisilit: The framework placed beside the guardian stones on the sixteenth morning of Sayang. It closely resembles the Inapapáyag.

Balabago (known in Manabo as Talagan): A long bamboo bench with a roofing of betel leaves. It is intended as a seat for guests, both spirit and human, during important ceremonies.

Balag: A seat of wood or bamboo, placed close to the house-ladder during the Sayang ceremony. Above and beside it are alangtin leaves, branches of the lanoti tree, sugar-cane, and a leafy branch of bamboo. Here also are found a net equipped with lead sinkers, a top-shaped device, and short sections of bamboo filled with liquor. In some towns this is the seat of the honored guest, who dips basi for the dancers. In San Juan this seat is called Patogaú.

Balaua: This, the largest and most important of the spirit structures, Page 307is built during the Sayang ceremony. The roofing is of plaited bamboo, covered with cogon grass. This is supported by eight uprights, which likewise furnish attachment for the bamboo flooring. There are no sides to the building, but it is so sturdily constructed that it lasts through several seasons. Except for the times of ceremony, it is used as a lounging place for the men, or as a loom-room by the women. Quite commonly poles are run lengthwise of the structure, at the lower level of the roof; and this “attic,” as well as the space beneath the floor, is used for the storage of farming implements, bundles of rattan and thatching (Plate XXI).

Balitang: A large seat like the Balabago, but with a grass roofing. It is used as a seat for visitors during great ceremonies and festivals. This name is applied, in Manabo, to a little house, built among the bananas for the spirit Imalbi.

Banī-īt or Bunot: Consists of a coconut husk suspended from a pole. The feathers of a rooster are stuck into the sides. It is made as a cure for sick-headache, also for lameness.

Bangbangsal: Four long bamboo poles are set in the ground, and are roofed over to make a shelter for the spirits of Sayaw, who come in the Tangpap ceremony.

Bátog: An unhusked coconut, resting on three bamboo sticks, goes by this name. It always appears in the Sayang ceremony, close to the Balag, but its use and meaning are not clear.

Bawi, also called Babawi, Abarong, and Sinaba-an: A name applied to any one of the small houses, built in the fields or gardens as a home for the spirits Kaiba-an, Abat, Sᴇlday, and some others of lesser importance (Plate XXII).

Idasan: A seat or bench which stands near the house-ladder during the Sayang. A roof of cogon grass protects ten bundles of unthreshed rice, which lie on it. This rice is later used as seed. In the San Juan district, the place of the Īdasan seems to be taken by three bamboo poles, placed in tripod fashion, so as to support a basket of rice. This is known as Pinalasang.

Inapapáyag: Two-forked saplings or four reeds are arranged so as to support a shield or a cloth “roof” (Plate XVIII). During Sayang and some other ceremonies, it stands in the yard, or near to the town gate; and on it food and drink are placed for visiting spirits. During the celebration of Layog (cf. p. 290), it is built near to the dancing space, and contains offerings for the spirit of the dead. A spear with a colored clout is stuck into the ground close by; and usually an inverted Page 308rice mortar also stands here, and supports a dish of basi. In the mountain village of Likuan it is built alone as a cure for sickness. A pig is killed and the mediums summon the spirits as in Dawak (cf. p. 316).

Kalang: A wooden box, the sides of which are cut to resemble the head and horns of a carabao. The spirits are not thought to reside here, but do come to partake of the food and drink placed in it. It is attached to the roof of the dwelling or in the balaua or kalangan. New offerings are placed in the kalang, before the men go to fight, or when the Sayang ceremony is held. It also holds the head-bands worn by the mediums, when making Dawak (Fig. 4, No. 2).

Kalangan: the place of the kalang. This is similar to the balaua, but is smaller and, as a rule, has only four supporting timbers (Plate XXIII).

Pala-an: Four long poles, usually three of bamboo, and one of a resinous tree known as anteng (Canarium villosum Bl.) are set in a square and support, near the top, a platform of bamboo (Plate XXIV). Offerings are made both on and below the Pala-an during the ceremony of that name, and in the more important rites.

Pangkew: Three bamboo poles are planted in the ground in a triangle, but they lean away from each other at such an angle, as to admit of a small platform midway of their length. A roofing of cogon grass completes the structure. It is built during Sayang, and contains a small jar of basi. The roof is always adorned with coconut blossoms (Plate XX).

Sagang: Sharpened bamboo poles about eight feet in length on which the skulls of enemies were formerly exhibited. The pointed end was pushed through the foramen magnum, and the pole was then planted near the gate of the town.

Saloko, also called Salokang and Sabut: This is a bamboo pole about ten feet long, one end of which is split into several strips; these are forced apart, and are interwoven with other strips, thus forming a sort of basket. When such a pole is erected near to a house, or at the gate of the town, it is generally in connection with a ceremony made to cure headache. It is also used in the fields as a dwelling place for the spirit Kaiba-an (Plate XXV).

The Saloko ceremony and the dīam, which accompanies it, seem to indicate that this pole originated in connection with head-hunting; and its presence in the fields gives a hint that in former times a head-hunt may have been a necessary preliminary to the rice-planting. Page 309

Sogáyob: A covered porch, which is built along one side of the house during the Sayang ceremony. In it hang the vines and other articles, used by the female dancers in one part of the rite. A portion of one of the slaughtered pigs is placed here for the spirits of Bangued. In Lumaba the Sogáyob is built alone as a part of a one-day ceremony; while in Sallapadan it follows Kalangan after an interval of about three months.

Taltalabong: Following many ceremonies a small bamboo raft with arched covering is constructed. In it offerings are placed for spirits, who have been unable to attend the rite. In Manabo it is said that the raft is intended particularly for the sons of Kadaklan (Plate XXVI).

Tangpap: Two types of structure appear under this name. When it is built as a part of the Tangpap ceremony, it is a small house with a slanting roof resting on four poles. About three feet above the ground, an interwoven bamboo floor is lashed to the uprights (Plate XXVII). In the Sayang ceremony, there are two structures which go by this name (Plate XX, Nos. 2 and 3). The larger has two floors, the smaller only one. On each floor is a small pot of basi, daubed with white.

Taboo Gateway: At the gate of a town, one sometimes finds a defensive wall of bamboo, between the uprights of which are thrust bamboo spears in order to catch evil spirits, while on the gate proper are vines and leaves pleasing to the good spirits. Likewise in the saloko, which stands close by, are food and drink or betel-nut. All this generally appears when an epidemic is in a nearby village, in order to frighten the bearers of the sickness away, and at the same time gain the aid of well-disposed spirits. At such a time many of the people wear wristlets and anklets of bamboo, interwoven with roots and vines which are displeasing to the evil beings (Plate XXVIII).

Ceremonial Paraphernalia.—Akosan (Fig. 4, No. 4): A prized shell, with top and bottom cut off, is slipped over a belt-like cloth. Above it are a series of wooden rings and a wooden imitation of the shell. This, when hung beside the dead, is both pleasing to the spirit of the deceased, and a protection to the corpse against evil beings.

Aneb (Fig. 4, No. 1): The name usually given to a protective necklace placed about the neck of a young child to keep evil spirits at a distance. The same name is also given to a miniature shield, bow and arrow, which hang above the infant.

Dakīdak (Fig. 4, Nos. 3–3a): Long poles, one a reed, the other bamboo, split at one end so they will rattle. The medium strikes them Page 311on the ground to attract the spirits to the food served on the talapītap.

Īgam: Notched feathers, often with colored yarn at the ends, attached to sticks. These are worn in the hair during the Pala~an and Sayang ceremonies, to please the spirits of the east, called Īdadaya.

Inálson: A sacred blanket made of white cotton. A blue or blue and red design is formed, where the breadths join, and also along the borders. It is worn over the shoulders of the medium during the Gīpas ceremony (cf. p. 263).

Lab-labón: Also called Adug. In Buneg and nearby towns, whose inhabitants are of mixed Tinguian and Kalinga blood, small incised pottery houses are found among the rice jars, and are said to be the residences of the spirits, who multiply the rice. They are sometimes replaced with incised jars decorated with vines. The idea seems to be an intrusion into the Tinguian belt. The name is probably derived from lábon, “plenty” or “abundance” (Plate XXIX).

Pīling (Plate XIX): A collection of large sea-shells attached to cords. They are kept in a small basket together with one hundred fathoms of thread and a Chinese plate, usually of ancient make. The whole makes up the medium's outfit, used when she is summoning the spirits.

Pīnapa: A large silk blanket with yellow strips running lengthwise. Such blankets are worn by certain women when dancing da-eng, and they are also placed over the feet of a corpse.

Sado (Fig. 4, No. 3): The shallow clay dishes in which the spirits are fed on the talapītap.

Salogeygey: The outside bark of a reed is cut at two points, from opposite directions, so that a double fringe of narrow strips stands out. One end is split, saklag leaves are inserted, and the whole is dipped or sprinkled in sacrificial blood, and placed in each house during the Sagobay ceremony. The same name is applied to the magical sticks, which are placed in the rice seed-beds to insure lusty plants (cf. p. 399).

Sangádel: The bamboo frame on which a corpse is placed during the funeral.

Tabing: A large white blanket with which one corner of the room is screened off during the Sayang and other ceremonies. In this “room” food and other offerings are made for the black, deformed, and timid spirits who wish to attend the ceremony unobserved.

Takal: Armlets made of boar's tusks, which are worn during certain dances in Sayang. Page 312

Talapītap (Fig. 4, No. 3): A roughly plaited bamboo frame on which the spirits are fed during the more important rites. Used in connection with the dakīdak and clay dishes (sado).

Tongátong (Fig. 4, No. 5): The musical instrument, which appears in many ceremonials. It consists of six or more bamboo tubes of various lengths. The players hold a tube in each hand, and strike their ends on a stone, which lies between them, the varying lengths of the cylinders giving out different notes. Page 313

A visitor, who enters the Tinguian territory in the period following the rice-harvest, quickly gains the impression that the ceremonial life of this people is dominant. In nearly every village, he finds one or more ceremonies in progress, while work is almost forgotten. This condition exists until the coming of the rains in May, when all is changed. Men and women go to the fields before daybreak, and return only when darkness forces them to cease their toil. During the period when the fields are in preparation, or the rice is growing, few ceremonials are held, except those intended to promote the growth of the crops, to cure sickness, or to ward off impending misfortune.

Aside from the rites, which attend birth, marriage, and similar events, the ceremonies may be placed in two divisions: first, those which may be celebrated by all people; second, those restricted to certain families. The first class we shall designate as the minor ceremonies.

Dawak (also called Bonī and Alopag).—The name Dawak is applied to that part of important ceremonies in which the spirits enter the bodies of the mediums. It is also given as a separate ceremony, usually to cure sickness, but in some settlements it follows a birth.

According to tradition, it was taught, together with the Sayang ceremony, by the spirit Kabonīyan to a woman Dayapan; and she, in turn, taught it to others, who were then able to cure sickness.

It is probable that the name comes from dáwat (a “request” or “petition”); yet there is little in it which corresponds to prayer or entreaty.

As there was considerable variation in each Dawak witnessed by the writer, the complete ceremony is given for the village of Ba-ak, together with striking variations from other towns.

In this instance, the rite was held to effect the cure of a sick woman and to learn the desires of the spirits. Two mediums, assisted by several men and women, spent the first afternoon preparing the things to be used. First, a short cane was fashioned out of black wood, rattan rings were slipped over this, and all were placed inside a Chinese jar. A dish of cooked rice was put over the top, as a cover, and a blanket spread over the whole. This was brought close to the patient, the Page 314medium recited a dām over it,1 and then ordered that it remain there throughout the ceremony. On a large mat in the center of the room were placed betel-nuts, coconuts, and leaves, two jars—one empty, the other filled with basi—, a large and small head-axe, two spears, and some shells. An empty jar had a string of beads tied around its neck, and inside it was placed a switch, care being taken that a portion of it hung outside. Beside the jar was a basket containing five bundles of unthreshed rice, on which was a skein of thread supporting a new jar. All this was covered with a woman's skirt. Finally a bound pig was laid just inside the door.

When all was complete, three men played on the tongátong (cf. p. 314), until one of the mediums took her place beside the mat. Raising a plate above her head, she struck it repeatedly with a small head-axe, to call attention of the spirits.2 Then she began to chant and wail calling the spirits to enter her body. After two or three moments of song, she was possessed by a spirit, who announced that his name was Ibalinsogwan. He placed a rooster at one end of a spear, and a bundle of rice at the other, did a short dance, and departed. The mediums then seated themselves on opposite sides of the jar of basi; each drank of the liquor, and the chant began again. Spirit after spirit took possession of one of the mediums, who then conversed with the other, asked questions concerning the patient, or other matters, and occasionally offered advice. Before his departure, each spirit would drink of the basi.

The members of the family were present during most of the day; friends came, and went as they pleased, stopped to listen to or talk with the spirits, drank basi, and then went about their work.

Early the second morning, the mediums went to a bound pig in the house, and after placing betel-nut on its back, they poured water into its ear. This caused the animal to shake its head; and, as the water was thrown out, one of the mediums caught it in her hand, and applied it to the sick woman, at the same time chanting, “Go away sickness, be thrown out like this water; let this person be well, for she is now following the custom.” As soon as she had finished, two men carried the animal to the river bank, where they killed and singed it. Upon their return to the house, they removed and carefully examined its liver; for, by the markings on it, the people were assured Page 315that the spirits were pleased with the manner in which the ceremony was being conducted, and hence the prospects for the patient's recovery were very bright. Gīpas, the dividing, followed. An old man divided the pig with the medium, but by sly manipulation managed to get a little more than she did. A betel-nut, beeswax, and a lead net-sinker were tied together with a string, and were divided, but again the old man received a little more than his share. Betel-nut was offered to the pair. Apparently each piece was the same, but only one was supplied with lime, and the mortal secured that. He then challenged the medium to see whose spittle was the reddest. Both expectorated on the head-axe, but since the spittle of the medium was not mixed with lime, it was uncolored. In all instances the human being came out victor over the spirit, who sought to take the woman's life. Hence her recovery was assured.

A new spirit possessed the medium, and under her directions the family was placed beneath a blanket, and a coconut was cut in two over their heads. In addition to the fluid of the nut, water was emptied over them, “so that the sickness would be washed away.” As soon as the family emerged from the blanket, they went to their balaua,3 and offered food, after which the medium again summoned several spirits. From this time until well into the evening, the guests danced tadek, stopping only to be served with food and drink.

The morning of the third and last day was spent in preparing food and other offerings, which were placed on a mat and left, for a time, to be used by the immortals. Later the offerings were consumed by the guests, and the medium summoned the spirit Agkabkabayo. This being directed four men to carry the blanket on which the medium was seated to the balaua, when they were met by another medium, possessed by the spirit Balien. For a time they busied themselves making repairs to the spirit structure, then decorated it by tying strips of shredded coconut leaves to the slats of the floor. They also attached leaves to the kalang (cf. p. 310), and inserted betel-nut and leaf. The final act of the ceremony was to prepare four soloko (cf. p. 310). In the first was placed a half coconut; in the second was rice mixed with blood; in the third cooked flesh of a fowl; and in the last were four stalks of rice, and some pine-sticks. One was placed at each gate of the town as an offering, and the people returned to their homes.

As payment for their services, the mediums received a small portion of the pig, some rice, beads, a little money, and cloth. Page 316

The acts and conversation of the spirits when summoned in Dawak are well illustrated by the following.

A woman of Lagangilang was ill with dysentery; and a medium, in this instance, a man, was instructed to make Dawak. He began summoning the spirits by striking a dish with his head-axe. Soon he covered his face with his hands, began to sway to and fro, and to chant unintelligible words. Suddenly he stopped and announced that he was the spirit Labotan, and that it was his wish that blood and rice be placed on a head-axe, and be laid on the woman's abdomen. Next he ordered that they should feed some rice to the small pig which lay bound on the floor. “If he eats, this is the right ceremony, and you will get well,” he said. The pig refused the food, and, after expressing regret that he was unable to help, the spirit departed, to be succeeded by Binoñgon. He at once directed that the pig be killed, and the palpitating heart be put on the woman's stomach, and then be pressed against each person in the room, as a protection against illness. At first he refused to drink the liquor which was offered to him, for it was new and raw; but when he learned that no other could be obtained, he drank, and then addressed the patient. “You ate something forbidden. It is easy to cure you if the spirits have made you ill; but if some one is practising magic, perhaps you will die.” With this cheering message the spirit departed, and Ayaonwán appeared. He directed an old woman to feed rice and water to the patient, and then, without further advice, he said, “The other spirits do not like me very well, so I cannot go to their places. I went to their places, but they said many bad words to me. I offered them basi, but they did not wish to take; so I asked the way, and they showed me to the other spirits' place. I was poor, and had nothing to eat for noon or night. When I was in the road, I met many long snakes, and I had to push them apart so I could walk. And I met many eels, and asked of them the road; but the eels bit me, and took me into their stomachs, and carried me to Luluaganan to the well there; then I died. The people, who go to the well, say, ‘Why is Ayaonwán dead? We have a bad odor now;’ and the eels say, ‘Whose son is this?’ and they rubbed my dead spirit, and I received life again. Then I took blood and rice with me to the sky to the other eels to make Sayang. The eels gave me gold for my wrists; the monkeys gave me gold for my teeth and hair; the wild pig gave me bracelets. There is much more I can tell you, but now I must go.” The spirit departed, and a new one was summoned. This spirit took the spear in his hand, and after chanting about the illness of the woman, he drank basi out of a dish, sitting on the head-axe. Then singing again he Page 317dipped the spear in the oil, and allowed it to fall drop by drop on the stomach of the sick woman; later he touched the heads of all present with the spear, saying, “You will not be sick any more,” and departed.

Pīnáing or Pináding (Plate XXX).—At the gate or entrance of nearly every village will be found a number of peculiarly shaped, water-worn stones, either beneath a small shelter, or nestling among the roots of some great tree. These are the “guardian stones,” and in them lives Apdel (“the spirit who guards the town”). Many stories cluster about these pīnáing,4 but all agree that, if proper offerings are made to them at the beginning of a great ceremony; when the men are about to undertake a raid; or, when sickness is in a nearby village, the resident spirit will protect the people under his care. Thus it happens that several times each year a group of people may be seen early in the morning, gathered at the stones. They anoint the head of each one with oil, put new bark bands on their “necks,” after which they kill a small pig. The medium mixes the blood of the slain animal with rice, and scatters it on the ground while she recites the story of their origin. Then she bids the spirits from near and far to come and eat, and to be kindly disposed.

In Bakaok and some other villages it is customary for the medium to summon several spirits at this time, and this is followed by the dancing of tadek. The people of Luluno always hold a ceremony at the pīnáing before the planting of the rice and after the harvest.

Following this ceremony in the village of San Juan, a miniature raft (taltalabong) was loaded with food and other presents, and was set afloat, to carry provisions to any spirit, who might have been prevented from enjoying the feast.

These stones are of particular interest, in that they present one of the few instances in which the Tinguian associates supernatural beings with natural objects.

Saloko (Plate XXV).—Besides the houses, in the fields, and at the gate of many villages, one often sees long bamboo poles with one end converted into a basket-like receptacle. Offerings of food and betel-nut are now found in them; but, according to some of the older men, these were, until recently, used to hold the heads of slain enemies, as is still the case among the neighboring Apayao.

The ritual of the Saloko ceremony seems, in part, to bear out this claim; yet the folk-tales and equally good informants assure us that the heads were placed on sharpened bamboo poles, which passed Page 318through the foramen magnum. It is probable that both methods of exhibiting skulls were employed in the Tinguian belt.

Nowadays the saloko found near to the villages are usually erected, during a short ceremony of the same name, as a cure for headache. A medium is summoned; and, after securing a chicken, she strokes it, as she chants:

“You spirits of the sagang,5 who live above.
“You spirits of the sagang, who live on the level ground.
“You spirits of the sagang, who live in the east.
“You spirits of the sagang, who live in the west.
“You Lalaman6 above.
“You Lalaman on the wooded hill.
“You Lalaman in the west.
“If you took the head of the sick man,
“You must now grant him health, as you please.”

The fowl is killed; and its blood, together with rice and some other gift, is placed in the saloko, and is planted near the house or gate. Oftentimes a string of feathers runs from the pole to the dwelling, or to the opposite side of the gate. The family cooks and eats the chicken, and the affected member is expected to recover at once. Should the trouble persist, a more elaborate ceremony, probably Dawak, will follow.

In some instances betel-nut prepared for chewing takes the place of the fowl; rice-stalks hang from the sides of the basket, and bits of pine are added “to make bright and clear.” All of this is rubbed on the patient's head, while the medium recites the dīam.

Bawī, also called Sinaba-an and Ababong.—This name is often applied to the small houses built in the rice-fields for the spirit Kaiba-an, but more commonly it refers to the little structures of bamboo and grass, which nestle among the banana plantings near the village (Plate XXII). When such a structure is built or repaired, it is accompanied by a ceremony of the same name. The usual purpose of this event is to cure sore feet, but in Patok and other valley towns it is celebrated before the rice harvest and the pressing of the sugar-cane, so that the spirits will keep the workers in good health, and save them from injury.

One of the most common ailments is sore or cracked feet caused, no doubt, by standing for long periods in the mud and water of the rice-fields, and then tramping over the rough, hot trails to the village. The Tinguian, however, know that the spirits, called Abat and Sᴇlday Page 319bring about this affliction, unless they are kept in good humor, and have something to occupy their time other than disturbing human beings; hence these houses are built for them, suitable offerings are placed inside, and finally a few banana suckers are planted close by, so that the spirits will be kept busy caring for them.

The origin of the ceremony is ascribed to a woman of ancient times, named Bagutayka, who, lacking certain organs, appears as an outcast. She at first caused passers-by to have trouble with their feet and limbs, but later taught them how to effect a cure by building the bawī and performing the ceremony.7

To-day, when a person is afflicted, he summons a medium, the spirit-house is built, and then the following dīam is recited over a rooster:

“You abat above,
“You abat in the ground,
“You abat in the corner of the house,
“You abat in the center pole,
“You abat below the stair,
“You abat in the door,
“You Sᴇlday in the wooded hill,
“You Sᴇlday above,
“Make the sick person well, if you please!”8

When the recital is finished, the fowl is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is placed in nine dishes and one polished coconut shell. From these it is transferred to nine other dishes and one bamboo basket. These are placed in a row, and nine dishes and one unpolished shell are filled with water, and placed opposite. In the center of this double line is a dish, containing the cooked flesh of the rooster, also some rice, and one hundred fathoms of thread, while between the dishes are laid ten half betel-nuts, prepared for chewing. Later, all these things are returned to a single receptacle, except those in the shell cups and basket, which are placed in the spirit-house. The underlying idea in this procedure seems to be that frequently found in other ceremonies, namely, that food and water symbolizes the life of the patient, which is partially taken away by the spirits; but when they are returned to one place, the life must be replaced in a like manner.

In Manabo a piece of banana bark is taken from one of the plantings beside a bawī; and, after being washed in the water, is applied to the affected limb.

The final act is to take a coconut husk, stick feathers in its sides, and hang it beside the bawī as a sign to all that the ceremony has been held. Page 320

No spirits are summoned at this time, neither is there singing or dancing.

Bakid.9—This ceremony is held to celebrate the completion of a new dwelling, or to remove any bad sign, which may have been received during the building operations.

The medium and her assistants fasten a bamboo pole or rattan cord across one portion of the room, and on it place numerous pieces of cloth-skirts, blankets, belts, a fish-net, and a quantity of false hair. This serves first as an offering to the spirits, but it is also explained that, if the immortals are unable to count all the gifts, they will be powerless to injure the occupants of the dwelling. Should an evilly disposed being desire to make trouble for the owner, he must count every hair in the switches, as well as every hole in the fish-net. Failing in this, he will be compelled by the other spirits to celebrate the Bakid ceremony five times at his own expense.

Beneath the line of offerings, a bound pig is laid; and, as she strokes the side of the animal, with oiled fingers, the medium repeats a dīam10 in which she tells of misfortunes of a family, which failed to observe the signs sent by Kabonīyan, and of his instructions as to how best to overcome their troubles. The family listens respectfully until the story is finished, then they lift a door from its socket, place it in the middle of the floor, and proceed to sacrifice the pig upon it. Some of the blood is immediately sprinkled on the house timbers, particularly those which may have given the builders trouble, either in transportation, or during the erection of the structure. The greater part of the blood is mixed with rice, and is dropped through the slits in the floor, or scattered about for the spirits; while for an hour or more a portion of the meat, the heart, and the head, are placed below the offerings on the cord or on the house-beams. Later, these portions will be cooked and served to the guests. Immediately after the killing, the liver is removed, and is examined for a sign. Should the omens be unfavorable, another animal will be killed, or the family will celebrate Sangasang within a few days. If the signs are satisfactory, the host begins to distribute basi, and soon good fellowship reigns. One after another of the guests sings the daleng, in which they bespeak for the owner a long and prosperous life in his new home. The Bakid always ends with a feast, in which the flesh of slaughtered animals plays the important part. Upon its completion, the medium is given a portion of Page 321the meat, some unthreshed rice, and other small gifts, as payment for her services. The guests return to their homes, and for two or three days following are barred from entering the new dwelling. During this period the family must remain indoors.

Sangásang.—Sangásang is often so similar to the Bakid, that one description might cover both. This is particularly true, if it is held to remove a bad sign. Should a large lizard or a bird enter a new building, it is considered as a messenger of Kabonīyan; and the foregoing ceremony is carried out, the only variation being that the bird or lizard is caught, if possible, is anointed with oil, a bead is attached to a leg, and it is then released to go back to its master.

Continued misfortunes to the members of a household would also be an excuse for the ceremony. In this instance, the only variation from the procedure just given would be in the dīams. The first to be recited tells how the spirit Maganáwan sent many snakes and birds to the gate of a town to demand the blood of a rooster mixed with rice. The people celebrated Sangásang, and sent blood and rice to Maganáwan, who, in turn, spat it out on the ground. As he did so, the sickness and misfortunes of the mortals vanished. The second dīam11 relates a quarrel between the various parts of the house, each insisting on its own importance. At last they recognize their mutual dependence, and the people of the dwelling are again in good health.12

In Lumaba and nearby villages, unpleasant dreams, or a bad disposition are overcome by a ceremony called Sangásang; but, as this varies somewhat from the others, it is given in detail.

The medium, who is summoned for this event, calls for oil and a rooster with long spurs. When these are brought, she strokes the fowl with the oil, and chants the following dīam. “There is a very old woman in the sea, and she says to her spirits, who are Dapeg (a spirit which kills people), Balingenngen (a spirit which causes bad dreams), and Benisalsal (a spirit which throws things and is unpleasant), ‘Go beyond the sea and spread your sickness,’ The spirits are going. They arrive and begin their work, and if the people do not make Sangásang, many will die. Now it is morning, and the spirits are going to the river to see what the people have offered to the old woman, who is Ináwen. If they do not find anything, they will say, ‘All the people in this town shall die,’ and then they will go on to another place.”

“Ináwen, who is waiting, sends Kideng (a servant) to search for Page 322the spirits, who are killing people, to tell them to return. Dapeg leaves the first town. He goes to another, and the dogs bark so that the people cannot sleep. A man opens the door, to learn the cause of the barking, and he sees a man, fat and tall, with nine heads, and he carries many kinds of cakes. The man says, ‘Now take these cakes, and if you do not make Sangásang for my mistress, at the river, you shall die. You must find a rooster with long tail and spurs; you must mix its blood with rice, and put it in the river at dawn when no one can see you,’ The man makes Sangásang the next night, and puts the blood, mixed with rice, in a well dug by the river, so that the spirits may take it to their mistress. Kideng also arrives and says, ‘you must come with me now, for she awaits you who are bearing this offering.’ They go and arrive. Their mistress eats and says, ‘I did not think that the blood of people tasted so badly, now I shall not send you again, for you have already killed many people.’”

When this chant is completed, the chicken is killed, as directed in the song; and at night the blood and rice are offered beside the stream.13 The chicken is eaten by the family, and its feathers are tied to a string, stretched across the room. Leaves are attached to the house-ladder as a warning that all visitors are barred, and for three days the family remains quietly indoors.

Sagobay.14—This is one of the most widespread of the ceremonies, for it not only covers the entire Tinguian belt, but extends into the Igorot villages of the Upit river region and Ilocos Sur, as well as into the Kalinga villages of the Malokbot valley.

Its occurrence in connection with the rice-culture is fully, described elsewhere (cf. p. 400), so that at this place only its second function, that of keeping illness from the town, is described.

When an epidemic appears in a nearby settlement, the lakay summons the old men in council, and they decide on the number of pigs, and the amount of rice, basi, and other articles required, after which the necessary funds are secured by levying a tax on all the people of the village.

To keep the evil spirits, who bear the sickness, out of the town, a cord of bamboo or rattan is stretched around the whole settlement, while at the gate a high fence is erected. Through the uprights of this fence are stuck bamboo spikes with the sharpened ends facing Page 323outward, so as to catch or pierce the intruders (Plate XXVIII); while in the saloko and along the gateway are placed leaves, roots, and other offerings acceptable to the friendly spirits. Similar cords and leaves are also strung around the entrances to the houses.

The cord and gateway form an adequate protection, and no human being or spirit will violate this taboo. Should a human do so, the least penalty would be a tax sufficient to pay all the expense of the ceremony; but should the sickness afterwards invade the town, it is quite possible that more serious punishment might be exacted by the families of the victims.

When all is prepared, the men and boys arm themselves, and with shouts and hostile demonstrations drive the sickness toward the town whence it is thought to come.15 Returning to the center of the village, the people dance tadek, and the mediums may summon several spirits. Next, the pigs are killed, and their livers are examined for a sign. Should the omens be unfavorable, one or more fowls will be sacrificed, until it seems certain that the help of the spirits is assured, after which the flesh is cooked and eaten. Then a small covered raft (taltalabong) is constructed, and a portion of the food is placed inside. Late in the afternoon, this is carried through the village, while one or more drummers keep up a din to frighten evil spirits away. Just as the sun is sinking, the raft is carried to the river, and is set afloat, in order that any interested spirits, who may have been prevented from attending the ceremony, may still receive their share of the offering. In Likuan a different explanation is offered for the taltalabong. Here they say that the offerings are placed on the raft, so as to induce any hostile spirits who may be near to enter, and then they are carried out and away from the town.

The blood of the slaughtered animals has been saved, and upon their return from the river the people dip leaves into it, and attach these near to the doors of their dwellings. For at least one day following, no work is done, and all visitors are barred. During this time the people only converse in low tones, and take special precautions against even animals making a noise. The beaks of roosters are tied, or they are placed in small baskets, so that they cannot stand up to crow.

In Lakub a new house or protection is placed above the guardian stones, and offerings are made to them at the time of the Sagobay, while in Likuan the participants wear neck and ankle bands of bamboo as a further protection from the sickness. Page 324

Ngorong-or.—Lumaba and the Tinguian villages of Ilokos Sur hold this ceremony, whenever a person is seriously ill with stomach trouble. As the rite does not extend far into the Tinguian belt, but is found in the Igorot villages farther south, it seems likely that it is an importation from that region.

The members of the family gather in the afternoon, and kill a small pig by cutting off its head. A part of the blood is saved, and the balance is sprinkled against the house posts and ladder. The pig itself is hung from one round of the ladder, so that its blood will drip to the ground. The medium has been standing quietly to one side watching, but now she calls upon the spirits, “You (calling one or more by name), come out; be vomited up, for now you are being fed.” She allows them a few minutes for their repast, then cuts open the carcass and removes the liver. A bit is cut from the top, then she splits open the animal's skull, and removes a little of the brain. This she places on a banana leaf; and, after adding a small piece of gold, wraps it up and buries it beside the center post of the dwelling. The animal is now cooked and served to the guests, but liberal portions are placed on the house rafters and other places convenient for the spirits.

Next morning a piece is cut from a dog's ear, is smeared with blood, and is placed in a small split bamboo, together with two stalks of rice. A clout is tied to a spear, and all are rubbed on the body of the patient, while the medium explains that this is the betel-nut of the spirits, and that, when she takes it from the village, they will go also, and the recovery be assured. The family follows her to the gate of the town, and watches closely, as she thrusts the spear and pole into the ground; for if they are firmly set in the ground, yet lean away from the village, it is certain that the spirits have departed, and the sick will recover.

Following the ceremony, members of the family may not work for five days, neither may they lead a horse or carabao, or eat of wild meat. Should they do any of the things forbidden, they will be struck by lightning.

Sapatá the Oath.—If a theft has been committed, and it has been impossible to detect the guilty person, the following procedure takes place. A rice-mortar is placed in the yard, and on it a dish of basi. All the people are summoned to gather, and one by one they drink of the liquor, meanwhile calling on the snakes to bite them, the lightning to strike them, or their abdomens to swell up and burst if they are guilty. Soon the people will know the culprit, for one of these disasters will befall him. When that occurs, his family will be compelled to make good the theft, as well as the expense of this gathering. Page 325

In addition to the ceremonies and rites which may be celebrated by all the people there are a number of more elaborate observances, which can only be given by those who have the hereditary right, or who have gained the privilege by a certain definite procedure.

In general these ceremonies are restricted to the villages in or close to the valley of the Abra, the lower reaches of the Tineg, Malanas, and Sinalong rivers. As one proceeds up the tributary streams into such settlements as Baay, Likuan, and Lakub, it is noticeable that the typical spirit houses become fewer in number, while the participants in the accompanying ceremonies are limited to recent emigrants from the lower valleys. The same thing is found to be true on the western side of the coast range of mountains, as one goes north or south from the Abra river, although there is evidence here that some of the settlements formerly had these rites, but have allowed them to fall into disuse, as a result of Ilocano influence.

This distribution of the great ceremonies seems to give a hint that they are intrusive; that they probably were at one time restricted to the families of emigrants and even to-day are barred from a part of the people. They have not yet extended far into the interior, despite the fact that in the lower valleys they almost completely dominate the life of the people during a portion of the year.

In all the valley towns one sees little houses and platforms, apparently of no practical value, yet occupying important places, while in the period following the rice-harvest elaborate festivals are carried on about them. Soon it develops that each of these structures has a definite name, is associated with a particular ceremony, and is built and kept in repair in honor of certain powerful spirits.

The culmination of these rites is the great Sayang ceremony which extends over seventeen days and nights. When this is held, it includes all the minor events of this class, and the smaller spirit structures are then built or repaired. This supreme event can only be celebrated by a few families, but all the townpeople are welcome guests, and all, regardless of age and sex, may witness or take part in the proceedings.

Since all the great events occur after the harvest, a time of leisure and plenty, they become the great social events of the year. A person who does not have the hereditary right to the ceremonies may gain the liberty if he be warned in a dream or be notified by the spirits that it is their wish. Since all the expenses of such a gathering fall on the giver, it is imperative that he be well-to-do. Such a one gives the ceremonies, in order, during a term of years, and eventually obtains Page 326the right to the Sayang, the greatest social and religious event in Tinguian life.

Adoption entitles an individual to all the privileges of the family, and as the writer and his wife were adopted into a family possessing the right to all the ceremonies, they became at once participants in all the events which are here described. In this way it was possible to obtain information and instruction on many points which observation alone could scarcely afford.

The Pala-an ceremony is the first round on the social and religious ladder. It is here given in some detail, and is then followed by others, in the order of their importance.

Pala-an.—The Pala-an is held when some member of the family is ill, or when the structure of that name needs repair. Many spirits visit the people during this rite, but the one chiefly interested is Īdadaya, the spirit of the east. He and his ten grandchildren wear in their hair the notched tail-feathers of a rooster, which are known as īgam. From time to time these lose their luster, and they can only be refreshed by having some mortal celebrate Pala-an.

When it appears that these ornaments need attention, the Īdadaya will notify some family, either through a medium or by sending illness to them.

A family having received such a notification summons a medium, and she at once begins to gather saklag (Justicia gendarussa L.) and sikag (Lygodium sp. near scandens) and a grass known as bildis, while the men secure the bamboo and other materials used in building the spirit structure. One corner of the living room is screened off with a large white blanket called tabing, and behind it the medium places unthreshed rice and jars which she has decked with vines and leaves.

While she is thus engaged, the men are busy building the pala-an (Plate XXIV). This consists of four long poles—three of bamboo and one of a resinous tree, anteng,16 set in a square and supporting, near the top, a platform of bamboo.

A number of women have been invited to assist the family, and they now proceed to beat out sufficient rice to serve the guests. When the pounding is finished, a rice-mortar is set out in the open, and a little rice is placed in it. The women, armed with long pestles, gather Page 327around and, keeping time to the music of copper gongs, they circle the mortar contra-clockwise, striking its edge three times in regular beats of 1, 2, 3; on the next beat the leader strikes the bottom of her pestle against that of her neighbor, on the first and second beats, but on the third she pounds the rice in the mortar. This is repeated by the woman on her right and so on around the circle. Then the leader strikes the top of her pestle against the top of the one held by the women next her on two beats and on the third pounds rice, and this is repeated by all. The music now becomes much faster, and, keeping time with it, the leader strikes first into the rice, then whirls clear around and strikes the pestle of the woman on her left; again she turns and strikes that of the woman on her right. Each follows her in turn, and soon all are in motion about the mortar, alternately pounding the rice and clashing pestles. This is known as kītong, and is the method prescribed by the great spirit Kabonīyan for the breaking of a part of the rice to be used in this and other ceremonies (Plate XXXI).

As soon as the pounding is finished, the medium places some of the newly broken rice in a bamboo dish, and places this on a rice winnower. She also adds a skirt, five pieces of betel-nut, two piper leaves, and a little dish of oil, and carries the collection below the pala-an, where a bound pig lies. The betel-nut and leaf are placed on the animal, then the medium dips her fingers in the oil, and strokes its side while she recites the following dīam:—

“The spirit who lives in Dadaya lies in bed; he looks at his īgam, and they are dull. He looks again, ‘Why are my īgam dull? Ala, let us go to Sudipán, where the Tinguian live, and let us take our īgam, so that some one may make them bright again.’ After that they laid them (the īgam) on the house of the Īpogau, and they are all sick who live in that house. Kabonīyan looked down on them. ‘Ala, I shall go down to the Īpogau,’ He truly went down to them, ‘What is the matter with you?’ ‘We are all sick who live in the same place,’ said those sick ones. ‘That is true, and the cause of your sickness is that they (the spirits) laid down their īgam on you. It is best that you make Pala-an, since you have received their īgam, for that is the cause of your illness,’ After that they made Pala-an, and they recovered from their sickness, those who lived in the same place. (Here the medium calls the spirits of Dadaya by name and then continues.) ‘Now those who live in the same place make bright again those īgam which you left in their house. Make them well again, if you please’.”

As soon as she finishes her recital, the pig is stabbed in the throat, Page 328its blood is collected, and is mixed with cooked rice. The carcass is singed at once. Five men then carry it to the top of the pala-an, where it is cut up. The suet and the hind legs are handed to the medium, who places them behind the screen in the room, and the family may then rest assured that the spirits thus remembered will free them from headache and sore eyes. After the flesh has been cut into small pieces, most of it is carried into the dwelling to be cooked for the guests, but a portion is placed in a bamboo tube, and is cooked beneath the pala-an. When it is ready to serve, the five men again go to the top of the structure and eat it, together with cooked rice, then they take the bamboo cooking tube, tie some of the sacred vines from behind the curtain about it, and fasten it to one pole of the pala-an. The men in the house are free to eat, and when they are finished, the women dine.

In the cool of the afternoon, the people begin to assemble in the yard, where they are soon joined by the medium carrying a spear in one hand, a rooster in the other, and with a rice winnower atop her head. She places the latter on a rice-mortar close to the pala-an, and uncovering it reveals a small head-axe, notched chicken feathers, her shells, five pieces of betel-nut and two leaves, a jar cover, a dish of oil, and a coconut shell filled with rice and blood.

At the command of the medium, four or five men begin to play on copper gongs, while the wife of the host comes forward and receives the spear and rooster in one hand. The medium takes the head-axe, and then the two women take hold of the winnower with their free hands. Keeping time to the music, they lift it from the mortar, take one step, then stop, strike the spear and head-axe together, then step and stop again. At each halt the medium takes a little of the rice and blood from the winnower and sprinkles it on the ground for the spirits to eat.17 When they have made half the circuit of the mortar, they change places and retrace their steps; for “as they take the gifts partly away and then replace them, in the same manner the spirits will return that part of the patient's life which they had removed, and he will become well and strong again.”

The blood and rice which remain after this dance is placed on nine pieces of banana bark. Five of these are carried to the pala-an; one to the east and one to the west gate of the town; one is put on the talagan, a miniature seat erected near by for the convenience of visiting Page 329spirits, and one in a little spirit house known as tangpap (cf.p.311). For an hour or more, the medium makes dawak, and summons many spirits into her body. When the last of superior beings has made his call, the medium goes to her home, carrying her payment for the day's work,18 but the townspeople remain to drink basi and to sing da-eng until well into the night.

Early the next morning, the medium goes to the house, and removing the jars and the bundle of decorated rice from the tabing, carries them to the family's rice granary, and places them in the center of that structure, covering them with six bundles of rice. This is an offering to the spirit residing there, and for the next five days the granary must not be opened.

Nothing more of importance takes place during the morning, but late in the afternoon the people assemble in the dwelling to drink basi, while one or more mediums summon the spirits. After a time a sterile female pig is brought in and placed in the center of the room. Two men armed with long knives slice the animal open along the length of its stomach. An old man quickly slips in his hand, draws out the still palpitating heart, and hands it to a medium, who in turn strokes the stomachs of members of the family, thus protecting them from intestinal troubles. She also touches the guests and the articles which have been used during the day. For this second day this medium receives, as pay, the head and two legs of the pig, a hundred fathoms of thread, a dish of broken rice, and five bundles of unthreshed rice. She also is given a small present in exchange for each bead she received when the spirits entered her body.

Following the ceremony, the members of the family are barred from work, usually for one moon, and during this period they may not eat of wild pig or carabao, of lobsters or eels. An infraction of this rule would incur, the wrath of the spirits and result in sickness and disaster.

Tangpap.—In many of the valley towns Tangpap is only a part of Sayang (cf.p.345), and is never given alone, but in Manabo, Lagangilang, and nearby settlements it is recognized as one of the ceremonies which must be celebrated before a family acquires the right to Sayang. In these villages it follows Pala-an after a lapse of two or three years. It was during the progress of this ceremony in the village of Manabo, in 1908, that the writer and his wife were made members of the tribe, Page 330and since the mediums were particularly anxious that we know all the details, the information in this instance is unusually complete. It is here given in full, as an excellent example of how all are conducted.

A Manabo woman, the wife of Sagasag, was seized with an illness which deprived her of the use of her limbs, and when other means of relief failed, was told by the spirits to give the Tangpap ceremony, to which she already had a hereditary right. A medium was summoned, and she, with two assistants, began to prepare many presents for the spirits who were expected to attend the ceremony. From previous experience it was known the sort of gift each would appreciate, and by the end of the second day the following things were in readiness.

For the spirits Bakod and Olak,19 a rice winnower was loaded with a shield, a clay dish, a coconut shell filled with basi, a string of beads, a small basket, two bundles of rice, and leaves of the atilwag (Breynia acuminata), later the half of a slain pig was also added.

Cords were attached at each corner of the living room, and beneath the points where they crossed was a mat on which the mediums were to sit when summoning the spirits. On the cords were leaves, grasses, and vines, the whole forming a decoration pleasing to the superior beings, I-anáyan and I-angáwan.

For Gapas they provided two small baskets of rice, a shell called gosipeng, and a rattan-like vine, tanobong, betel-nuts and piper-leaf.

Bogewan received a basket of rice, some white thread, sections of posel—a variety of bamboo—, atilwag leaves, and some beads. For Bognitan, a jar was partly filled with tanobong, and for Gilin, a jar of basi. Cooked rice was moulded into the form of an alligator, and was spotted with red, betel saliva. This, when placed on a basket of rice, was intended for Bolandan.

Soyan was provided with a basket which contained the medium's shells and a cloth, while Ibaka received a jar cover filled with salt. Dandawila had to be content with a stem of young betel-nuts, and Bakoki with two fish baskets filled with pounded rice, also a spear. A large white blanket was folded into a neat square, and on it was laid a lead sinker for the use of Mamonglo.

As a rule, three spirits named Mabᴇyan attended this ceremony. For the first, a bamboo frame was constructed, and on it was placed a female pig, runo (a reed), and prepared betel nut. For the second, a shield, fish net, rice and a rice winnower, and a bit of string; while Page 331for the third, a rice winnower was set with eight coconut shells, a small dish, and a gourd dipper.

During a considerable portion of the time that these articles were being prepared, several men sat in the yard and played on the tongátong, but when the mediums finally gave the signal that everything was in readiness, they moved their instrument up on the porch of the dwelling, where they continued playing softly.

One of the mediums took her place in the mat in the middle of the room, and raising a Chinese plate above her head, began to strike against it with her shells, in order to notify the spirits that the ceremony was about to begin. Next she placed two dishes on the mat in front of her, and as she sang a monotonous chant, she touched each one with a small stick. The host was then ordered to shuffle his feet between the lines of dishes and to step over each one. As soon as he did so, the medium pulled the mat from beneath them, rolled it up, and used it as a whip with which she struck the head of each member of the family. The spirit who had caused the woman's illness was supposed to be near by, and after he witnessed this whipping, he would be afraid to remain longer. As a promise of future reward to the well-disposed immortals, a bound pig was then placed beside the door of the dwelling.

Going to the hearth, the medium withdrew burning sticks, and placed them in a jar, and held this over the head of the sick woman, for “a spirit has made her sick, but the fire will frighten him away, and she will get well.” After she had made the circuit of the family, she held a bundle of rice above the flames, and with it again went to each person in the room; then she did the same thing with broken rice and with the atilwag vine.

Two mediums then seated themselves on the mat, and covering their faces with their hands, began to chant and wail, beseeching the spirits to enter their bodies. One after another the spirits came and possesed the mediums, so that they were no longer regarded as human beings, but as the spirits themselves. First came Kakalonan, also known as Boboyonan, a friendly being whose chief duty it is to find the cause of troubles. Addressing the sick woman, he said, “Now you make this ceremony, and I come to make friends and to tell you the cause of your trouble. I do not think it was necessary for you to hold this ceremony now, for you built your balaua only two years ago; yet it is best that you do so, for you can do nothing else. You are not like the spirits. If we die, we come to life again; if you die, you do not.” At this point an old man interrupted, and offered him a drink of basi. Page 332At first Kakalonan refused, saying he did not want to accept any payment; but finally he yielded and drained the coconut shell of liquor. After assuring the family that all would be well with them when the ceremony was complete, he took his departure.

The next spirit to come was Sagangan20 of Anayan. He appeared to be in a rage, because the proper present had not been prepared for his coming, and was expressing himself vigorously when a passing woman happened to touch him, and he at once departed. The medium chanted for a long time, urging him to return, and finally he did so. At once he demanded that two bundles of rice have wax heads moulded on them, and that black beads be inserted for eyes. These, he assured them, would serve him as well as the woman's life, so he would make the exchange, and she would get well.

When the dolls were prepared, he addressed the husband, “My other name is Ingalit, and I live in the sky. What is the matter with the woman?” “I do not know,” replied the man. “We ask you.” “You ask me, what is the matter with this woman, and I will tell you. How does it happen that Americans are attending the ceremony?” The husband replied that the Americans wished to learn the Tinguian customs, and this finally seemed to satisfy the superior being. Turning toward the door where the men were still softly playing on the tongátong, he called out peevishly, “Tell the people not to play on the tongátong, for the spirits who wish to hear it are not present, and we are ashamed to have the Americans hear it. You make this ceremony now because you are sick and do not wish to die, but you could have waited two years.”

While this spirit was talking, another, who said he lived in Langbosan, and had been sent by Gilen, came to the body of the second medium. Paying no attention to the other spirit, he began to give instructions for the conduct of the ceremony. The tangpap was to be build the next morning, also two balags (p.308), and for them they were to prepare one pig. “Do not fail to prepare this pig, but you may use it for both tangpap and balag. You will also make a taltalabong (p.311). For this you must prepare a different pig, for this is for the sons and servants of Kadaklan.”

After the departure of these beings, ten other spirits came in quick succession. Two of the latter claimed to be Igorot spirits, and both Page 333talked with the peculiar stacatto accent of the people who live along the Kalinga-Igorot border.21

After the departure of the Igorot spirits, both mediums were possessed, one by Sanadan, a male spirit, and the other by the female spirit of Pangpangdan. At their request the men began again to play on the tongátong, and the spirits danced. Soon Sanadan began to fondle the woman, to rub her face with his, to feel of her body and at last of her privates. Other spirits, who stayed only long enough to drink, followed them, and then Gonay appeared. The spectators had been openly bored by the last few visitors, but the name of Gonay quickly revived their interest. She began to sing a wailing song in which she told of her sad plight. Time after time she repeated the sentence, “Gongay has no husband, for her mother put a stone in her vagina, yet she loves all young men.” From time to time she would pause, and make ludicrous attempts to fondle the young boys, and then when they resisted her, she again took up her plaint. At last she succeeded in getting one young fellow to exchange cigars and headbands with her, and began to rub her hands on his body, urging him not to leave her. Just when she seemed on the verge of success in winning him, another spirit Baliwaga came to the medium, and the fun-maker had to depart. The newcomer placed an agate bead in a dish, and held it high above his head while he danced. Finally he called out that the bead had vanished, but when he lowered the plate, it was still there, and he left in chagrin. He was succeeded by a dumb female spirit named Damolan, who undertook to do the trick in which her predecessor had failed. Holding the plate high above her head, she danced furiously, and from time to time struck against the side of the dish with the medium's shells. Twice when she lowered the dish, the bead was there, but on the third attempt it had vanished. The trick was so cleverly done that, although we were beside her and watching closely, we did not detect the final movement. With much satisfaction, the medium assured us that the bead would be found in the hair of the man who broke the first ground for the tangpap, a boast which was made good the following morning.

Adadog came next, and not finding the chicken which should have been placed on the mat for him, he broke out in a great fury and tried to seize a man in its place. He was restrained from doing injury to his victim, and soon left, still highly indignant. Seven other spirits Page 334stopped only for a drink, and then Daliwaya appeared. Upon her arrival, one of the headmen gravely informed her that the people wished to adopt four Americans, but that only one was then present. The spirit bade the writer to arise from the mat, where he was lying, and after stroking his head for a time, said, “You wish to make this American an Itneg,22 but before you can do anything, the spirits must approve and give him a name. I will give him a name now, and then to-morrow all the people must say if they wish to give him another name and make him Ipogau.23 His name shall be Agonan, for that is the name of the spirit who knows many languages.” Again she stroked the writer's head, and then taking a large porcelain platter, she filled it with basi, and together we drank the liquor, alternately, a swallow at a time.

After her departure, an Alzado24 came and danced with high knee action, meantime saying, she was there to make some one ill, and that she would do so unless the American gave her a cloth for her clout when she returned the following day.

The next visitor was Sanadan, the spirit who owns and guards the deer and wild pig. Up to this time the people had been mildly interested in the arrivals, but when this important being appeared, the men at once became alert; they told him of their troubles in the hunts, of the scarcity of deer, and urged him to send more of them to Mt. Posoey, where they were accustomed to hunt. He offered much good advice concerning the methods of hunting, but refused to take any action regarding the game on the nearby mountain, for, he said, the spirit Dapwanay who owns Posoey was watching the game there. Just before he departed, he called to the headmen, “I am very rich and very bold. I am not afraid to go anywhere. I can become the sunset sky. I am going to Asbinan in Kalaskígan to have him make me a shoe of gold. To-morrow you must not use any of the things you have had out-of-doors, but you may make use of them when you build the taltalabong.”

The last spirit to come that night was Ablalansa who keeps guard over the sons of Kadaklan. He paused only for a drink and to tell the people that America was very near to the place, where the big birds live who eat people. Page 335

It was midnight when the medium informed us that no more spirits would come that evening, and we went to rest.

About six o'clock the next morning, the women began the ceremonial pounding of the rice known as kītong (cf. p. 329) in the yard, while one of the mediums went to the bound pig lying in the dwelling and recited a dīam as she stroked its side; she also poured a little basi through the slits in the floor for the use of any visiting spirits. While the women were thus engaged, the men were busy constructing spirit houses in the yard. Of greatest importance was the tangpap (Plate XXVII), a small bamboo structure with a slanting roof, resting on four poles, and an interwoven bamboo floor fastened about three feet above the ground.25 Near one of the house poles a funnel-shaped basket was tied, and in it was set a forked stick, within the crotch of which was a little floor and roof, the whole forming a resting place for the Igorot spirits of Talegteg. The pala-an needed a few repairs, and two of the old men looked after these, while others made two long covered bamboo benches which might be used either by visiting men or spirits.26 Four long bamboo poles were set in the ground, and a roof placed over them to form the bang-bangsal, a shelter always provided for the spirits of Soyau.

By ten o'clock all was in readiness, and the people then gathered in the dwelling, where the mediums began summoning the spirits. The first to arrive was Omgbawan, a female spirit whose conversation ran as follows: “I come now because you people ought to make this ceremony. I did not come last night, for there were many spirits here, and I was busy. You people who build tangpap must provide all the necessary things, even though they are costly. It is good that the Americans are here. I never talked with one before.”

Manaldek27 was the next arrival, and as he was one of the spirits who was supposed to have caused the patient's illness, his visit was of considerable importance. He was presented with a spear and prepared betel-nut. The latter was attached to the point of the weapon, and this was pressed against the body of the pig, then the spirit touched each member of the family in order to drive the sickness from them.

Mamonglo ordered the family under a white blanket, and then Page 336touched the head of each person with a lead sinker, while his companion spirit waved a bundle of rice and a firebrand over them, “To take away the sickness which they had sent.” Six other spirits came long enough to drink, then Bisangolan occupied the attention of all for a time. He is an old man, a giant who lives near the river, and with his head-axe keeps the trees and driftwood from jamming, and thus prevents floods. For quite a time he chatted about himself, then finally blew smoke over the people, at the same time assuring them that the sickness would now vanish like the smoke. Just before departing he informed the family that a spirit named Imalbi had caused the trouble in the patient's eyes, and that on the next morning they must build a little house, called balitang, among the banana trees, and place in it a live chicken.

Gayangayan, a female spirit from Lagayan, followed, rubbed the head of each person, blew smoke over them, and then announced thus: “The people of Layogan28 must not close their doors when it rains, or it will stop.”

The attitude of the people toward the weaker and less important spirits was well shown when Ambayau, a wild female spirit, arrived. She demanded to know where she could secure heads, and immediately the people began to tell her all sorts of impossible places, and made jests about her and her family. Finally they told her to take the head of a certain Christianized native; but she refused, since she had short hair, and it would be hard for her to carry the skull. While she was still talking, the men started to carry the pig from the room, but she detained them, to explain that the people cut the meat into too large pieces, for “we spirits eat only so much,” indicating a pinch. The spirit Soyau came for a drink, and then all the people went out to the tangpap, where the pig was killed, singed, and cut up. A small pig was laid beside the pala-an, and for a time was guarded by the son of the sick woman, who for this event had placed the notched chicken-feathers in his hair, and had put on bracelets of boar's tusks. As soon as she had finished at the tangpap, the medium came to the pala-an, and having recited the proper dīam over the pig lying there, ordered it killed in the manner already described for this structure (cf. p. 329). Both animals were then cooked, and soon all the guests were eating, drinking and jesting.

Late in the afternoon, the spirit mat was spread in the yard near to the tangpap, and the mediums began summoning the spirits. The Page 337first to come was Mamabᴇyan, an Igorot spirit for whom the people showed the utmost contempt. They guyed him, threw dirty water on his body, and in other ways insulted him, until in his fury he tried to climb the house posts to punish a group of girls, the worst offenders, but men and women rushed up with sticks and clubs, and drove him back. After a time he calmed down, and going to a bound pig, he addressed it as “a pretty lady,” and tried to caress it.

While this clown spirit was amusing the crowd, a second medium brought out ten coconut shells, one of which was filled with blood and rice. These she placed on a winnower, which in turn was set on a rice-mortar. Soon the spirit Ilongbósan entered her body, and commanded the son of the patient to take some of the blood and rice from the one dish, place it in all the others, and then put it back again, “for when the spirits make a man sick, they take part of his life, and when they make him well, they put it back. So the boy takes a part of the blood and rice away, and gives it to the spirits, then puts it back.” The spirit was followed, by Gīlen, who bade the lad take hold of one side of the winnower, while he held the other. Raising it in the air, they danced half way round the mortar, then retraced their steps. “This is because the spirits only partially took the life away. Now they put it back.” As they finished dancing, Gīlen struck his spear against the boy's head-axe and departed.

The medium, now with her own personality, leaned a shield against the rice-mortar, and in the Λ thus formed she hung a small bundle of rice and a burning cord, while over the whole she spread a fish net. Scarcely had she completed this task, when she was possessed by the spirit of Kibáyen, this being walked round and round the net, seeking for an opening, but without success. Later the medium explained, “The rice and fire represent the woman's life, which the spirit wishes to take; but she cannot, since she is unable to pass through the fish net.”

The next visitor was Yangayang, who began to boast of his power to make persons ill. Suddenly the medium fell to the ground in convulsions, and then stretched out in a dead faint. The writer examined her closely, but could not detect her breathing. After a moment, the second medium seized a rooster and waved it over the prostrate form, while an old man gave a sharp stroke on a gong close to her head. The medium awoke from her faint and thus “the death was frightened away.”

Mamonglo, who had been present during the morning, returned for a moment to again rub the family and guests with his lead sinker. Page 338While he was thus engaged, the second medium was possessed by Baniyat, a female who made a bit of fun by trying to steal the beads of the young girls, “so the men would love her.” Several times she tried to scale the house ladder, but was always repulsed, and each failure was greeted with jeers and ridicule.

Gomogopos, who causes stomach troubles, came, and after dancing before the rice-mortar, demanded that a small pig be laid before the tangpap. Scarcely had the animal been deposited, when the spirit seized a head-axe and cut it in two at one blow. Then he dipped the weapon in its blood and applied it to the stomach of each member of the family. “The pig is his pay, and now he takes away his kind of sickness.”

The second medium secured a live rooster, and using its wings as a brush, she took up the blood and the two halves of the pig, and put them in the tangpap. “The rooster is the spirits' brush, and when the dirt In front of the tangpap is cleaned up, then the people will be clean and well inside their bodies.” At the command of the medium, the husband of the patient went to the opposite side of the tangpap; then she threw a bundle of rice over the structure to him. He caught it, and immediately threw it back. This was repeated six times, but on the seventh the bundle lighted on the roof, where it was allowed to remain. “The spirit threw away the lives of the people, but the man returned them. The bundle is now on the tangpap, so now the people's lives will remain safe.”

An unnamed spirit was next to appear, and at his command the fore part of the pig was stood upright in the winnower, and a stick was placed in each nostril. These were seized by the spirit, who pumped them up and down, then withdrew them, and stroked each member of the family, while he chanted, “I did this to your lives, so now I must do it to you.”

Saking, a lame spirit, called for one of the pig's legs, and with it rubbed the limbs of each member of the family, “so that they will not become ill in their legs.”

One of the mediums now became possessed by Mangamian, who carried a feather which he used as a fighting knife. The onlookers seized similar weapons and defended themselves, or drove the spirit away by threatening him with a small dog. A fire had been built near the tangpap, and from time to time the spirit would rush up to this, thrust his feather into the flames, and then put it into his mouth. Later it was explained, “He is an evil spirit who tries to kill people. The feather is his bolo. He is like a blacksmith, and when his knife gets Page 339dull, he puts it in the fire, then puts it in his mouth to wet it, so as to make it ring.” Three spirits now appeared in quick succession, and discussed with the old men the advisability of adopting the Americans29 as Īpogau. Finally the leader Ilabdangan called them to the mat before him and told them their names, and also recited a list of their relations. Then, filling a coconut shell with basi, he drank half and presented the shell to each candidate, who had to drain it to the last drop. A circle was formed, and for the balance of the afternoon the new members of the tribe had to dance tadek with their relations.

Just before dusk, the Igorot spirit Daliwáya, who had been present the night before, appeared and demanded that the American give her cloth for her clout. When she received this, she sang and then instructed the men how to dance in Igorot fashion. When finally they were doing her bidding, she danced beside them with outstretched arms in the manner of the Igorot women. Later, when the medium was again herself, we questioned her concerning her knowledge of this dance, but she professed absolute ignorance.

That evening the people danced tadek, for a short time, near to the pala-an, then a fire was built beside the tangpap, and by its light the visitors danced da-eng until far into the night (cf.p. 440).

Early the next morning, the men went to some banana trees near to a rice granary, and there constructed a little spirit house, which resembled the pala-an, except that it was only about four feet high. This was called balitang, and was made in fulfilment of the orders given by the spirit Imalbi on the previous evening. When it was finished, the medium placed a dish of broken rice on it, and then tied a rooster with a belt close enough, so that the fowl could eat of the rice. Returning to the dwelling, she took down a small shield which was attached to the wall, placed new leaves and a dish of oil on it. Then as she stirred the oil, she sang the Talatal (Plate XXXII). The significance of this song, which consists only of mentioning the names of prominent men of various villages, seems to be lost. The kalang, or spirit box, was then redecorated, food was dropped through the slits in the floor for visiting spirits, and finally the medium held the shield over the heads of the family, beat upon it with a head-axe, while Page 340in a loud voice she asked the spirits that, since the family was now celebrating tangpap, they would please make them well again. The shield was fastened to the wall, new offerings of basi were placed in the kalang, and after it had been swung over the head of the patient, it was again fastened above the house beam near to the roof.

For the next hour the mediums summoned spirits to them. The first five had little of interest to offer, except that each demanded that his liquor be served to him on a head-axe. When the spirit Amangau arrived, he spent the time boasting of his head-hunting exploits; he told of how he had gone to one village, and had killed all the people, except one pregnant woman, and of the dance which followed. Finally he claimed the credit of having killed a man who had recently died in Manabo, and assured the people that his friends were then dancing about the head. The spirit Banbanyalan, who followed, disclaimed any part in the killing just mentioned, but verified the statement of his predecessor.

Tomakdeg came, and after filling his mouth with rice, blew it out over the people, in the same way that the sickness was to be spit out. Meanwhile Bebeka-an, armed with a wooden spoon, tried to dig up the floor and the people on it, “for that is the way she digs up sickness.” Awa-an, a spirit of the water, came to inform the people that the spirit of a man recently drowned was just passing the house. Everything else was abandoned for a few moments, while basi was poured out of the window, so that the dead might receive drink.

Two female spirits, Dalimayawan and Ginlawan, came at the same time and danced together, while they informed the people of their beauty and their expertness in dancing. Suddenly they stopped, and said that Andayau, the mother of Lakgangan, was near by; then they instructed the host that he should wrap a gourd in a cloth and tell Andayau that it was her son's head, and that he had been killed, because he had stolen carabao. Scarcely had the two visitors departed, when the mother appeared, and being informed of her son's death, she began to wail, “He is lost. No one works the fields, where we planted calabasa. Lakgangan is lost, he who has been killed. Why did you go to steal carabao? We have put Lakgangan in a hammock; we take him to Tomakdang. The basi put out for Lakgangan is good. He is lost whom they went to kill. Lakgangan is lost. We take him to Tomakdang.”

The song was interrupted by a head-hunting spirit, who demanded the heads of two visiting girls from Patok, but she finally went away satisfied with a piece of cloth which they gave her. Blood and oil were Page 341sprinkled liberally over the ground and the gathering broken up for the morning.

All the forenoon, a small group of men and women, had been constructing a small covered bamboo raft, and had placed in it a sack of rice, which had been contributed by all the people.30

By four o'clock a large number of people had gathered in the yard near the house, and soon the spirit mats were spread on an old bedstead, and the mediums started again to summon the superior beings. The first two to appear were Esteban from Cagayan and Maria from Spain. They wore gay handkerchiefs about their shoulders, and when they danced, gave an imitation of the Spanish dances now seen among the Christianized natives of the coast. It was quite evident that these foreign spirits were not popular with the people, and they were distinctly relieved when Mananáko replaced them. This spirit has the reputation of being a thief, and the guests had great sport preventing him from stealing the gifts intended for other spirits.

In the midst of this revelry, the other medium was suddenly possessed by Kadaklan—the supreme being. The laughter and jesting ceased, and breathlessly the people listened, while the most powerful being said, “I am Kadaklan. Here in this town where I talk, you must do the things you ought to do. I hear what you say you desire, and I see what you are able to do. Something ill will befall you unless you quickly celebrate Sagobay (cf. p. 324), when there are no strangers or Christians in your town. Where is the basi which should have been in the place where I first came?”31 Without awaiting an answer he vanished, and his wife Agᴇmᴇm took his place and repeated his remarks with little variation.

Sopo, a gambler, next appeared and tossed handfuls of coins into a blanket. He stated that if heads came up, the people won and would have good health, but if they lost, their lives were his. As soon as he threw, the people rushed up, and if they saw any tails they were quickly turned, and the spirit was informed that he had lost.

Kīmat, lightning, came and demanded a drink, which was given. As he is usually considered as a dog, the writer inquired why he had appeared as a man, but was rewarded only by a shrug of the shoulders and the word—kadauyan (“custom”). Page 342

Another spirit, Andeles, quickly replaced lightning, and with Sopo danced on the spirit raft, while the old men put dishes of water and coins inside, and fastened a small live chicken to the roof. The people then tried to induce the spirits to leave, but they refused. Suddenly they were flung aside, and two strong men seized the raft and started to run with it. Immediately the two spirits gave chase and fought viciously all who tried to get in their way, but when, finally, their opponents were joined by an old woman carrying a bundle of burning rice straw and an old man beating a drum, they gave up the chase and vanished. The party proceeded on to the Abra river, where they waded out into deep water and set the raft afloat (Plate XXVI).

That evening the guests danced da-eng, and the ceremony was over.

Throughout the three days, the mediums had been constantly drinking of basi, and while under the strain of the ceremony, they had not appeared intoxicated, but at its conclusion both were hopelessly drunk. The payment for the service was one half of the largest pig, unthreshed rice, and about two pesos in money, which was given in exchange for the beads which different spirits had demanded.

Kalangan.—In Manabo and the villages of that vicinity a period of about seven years elapses between the building of tangpap and the celebration of Kalangan, but in most of the valley towns the latter ceremony follows Pala-an after two or three years.32 The ceremony is so similar to the Tangpap just described that only the barest outline will be given here. The chief difference in the two is the type of structure built for the spirits. Kalangan has four supporting timbers to which the flooring is lashed, and from which kingposts go to ridge poles. A bamboo frame rests on this and, in turn, supports an overhanging grass roof (Plate XXIII).

The procedure is as follows: Late in the afternoon, all the necessary articles are brought to the house, then the mediums dance for a time to the music of the tongátong. Basi is served to the guests, and for an hour or more the spirits are summoned. Next morning the kalangan is built, and two pigs are sacrificed beside it. Their blood mixed with oil is offered to the spirits, and many acts, such as distributing the rice into ten dishes and then replacing it in the original container, the churning of sticks in the nose of a slaughtered animal and the like, are performed. Spirits are summoned in the afternoon, and in the evening da-eng is danced. On the third day new offerings are placed Page 343on the spirit shield and hanger; offerings are made at the new structure, numerous spirits appear, talk to and amuse the people, and finally da-eng is danced until late evening.

Following the ceremony, all members of the family are barred from work for about one month. They may not eat the meat of the wild carabao, wild hog, beef, eels, nor may they use peppers in their food. Wild fowl are barred for a period of one year.

Kalangan is much more widespread than either Tangpap or the Sayang ceremony, and this spirit structure is often found in villages, where the other great ceremonies are lacking.

Sayang.—The greatest of all the ceremonies is the Sayang, the ability to celebrate which proclaims the family as one of wealth and importance. In most cases the right is hereditary, but, as already indicated, a person may gain the privilege by giving, in order, and through a term of years, all the minor ceremonies. In such circumstances Sayang follows Kalangan after a lapse of from four to eight years. Otherwise the ceremony will be held about once in seven years, or when the spirit structure known as balaua is in need of repairs.

Originally this appears to have been a seventeen-day ceremony, as it still is in Manabo, Patok, Lagangilang, and neighboring villages, but in San Juan, Lagayan, Danglas, and some other settlements it now lasts only five or seven days. However, even in those towns where it occupies full time, the first twelve days are preliminary in nature.

On the first day, the mediums go to the family dwelling and take great pains to see that all forbidden articles are removed, for wild ginger, peppers, shrimps, carabao flesh, and wild pork are tabooed, both during the ceremony and for the month following. The next duty is to construct a woven bamboo frame known as talapitap on which the spirits are fed, and to prepare two sticks known as dakidak, one being a thin slender bamboo called bolo, the other a reed. These are split at one end, so they will rattle when struck on the ground, and thus call the attention of the spirit for whom food is placed on the rack.

That evening a fire is built in the yard, and beside it the mediums dance da-eng alone. Meanwhile a number of women gather in the yard and pound rice out of the straw. This pounding of rice continues each evening of the first five days. The first night they beat out ten bundles, the second, twenty, and so on, until they clean fifty on the fifth day.

Little occurs during the second and third days, but on these evenings the young men and girls join the mediums and dance da-eng by Page 344the fire in the yard. The fourth and fifth nights are known as gīnītbᴇt (“dark”), for then no fires are lighted, and the mediums dance alone. It is supposed that the black spirits, those who are deformed, or who are too shy to appear before the people, will come out at this time and enjoy the ceremony.

Beginning with the sixth day the women pound rice in the early morning. Starting with ten bundles, they increase the number by ten each day until on the thirteenth morning they pound out eighty bundles. A fire is lighted in the yard on the sixth day, and is kept burning continuously through the eighth, but the ninth and tenth are nights of darkness. When the fire is burning, it is a sign for all who wish, to come and dance, and each evening finds a jolly party of young people gathered in the yard, where they take part in the festivities, or watch the mediums, as they offer rice to the superior beings.

On the eleventh day, a long white blanket (tabing) is stretched across one corner of the room, making a private compartment for the use of visiting spirits. That evening, as it grows dark, a jar of basi is carried up into the house. All lights are extinguished both in the yard and the dwelling, so that the guests have to grope their way about. After the liquor is consumed, they go down into the yard, where, in darkness, they join the medium in dancing da-eng. The twelfth day is known as Pasa-ad—“the building.” During the preliminary days, the men have been bringing materials for use in constructing the great spirit-house called balaua, and on this morning the actual work is started. In form the balaua resembles the kalangan, but it is large enough to accommodate a dozen or more people, and the supporting posts are trunks of small trees (Plate XXI). After the framework is complete, one side of the roof is covered with cogon grass, but the other is left incomplete. Meanwhile the women gather near by and pound rice in the ceremonial manner described in the Pala-an ceremony (cf. p. 329).

As soon as the building is over for the day, a jar of basi is carried into the structure, a little of the liquor is poured into bamboo tubes and tied to each of the corner poles. The balance of the liquor is then served to the men who sit in the balaua and play on copper gongs. Next, a bound pig is brought in, and is tied to a post decorated with leaves and vines. Soon the medium appears, and after placing prepared betel-nut and lime on the animal, she squats beside it, dips her fingers into coconut oil, and strokes its side, then later dips a miniature head-axe into the oil, and again strokes the animal, while she repeats a dīam. This is a recital of how in ancient times Kadaklan and Agᴇmᴇn instructed Page 345the Tinguian as to the proper method of celebrating the Sayang ceremony.33 A little later the pig is removed from the balaua, and its throat is cut, first with a metal blade, but the deep, mortal thrust is made with a bamboo spike. The animal is then singed, but its blood is carefully saved for future use (Plate XXXIII). While all this is taking place, the men in the balaua drink basi and sing dalengs in which they praise the liberality of their hosts, tell of the importance of the family, and express hope for their continued prosperity. As they sing, the chief medium goes from one to another of the guests, and after dipping a piece of lead in coconut oil, holds it to their nostrils as a protection against evil. When finally the pig has been singed and scraped, it is again brought into the balaua, and its body is opened by a transverse cut at the throat and two slits lengthwise of its abdomen. The intestines are removed and placed in a tray, but the liver is carefully examined for an omen. If the signs are favorable, the liver is cooked and is cut up, a part is eaten by the old men, and the balance is attached to the corner pole of the spirit structure. The head, one thigh, and two legs are laid on a crossbeam for the spirits, after which the balance of the meat is cooked and served with rice to the guests. That evening many friends gather in the yard to dance da-eng, to drink basi, or to sing daleng. According to tradition, it was formerly the custom to send golden betel-nuts to invite guests whom they wished especially to honor.34 Nowadays one or more leading men from other villages may be especially invited by being presented with a bit of gold, a golden earring or bead. When such a one arrives at the edge of the yard, he is placed in a chair, is covered with a blanket, and is carried to the center of the dancing space by a number of women singing dīwas (cf. p. 452). At frequent intervals the merry-making is interrupted by one of the mediums who places the talapitap on the ground, puts rice and water on it, and then summons the spirits with the split sticks. Once during the evening, she places eight dishes and two coconut shells of water on the rack. Reaching into one of the dishes which contains rice, she takes out a handful and transfers it, a little at a time, into each of the others, then extracting a few grains from each, she throws it on the ground and sprinkles it with water from the two cups. The remaining rice is returned to the original holder, and the act is repeated eight times. The significance of this seems to be the same as in the Tangpap ceremony, where the life of Page 346the individual is symbolized by the rice, which is only partially taken away and is again returned. The next act is always carried out, but its meaning appears to be lost. The eight dishes are filled with rice, and are placed on the frame together with sixteen coconut shells of water, and eight men and eight women seat themselves on opposite sides. First they eat a little of the food, then taking a small amount in their fingers, they dip it into the water and place it in the mouth of the person opposite.

The fourteenth day is known as Palay-lay—“the seasoning”—and during the next twenty-four hours the people remain quietly in the village while the bamboo used in the balaua “becomes good.”

Next day is one of great activity. The roofing of the balaua is completed, all necessary repairs are made to the dwelling, for dire results would follow should any part of the house break through during the concluding days of the ceremony. The balance of the day is taken up in dancing and in the construction of the following spirit-houses: the Aligang, Balabago, Talagan, Idasan, Balag, Batog, Alalot, Pangkew and Sogayob (cf. pp. 308–311). Also a little bench is built near the hearth, and on it are placed coconut shell cups and drinks for the use of the Igorot spirits who usually come this night.

The evening of this day is known as Lībon—“plenty” or “abundance.” Toward nightfall the mediums, and their helpers enter the dwelling and decorate it in a manner already described for the great ceremonies. Cords cross the room from opposite corners and beneath, where they meet, the medium's mat is spread. On the cords are hung grasses, flowers, girdles, and wreaths of young coconut leaves. When all is ready, a small pig is brought into the room, while the men play frantically on their gongs and drums. On the medium's mat are many articles, alangtīn leaves, a rooster, a branch filled with young betel-nuts, cooked rice moulded into the form of an alligator, but with a wax head and seeds for eyes, a spear, and a bundle of rice straw. Taking up a dish of water, the medium pours a part of it into the pig's ear; then, as the animal shakes its head, she again catches it in the dish. Rolling up a mat, she dips it into the water, and with it touches the heads of all members of the family, for in the same manner that the pig has thrown the water out of its ear, so in a like fashion will illness and misfortune be thrown from all the family who have been sprinkled with it. This act finished, the medium dances before the doors and windows, while she waves the chicken, betel-nuts, or other objects taken from the mat.

At her invitation, the host and his wife join her, but previously they have dressed themselves in good garments, and on their heads and at Page 347their waists they wear girdles and wreaths of alangtīn, or wild grasses. The host is handed a long knife, and is instructed to cut the throat of the pig. His wife takes a rice winnower and a stick, and going to each window strikes the winnower five times, then drops it to the floor, at the same time crying, “Wa-hui.” Next, she strikes a jar of liquor with the winnower, then shakes a coconut shell filled with rice against her abdomen; when finished she is handed a live chicken and again she approaches the jar. Soon she is joined by her husband, armed with a spear and head-axe. As he passes the liquor, he stamps on the ground, while his wife waves the fowl, and all this time the medium continues to sprinkle them with a grass brush dipped in water. No explanation is given for the individual acts, but the purpose of the whole is to drive away sickness, “just as the rooster flaps his wings.” Ten dishes are placed on the spirit mat, and as the medium sings, she touches each one in turn with a split bamboo; after which she piles the dishes up and has the host come and squat over them three times. Another sprinkling with water follows this act, and then the medium swings a bundle of rice and a lighted torch over the head of each member of the family, while she assures them that all evil spirits will now depart.

The guests go down to the yard, where they are served with liquor, and where they dance da-eng and tadek. On all former occasions, the liquor has been served in shell cups, but on this night a sort of pan-pipe, made of bamboo tubes, is filled with liquor. The guest drinks from the lowest of the series, and as he does so, the liquor falls from one to another, so that he really drinks from all at one time. Bamboo tubes attached to poles by means of cords are likewise filled with basi and served to the dancers.

While the others are enjoying themselves, the mediums and the hosts are attending strictly to the business in hand. Dressed in their best garments, the husband and wife go to each one of the spirit houses, and touch them with their feet, a circuit which has to be repeated ten times. Each time as they pass the little porch-like addition, known as sogayob, the mediums sprinkle them with water. When they have completed their task, the mediums spread a mat in front of the pig, which lies below the sogayob, and on it they dance, pausing now and then to give the animal a vicious kick or to throw broken rice over it. And so the night is passed without sleep or rest for any of the principals in the ceremony.

The sixteenth day is Kadaklan,—“the greatest.” Soon after daybreak, the people accompany the medium to the guardian stones near Page 348the gate of the village, and watch her in silence, while she anoints the head of each stone with oil, and places a new yellow bark band around its “neck.” As soon as she finishes, the musicians begin to play vigorously on their gongs and drums, while two old men kill a small pig and collect its blood. The carcass is brought to the medium, who places it beside four dishes, one filled with basi, one with salt, one with vinegar, and the last with the pig's blood. She drinks of the liquor, dips her fingers in coconut oil, and strokes the pig's stomach, after which it is cut up in the usual manner. The liver is studied eagerly, for by the markings on it the fate of the host can be foretold. Should the signs be unfavorable, a chicken will be sacrificed in the hope that the additional offering may induce the spirits to change their verdict; but if the omens are good, the ceremony proceeds without a halt. The intestines and some pieces of meat are placed on the ansi-silit,—a small spirit frame or table near the stones. The host, who has been watching from a distance, is summoned, and is given a piece of the flesh to take back to his house for food, and then the rest of the meat is cooked and served to the guests. But before anything is eaten, the medium places prepared betel-nuts before the stones, mixes blood with rice, and scatters it broadcast, meanwhile calling the spirits from near and far to come and eat, and to go with her to the village, where she is to continue the ceremony. As the company approaches the balaua, the musicians begin to beat on their gongs, while women in the yard pound rice in ceremonial fashion. When they have finished, the family goes up into the balaua and dances to the music of the gongs until the medium bids them stop.

The pig which has been lying in front of the sogayob, and another from the yard, are killed, and are laid side by side near to the balaua in a spot indicated by the medium. She places a bamboo tube of water between them, on their backs she lays several pieces of prepared betel-nut, then strokes their sides with oiled fingers. Her next duty is to sprinkle basi from the jar onto the ground with a small head-axe, at the same time calling the spirits to come and drink. (Plate XXXIV). A bundle which has been lying beside the animals is opened, and from it the medium takes a red and yellow headband with chicken feathers attached, and boar's tusk armlets. These she places on the host, then hands him a blanket. Holding the latter in his outstretched arms, as he would do if dancing tadek, he squats repeatedly over a dish of water. As he finishes, the medium takes the tube of water from between the pigs, and pouring a little of it on her hand, she applies it to the abdomen of the man's wife and children. Page 349The animals are now cooked in yard, while a quantity of rice is made ready in the house. During the preparation of the meal, the musicians play incessantly, but as the food is brought out, they cease and join the others in the feast.

It is late in the afternoon before much activity is again manifest. At first a few gather and begin to dance tadek; little by little others come in until by nightfall the yard is full. Basi is served to all, and soon, above the noisy laughter of the crowd, is heard the voice of some leading man singing the daleng. The visitors listen respectfully to the song and to the reply, then resume the music and dancing. After a time a huge fire is built in the yard, and by the flickering light two lines of boys and girls or older people will form to sing and dance the daeng.35

On the morning of the seventeenth day, the men kill two pigs, usually by chasing them through the brush and spearing them to death. They are prepared in the usual way, and are placed, one in the balaua, the other in the sogayob, where they are cut up. A bit of the flesh is left in each structure, the fore half of one animal is carried into the yard, but the rest is prepared for food.

On an inverted rice-mortar, in the yard, is placed a jar of basi, notched chicken feathers, and boar's tusks. The man and his wife are summoned before this, are decorated as on the day before, and are instructed to dance three times around the mortar. While this is going on, a shield and a rice winnower are leaned against each other so as to form an arch on which lies a sheaf of rice. From the middle hangs a piece of burning wood, while over all a fish net is thrown. As in a former ceremony (cf. p. 347), the rice and fire represent the life of some member of the family, which the evil spirits may desire to seize, but they are prevented, since they are unable to pass through the meshes of the net. Going to the half of the pig, which stands upright in a rice winnower, the medium places a string of beads—agate and gold—around its neck and attaches bits of gold to its legs. Then she places a thin stick in each nostril and pumps them alternately up and down, as a smith would work his forge. After a little she removes the plungers, and with them strokes the bodies of members of the family. Near to the pig stands a dish of water in which the heart is lying. The host goes to this, removes the heart, and placing it on his head-axe, takes it in front of the animal, where it lies, while he pumps the nostril-sticks up and down ten times. Meanwhile his wife Page 350is decorated with wreathes of leaves and vines; a leaf containing the pig's tail and some of the flesh is placed on her head, and a spear is put in her left hand. As her husband completes his task, she goes to the mortar, where she finds one dish full of blood and rice and the empty coconut shells. The rice and blood represent the lives of the family, and following the instructions of the medium, she takes these lives and places them little by little on the shells, but before all is gone, the medium bids her return them to the big dish. In a like manner the spirits may take a part of the life of the family, but will return it again. This act is repeated ten times. Next she takes a piece of woven bamboo, shaped like two triangles set end on end36, and goes to the batog, where her daughter sits under a fish-net holding a similar “shield.” They press these together, and the mother returns to the mortar eight times. The mediums who have gathered beneath the sogayob begin to sing, while one of them beats time with a split bamboo stick. At the conclusion of the song, one of them offers basi to the spirits and guests, and then placing a bundle of green leaves on the ground, she pours water over it, while the host and his wife are made to tramp in the mud. The man is now carrying the spear, while the woman holds a cock in one hand, and an empty dish in the other. As they are stamping on the damp leaves, old women stand near by showering them with rice and water.

Since early morning a dog has been tied at the end of the house. It is now brought up to the bundle of leaves, and is knocked on the head with a club, its throat is cut, and some of its blood is applied with a head-axe to the backs of the man and woman. More water is poured on the bundle, again they tramp in the mud, and again they are showered with rice and water. The man goes to one side of the balaua, and throws a bundle of rice over it to his wife, who returns it eight times.

A strange procession now forms and winds its way to the stream. In the lead is the host armed with spear, shield, and head-axe; next comes the medium carrying the bamboo rack—talapitap—like a shield, and the split bamboo—dakidak—as a spear; next is an old woman with a coconut shell dish, then another with a bundle of burning rice straw; behind her is the wife followed by a man who drags the dead dog. They stop outside of the village, while the medium hides the rack and split bamboo near the trail. Soon the man with the dog leaves the line and drags the animal to a distant tree, where he ties it in the Page 351branches. As they arrive at the stream, the people pause, while the medium holds the shell cup beside the burning straw, and recites a dīam. The writer tried on two occasions to get this dīam, but it was given so low and indistinctly that its full content was not secured, neither was it possible to get the medium to repeat it after the ceremony. From what was heard it seems probable it is the dawak dīam,37 a guess made more probable by the killing of the dog and the bathing which follows. As soon as the medium finishes, the whole party disrobes and bathes.

Upon their return to the village, they are met by a company of men and boys who assail them by throwing small green nuts. The host secures the spirit rack which the medium had hidden, and with it attempts to ward off the missiles. Despite this show of hostility, the company proceeds to the sogayob, where the man and his wife wash their faces in water containing pieces of coconut leaves. During all the morning a number of women have been preparing food, and this is now served to the guests, a considerable company of whom have collected. Late in the afternoon, all the spirits are remembered in a great offering of food. A framework is constructed in the yard,38 and on it are placed eggs, meat, fish, rice cakes, sugar, betel-nut, tobacco, basi, and rice mixed with blood. After allowing the superior beings a few moments to finish their repast, the viands are removed, and from then until sunset all the guests dance tadek. As darkness comes, a great fire is lighted in the yard, and within the circle of its light the company gathers, while the more important men sing daleng.

In some of the villages men gather the next morning to do any necessary work on the balaua, and then the mediums celebrate the dawak,39 which always forms a part of this ceremony. In Manabo the dawak follows after an interval of three days.

This great and final event is so much like the procedure which makes up the Tangpap ceremony that it seems necessary to give it only in skeleton form, adding explanations whenever they appear to be necessary. In the balaua is spread a mat covered with gifts for the spirits who are expected. Here also is the spirit shield from the dwelling, and a great heap of refuse made up of the leaves, vines and other articles used in the preceding days. Page 352

When all is ready, a medium seats herself by the mat, dips oil from a shallow dish with a small head-axe, and lets it drip onto the ground; then she does the same with basi, and finally strokes a rooster which lies beside the jar, all the while reciting the proper dīam.

Taking the spirit shield, which belongs in the dwelling, she puts oil at each corner, and then touches the heads of all the family with it. Beads and betel-leaf are added, and the shield is carried to the house, where it is again fastened to the wall, as a testimony to all passing spirits that the ceremony has been made, and food provided for them.

The time has now arrived for the spirits to appear. Seating herself beside the mat, the medium strikes on a plate with her shells or a piece of lead, and then starts her song. She rubs her hands together with a revolving motion, swings her arms, and begins to tremble from head to foot. Suddenly she is possessed by a spirit, and under his direction holds oil to the nostrils of the host, and beats him with a small whip of braided betel-leaf. This done, she drinks for the spirit, and it departs. Again she sings, and again she is possessed. One spirit takes the rooster, and with its wings cleans up the rubbish in the balaua and in the yard, empties it in a tray, and orders it taken from the village. In the same way all sickness and misfortune will be removed from the settlement.

Several spirits follow, and as the morning wears on, the medium becomes more and more intense. The muscles of her neck and the veins of her forehead stand out like cords, while perspiration streams from her bod. Taking a shield and head-axe in her hand, she does a sort of muscle dance, then goes to each member of the family, and strikes the weapons together over their heads; from them she goes to the doors and windows, and strikes at them with the axe. Finally she returns to the mat, balances a cup of basi on the weapon, and causes the host to drink. Another attack on the doors follows, and then in exhaustion she sinks beside the mat. After a short rest, she dips beads in oil, and with them touches the heads of the family. The musicians strike up a lively tattoo at this point, and again seizing her weapons, the medium dances in front of the spirit shield. Going to the rooster on the mat, she cuts off a part of its comb, and presses the bloody fowl against the back or leg of each person in the room. The spirit drinks and disappears.

The next visitor dances with the host, and then wrestles with him, but upon getting the worst of the match takes leave. As in the Tangpap, large number of minor beings call for a moment or two and Page 353pass on. One spirit places the family beneath a blanket, cuts a coconut in two above their heads, and first allows the water to run over them; then finally the halves are allowed to drop. She waves burning rice-straw above them, and removes the blanket. It is explained that the water washes all evil away, and that as the shells fall from the family, so will sickness leave them. Evil spirits are afraid of the fire, and leave when the burning rice-straw is waved about the blanket.

As a final act the members of the family are instructed to hold, in their hands the head-axe, chicken feathers, agate beads, and other articles, and then to mount the rice-mortar in the yard. Soon one or more of the mediums is possessed by spirits, who rush toward the mortar, and strive to seize the prized objects. Before they can accomplish their design, they are met by old men and women, who fight them off. At last they abandon the attempt and, together with the host and his wife, go to the edge of the town, where they pick sweet smelling leaves and vines. These they carry back to the village to give to the guests, and to place in the house and spirit dwellings.

As a final act basi is served to all, and tadek is danced until the guests are ready to return to their homes.

In San Juan they make the spirit raft—taltalabong—as in Tangpap, and set it afloat at sunset.

The mediums are paid off in rice, a portion of the slaughtered animals, beads, one or two blankets, and perhaps a weapon or piece of money.

During the succeeding month the family is prevented from doing any work, from approaching a dead body, or entering the house of death. Wild carabao, pig, beef, eels, and wild peppers may not be eaten during this period, and wild chickens are taboo for one year.

The two ceremonies which follow do not have a wide distribution, neither are they hereditary. They are given at this time because of their similarity to the great ceremonies just described.

Pīnasal.—This rather elaborate rite seems to be confined to San Juan and nearby settlements. The right to it is not hereditary, and any one who can afford the expense involved may celebrate it. However, it usually follows the Sayang, if some member of the family is ill, and is not benefited by that ceremony, for “all the spirits are not present at each ceremony, and so it may be necessary to give others, until the one who caused the sickness is found.”

On the first day the house is decorated as in Tangpap and Sayang; a bound pig is placed beside the door, and over it the mediums recite Page 354a dīam and later summon several spirits. Liquor is served to the guests, who dance tadek or sing songs in praise of the family.

Early the next day, the pig is killed and, after its intestines have been removed, it is covered with a colored blanket, and is carried into the dwelling. Here it is met by the mediums who wave rain coats above the animal, and then wail over the carcass. “The pig and its covering are in part payment for the life of the sick person. They cry for the pig, so they will not need to cry for the patient.” Later the pig is cut up and prepared as food, only the head and feet being left for the spirits.

Gīpas, the dividing, follows. A Chinese jar is placed on its side, and on each end a spear is laid, so that they nearly meet above the center of the jar. Next a rolled mat is laid on the spears, and finally four beads and a headband are added. The mat then is cut through the middle, so as to leave equal parts of the headband and two beads on each half. “This shows that the spirit is now paid, and is separated from the house.”

The next act is to stretch a rattan cord across the center of the room and to place on it many blankets and skirts. A man and a woman, who represent the good spirits Iwaginán and Gimbagon, are dressed in fine garments, and hold in their hands pieces of gold, a fine spear, and other prized articles. They are placed on one side of the cord, and in front of them stand a number of men with their hands on each others' shoulders. Now the mediums enter the other end of the room, spread a mat, and begin to summon the spirits. Soon they are possessed by evil beings who notice the couple representing the good spirits, and seizing sticks or other objects, rush toward them endeavoring to seize their wealth. When they reach the line of men, they strive to break through, but to no avail. Finally they give this up, but now attempt to seize the objects hanging on the line. Again they are thwarted. “If the evil spirits get these things, they will come often, their children will marry, and they also will harm the family; but if the good beings keep their wealth, their children will marry, and will aid the owner of the house.”

Later one of the mediums and an old woman count the colors in a fine blanket. Usually there are five colors, so “the spirit is powerless to injure the people for five years.” Next the couple gamble, but the medium always loses. Finally the spirit becomes discouraged and departs. The decorations are now taken from the room, and the sick person is carried down to the river by the members of the family. Arrived at the water's edge, the oldest relative will cut off a dog's Page 355head as final payment for the life of the invalid. Since the act is carried on beside the river, the spirits will either witness the act, or see the blood as it floats away, and hence will not need to visit the town. The rattan cord and vines used in the dwelling are thrown onto the water for the same reason.

The whole family is covered with a large blanket, and a medium swings a coconut over them, then resting the halves on the head of each one for a moment, she releases them, meanwhile calling to the spirit, “You see this; this is your share; do not come any more.” After assuring them that the sickness will now fall away from them, she waves burning cogon grass over their heads while she cries, “Go away, sickness.” The blanket is removed, and the family bathes. While they are still in the water, the medium takes a spear and shield in her hands, and going to the edge of the stream, she begins to summon spirits, but all the while she keeps sharp watch of the old man who killed the dog, for he is now armed and appears to be her enemy. However, she is not molested until she starts toward the village. When quite near to the settlement, she is suddenly attacked by many people carrying banana stalks which they hurl at her. She succeeds in warding these off, but while she is thus engaged, an old man runs in and touches her with a spear. Immediately she falls as if dead, and it is several moments before she again regains consciousness. This attack is made to show the spirit how unwelcome it is, and in hopes that such bad treatment will induce it to stay away.

After the return of the family to the village, the guests drink basi, sing and dance, and usually several spirits are summoned by the mediums.

The next morning two Pinalásang40 are constructed in the yard. Each supports a plate containing beads, a string of beads is suspended from one of the poles, and a jar of basi is placed beneath. In front of them the mediums call the spirits, then offer the heart, livers, and intestines, while they call out, “Take me and do not injure the people.” The final act of the ceremony is to construct the spirit raft taltalabong, load it with food, and set it afloat on the river, “so that all the spirits may see and know what has been done.”

In addition to the regular pay for their services, the mediums divide the jaw of a pig and carry the portions home with them, as their protection against lightning, and the spirits whose hostility they may have incurred. Page 356

Binikwau.—This ceremony, like the one just described, seems to be limited to the San Juan region, and is given under similar circumstances.

The room is decorated as usual, and a bound pig is laid in the center. This is known as “the exchange,” since it is given in place of the patient's life. Two mediums place betel-nut on the animal, then stroke it with oil, saying, “You make the liver favorable,” i.e., give a good omen. After a time they begin summoning the spirits, and from then until late evening the guests divide their time between the mediums and the liquor jars. Soon all are in a jovial mood, and before long are singing the praises of their hosts, or are greeting visiting spirits as old time friends.

The pig is killed early next morning, and its liver is eagerly examined to learn whether or no the patient is destined to recover. A part of the flesh is placed on the house rafters, for the use of the spirits, while the balance is cooked and served. Following the meal, the gongs and drums are brought up into the house, and the people dance or sing until the mediums appear, ready to summon the spirits. The first to come is Sabī́an, the guardian of the dogs. He demands that eight plates and a coconut shell be filled with blood and rice; another shell is to be filled with uncooked rice, in which a silver coin is hidden; and finally a bamboo dog-trough must be provided. When his demands are met, he begins to call, “Come, my dogs, come and eat.” Later the blood and rice are placed in the trough, and are carried to the edge of the town, where they are left. This done, the spirit pierces the pig's liver with a spear and, placing it on a shield, dances about the room. Finally, stopping beside the mat, he lays them on the patient's stomach. The next and final act is to scrape up a little of the liver with a small head-axe, and to place this, mixed with oil, on the sick person.

On the third and last day, the medium leads a big dog to the edge of the village, and then kills it with a club. A piece of the animal's ear is cut off, is wrapped in a cloth, and is hung around the patient's neck as a protection against evil, and as a sign to all spirits that this ceremony has been held.

Throughout the rest of the day many spirits visit the mediums, and at such a time Kakalonan is sure to appear to give friendly advice. The final act is to set the spirit raft afloat on the stream. Page 357