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NOTES AND QUERIES:
A MEDIUM OF INTER-COMMUNICATION FOR LITERARY MEN, ARTISTS, ANTIQUARIES, GENEALOGISTS, ETC.
"When found, make a note of."—CAPTAIN CUTTLE.
No. 27. | SATURDAY, MAY 4, 1850 | Price Threepence. Stamped Edition 4d. |
CONTENTS
NOTES:— | Page |
The Mosquito Country | 425 |
Notes on Bacon and Jeremy Taylor | 427 |
Duke of Monmouth's Correspondence | 427 |
Poem by Parnell, by Peter Cunningham | 427 |
Early English and Early German Literature, by S. Hickson | 428 |
Folk Lore:—Charm for the Toothache—The Evil Eye—Charms—Roasted Mouse | 429 |
The Anglo-Saxon Word "Unlæd," by S.W. Singer | 430 |
Dr. Cosin's MSS.—Index to Baker's MSS., by J.E.B. Mayor | 433 |
Arabic Numerals | 433 |
Roman Numerals | 434 |
Error in Hallam's History of Literature | 434 |
Notes from Cunningham's Handbook for London | 434 |
Anecdote of Charles I. | 437 |
QUERIES:— | |
The Maudelyne Grace, by E.F. Rimbault, LL.D. | 437 |
"Esquire" and "Gentleman" | 437 |
Five Queries (Lines by Suckling, &c.) | 439 |
Queries proposed, No. I., by Belton Corney | 439 |
Minor Queries:—Elizabeth and Isabel—Howard Earl of Surrey—Bulls called "William"—Bawn—Mutual—Versicle and Response—Yeoman—Pusan—Iklynton Collar—Lord Karinthen—Christian Captives—Ancient Churchyard Customs—"Rotten Row" and "Stockwell Street." | 439 |
REPLIES:— | |
Early Statistics | 441 |
Byron's Lara | 443 |
Replies to Minor Queries:—Dr. Whichcot and Lord Shaftesbury—Black Doll—Journal of Sir W. Beeston—Shrew—Trunk Breeches—Queen's Messengers—Dissenting Ministers—Ballad of the Wars in France—Monody on Death of Sir J. Moore | 444 |
Iron Rails round St. Paul's | 446 |
MISCELLANEOUS:— | |
Notes on Books, Sales, Catalogues, &c. | 446 |
Books and Odd Volumes Wanted | 446 |
Notices to Correspondents | 446 |
Advertisements | 447 |
THE MOSQUITO COUNTRY.—ORIGIN OF THE NAME.—EARLY CONNECTION OF THE MOSQUITO INDIANS WITH THE ENGLISH.
The subject of the Mosquito country has lately acquired a general interest. I am anxious to insert the following "Notes and Queries" in your useful periodical, hoping thus to elicit additional information, or to assist other inquirers.
The topic of the Mosquito country has recently gained a lot of interest. I’m eager to include the following "Notes and Queries" in your helpful magazine, hoping to draw out more information or to help other researchers.
1. As to the origin of the name. I believe it to be probably derived from an native name of a tribe of Indians in that part of America. The Spanish Central Americans speak of Moscos. Juarros, A Spanish Central American author, in his History of Guatemala, names the Moscos among other Indians inhabiting the north-eastern corner of that tract of country now called Mosquito: and in the "Mosquito Correspondence" laid before Parliament in 1848, the inhabitants of Mosquito are called Moscos in the Spanish state-papers.
1. Regarding the origin of the name, I believe it likely comes from the native name of a tribe of Indigenous people in that part of America. The Spanish Central Americans refer to them as Moscos. Juarros, a Spanish Central American author, in his History of Guatemala, mentions the Moscos among other Indigenous groups living in the northeastern corner of what is now called Mosquito: and in the "Mosquito Correspondence" presented to Parliament in 1848, the people of Mosquito are referred to as Moscos in the Spanish state papers.
How and when would Mosco have become Mosquito? Was it a Spanish elongation of the name, or an English corruption? In the former case, it would probably have been another name of the people: in the latter, probably a name given to the part of the coast near which the Moscos lived.
How and when did Mosco become Mosquito? Was it a Spanish variation of the name, or an English distortion? If it was the former, it likely referred to another name for the people; if it was the latter, it probably referred to the area of the coast where the Moscos lived.
The form Mosquito, or Moskito, or Muskito, (as the word is variously spelt in our old books), is doubtless as old as the earliest English intercourse with the Indians of the Mosquito coast; and that may be as far back as about 1630: it is certainly as far back as 1650.
The term Mosquito, or Moskito, or Muskito (the way it’s spelled in our old books) is definitely as old as the first English interactions with the Indians of the Mosquito coast, which could date back to around 1630; it is definitely as far back as 1650.
If the name came from the synonymous insect, would it have been given by the Spaniards or the English? Mosquito is the Spanish diminutive name of a fly: but what we call a mosquito, the Spaniards in Central America call by another name, sanchujo. The Spaniards had very little connexion at any time with the Mosquito Indians; and as mosquitoes are not more abundant on their parts of the coast than on other parts, or in the interior, where the Spaniards settled, there would have been no reason for their giving the name on account of insects. Nor, indeed, would the English, who went to the coast from Jamaica, or other West India Islands, where mosquitoes are quite as abundant, have had any such reason either. At Bluefields where the writer has resided, which was one of the first places on the Mosquito coast frequented by English, and which derives its name from an old English buccaneer, there are no mosquitoes at all. At Grey Town, at the mouth of the river San Juan, there are plenty; but not more than in Jamaica, or in the towns of the interior state of Nicaragua. However names are not always given so as to be argument-proof.
If the name came from the similar insect, was it given by the Spaniards or the English? Mosquito is the Spanish diminutive for a fly: however, what we refer to as a mosquito, the Spaniards in Central America call sanchujo. The Spaniards had very little connection with the Mosquito Indians at any time; since mosquitoes are not more common along their section of the coast than in other areas or in the interior where they settled, there wouldn’t have been any reason for them to use the name based on the insects. Likewise, the English, who arrived on the coast from Jamaica or other West Indian islands where mosquitoes are just as plentiful, wouldn’t have had any particular reason either. In Bluefields, where the writer has lived, which was one of the first places on the Mosquito coast visited by the English and is named after an old English buccaneer, there are no mosquitoes at all. In Grey Town, at the mouth of the San Juan River, there are plenty, but not more than in Jamaica or in the inland towns of Nicaragua. However, names aren’t always assigned in a way that eliminates debate.
How did the word mosquito come into our language? From the Spanish, Portuguese, or Italian? How old is it with us? Todd adds the word Muskitto, or Musquitto, to Johnson's Dictionary; and gives an example from Purchas's Pilgrimage (1617), where the word is spelt more like the Italian form:—"They paint themselves to keep off the muskitas."
How did the word mosquito make its way into our language? From Spanish, Portuguese, or Italian? How long has it been a part of our vocabulary? Todd includes the word Muskitto, or Musquitto, in Johnson's Dictionary; and he provides an example from Purchas's Pilgrimage (1617), where the word is spelled more like the Italian version:—"They paint themselves to keep off the muskitas."
There is a passage in Southey's Omniana (vol. i. p. 21.) giving an account of a curious custom among the Mozcas, a tribe of New Granada: his authority is Hist. del Nuevo Reyno de Granada, l. i. c. 4. These are some way south of the other Moscos, but it is probably the same word.
There is a section in Southey's Omniana (vol. i. p. 21.) that describes an interesting custom among the Mozcas, a tribe from New Granada: his source is Hist. del Nuevo Reyno de Granada, l. i. c. 4. These are located somewhat south of the other Moscos, but it’s probably the same term.
One of the Virgin Islands in the West Indies has the name of Mosquito.
One of the Virgin Islands in the West Indies is called Mosquito.
Some "Mosquito Kays" are laid down on the chart off Cape Gracias à Dios, on the Mosquito coast; but these probably would have been named from the Mosquito Indians of the continent. And these Mosquito Indians appear to have spread themselves from Cape Gracias à Dios.
Some "Mosquito Kays" are marked on the chart off Cape Gracias à Dios, along the Mosquito coast; but these were likely named after the Mosquito Indians of the mainland. It seems that these Mosquito Indians have expanded their territory from Cape Gracias à Dios.
It is stated, however, in Strangeways' Account of the Mosquito Shore, (not a work of authority), that these Mosquito Kays give the name to the country:—
It is mentioned, however, in Strangeways' Account of the Mosquito Shore, (not a definitive source), that these Mosquito Kays name the country:—
"This country, as is generally supposed, derives its name from a clustre of small islands or banks situated near its coasts, and called the Mosquitos."
"This country, as is commonly thought, gets its name from a group of small islands or sandbanks near its coast, known as the Mosquitos."
I should be glad if these Notes and Queries would bring assistance to settle the origin of the name of the Mosquito country from some of your correspondents who are learned in the history of Spanish conquest and English enterprise in that part of America, or who may have attended to the languages of the American Indians.
I would be happy if these Notes and Queries could help clarify the origin of the name Mosquito country, with contributions from your readers who are knowledgeable about the history of Spanish conquest and English exploration in that area of America, or who might be familiar with the languages of the American Indians.
2. I propose to jot down a few Notes as to the early connexion between the English and the Mosquito Indians, and shall be thankful for references to additional sources of information.
2. I plan to write down some notes about the early connection between the English and the Mosquito Indians, and I would appreciate any references to additional sources of information.
I have read somewhere, that a Mosquito king, or prince, was brought to England in Charles I.'s reign by Richard Earl of Warwick, who had commanded a ship in the West Indies; but I forget where I read it. I remember, however, that no authority was given for the statement. Can any of your readers give me information about this?
I read somewhere that a Mosquito king or prince was brought to England during the reign of Charles I by Richard, the Earl of Warwick, who had commanded a ship in the West Indies; but I can't remember where I saw it. I do recall that there was no source cited for this claim. Can any of your readers provide more information about this?
Dampier mentions a party of English who, about the year 1654, ascended the Cape River (the mouth of which is at Cape Gracias à Dios) to Segovia, a Spanish town in the interior; and another party of English and French who, after the year 1684, when he was in these parts, crossed from the Pacific to the Atlantic, descending the Cape River. (Harris's Collection of Voyages, vol. i. p. 92.) Are there any accounts of these expeditions?
Dampier talks about a group of English people who, around 1654, went up the Cape River (which flows into Cape Gracias à Dios) to Segovia, a Spanish town inland; and another group of English and French who, after 1684 when he was in the area, crossed from the Pacific to the Atlantic by going down the Cape River. (Harris's Collection of Voyages, vol. i. p. 92.) Are there any records of these journeys?
Dampier also speaks of a confederacy having been formed between a party of English under a Captain Wright and the San Blas Indians of Darien, which was brought about by Captain Wright's taking two San Blas boys to be educated "in the country of the Moskitoes," and afterwards faithfully restoring them, and which opened to the English the way by land to the Pacific Sea. (Harris, vol. i. p. 97.) Are there any accounts of English travellers by this way, which would be in the very part of the isthmus of which Humboldt has lately recommended a careful survey? (See Aspects of Nature, Sabine's translation.)
Dampier also mentions a coalition that was formed between a group of Englishmen led by Captain Wright and the San Blas Indians of Darien. This alliance came about because Captain Wright took two San Blas boys to be educated "in the country of the Moskitoes" and then returned them safely. This action opened a land route for the English to the Pacific Ocean. (Harris, vol. i. p. 97.) Are there any records of English travelers using this route, which is in the very region of the isthmus that Humboldt has recently urged for a detailed survey? (See Aspects of Nature, Sabine's translation.)
Esquemeling, in his History of the Buccaneers, of whom he was one, says that in 1671 many of the Indians at Cape Gracias spoke English and French from their intercourse with the pirates. He gives a curious and not very intelligible account of Cape Gracias, as an island of about thirty leagues round (formed, I suppose, by rivers and the sea), containing about 1600 or 1700 persons, who have no king; (this is quite at variance with all other accounts of the Mosquito Indians of Cape Gracias); and having, he proceeds to say, no correspondence with the neighbouring islands. (I cannot explain this; there is certainly no island ninety miles in circumference at sea near Cape Gracias.)
Esquemeling, in his History of the Buccaneers, of whom he was one, mentions that in 1671 many of the Indians at Cape Gracias spoke English and French because of their interactions with the pirates. He provides a curious and somewhat unclear description of Cape Gracias as an island about thirty leagues around (which I assume is shaped by rivers and the sea), home to about 1600 or 1700 people, who do not have a king; this contradicts all other accounts of the Mosquito Indians of Cape Gracias. He also states that they have no communication with the neighboring islands. (I can't make sense of this; there is certainly no island with a ninety-mile circumference in the sea near Cape Gracias.)
A quarto volume published by Cadell in 1789, entitled The Case of His Majesty's Subjects having Property in and lately established upon the Mosquito Shore, gives the fullest account of the early connexion between the Mosquito Indians and the English. The writer says that Jeremy, king of the Mosquitos, in Charles II.'s reign, after formally ceding his country to officers sent to him by the Governor of Jamaica to receive the cession, went to Jamaica, and thence to England, where he was generously received by Charles II., "who had him often with him in his private parties of pleasure, admired his activity, strength, and manly accomplishments; and not only defrayed every expense, but loaded him with presents." Is there any notice of this visit in any of our numerous memoirs and diaries of Charles II.'s reign?
A quarto volume published by Cadell in 1789, titled The Case of His Majesty's Subjects having Property in and lately established upon the Mosquito Shore, provides the most detailed account of the early connection between the Mosquito Indians and the English. The author states that Jeremy, the king of the Mosquitos, during the reign of Charles II, after formally giving up his territory to officers sent by the Governor of Jamaica for the cession, traveled to Jamaica and then to England, where he was warmly welcomed by Charles II. The king frequently included him in his private leisure gatherings, admired his agility, strength, and masculine skills, and not only covered all his expenses but also showered him with gifts. Is there any mention of this visit in any of the many memoirs and diaries from Charles II's reign?
A curious tract, printed in the sixth volume of Churchill's Voyages, "The Mosquito Indian and his Golden River, being a familiar Description of the Mosquito Kingdom, &c., written in or about the Year 1699 by M.W.," from which Southey drew some touches of Indian manners for his "Madoc," speaks of another King Jeremy, son of the previous one; who, it is said, esteemed himself a subject of the King of England, and had visited the Duke of Albemarle in Jamaica. His father had been carried to England, and received from the King of England a crown and commission. The writer of this account says that the Mosquito Indians generally esteem themselves English:—
A fascinating piece found in the sixth volume of Churchill's Voyages, "The Mosquito Indian and his Golden River, being a Familiar Description of the Mosquito Kingdom, etc., written around the year 1699 by M.W.," which inspired Southey for some aspects of Indian culture in his "Madoc," mentions another King, Jeremy, the son of the previous king. He reportedly regarded himself as a subject of the King of England and had even visited the Duke of Albemarle in Jamaica. His father had been taken to England, where he was given a crown and a commission by the King of England. The author of this account notes that the Mosquito Indians generally see themselves as English:—
"And, indeed, they are extremely courteous to all Englishmen, esteeming themselves to be such, although some Jamaica men have very much abused them."
"They are really polite to all English people, seeing themselves as part of that group, even though some individuals from Jamaica have treated them badly."
"I see the noble lord [Lord North] now collects his knowledge by piecemeal from those about him. While my hon. friend [some one was whispering Lord North] now whispers the noble lord, will he also tell him, and the more aged gentlemen of the House, before we yield up our right to the Mosquito shore, that it is from thence we receive the greatest part of our delicious turtle? May I tell the younger part, before they give their consent, that it is from thence comes the sarsaparilla to purify our blood?"—Parl. Hist. vol. xix. p. 54.
"I see that the noble lord [Lord North] is gradually gathering information from those around him. While my honorable friend [someone was whispering to Lord North] speaks to the noble lord, will he also inform him and the older gentlemen in the House, before we give up our rights to the Mosquito shore, that it's from there we get most of our tasty turtle? May I inform the younger members, before they agree, that it’s from there the sarsaparilla comes to cleanse our blood?"—Parl. Hist. vol. xix. p. 54.
NOTES ON BACON AND JEREMY TAYLOR.
In his essay "On Delays," Bacon quotes a "common verse" to this effect:—"Occasion turneth a bald noddle after she hath presented her locks in front, and no hold taken." As no reference is given, some readers may be glad to see the original, which occurs in an epigram on [Greek: Kairos] (Brunck's Analecta, ii. 49.; Posidippi Epigr. 13. in Jacob's Anthol. ii. 49.).
In his essay "On Delays," Bacon quotes a "common verse" that goes: "Opportunity shows off her beauty before turning away, with no one having taken hold." Since no reference is provided, some readers might appreciate seeing the original, which appears in an epigram about [Greek: Kairos] (Brunck's Analecta, ii. 49.; Posidippi Epigr. 13. in Jacob's Anthol. ii. 49.).
[Greek:
[Greek:
Hae de komae, ti kat' opsin; hupantiasanti labesthai,
Hae de komae, ti kat' opsin; hupantiasanti labesthai,
nae Dia. Taxopithen d' eis ti phalakra pelei;
nae Dia. Taxopithen d' eis ti phalakra pelei;
Ton gar apax ptaenoisi parathrexanta me possin
Ton gar apax ptaenoisi parathrexanta me possin
outis eth' himeiron draxetai exopithen.]
outis eth' himeiron draxetai exopithen.
In Jermey Taylor's Life of Christ (Pref. § 29. p. 23. Eden's edition), it is said that Mela and Solinus report of the Thracians that they believed in the resurrection of the dead. That passage of Mela referred to is, l. ii. c. ii. § 3., where see Tzschucke.
In Jeremy Taylor's Life of Christ (Pref. § 29. p. 23. Eden's edition), it is mentioned that Mela and Solinus state that the Thracians believed in the resurrection of the dead. The passage of Mela being referred to is l. ii. c. ii. § 3., where you can see Tzschucke.
In the same work (Pref. § 20. p. 17.), "Ælian tells us of a nation who had a law binding them to beat their parents to death with clubs when they lived to a decrepit age." See Ælian, Var. Hist. iv. 1. p. 330. Gronov., who, however, says nothing of clubs.
In the same work (Pref. § 20. p. 17.), "Ælian tells us about a nation that had a law requiring them to beat their parents to death with clubs when they reached an old age." See Ælian, Var. Hist. iv. 1. p. 330. Gronov., who, however, does not mention clubs.
In the next sentence, the statement, "the Persian magi mingled with their mothers and all their nearest relatives," is from Xanthus (Fragm. 28., Didot), apud Clem. Alexandr. (Strom. iii. p. 431 A.). See Jacob's Lect. Stob. p. 144.; Bahr, On Herodotus, iii. 31.
In the next sentence, the statement, "the Persian magi mingled with their mothers and all their closest relatives," is from Xanthus (Fragm. 28., Didot), apud Clem. Alexandr. (Strom. iii. p. 431 A.). See Jacob's Lect. Stob. p. 144.; Bahr, On Herodotus, iii. 31.
In the same work (Part I. sect. viii. § 5. note n, p. 174.) is a quotation from Seneca, "O quam contempta res est homo, nisi super humana se erexerit!" which is plainly the original of the lines of Daniel, so often quoted by Coleridge ("Epistle to the Countess of Cumberland"):—
In the same work (Part I. sect. viii. § 5. note n, p. 174.) is a quotation from Seneca, "Oh how despised is man unless he raises himself above the human!" which is clearly the original of the lines by Daniel, often quoted by Coleridge ("Epistle to the Countess of Cumberland"):—
"Unless above himself he can
"Unless he can rise above himself"
Erect himself, now mean a thing is man!"
Erect himself, now mean a thing is man!
Perhaps some of your readers can supply the reference to the passage in Seneca; which is wanting in Mr. Eden's edition.
Maybe some of your readers can provide the reference to the passage in Seneca that’s missing in Mr. Eden's edition.
In Part III. sect. xv. § 19. p. 694. note a, of the Life of Christ, is a quotation from Strabo, lib. xv. Add. p. 713., Casaub.
In Part III. sect. xv. § 19. p. 694. note a, of the Life of Christ, there's a quote from Strabo, lib. xv. Add. p. 713., Casaub.
As the two great writers on whom I have made these notes are now in course of publication, any notes which your correspondents can furnish upon them cannot fail to be welcome. Milton also, and Pope, are in the hands of competent editors, who, doubtless, would be glad to have their work rendered more complete through the medium of "NOTES AND QUERIES."
As the two great writers I've taken notes on are currently being published, any insights your correspondents can provide about them would be greatly appreciated. Milton and Pope are also being handled by skilled editors who would certainly welcome efforts to make their work more comprehensive through "NOTES AND QUERIES."
Marlborough Coll., April 8.
Marlborough College, April 8.
DUKE OF MONMOUTH'S CORRESPONDENCE.
Thomas Vernon, author of Vernon's Reports, was in early life private secretary to the Duke of Monouth, and is supposed to have had a pretty large collection of Monmouth's correspondence. Vernon settled himself at Hanbury Hall, in Worcestershire, where he built a fine house, and left a large estate. In course of time this passed to an heiress, who married Mr. Cecil (the Earl of Exeter of Alfred Tennyson), and was divorced from him. Lord Exeter sold or carried away the fine library, family plate, and nearly everything curious or valuable that was not an heirloom in the Vernon family. He laid waste the extensive gardens, and sold the elaborate iron gates, which now adorn the avenue to Mere Hall in the immediate neighbourhood. The divorcée married a Mr. Phillips, and dying without surviving issue, the estates passed to a distant branch of her family. About ten years ago I made a careful search (by permission) at Hanbury Hall for the supposed Monmouth MSS., but found none; and I ascertained by inquiry that there were none at Enstone Hall, the seat of Mr. Phillips's second wife and widow. The MSS. might have been carried to Burleigh, and a friend obtained for me a promise from the Marquis of Exeter that search should be made for them there, but I have reason to believe that the matter was forgotten. Perhaps some of your correspondents may have the means of ascertaining whether there are such MSS. in Lord Exeter's library. I confess my doubt whether so cautious a man as Thomas Vernon would have retained in his possession a mass of correspondence that might have been fraught with danger to himself personally; and, had it been in the Burleigh library, whether it could have escaped notice. This, however, is to be noted. After Vernon's death there was a dispute whether his MSS. were to pass to his heir-at-law or to his personal representatives, and the court ordered the MSS. (Reports) to be printed. This was done very incorrectly, and Lord Kenyon seems to have hinted that private reasons have been assigned for that, but these could hardly have related to the Monmouth MSS.
Thomas Vernon, the author of Vernon's Reports, served as the private secretary to the Duke of Monmouth in his early years and is thought to have had a sizable collection of Monmouth's correspondence. Vernon made his home at Hanbury Hall in Worcestershire, where he built an impressive house and left behind a significant estate. Over time, this estate went to an heiress who married Mr. Cecil (the Earl of Exeter mentioned by Alfred Tennyson) and later divorced him. Lord Exeter either sold or removed the wonderful library, family silver, and nearly everything interesting or valuable that wasn’t a family heirloom. He also destroyed the vast gardens and sold the ornate iron gates, which now lead to Mere Hall in the nearby area. The divorcée later married a Mr. Phillips and passed away without any children, causing the estates to go to a distant branch of her family. About ten years ago, I undertook a thorough search (with permission) at Hanbury Hall for the alleged Monmouth manuscripts, but I found nothing; inquiries also confirmed that there were none at Enstone Hall, where Mr. Phillips's second wife and widow lived. The manuscripts might have been taken to Burleigh, and a friend secured a promise from the Marquis of Exeter to look for them there, but I suspect this matter was ultimately overlooked. Perhaps some of your correspondents could find out if those manuscripts exist in Lord Exeter's library. I must admit my doubts about whether a cautious man like Thomas Vernon would have kept a collection of correspondence that could have posed a personal risk to him; and if it were in Burleigh’s library, it likely would have been noticed. However, it’s worth mentioning that after Vernon's death, there was a dispute over whether his manuscripts should go to his legal heir or his personal representatives, leading the court to order the printing of the manuscripts (Reports). This was done very poorly, and Lord Kenyon hinted that there were private reasons for that, but those reasons likely had nothing to do with the Monmouth manuscripts.
PARNELL.
The following verses by Parnell are not included in any edition of his poems that I have seen. {428} They are printed in Steele's Miscellany (12mo. 1714), p. 63., and in the second edition of the same Miscellany (12mo. 1727), p. 51., with Parnell's name, and, what is more, on both occasions among other poems by the same author.
The following verses by Parnell aren't included in any edition of his poems that I've seen. {428} They are published in Steele's Miscellany (12mo. 1714), p. 63, and in the second edition of the same Miscellany (12mo. 1727), p. 51, with Parnell's name, and, even more, on both occasions alongside other poems by the same author.
TO A YOUNG LADY
To a young woman
On her Translation of the Story of Phoebus and Daphne, from Ovid.
On her Translation of the Story of Phoebus and Daphne, from Ovid.
In Phoebus, Wit (as Ovid said)
In Phoebus, Wit (like Ovid mentioned)
Enchanting Beauty woo'd;
Enchanting beauty wooed;
In Daphne beauty coily fled,
In Daphne, beauty quickly vanished,
While vainly Wit pursu'd.
While vainly pursuing Wit.
But when you trace what Ovid writ,
But when you look into what Ovid wrote,
A diff'rent turn we view;
A different perspective we see;
Beauty no longer flies from Wit,
Beauty no longer shies away from Wit,
Since both are join'd in you.
Since both are joined in you.
Your lines the wond'rous change impart,
Your words bring about a remarkable transformation,
From whence our laurels spring;
From where our laurels spring;
In numbers fram'd to please the heart,
In words crafted to delight the heart,
And merit what they sing.
And value what they sing.
Methinks thy poet's gentle shade
I think your poet's gentle shade
Its wreath presents to thee;
Its wreath is offered to you;
What Daphne owes you as a Maid,
What Daphne owes you as a maid,
She pays you as a Tree.
She pays you like a Tree.
The charming poem by the same author, beginning—
The charming poem by the same author, beginning—
"My days have been so wond'rous free,"
"My days have been so wonderfully free,"
has the additional fourth stanza,—
has the extra fourth stanza,—
"An eager hope within my breast,
"An eager hope inside my heart,
Does ev'ry doubt controul,
Does every doubt control,
And charming Nancy stands confest
And charming Nancy stands revealed
The fav'rite of my soul."
The favorite of my soul.
Can any of your readers supply the name of the "young lady" who translated the story of Phoebus and Daphne?
Can any of your readers share the name of the "young lady" who translated the story of Phoebus and Daphne?
EARLY ENGLISH AND EARLY GERMAN LITERATURE.—"NEWS" AND "NOISE."
I am anxious to put a question as to the communication that may have taken place between the English and German tongues previous to the sixteenth century. Possibly the materials for answering it may not exist; but it appears to me that it is of great importance, in an etymological point of view, that the extent of such communication, and the influence it has had upon our language, should be ascertained. In turning over the leaves of the Shakspeare Society's Papers, vol. i., some time ago, my attention was attracted by a "Song in praise of his Mistress," by John Heywood, the dramatist. I was immediately struck by the great resemblance it presented to another poem on the same subject by a German writer, whose real or assumed name, I do not know which, was "Muscanblüt," and which poem is to be found in Der Clara Hätzlerin Liederbuch, a collection made by a nun of Augsburg in 1471. The following are passages for comparison:—
I’m eager to ask a question about the communication that might have occurred between the English and German languages before the sixteenth century. The resources needed to answer this may not be available, but I think it’s really important, from an etymological perspective, to understand the extent of this communication and its impact on our language. When I was browsing through the Shakspeare Society's Papers, vol. i., a while ago, I noticed a "Song in praise of his Mistress" by John Heywood, the playwright. I was immediately struck by how similar it was to another poem on the same topic by a German writer, whose real or assumed name I don’t know, “Muscanblüt.” This poem can be found in Der Clara Hätzlerin Liederbuch, a collection compiled by a nun from Augsburg in 1471. Here are some passages for comparison:—
"Fyrst was her skyn,
"First was her skin,"
Whith, smoth, and thyn,
White, smooth, and thin,
And every vayne
And every vain
So blewe sene playne;
So blew a clear sound;
Her golden heare
Her golden hair
To see her weare,
To see her wear,
Her werying gere,
Her worrying here,
Alas! I fere
Alas! I fear
To tell all to you
To share everything with you
I shall undo you.
I will undo you.
"Her eye so rollyng,
"Her eye so rolling,"
Ech harte conterollyng;
Heart-controlling.
Her nose not long,
Her nose isn't long,
Nor stode not wrong;
Nor stood not wrong;
Her finger typs
Her finger types
So clene she clyps;
So clean she clips;
Her rosy lyps,
Her rosy lips,
Her chekes gossyps,"
Her cheeks gossip.
&c. &c.
&c. &c.
S.S. Papers, vol. i. p. 72
S.S. Papers, vol. 1, p. 72
"Ir mündlin rott
"Ir mündlin rott"
Uss senender nott
Use sender not
Mir helffen kan,
Mir helfen kann,
Das mir kain man
Das mir kein Mann
Mit nichten kan püssen.
Not at all possible.
O liechte kel,
O light chill,
Wie vein, wie gel
Wie vein, wie gel
Ist dir dein har,
Ist dir dein Haar,
Dein äuglin clar,
Your little eyes are clear,
Zartt fraw, lass mich an sehen.
Zartt fraw, let me see.
Und tu mir kund
And let me know
Uss rottem mund, &c.
Uss rottem mund, &c.
Dein ärmlin weisz
Your arm is white
Mit gantzem fleisz
With great effort
Geschnitzet sein,
Be carved,
Die hennde dein
Die hennde dein
Gar hofelich gezieret,
Gar beautifully adorned,
Dem leib ist ran,
The body is ready,
Gar wolgetan
Gar wolgetan
Sind dir dein prust,"
Sind dir dein prust,
&c. &c.
&c. &c.
Clara Hätzlerin Liederbuch, p. 111.
Clara Hätzler's Songbook, p. 111.
In all this there is certainly nothing to warrant the conclusion that the German poem was the original of Heywood's song; but, considering that the latter was produced so near to the same age as the former, that is, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, and considering that the older German poetical literature had already passed its culminating point, while ours was upon the ascending scale, there is likeness enough, both in manner and measure, to excite the suspicion of direct or indirect communication.
In all this, there's definitely nothing to support the idea that the German poem was the original of Heywood's song; however, given that the latter was created so close to the same time as the former, meaning at the beginning of the sixteenth century, and considering that the older German poetic literature had already peaked while ours was still on the rise, there’s enough similarity in style and structure to raise the suspicion of direct or indirect influence.
The etymology of the word "news," on which you have recently had some notes, is a case in illustration of the importance of this point. I have never had the least doubt that this word is derived immediately from the German. It is, in fact, "das Neue" in the genitive case; the German phrase "Was giebt's Neues?" giving the exact sense of our "What is the news?" This will appear {429} even stronger if we go back to the date of the first use of the word in England. Possibly about the same time, or not much earlier, we find in his same collection of Clara Hätzlerin, the word spelt "new" and rhyming to "triu."
The origin of the word "news," which you recently made some notes on, illustrates the importance of this point. I have never doubted that this word comes directly from German. It is actually "das Neue" in the genitive case; the German phrase "Was giebt's Neues?" translates exactly to our "What is the news?" This becomes even more evident if we look back to when the word was first used in England. Around the same time, or not long before, we see in his collection of Clara Hätzlerin, the word spelled "new" and rhyming with "triu."
"Empfach mich uff das New
"Empfang mich auf das New"
In deines hertzen triu."
In your heart, true.
The genitive of this would be "newes," thus spelt and probably pronounced the same as in England. That the word is not derived from the English adjective "new"—that it is not of English manufacture at all—I feel well assured: in that case the "s" would be the sign of the plural: and we should have, as the Germans have, either extant or obsolete, also "the new." The English language, however, has never dealt in these abstractions, except in its higher poetry; though some recent translators from the German have disregarded the difference in this respect between the powers of the two languages. "News" is a noun singular, and as such must have been adopted bodily into the language; the form of the genitive case, commonly used in conversation, not being understood, but being taken for an integral part of the word, as formerly the Koran was called "The Alcoran."
The genitive of this would be "newes," spelled and likely pronounced the same as in England. I am confident that the word isn’t derived from the English adjective "new"—it's not originally an English word at all. In that case, the "s" would indicate the plural: and we would have, as the Germans do, either existing or outdated terms for "the new." The English language, however, hasn’t engaged in these abstractions, except in more elevated poetry; yet some recent translators from German have overlooked the differences between the capabilities of the two languages. "News" is a singular noun, and must have been directly adopted into the language; the genitive form commonly used in conversation isn’t recognized, but is perceived as an integral part of the word, much like how the Koran was once referred to as "The Alcoran."
"Noise," again, is evidently of the same derivation, though from a dialect from which the modern German pronunciation of the diphthong is derived. Richardson, in his English Dictionary, assumes it to be of the same derivation as "noxious" and "noisome;" but there is no process known to the English language by which it could be manufactured without making a plural noun of it. In short, the two words are identical; "news" retaining its primitive, and "noise" adopting a consequential meaning.
"Noise" clearly comes from the same origin, although it's from a dialect that influenced the modern German pronunciation of the diphthong. Richardson, in his English Dictionary, suggests that it shares the same origin as "noxious" and "noisome," but there’s no method in the English language that would allow it to be created without forming a plural noun. In summary, the two words are the same; "news" keeps its original meaning, while "noise" takes on a derived meaning.
FOLK LORE.
Charm for the Toothache.—A reverend friend, very conversant in the popular customs and superstitions of Ireland, and who has seen the charm mentioned in pp. 293, 349, and 397, given by a Roman Catholic priest in the north-west of Ireland, has kindly furnished me with the genuine version, and the form in which it was written, which are as follows:—
Charm for the Toothache.—A priest I know well, who is familiar with the popular customs and superstitions in Ireland, and who has witnessed the charm mentioned on pages 293, 349, and 397, given by a Roman Catholic priest in northwest Ireland, has graciously provided me with the authentic version and the way it was originally written, which are as follows:—
"As Peter sat on a marble stone,
"As Peter sat on a marble stone,
The Lord came to him all alone;
The Lord came to him by himself;
'Peter, what makes thee sit there?'
'Peter, what makes you sit there?'
'My Lord, I am troubled with the toothache.'
'My Lord, I have a toothache and it's bothering me.'
'Peter arise, and go home;
'Peter, get up and go home;
And you, and whosoever for my sake
And you, and anyone else who does this for me
Shall keep these words in memory,
Shall keep these words in mind,
Shall never be troubled with the toothache.'"
Shall never have to deal with a toothache.'"
Charms.—The Evil Eye.—Going one day into a cottage in the village of Catterick, in Yorkshire, I observed hung up behind the door a ponderous necklace of "lucky stones," i.e. stones with a hole through them. On hinting an inquiry as to their use, I found the good lady of the house disposed to shuffle off any explanation; but by a little importunity I discovered that they had the credit of being able to preserve the house and its inhabitants from the baneful influence of the "evil eye." "Why, Nanny," said I, "you surely don't believe in witches now-a-days?" "No! I don't say 'at I do; but certainly i' former times there was wizzards an' buzzards, and them sort o' things." "Well," said I, laughing, "but you surely don't think there are any now?" "No! I don't say at ther' are; but I do believe in a yevil eye." After a little time I extracted from poor Nanny more particulars on the subject, as viz.:—how that there was a woman in the village whom she strongly suspected of being able to look with an evil eye; how, further, a neighbour's daughter, against whom the old lady in question had a grudge owing to some love affair, had suddenly fallen into a sort of pining sickness, of which the doctors could make nothing at all; and how the poor thing fell away without any accountable cause, and finally died, nobody knew why; but how it was her (Nanny's) strong belief that she had pined away in consequence of a glance from the evil eye. Finally, I got from her an account of how any one who chose could themselves obtain the power of the evil eye, and the receipt was, as nearly as I can recollect, as follows:—
Charms.—The Evil Eye.—One day, while visiting a cottage in the village of Catterick, in Yorkshire, I noticed a heavy necklace of "lucky stones" hanging behind the door, i.e. stones with holes in them. When I asked about their purpose, the lady of the house seemed reluctant to explain, but after some persistence, I found out that they were believed to protect the house and its residents from the harmful effects of the "evil eye." "Why, Nanny," I said, "surely you don’t believe in witches these days?" "No! I wouldn’t say I do; but certainly, in the past, there were wizards and strange people, and those sorts of things." "Well," I laughed, "you don't really think there are any now?" "No! I wouldn't say that there are; but I do believe in a evil eye." After a bit more conversation, I got more details from poor Nanny, such as: there was a woman in the village she strongly suspected of being able to cast an evil eye; also, a neighbor's daughter, who had a feud with this old lady over a romance, had suddenly developed a mysterious illness that baffled doctors; how the poor girl wasted away for no known reason and eventually died, leaving everyone confused; but it was Nanny's firm belief that she had withered away due to a glance from the evil eye. Eventually, she shared how anyone could gain the power of the evil eye themselves, and the recipe was, as best as I can remember, as follows:—
"Ye gang out ov' a night—ivery night, while ye find nine toads—an' when ye've gitten t' nine toads, ye hang 'em up ov' a string, an' ye make a hole and buries t' toads i't hole—and as 't toads pines away, so 't person pines away 'at you've looked upon wiv a yevil eye, an' they pine and pine away while they die, without ony disease at all!"
"You go out at night—every night, until you find nine toads—and once you have nine toads, you hang them up on a string, then you dig a hole and bury the toads in it—and as the toads decay, the person you've given the evil eye to will waste away, wither, and die without any illness at all!"
I do not know if this is the orthodox creed respecting the mode of gaining the power of the evil eye, but it is at all events a genuine piece of Folk Lore.
I’m not sure if this is the traditional belief about how to gain the power of the evil eye, but it’s definitely a true piece of folklore.
The above will corroborate an old story rife in Yorkshire, of an ignorant person, who, being asked if he ever said his prayers, repeated as follows:—
The above will confirm an old story that's well-known in Yorkshire, about an ignorant person who, when asked if he ever said his prayers, replied as follows:—
"From witches and wizards and long-tail'd buzzards,
"From witches and wizards and long-tailed buzzards,
And creeping things that run in hedge-bottoms,
And crawling things that move in the underbrush,
Good lord, deliver us."
"Good lord, save us."
Ecclesfield, April 24. 1850.
Ecclesfield, April 24, 1850.
Charms.—I beg to represent to the correspondents of the "NOTES AND QUERIES," especially to the clergy and medical men resident in the country, that notices of the superstitious practices still prevalent, or recently prevalent, in different parts of the kingdom, for the cure of diseases, are highly instructive and even valuable, on many accounts. Independently of their archæological {430} interest as illustrations of the mode of thinking and acting of past times, they become really valuable to the philosophical physician, as throwing light on the natural history of diseases. The prescribers and practisers of such "charms," as well as the lookers-on, have all unquestionable evidence of the efficacy of the prescriptions, in a great many cases: that is to say, the diseases for which the charms are prescribed are cured; and, according to the mode of reasoning prevalent with prescribers, orthodox and heterodox, they must be cured by them,—post hoc ergo propter hoc. Unhappily for the scientific study of diseases, the universal interference of ART in an active form renders it difficult to meet with pure specimens of corporeal maladies; and, consequently, it is often difficult to say whether it is nature or art that must be credited for the event. This is a positive misfortune, in a scientific point of view. Now, as there can be no question as to the non-efficiency of charms in a material or physical point of view (their action through the imagination is a distinct and important subject of inquiry), it follows that every disease getting well in the practice of the charmer, is curable and cured by Nature. A faithful list of such cases could not fail to be most useful to the scientific inquirer, and to the progress of truth; and it is therefore that I am desirous of calling the attention of your correspondents to the subject. As a general rule, it will be found that the diseases in which charms have obtained most fame as curative are those of long duration, not dangerous, yet not at all, or very slightly, benefited by ordinary medicines. In such cases, of course, there is not room for the display of an imaginary agency:—"For," as Crabbe says,—and I hope your medical readers will pardon the irreverence—
Charms.—I want to bring to the attention of the readers of "NOTES AND QUERIES," especially the clergy and medical professionals in rural areas, that reports of superstitious practices that are still common, or have been recently common, in various parts of the country for treating illnesses are quite informative and even valuable for several reasons. Aside from their archaeological {430} interest as examples of how people thought and acted in the past, they are genuinely useful to the thoughtful physician, as they shed light on the natural history of diseases. The people who create and use these "charms," as well as those who observe, have clear evidence of the effectiveness of these treatments in many cases: in other words, the diseases for which charms are applied do get better; and based on the reasoning common among those who prescribe them, whether conventional or unconventional, they must be responsible for the cures—post hoc ergo propter hoc. Unfortunately for the scientific study of diseases, the widespread influence of ART in an active role makes it challenging to find pure examples of physical illnesses; thus, it is often hard to determine whether the changes are due to natural processes or human intervention. This is a significant drawback from a scientific perspective. Since there’s no doubt about the lack of effectiveness of charms in a material or physical sense (their impact through the imagination is a separate and important topic), it follows that every illness that improves under the care of a charmer is curable and healed by Nature. A comprehensive list of such instances would undoubtedly be very helpful to scientific researchers and the advancement of knowledge; therefore, I want to draw your readers' attention to this topic. As a general rule, it can be seen that the illnesses for which charms are most famously used are those that are long-lasting, not life-threatening, yet show little or no improvement from standard medications. In these cases, there’s naturally no opportunity for an imaginary cause to be evident:—"For," as Crabbe says,—and I hope your medical readers will excuse the irreverence—
"For NATURE then has time to work her way;
"For NATURE then has time to work her way;
And doing nothing often has prevailed,
And staying put often wins,
When ten physicians have prescribed, and failed."
When ten doctors have prescribed and failed.
The notice in your last Number respecting the cure of hooping-cough, is a capital example of what has just been stated; and I doubt not but many of your correspondents could supply numerous prescriptions equally scientific and equally effective. On a future occasion, I will myself furnish you with some; but as I have already trespassed so far on your space, I will conclude by naming a few diseases in which the charmers may be expected to charm most wisely and well. They will all be found to come within the category of the diseases characterised above:—Epilepsy, St. Vitus's Dance (Chorea), Hysteria, Toothache, Warts, Ague, Mild Skin-diseases, Tic Douloureux, Jaundice, Asthma, Bleeding from the Nose, St. Anthony's Fire or The Rose (Erysipelas), King's Evil (Scrofula), Mumps, Rheutmatic Pains, &c., &c.
The notice in your last issue about the cure for whooping cough is a great example of what I've just mentioned; I’m sure many of your readers could provide lots of equally scientific and effective remedies. In the future, I will share some of my own, but since I've already taken up a lot of your space, I’ll wrap up by listing a few conditions where healers might be most effective. They all fall under the types of illnesses mentioned earlier: Epilepsy, St. Vitus's Dance (Chorea), Hysteria, Toothache, Warts, Ague, Mild Skin Conditions, Tic Douloureux, Jaundice, Asthma, Nosebleeds, St. Anthony's Fire or The Rose (Erysipelas), King's Evil (Scrofula), Mumps, Rheumatic Pain, etc., etc.
April 25. 1850.
April 25, 1850.
Roasted Mouse.—I have often heard my father say, that when he had the measles, his nurse gave him a roasted mouse to cure him.
Roasted Mouse.—I've often heard my dad say that when he had the measles, his nurse gave him a roasted mouse to make him better.
THE ANGLO-SAXON WORD "UNLAED."
A long etymological disquisition may seem a trifling matter; but what a clear insight into historic truth, into the manners, the customs, and the possessions of people of former ages, is sometimes obtained by the accurate definition of even a single word. A pertinent instance will be found in the true etymon of Brytenwealda, given by Mr. Kemble in his chapter "On the Growth of the kingly Power." (Saxons in Engl. B. II. c. 1.) Upon this consideration I must rest for this somewhat lengthy investigation.
A lengthy discussion about word origins may seem trivial, but you can gain a clear understanding of historical truths, including the ways, customs, and possessions of people from earlier times, simply by accurately defining a single word. A relevant example is found in the true origin of Brytenwealda, provided by Mr. Kemble in his chapter "On the Growth of the Kingly Power." (Saxons in Engl. B. II. c. 1.) With this in mind, I will conclude this somewhat extensive investigation.
The word UNLAED, as far as we at present know, occurs only five times in Anglo-Saxon; three of which are in the legend of Andreas in the Vercelli MS., which legend was first printed, under the auspices of the Record Commission, by Mr. Thorpe; but the Report to which the poetry of the Vercelli MS. was attached has, for reasons with which I am unacquainted, never been made public. In 1840, James Grimm, "feeling (as Mr. Kemble says) that this was a wrong done to the world of letters at large," published it at Cassell, together with the Legend of Elene, or the Finding of the Cross, with an Introduction and very copious notes. In 1844, it was printed for the Aelfric Society by Mr. Kemble, accompanied by a translation, in which the passages are thus given.—
The word UNLAED, as far as we currently know, appears only five times in Anglo-Saxon; three of those instances are in the legend of Andreas found in the Vercelli MS. This legend was first published, with the support of the Record Commission, by Mr. Thorpe; however, the report to which the poetry of the Vercelli MS. was attached has, for reasons I’m not aware of, never been made public. In 1840, James Grimm, "feeling (as Mr. Kemble says) that this was a wrong done to the world of letters at large," published it at Cassell, alongside the Legend of Elene, or the Finding of the Cross, complete with an introduction and extensive notes. In 1844, it was printed for the Aelfric Society by Mr. Kemble, accompanied by a translation, in which the passages are presented as follows.—
"Such was the people's
"Such was the public's"
peaceless token,
peaceless token,
the suffering of the wretched."
the suffering of the wretched."
l. 57-9.
l. 57-9.
"When they of savage spirits
"When they of wild spirits
believed in the might,"
believed in the power,"
l. 283-4.
l. 283-4.
"Ye are rude,
"You are rude,"
of poor thoughts."
of negative thoughts."
"Men ða leoçes can hep re3þ se hal3a se[~s] Io[~hs] þaep re Hael. eode ofen þone bupnan the Ledpoc hatte, on in[=e]n aenne p[.y]ptun. Tha piste se unlaesde iudas se þe hune to deaþe beleaped haefde."
"Then the men in the house heard the sacred song. They opened the door to the designated room to welcome a newcomer. Then the ungrateful Judas, who had betrayed him to death, showed up."
In Grimm's Elucidations to Andreas he thus notices it:—
In Grimm's Elucidations to Andreas, he points this out:—
"Unlaed, miser, improbus, infelix. (A. 142. 744. Judith, 134, 43.). A rare adjective never occurring in Beowulf, Coedmon, or the Cod. Exon., and belonging to those which only appear in conjunction with un. Thus, also, the Goth. unleds, pauper, miser; and the O.H.G. unlât (Graff, 2. 166.); we nowhere find a lêds, laed, lât, as an antithesis. It must have signified dives, felix; and its root is wholly obscure."
"Unlaed, miser, improbus, infelix. (A. 142. 744. Judith, 134, 43.). This is a rare adjective that doesn’t appear in Beowulf, Coedmon, or the Cod. Exon., and it’s among those that only show up with un. Similarly, in Gothic, we have unleds, pauper, miser; and in Old High German, unlât (Graff, 2. 166.); we never find a lêds, laed, lât as an opposite. It must have meant dives, felix; and its root is completely unclear."
In all the Anglo-Saxon examples of unlaed, the sense appears to be wretched, miserable; in the Gothic it is uniformly poor1: but poverty and wretchedness are nearly allied. Lêd, or laed, would evidently therefore signify rich, and by inference happy. Now we have abundant examples of the use of the word ledes in old English; not only for people, but for riches, goods, movable property. Lond and lede, or ledes, or lith, frequently occur unequivocally in this latter sense, thus:—
In all the Anglo-Saxon examples of unlaed, the meaning seems to be wretched, miserable; in the Gothic it consistently means poor1: but poverty and wretchedness are closely related. Lêd, or laed, would clearly mean rich, and by extension happy. We have many examples of the word ledes in old English; not just for people, but also for riches, goods, movable property. Lond and lede, or ledes, or lith, frequently appear unmistakably in this latter sense, as follows:—
"He was the first of Inglond that gaf God his tithe
"He was the first from England who gave God his tithe."
Of isshue of bestes, of londes, or of lithe."
Of issue of beasts, of lands, or of lithe."
P. Plouhm.
P. Plouhm.
"I bed hem bothe lond and lede,
"I give them both land and lead,"
To have his douhter in worthlie wede,
To have his daughter in a worthy wedding,
And spouse here with my ring."
And my partner here with my ring."
K. of Tars, 124.
K. of Tars, 124.
"For to have lond or lede,
"For to have land or lead,"
Or other riches, so God me spede!
Or other riches, may God help me!
Yt ys to muche for me."
Yt ys to muche for me.
Sir Cleges, 409.
Sir Cleges, 409.
"Who schall us now geve londes or lythe,
"Who shall we give lands or lythe,
Hawkys, or houndes, or stedys stithe,
Hawkys, or hounds, or steady horses,
As he was wont to do."
As he typically did.
Le B. Florence of Rome, 841.
Le B. Florence of Rome, 841.
"No asked he lond or lithe,
"No, he asked for land or lithe,"
Bot that maiden bright."
Bot that maiden bright.
Sir Tristrem, xlviii.
Sir Tristrem, 48.
In "William and the Werwolf" the cowherd and his wife resolve to leave William
In "William and the Werwolf," the cowherd and his wife decide to leave William.
"Al here godis
"Al here, good vibes"
Londes and ludes as ether after her lif dawes."
Londes and ludes like ether after her life days.
p. 4
p. 4
In this poem, ludes and ledes are used indiscriminately, but most frequently in the sense of men, people. Sir Frederick Madden has shown, from the equivalent words in the French original of Robert of Brunne, "that he always uses the word in the meaning of possessions, whether consisting of tenements, rents, fees, &c.;" in short, wealth.
In this poem, ludes and ledes are used interchangeably, but mostly to mean men or people. Sir Frederick Madden has demonstrated, using equivalent words from the French original of Robert of Brunne, "that he always uses the word to refer to possessions, whether they are tenements, rents, fees, etc.;" in short, wealth.
If, therefore, the word has this sense in old English, we might expect to find it in Anglo-Saxon, and I think it is quite clear that we have it at least in one instance. In the Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, vol. i. p. 184., an oath is given, in which the following passage occurs:
If the word has this meaning in Old English, we would expect to see it in Anglo-Saxon as well, and I believe it's clear that we have at least one example of it. In the Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, vol. i. p. 184., an oath is provided, which includes the following passage:
"Do spa to lane
"Go to the spa"
beo þé he þinum
be you with your
I leat me be minum
I let me be mine
ne 3ypne le þines
ne 3ypne le þines
ne laedes ne landes
ne laedes ne landes
ne sac ne socne
ne sac ne socne
ne þu mines ne þeapst
ne þu mines ne þeapst
ne mint ic þe nan þio3."
ne mint ic þe nan þio3.
Mr. Thorpe has not translated the word, nor is it noticed in his Glossary; but I think there can be no doubt that it should be rendered by goods, chattels, or wealth, i.e., movable property.
Mr. Thorpe hasn't translated the word, nor is it mentioned in his Glossary; but I believe there's no doubt that it should be translated as goods, chattels, or wealth, meaning movable property.
This will be even more obvious from an extract given by Bishop Nicholson, in the preface to Wilkin's Leges Saxonicæ p. vii. It is part of the oath of a Scotish baron of much later date, and the sense here is unequivocal:—
This will be even more obvious from an extract provided by Bishop Nicholson in the preface to Wilkin's Leges Saxonicæ p. vii. It's part of the oath of a Scottish baron from a much later time, and the meaning here is clear:—
"I becom zour man my liege king in land, lith2, life and lim, warldly honour, homage, fealty, and leawty, against all that live and die."
Numerous examples are to be found in the M.H. German, of which I will cite a few:
Numerous examples can be found in the M.H. German, of which I will cite a few:
"Ir habt doch zu iuwere hant
"Ihr habt doch zu eurer Hand"
Beidin liute unde lant."
Beidin liute under land.
Tristr. 13934.
Tristr. 13934.
"Und bevelhet ir liute unde lant."
"Bevels it light and land."
"Ich teile ir liute unde lant."
"I share people and land."
Id. 7714.
Id. 7714.
And in the old translation of the Liber Dialogorum of St. Gregory, printed in the cloister of S. Ulrich at Augspurg in 1473:—
And in the old translation of the Liber Dialogorum of St. Gregory, printed in the cloister of S. Ulrich at Augsburg in 1473:—
"In der Statt waren hoch Türen und schöne Heüser von Silber und Gold, und aller Hand leüt, und die Frawen und Man naÿgten im alle."
"In the city, there were tall doors and beautiful houses made of silver and gold, filled with all kinds of people, and both women and men wandered around everywhere."
Lastly, Jo. Morsheim in his Untreuer Frawen:—
Lastly, Jo. Morsheim in his Untreuer Frawen:—
"Das was mein Herr gar gerne hört,
"That is what my lord likes to hear very much,"
Und ob es Leut und Land bethort."
And whether it concerns people and land.
Now, when we recollect the state of the people in those times, the serf-like vassalage, the Hörigkeit or Leibeigenthum, which prevailed, we cannot be surprised that a word which signified possessions should designate also the people. It must still, however, be quite uncertain which is the secondary sense.
Now, when we think back to how people lived during those times, the serf-like subservience, the Hörigkeit or Leibeigenthum, that was common, we can't be surprised that a term which meant possessions also referred to people. It remains unclear, though, which meaning came second.
The root of the word, as Grimm justly remarks, is very obscure; and yet it seems to me that he himself has indirectly pointed it out:—
The root of the word, as Grimm rightly notes, is quite unclear; and yet it seems to me that he has indirectly highlighted it:—
"Goth. liudan3 (crescere); O.H.G. liotan (sometimes unorganic, hliotan); O.H.G. liut (populus); A.-S. lëóð; O.N. lióð: Goth. lauths -is (homo), ju33alauths -dis (adolescens); O.H.G. sumar -lota (virgulta palmitis, i.e. qui una æstate creverunt, Gl. Rhb. 926'b, Jun. 242.); M.H.G. corrupted into sumer -late (M.S. i. 124'b. 2. 161'a. virga herba). It is doubtful whether ludja (facies), O.H.G. andlutti, is to be reckoned among them."—Deutsche Gram. ii. 21. For this last see Diefenbach, Vergl. Gram. der Goth. Spr. i. 242.
"Goth. liudan__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ (to grow); O.H.G. liotan (sometimes non-organic, hliotan); O.H.G. liut (people); A.-S. lëóð; O.N. lióð: Goth. lauths -is (man), ju33alauths -dis (young person); O.H.G. sumar -lota (a shoot of palm, i.e. that grew in one summer, Gl. Rhb. 926'b, Jun. 242.); M.H.G. corrupted into sumer -late (M.S. i. 124'b. 2. 161'a. twig herb). It's uncertain whether ludja (face), O.H.G. andlutti, should be included among them."—Deutsche Gram. ii. 21. For this last, see Diefenbach, Vergl. Gram. der Goth. Spr. i. 242.
In his Erlauterungen zu Elene, p. 166., Grimm further remarks:—
In his Erlauterungen zu Elene, p. 166, Grimm also notes:—
"The verb is leoðan, leað, luðon (crescere), O.S. lioðan, lôð, luðun. Leluðon (Cædm. 93. 28.) is creverunt, pullulant; and 3eloðen (ap. Hickes, p. 135. note) onustus, but rather cretus. Elene, 1227. 3eloðen unðep leápum (cretus sub foliis)."
"The verb is leoðan, leað, luðon (to grow), O.S. lioðan, lôð, luðun. Leluðon (Cædm. 93. 28.) means 'they have grown, they sprout'; and 3eloðen (as noted in Hickes, p. 135) means 'loaded', but more accurately 'grown'. Elene, 1227. 3eloðen unðep leápum (grown under the leaves)."
It has been surmised that LEDE was connected with the O.N. hlÿt4—which not only signified sors, portio, but res consistentia—and the A.-S. hlet, hlyt, lot, portion, inheritance: thus, in the A.-S. Psal. xxx. 18., on hanðum ðinum hlÿt mín, my heritage is in thy hands. Notker's version is: Mín lôz ist in dínen handen. I have since found that Kindlinger (Geschichte der Deutchen Hörigkeit) has made an attempt to derive it from Lied, Lit, which in Dutch, Flemish, and Low German, still signify a limb; I think, unsuccessfully.
It has been suggested that LEDE was linked to the O.N. hlÿt4—which not only meant sors, portio, but also res consistentia—and the A.-S. hlet, hlyt, lot, portion, inheritance: thus, in the A.-S. Psal. xxx. 18., on hanðum ðinum hlÿt mín, my heritage is in thy hands. Notker's version is: Mín lôz ist in dínen handen. I have since found that Kindlinger (Geschichte der Deutchen Hörigkeit) has tried to derive it from Lied, Lit, which in Dutch, Flemish, and Low German, still means a limb; I think, without success.
Ray, in his Gloss. Northanymbr., has "unlead, nomen opprobrii;" but he gives a false derivation: Grose, in his Provincial Glossary, "unleed or unlead, a general name for any crawling venomous creature, as a toad, &c. It is sometimes ascribed to a man, and then it denotes a sly wicked fellow, that in a manner creeps to do mischief. See Mr. Nicholson's Catalogue."
Ray, in his Gloss. Northanymbr., uses the term "unlead, a name for something disgraceful;" but he provides an incorrect origin. Grose, in his Provincial Glossary, defines "unleed or unlead" as a general term for any crawling venomous creature, like a toad, etc. It's sometimes used to refer to a person, suggesting a sneaky, wicked individual who secretly tries to cause trouble. See Mr. Nicholson's Catalogue.
In the 2d edition of Mr. Brockett's Glossary, we have: "Unletes, displacers or destroyers of the farmer's produce."
In the 2nd edition of Mr. Brockett's Glossary, we have: "Unletes, displacers or destroyers of the farmer's produce."
This provincial preservation of a word of such rare occurrence in Anglo-Saxon, and of which no example has yet been found in old English, is a remarkable circumstance. The word has evidently signified, like the Gothic, in the first place poor; then wretched, miserable; and hence, perhaps, its opprobrious sense of mischievous or wicked.
This local preservation of a word so rarely used in Anglo-Saxon, and for which no example has ever been found in Old English, is quite remarkable. The word clearly has meant, like in Gothic, initially poor; then wretched, miserable; and maybe from that, its negative connotation of mischievous or wicked.
"In those rude times when wealth or movable property consisted almost entirely of living money, in which debts were contracted and paid, and for which land was given in mortgage or sold; it is quite certain that the serfs were transferred with the land, the lord considering them as so much live-stock, or part of his chattels."
"In those tough times when wealth or property mostly referred to living resources, where debts were taken and repaid, and land was mortgaged or sold; it’s obvious that the serfs were treated as part of the land, with the lord seeing them as just more livestock, or part of his chattels."
A vestige of this feeling with regard to dependants remains in the use of the word Man (which formerly had the same sense as lede). We still speak of "a general and his men," and use the expression "our men." But, happily for the masses of mankind, few vestiges of serfdom and slavery, and those in a mitigated form, now virtually exist.
A trace of this sentiment about dependents lingers in the use of the word Man (which once had the same meaning as lede). We still say "a general and his men," and we use the phrase "our men." But, thankfully for the majority of people, few remnants of serfdom and slavery, and those in a softened form, now essentially exist.
April 16. 1850.
April 16, 1850.
Footnote 1:__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__It occurs many times in the Moeso-Gothic version of the Gospels for [Greek: ptochos]. From the Glossaries, it appears that iungalauths is used three times for [Greek: neaniskos], a young man; therefore lauths or lauds would signify simply man; and the plural, laudeis, would be people. See this established by the analogy of vairths, or O.H.G. virahi, also signifying people. Grimm's Deutsche Gram. iii. 472., note. "Es konnte zwar unlêds (pauper) aber auch unlêths heissen."—D. Gr. 225.
It frequently appears in the Moeso-Gothic version of the Gospels for [Greek: ptochos]. The Glossaries suggest that iungalauths is used three times for [Greek: neaniskos], which means a young man; thus, lauths or lauds would simply mean man; and the plural, laudeis, would translate to people. This is backed by the analogy of vairths, or O.H.G. virahi, which also means people. See Grimm's Deutsche Gram. iii. 472, note. "It could be unlêds (pauper) but also unlêths."—D. Gr. 225.
Footnote 2:__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__Sir F. Palgrave has given this extract in the Appendix to his Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth, p. ccccvii., where, by an error of the press, or of transcription, the word stands lich. It may be as well to remark, that the corresponding word in Latin formulas of the same kind is "catallis," i.e. chattels. A passage in Havelok, v. 2515., will clearly demonstrate that lith was at least one kind of chattel, and equivalent to fe (fee).
Sir F. Palgrave included this excerpt in the Appendix of his Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth, p. 397, where, due to a printing or transcription error, the word appears as lich. It's important to note that the equivalent term in Latin phrases of this kind is "catallis," i.e. chattels. A passage in Havelok, v. 2515, clearly shows that lith was at least one type of chattel, and was similar to fe (fee).
"Thanne he was ded that Sathanas
"Then he was dead that Satan"
Sket was seysed al that his was,
Sket was in possession of all that was his,
In the King's hand il del,
In the King's hand he placed it,
Lond and lith, and other catel,
Lond and lith, and other catel,
And the King ful sone it yaf
And the King soon gave it away.
Ubbe in the hond with a fayr staf,
Ubbe in hand with a fine staff,
And seyde, 'Her ich sayse the
And said, 'Here I see the'
In al the lond in al the fe.'"
In all the lond in all the fe.'
Footnote 3:__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__The author of Tripartita seu de Analogia Linguacum, under the words "Leute" and "Barn," says:—"Respice Ebr. Id. Ebr. ledah, partus, proles est. Ebr. lad, led, gigno." A remarkable coincidence at least with Grimm's derivation of léôd from the Goth. liudan, crescere.
The author of Tripartita seu de Analogia Linguacum says: "Look at Hebrew. The Hebrew word ledah means offspring, and the Hebrew lad, led means to give birth." This interesting coincidence aligns with Grimm's derivation of léôd from the Gothic liudan, which means to grow.
Footnote 4:__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__Thus, Anthon, Teutschen Landwirthschaft, Th. i. p. 61.:—"Das Land eines jeden Dorfes, einer jeden Germarkung war wirklich getheilt und, wie es sehr wahrscheinlich, alsdan verlost worden. Daher nannte man dasjenige, was zu einem Grunstüke an Äkern, Wiesen gehörte, ein Los (Sors). Das Burgundische Gesetz redet ausfdrücklich vom Lande das man in Lose erhalten hat (Terra sortis titulo acquisita, Tit. i. § 1.)" Schmeller, in his Bayrishces Wort. B. v. Lud-aigen, also points to the connection of Lud with hluz-hlut, sors, portio; but he rather inclines to derive it from the Low-Latin, ALLODIUM. It appears to me that the converse of this is most likely to have been the case, and that this very word LEDS or LÆDS is likely to furnish a more satisfactory etymology of ALLODIUM than has hitherto been offered.
So, Anthon, Teutschen Landwirthschaft, Vol. I, p. 61:—"The land in each village, of every common land, was actually divided and likely redistributed. Therefore, what belonged to a piece of fields and meadows was called a lot (Sors). The Burgundian law specifically mentions the land that was received in lots (Terra sortis titulo acquisita, Tit. I, § 1.)" Schmeller, in his Bayrishces Wort. B. v. Lud-aigen, also points out the connection of Lud with hluz-hlut, sors, portio; but he seems to prefer deriving it from the Low-Latin, ALLODIUM. I think the opposite is more likely, and that this very word LEDS or LÆDS may provide a better etymology for ALLODIUM than has been presented so far.
BP. COSIN'S MSS.—INDEX TO BAKER'S MSS.
Your correspondent "J. SANSOM" (No. 19. p. 303.) may perhaps find some unpublished remains of Bp. Cosin in Baker's MSS.; from the excellent index to which (Cambridge, 1848, p. 57.) I transcribe the following notices, premising that of the volumes of the MSS. the first twenty-three are in the British Museum, and the remainder in the University Library, (not, as Mr. Carlyle says in a note in, I think, the 3d vol. of his Letters. &c. of Cromwell in the library of Trin. Coll.).
Your correspondent "J. SANSOM" (No. 19. p. 303.) might find some unpublished works of Bp. Cosin in Baker's manuscripts. From the excellent index to this (Cambridge, 1848, p. 57.), I’m sharing the following notes, mentioning that the first twenty-three volumes of the manuscripts are in the British Museum, and the rest are in the University Library, not, as Mr. Carlyle mentions in a note in, I think, the 3rd vol. of his Letters. & c. of Cromwell, in the library of Trinity College.
"Cosin, Bp.— Notes of, in his Common Prayer, edit. 1636, xx. 175. Benefactions to See of Durham, xxx. 377-380. Conference with Abp. of Trebisond, xx. 178. Diary in Paris, 1651, xxxvi. 329. Intended donation for a Senate-House, xxx. 454. Letters to Peter Gunning, principally concerning the authority of the Apocrypha, vi. 174-180. 230-238. Manual of Devotion, xxxvi. 338."
"Cosin, Bp.— Notes on his Common Prayer, edited 1636, vol. xx, p. 175. Donations to the See of Durham, vol. xxx, pp. 377-380. Conference with the Archbishop of Trebizond, vol. xx, p. 178. Diary in Paris, 1651, vol. xxxvi, p. 329. Planned donation for a Senate House, vol. xxx, p. 454. Letters to Peter Gunning, mainly discussing the authority of the Apocrypha, vol. vi, pp. 174-180, 230-238. Manual of Devotion, vol. xxxvi, p. 338."
As the editors of the Index to Baker's MSS. invite corrections from those who use the MSS., you will perhaps be willing to print the following additions and corrections, which may be of use in case a new edition of the Index should be required:—
As the editors of the Index to Baker's MSS. invite feedback from those who use the MSS., you might be open to publishing the following additions and corrections, which could be helpful if a new edition of the Index is needed:—
Preface, p. vii. add, in Thoresby Correspondence, one or two of Baker's Letters have been printed, others have appeared in Nichols's Literary Anecdotes.
Preface, p. vii. add, in Thoresby Correspondence, one or two of Baker's Letters have been printed, while others can be found in Nichols's Literary Anecdotes.
Index, p. 2. Altars, suppression of, in Ely Diocese, 1550, xxx. 213. Printed in the British Magazine, Oct. 1849, p. 401.
Index, p. 2. Altars, suppression of, in Ely Diocese, 1550, xxx. 213. Printed in the British Magazine, Oct. 1849, p. 401.
P. 5. Babraham, Hullier, Vicar of, burnt for heresy. Brit. Mag. Nov. 1849, p. 543.
P. 5. Babraham, Hullier, the Vicar of, burned for heresy. Brit. Mag. Nov. 1849, p. 543.
P. 13. Bucer incepts as Dr. of Divinty, 1549, xxiv. 114. See Dr. Lamb's Documents from MSS. C.C.C.C. p. 153.
P. 13. Bucer became a Doctor of Divinity in 1549, xxiv. 114. See Dr. Lamb's Documents from MSS. C.C.C.C. p. 153.
Appointed to lecture by Edw. VI., 1549, xxx. 370. See Dr. Lamb, p. 152.
He was appointed to lecture by Edward VI in 1549, p. 370. See Dr. Lamb, p. 152.
Letter of University to Edw., recommending his family to care, x. 396. Dr. Lamb, p. 154.
Letter from the University to Edward, recommending that his family provide care, x. 396. Dr. Lamb, p. 154.
P. 14. Buckingham, Dr. Eglisham's account of his poisoning James I., xxxii. 149-153. See Hurl. Misc.
P. 14. Buckingham, Dr. Eglisham's account of his poisoning of James I, xxxii. 149-153. See Hurl. Misc.
Buckmaster's Letter concerning the King's Divorce, x. 243. This is printed in Burnet, vol. iii. lib. 1. collect. No. 16., from a copy sent by Baker, but more fully in Dr. Lamb, p. 23., and in Cooper's Annals.
Buckmaster's Letter regarding the King's Divorce, x. 243. This is printed in Burnet, vol. iii. lib. 1. collect. No. 16., from a copy sent by Baker, but is more detailed in Dr. Lamb, p. 23., and in Cooper's Annals.
P. 25. Renunciation of the Pope, 1535. See Ant. Harmer, Specimen, p. 163.
P. 25. Renunciation of the Pope, 1535. See Ant. Harmer, Specimen, p. 163.
P. 51. Cowel, Dr., charge against, and defence of his Antisanderus. Brit. Mag. Aug. 1849, p. 184.
P. 51. Dr. Cowel, charges against him and his defense of Antisanderus. Brit. Mag. Aug. 1849, p. 184.
Cranmer, extract from C.C.C. MS. concerning. Brit. Mag. Aug. 1849, p. 169, seq.
Cranmer, extract from C.C.C. MS. concerning him. Brit. Mag. Aug. 1849, p. 169, seq.
Cranmer, life of, xxxi. 1-3. Brit. Mag. Aug. 1849, p. 165.
Cranmer's life, xxxi. 1-3. Brit. Mag. Aug. 1849, p. 165.
P. 57. Convocation, subscribers to the judgment of, xxxi. 9. British Magazine, Sept. 1849, p. 317.
P. 57. Convocation, subscribers to the judgment of, xxxi. 9. British Magazine, Sept. 1849, p. 317.
P. 68. Ely, Altars, suppression of, 1550, xxx. 213. Brit. Mag. Oct. 1849, p. 401.
P. 68. Ely, Altars, suppression of, 1550, xxx. 213. Brit. Mag. Oct. 1849, p. 401.
P. 77. Several of the papers relating to Bishop Fisher will be found in Dr. Hymers' edition of The Funeral Sermon on Lady Margaret.
P. 77. Several documents about Bishop Fisher can be found in Dr. Hymers' edition of The Funeral Sermon on Lady Margaret.
P. 80. Gloucester, Abbey of, &c., a Poem by Malvern, v. 285-7. Brit. Mag. xxi. 377.; Caius Coll. MSS. No. 391. art 13.
P. 80. Gloucester, Abbey of, etc., a Poem by Malvern, v. 285-7. Brit. Mag. xxi. 377.; Caius Coll. MSS. No. 391. art 13.
Goodman, Declaration concerning the articles in his book. Strype's Annals, I. i. 184.
Goodman, declaration about the articles in his book. Strype's Annals, I. i. 184.
P. 89. Henry VII., Letter to Lady Margaret, xix. 262. See Dr. Hymers, as above, p. 160.
P. 89. Henry VII., Letter to Lady Margaret, xix. 262. See Dr. Hymers, as noted above, p. 160.
P. 91. Henry VIII., Letter to, giving an account of the death of Wyngfield, &c. See Sir H. Ellis, Ser. III. No. 134.
P. 91. Henry VIII., Letter to him, giving an account of Wyngfield's death, etc. See Sir H. Ellis, Ser. III. No. 134.
P. 94. Humphrey, Bishop, Account, &c., xxxv. 1-19. Rend xxvi. 1-19.
P. 94. Bishop Humphrey, Account, etc., xxxv. 1-19. Rend xxvi. 1-19.
Humphrey, Bishop, Images and Relics, &c., xxx. 133-4. Brit. Mag. Sept. 1849, p. 300.
Bishop Humphrey, Images and Relics, etc., xxx. 133-4. Brit. Mag. Sept. 1849, p. 300.
P. 121-2. Lady Margaret. Several of the articles relating to Lady Margaret have been printed by Dr. Hymers (ut sup.).
P. 121-2. Lady Margaret. Several articles about Lady Margaret have been published by Dr. Hymers (ut sup).
P. 137. Pole Card. Oratio Johannis Stoyks, &c., v. 310-312. Dr. Lamb, p. 177.
P. 137. Pole Card. Oratio Johannis Stoyks, etc., v. 310-312. Dr. Lamb, p. 177.
P. 143. Redman, Dr., Particulars of, xxxii. 495.—Brit. Mag. Oct. 1849, p. 402.
P. 143. Dr. Redman, Details of, xxxii. 495.—Brit. Mag. Oct. 1849, p. 402.
P. 151. Spelman's Proposition concerning the Saxon Lecture, &c. Sir H. Ellis Letters of Eminent Literary Men, Camd. Soc. No. 59.
P. 151. Spelman's Proposition about the Saxon Lecture, etc. Sir H. Ellis Letters of Eminent Literary Men, Camd. Soc. No. 59.
P. 169. Noy's Will, xxxvi. 375., read 379.
P. 169. Noy's Will, xxxvi. 375., read 379.
Many of the articles relating to Cambridge in the MSS. have been printed by Mr. Cooper in his Annals of Cambridge: some relating to Cromwell are to be found in Mr. Carlyle's work; and several, besides those which I have named, are contained in Dr. Lamb's Documents.
Many of the articles about Cambridge in the manuscripts have been published by Mr. Cooper in his Annals of Cambridge: some related to Cromwell are found in Mr. Carlyle's work; and several, in addition to those I've mentioned, are included in Dr. Lamb's Documents.
Marlborough Coll., March 30.
Marlborough College, March 30.
ARABIC NUMERALS AND CIPHER.
Will you suffer me to add some further remarks on the subject of the Arabic numerals and cipher; as neither the querists nor respondents seem to have duly appreciated the immense importance of the step taken by introducing the use of a cipher. I would commence with observing, that we know of no people tolerably advanced in civilisation, whose system of notation had made such little progress, beyond that of the mere savage, as the Romans. The rudest savages could make upright scratches on the face of a rock, and set them in a row, to signify units; and as the circumstance of having ten fingers has led the people of every nation to give a distinct name to the number ten and its multiples, the savage would have taken but a little step when he invented such a mode of expressing tens as crossing his scratches, thus X. His ideas, however, enlarge, and he makes three scratches, thus [C with square sides], to express 100. Generations of such vagabonds as founded Rome pass away, and at length some one discovers that, by using but half the figure for X, the number 5 may be conjectured to be meant. Another calculator follows {434} up this discovery, and by employing [C with square sides], half the figure used for 100, he expresses 50. At length the rude man procured a better knife, with which he was enabled to give a more graceful form to his [C with square sides], by rounding it into C; then two such, turned different ways, with a distinguishing cut between them, made CD, to express a thousand; and as, by that time, the alphabet was introduced, they recognised the similarity of the form at which they had thus arrived to the first letter of Mille, and called it M, or 1000. The half of this DC was adopted by a ready analogy for 500. With that discovery the invention of the Romans stopped, though they had recourse to various awkward expedients for making these forms express somewhat higher numbers. On the other hand, the Hebrews seem to have been provided with an alphabet as soon as they were to constitute a nation; and they were taught to use the successive letters of that alphabet to express the first ten numerals. In this way b and c might denote 2 and 3 just as well as those figures; and numbers might thus be expressed by single letters to the end of the alphabet, but no further. They were taught, however, and the Greeks learnt from them, to use the letters which follow the ninth as indications of so many tens; and those which follow the eighteenth as indicative of hundreds. This process was exceedingly superior to the Roman; but at the end of the alphabet it required supplementary signs. In this way bdecba might have expressed 245321 as concisely as our figures; but if 320 were to be taken from this sum, the removal of the equivalent letters cb would leave bdea, or apparently no more than 2451. The invention of a cipher at once beautifully simplified the notation, and facilitated its indefinite extension. It was then no longer necessary to have one character for units and another for as many tens. The substitution of 00 for cb, so as to write bdeooa, kept the d in its place, and therefore still indicating 40,000. It was thus that 27, 207, and 270 were made distinguishable at once, without needing separate letters for tens and hundreds; and new signs to express millions and their multiples became unnecessary.
Will you allow me to add some further thoughts on the topic of Arabic numerals and ciphers? Neither the questioners nor the respondents seem to fully grasp the incredible significance of introducing a cipher. I’ll start by noting that we don’t know of any civilization that was reasonably advanced but whose number system made so little progress beyond that of primitive cultures, like the Romans. Even the simplest of savages could make marks on a rock to indicate units. The fact that people have ten fingers has led every culture to give a distinct name to ten and its multiples; a savage would take just a small step by crossing his marks to represent tens, like this: X. As his ideas evolved, he would add three marks to represent 100, shown as [C with square sides]. Generations of wanderers who founded Rome pass away, and eventually, someone realizes that by using half the figure for X, the number 5 can be represented. Another mathematician builds on this discovery: using [C with square sides], half of 100, he represents 50. Eventually, the primitive man gets a better knife, allowing him to give a more elegant shape to [C with square sides], rounding it into C. Then, using two such Cs facing opposite directions with a distinguishing mark in between, he creates CD to denote a thousand. By that time, with the alphabet introduced, they see the similarity to the first letter of Mille and call it M, or 1000. The half of DC was cleverly used by analogy to represent 500. With that discovery, the Roman system halted, even though they relied on various awkward methods to express slightly higher numbers. On the other hand, the Hebrews seemed to have an alphabet as soon as they became a nation, using its letters to express the first ten numbers. Thus, b and c could represent 2 and 3 just as well as the digits; numbers could be expressed with single letters all the way to the end of the alphabet, but not beyond. They were taught, and the Greeks learned from them, to use the letters after the ninth to indicate tens and those after the eighteenth for hundreds. This method was far superior to the Roman system, but at the end of the alphabet, it needed additional symbols. In this way, bdecba could have expressed 245321 as concisely as our numerals; however, if you needed to subtract 320 from this total, removing the equivalent letters cb would leave you with bdea, which would appear as only 2451. The invention of the cipher beautifully simplified the notation and allowed for endless expansion. It was no longer necessary to have one character for units and another for tens. The use of 00 instead of cb, so you could write bdeooa, kept the d in place, still indicating 40,000. This way, 27, 207, and 270 could all be easily differentiated without requiring separate symbols for tens and hundreds, making new signs for millions and beyond unnecessary.
I have been induced to trespass on your columns with this extended notice of the difficulty which was never solved by either the Hebrews or Greeks, from understanding your correspondent "T.S.D." p. 367, to say that "the mode of obviating it would suggest itself at once." As to the original query,—whence came the invention of the cipher, which was felt to be so valuable as to be entitled to give its name to all the process of arithmetic?—"T.S.D." has given the querist his best clue in sending him to Mr. Strachey's Bija Ganita, and to Sir E. Colebrooke's Algebra of the Hindus, from the Sanscrit of Brahmegupta. Perhaps a few sentences may sufficiently point out where the difficulty lies. In the beginning of the sixth century, the celebrated Boethius described the present system as an invention of the Pythagoreans, meaning, probably, to express some indistinct notion of its coming from the east. The figures in MS. copies of Boethius are the same as our own for 1, 8, and 9; the same, but inverted, for 2 and 5; and are not without vestiges of resemblance in the remaining figures. In the ninth century we come to the Arabian Al Sephadi, and derive some information from him; but his figures have attracted most notice, because though nearly all of them are different from those found in Boethius, they are the same as occur in Planudes, a Greek monk of the fourteenth century, who says of his own units, "These nine characters are Indian," and adds, "they have a tenth character called [Greek: tziphra], which they express by an 0, and which denotes the absence of any number." The date of Boethius is obviously too early for the supposition of an Arabic origin; but it is doubted whether the figures are of his time, as the copyists of a work in MS. were wont to use the characters of their own age in letters, and might do so in the case of figures also.
I’ve been prompted to take up your space with this detailed note about the problem that was never resolved by either the Hebrews or Greeks, based on your correspondent “T.S.D.” on page 367, who says that “the way to resolve it would be obvious.” Regarding the initial question—where did the invention of the cipher come from, which was considered so valuable that it got its name in all of arithmetic?—“T.S.D.” has provided the asker with a good lead by referring them to Mr. Strachey's Bija Ganita and to Sir E. Colebrooke's Algebra of the Hindus from the Sanskrit of Brahmegupta. Perhaps a few sentences can clearly highlight where the challenge lies. In the early sixth century, the famous Boethius described the current system as an invention of the Pythagoreans, likely intending to suggest some vague idea of its origins in the East. The figures in manuscript copies of Boethius are the same as ours for 1, 8, and 9; the same but flipped for 2 and 5; and show some resemblance in the other figures. By the ninth century, we encounter the Arab Al Sephadi, who gives us some information; however, his figures are of particular interest because, although almost all of them differ from those in Boethius, they match what appears in Planudes, a Greek monk from the fourteenth century, who says of his own units, “These nine characters are Indian,” and adds, “They have a tenth character called [Greek: tziphra], which they represent with an 0, and which signifies the absence of any number.” The date of Boethius is clearly too early to suggest an Arabic origin; however, it is questioned whether the figures are from his time, as copyists of a manuscript usually employed the characters from their own period in letters, and could have done the same with figures.
ROMAN NUMERALS.
There are several points connected with the subject of numerals that are important in the history of practical arithmetic, to which neither scientific men nor antiquaries have paid much attention. Yet if the principal questions were brought in a definite form before the contributors to the "NOTES AND QUERIES," I feel quite sure that a not inconsiderable number of them will be able to contribute each his portion to the solution of what may till now be considered as almost a mystery. With your permission, I will propose a few queries relating to the subject,
There are several important points related to numerals in the history of practical arithmetic that neither scientists nor historians have focused on much. However, if the main questions were presented clearly to the contributors of "NOTES AND QUERIES," I'm confident that a significant number of them would be able to contribute their insights to solving what has until now been seen as almost a mystery. With your permission, I would like to propose a few questions about this topic.
1. When did the abacus, or the "tabel" referred to in my former letters, cease to be used as calculating instruments?
1. When did the abacus, or the "tabel" mentioned in my earlier letters, stop being used as calculating tools?
The last printed work in which the abacal practice was given for the purposes of tuition that I have been able to discover, is a 12mo. edition, by Andrew Mellis, of Dee's Robert Recorde, 1682.
The last printed work where the abacal practice was provided for teaching that I've found is a 12mo. edition by Andrew Mellis of Dee's Robert Recorde, 1682.
2. When did the method of recording results in Roman numerals cease to be used in mercantile account-books? Do any ledgers or other account-books, of ancient dates, exist in the archives of the City Companies, or in the office of the City Chamberlain? If there do, these would go far towards settling the question.
2. When did the method of recording results in Roman numerals stop being used in business account books? Are there any ledgers or other account books from ancient times in the archives of the City Companies or in the office of the City Chamberlain? If there are, these would help determine the answer.
3. When in the public offices of the Government? It is probable that criteria will be found in many of them, which are inaccessible to the public generally.
3. When in the public offices of the Government? It's likely that there will be criteria in many of them that the general public cannot access.
4. When in the household-books of royalty and nobility? This is a class of MSS. to which I have paid next to no attention; and, possibly, had the query been in my mind through life, many fragments {435} tending towards the solution that have passed me unnoticed would have saved me from the necessity of troubling your correspondents. The latest that I remember to have particularly noticed is that of Charles I. in the Fitzwilliam Museum at Cambridge; but I shall not be surprised to find that the system was continued down to George I., or later still. Conservatism is displayed in its perfection in the tenacious adherence of official underlings to established forms and venerable routine.
4. When did royal and noble households keep record books? This is a type of manuscript I haven’t really focused on; and, if I had been thinking about it my whole life, I might have noticed several pieces {435} that could have helped me find the answer and spared me from bothering your correspondents. The most recent example I remember paying attention to is from Charles I. in the Fitzwilliam Museum at Cambridge, but I wouldn't be surprised to learn that this practice continued up to George I or even later. Conservatism is perfectly shown in how firmly official subordinates cling to established traditions and long-standing routines.
Shooter's Hill, April 8.
Shooter's Hill, April 8th.
[Our correspondent will find some curious notices of early dates of Arabic numerals, from the Rev. Edmund Venables, Rev. W. Gunner, and Mr. Ouvry, in the March number of the Archæological Journal, p. 75-76.; and the same number also contains, at p. 85., some very interesting remarks by the Rev. Joseph Hunter, illustrative of the subject, and instancing a warrant from Hugh le Despenseer to Bonefez de Peruche and his partners, merchants of a company, to pay forty pounds, dated Feb. 4, 19 Edward II., i.e. 1325, in which the date of the year is expressed in Roman numerals; and on the dorso, written by one of the Italian merchants to whom the warrant was addressed, the date of the payment, Feb. 1325. in Arabic numerals, of which Mr. Hunter exhibited a fac-simile at a meeting of the Institute.]
[Our correspondent will find some interesting notes about early examples of Arabic numerals from Rev. Edmund Venables, Rev. W. Gunner, and Mr. Ouvry in the March issue of the Archæological Journal, pages 75-76. The same issue also features some fascinating comments by Rev. Joseph Hunter on the topic, including a warrant from Hugh le Despenser to Bonefez de Peruche and his partners, merchants in a company, authorizing a payment of forty pounds, dated February 4, 19 Edward II, i.e. 1325, where the year is noted in Roman numerals. On the back, one of the Italian merchants to whom the warrant was sent wrote the payment date, February 1325, in Arabic numerals, which Mr. Hunter displayed as a facsimile at a meeting of the Institute.]
Arabic Numerals.—In the lists of works which treat of Arabic Numerals, the following have not been noticed, although they contain a review of what has been written on their introduction into this part of Europe:—Archæologia, vols. x. xiii.; Bibliotheca Literaria, Nos. 8. and 10., including Huetiana on this subject; and Morant's Colchester, b. iii. p. 28.
Arabic Numerals.—In the lists of works that discuss Arabic Numerals, the following have been overlooked, even though they offer a review of the writings about their introduction into this part of Europe:—Archæologia, vols. x. xiii.; Bibliotheca Literaria, Nos. 8. and 10., which include Huetiana on this topic; and Morant's Colchester, b. iii. p. 28.
ERROR IN HALLAM'S HISTORY OF LITERATURE.
If Mr. Hallam's accuracy in parvis could be fairly judged by the following instance, and that given by your correspondent "CANTAB." (No. 4, p. 51.), I fear much could not be said for it. The following passage is from Mr. Hallam's account of Campanella and his disciple Adami. My reference is to the first edition of Mr. Hallam's work; but the passage stands unaltered in the second. I believe these to be rare instances of inaccuracy.
If Mr. Hallam's accuracy in parvis can be fairly assessed by the example below, along with the one provided by your correspondent "CANTAB." (No. 4, p. 51.), I’m afraid there’s not much to commend it. The following excerpt is from Mr. Hallam's description of Campanella and his student Adami. I'm referring to the first edition of Mr. Hallam's work; however, this excerpt remains unchanged in the second edition. I believe these are rare cases of inaccuracy.
"Tobias Adami, ... who dedicated to the philosophers of Germany his own Prodromus Philosophiæ Instauratio, prefixed to his edition of Campanella's Compendium de Rerum Naturæ, published at Frankfort in 1617. Most of the other writings of the master seem to have preceded this edition, for Adami enumerates them in his Prodromus."—Hist. of Literature, iii. 149.
"Tobias Adami, ... who dedicated his own Prodromus Philosophiæ Instauratio to the philosophers of Germany, included it as a preface to his edition of Campanella's Compendium de Rerum Naturæ, published in Frankfurt in 1617. Most of the other writings by the master seem to have been released before this edition, as Adami lists them in his Prodromus."—Hist. of Literature, iii. 149.
The title is not Prodromus Philosophiæ Instauratio, which is not sense; but Prodromus Philosophiæ Instaurandæ (Forerunner of a philosophy to be constructed). This Prodromus is a treatise of Campanella's, not, as Mr. Hallam says, of Adami. Adami published the Prodromus for Campanella, who was in prison; and he wrote a preface, in which he gives a list of other writings of Campanella, which he proposes to publish afterwards. What Mr. Hallam calls an "edition," was the first publication.
The title is not Prodromus Philosophiæ Instauratio, which doesn't make sense; but Prodromus Philosophiæ Instaurandæ (Forerunner of a philosophy to be built). This Prodromus is a work by Campanella, not, as Mr. Hallam claims, by Adami. Adami published the Prodromus for Campanella, who was in prison; and he wrote a preface in which he lists other works by Campanella that he plans to publish later. What Mr. Hallam refers to as an "edition" was the first publication.
Mere accident enabled me to detect these errors. I am not a bibliographer and do not know a ten-thousandth part of what Mr. Hallam knows. I extract this note from my common-place book, and send it to you, hoping to elicit the opinions of some of your learned correspondents on the general accuracy in biography and bibliography of Mr. Hallam's History of Literature. Has Mr. Bolton Corney, if I may venture to name him, examined the work? His notes and opinion would be particularly valuable.
Mere chance allowed me to find these mistakes. I'm not a bibliographer and don’t know even a fraction of what Mr. Hallam knows. I pulled this note from my notebook and am sending it to you, hoping to get the thoughts of some of your knowledgeable contacts on the overall accuracy in biography and bibliography of Mr. Hallam's History of Literature. Has Mr. Bolton Corney, if I may mention him, looked at the work? His notes and opinion would be especially valuable.
As a few inaccuracies such as this may occur in any work of large scope proceeding from the most learned of men, and be accidentally detected by an ignoramus, so a more extensive impeachment of Mr. Hallam's accuracy would make a very trifling deduction from his great claims to respect and well-established fame. I believe I rightly understand the spirit in which you desire your periodical to be the medium for emending valuable works, when I thus guard myself against the appearance of disrespect to a great ornament of literature.
As a few mistakes like this can happen in any large work created by knowledgeable individuals and can be accidentally spotted by someone uninformed, a broader critique of Mr. Hallam's accuracy would have little effect on his significant reputation and well-earned fame. I believe I understand the intent behind wanting your publication to be a platform for correcting valuable works, which is why I'm being careful to show proper respect for such an esteemed figure in literature.
NOTES FROM CUNNINGHAM'S HANDBOOK FOR LONDON.
We have already shown pretty clearly, how high is the opinion we entertain of the value of our able contributor Mr. Peter Cunningham's amusing Handbook for London, by the insertion of numerous Notes upon his first edition. We will now give our readers an opportunity of judging how much the second edition, which is just published, has been improved through the further researches of that gentleman, by giving them a few Notes from it, consisting entirely of new matter, and very curious withal. When we add that the work is now enriched by a very copious Index of Names, it will readily be seen how much the value and utility of the book has been increased.
We have already made it quite clear how highly we think of the value of our talented contributor Mr. Peter Cunningham's entertaining Handbook for London, as shown by the many Notes on his first edition. We now want to give our readers a chance to see how much the second edition, just released, has been improved thanks to Mr. Cunningham's further research, by sharing a few Notes from it, which consist entirely of new and very interesting content. Additionally, since the work now includes a comprehensive Index of Names, it’s easy to see how much more valuable and useful the book has become.
Hanover Square.—"The statue of William Pitt, by Sir Francis Chantrey, set up in the year 1831, is of bronze, and cost 7000l. I was present at its erection with Sir Francis Chantrey and my father, who was Chantrey's assistant. The statue was placed on its pedestal between seven and eight in the morning, and while the workmen were away at their breakfasts, a rope was thrown round the neck of the figure, and a vigorous attempt made by several sturdy Reformers to pull it down. When word of what they were about was brought to my father, he exclaimed, with a smile {436} upon his face, 'The cramps are leaded, and they may pull to doomsday.' The cramps are the iron bolts fastening the statue to the pedestal. The attempt was soon abandoned."
Hanover Square.—"The statue of William Pitt, created by Sir Francis Chantrey, was installed in 1831. It’s made of bronze and cost £7,000. I was there when it was put up with Sir Francis Chantrey and my dad, who worked as Chantrey’s assistant. The statue was positioned on its pedestal between seven and eight in the morning. While the workers were off having breakfast, a rope was thrown around the neck of the statue, and a bunch of determined Reformers tried to pull it down. When my dad heard what was happening, he smiled and said, 'The cramps are leaded, and they may pull to doomsday.' The cramps are the iron bolts that hold the statue to the pedestal. They quickly gave up on the attempt."
Hyde Park Corner.—"There were cottages here in 1655; and the middle of the reign of George II. till the erection of Apsely House, the small entrance gateway was flanked on its east site by a poor tenement known as 'Allen's stall.' Allen, whose wife kept a moveable apple-stall at the park entrance, was recognised by George II. as an old soldier at the battle of Dettingen, and asked (so pleased was the King at meeting the veteran) 'what he could do for him.' Allen, after some hesitation, asked for a piece of ground for a permanent apple-stall at Hyde Park Corner, and a grant was made to him of a piece of ground which his children afterwards sold to Apsley, Lord Bathurst. Mr. Crace has a careful drawing of the Hyde Park Corner, showing Allen's stall and the Hercules' Pillars."
Hyde Park Corner.—"There were cottages here in 1655; and during the middle of George II's reign until Apsley House was built, the small entrance gate was bordered on its east side by a rundown building known as 'Allen's stall.' Allen, whose wife ran a movable apple stall at the park entrance, was recognized by George II as a veteran from the battle of Dettingen and was asked (the King was so pleased to meet the veteran) 'what he could do for him.' After some hesitation, Allen requested a piece of land for a permanent apple stall at Hyde Park Corner, and he was granted a plot of land which his children later sold to Apsley, Lord Bathurst. Mr. Crace has a detailed drawing of Hyde Park Corner, depicting Allen's stall and the Hercules' Pillars."
Pall Mall.—"Mr. Fox told Mr. Rogers, that Sydenham was sitting at his window looking on the Mall, with his pipe in his mouth and a silver tankard before him, when a fellow made a snatch at the tankard, and ran off with it. Nor was he overtaken, said Fox, before he got among the bushes in Bond Street, and there they lost him."
Pall Mall.—"Mr. Fox told Mr. Rogers that Sydenham was sitting at his window looking out at the Mall, with a pipe in his mouth and a silver tankard in front of him, when someone grabbed the tankard and ran off with it. Fox said they didn't catch him until he made it into the bushes on Bond Street, and that's where they lost him."
Lansdowne House.—"The iron bars at the two ends of Lansdowne Passage (a near cut from Curzon Street to Hay Hill) were put up late in the last century, in consequence of a mounted highwayman, who had committed a robbery in Piccadilly, having escaped from his pursuers through this narrow passage by riding his horse up the steps. This anecdote was told by the late Thomas Grenville to Sir Thomas Frankland Lewis. It occurred while George Grenville was Minister, the robber passing his residence in Bolton Street full gallop."
Lansdowne House.—"The iron bars at both ends of Lansdowne Passage (a shortcut from Curzon Street to Hay Hill) were put in place late in the last century because a mounted highwayman, who had robbed someone in Piccadilly, escaped from his pursuers by riding his horse up the steps in this narrow passage. This story was shared by the late Thomas Grenville with Sir Thomas Frankland Lewis. It happened while George Grenville was in office, with the robber galloping past his home on Bolton Street."
Newcastle House.—"The old and expensive custom of 'vails-giving,' received its death-glow at Newcastle House. Sir Timothy Waldo, on his way from the Duke's dinner table to his carriage, put a crown into the hand of the cook, who returned it, saying: 'Sir, I do not take silver.' 'Don't you, indeed?' said Sir Timothy, putting it in his pocket; 'then I do not give gold.' Hanway's 'Eight Letters to the Duke of ——,' had their origin in Sir Timothy's complaint."
Newcastle House.—"The old and expensive practice of 'vails-giving' came to an end at Newcastle House. Sir Timothy Waldo, while leaving the Duke's dinner to head to his carriage, handed a crown to the cook, who declined it, saying: 'Sir, I don’t accept silver.' 'Oh, really?' replied Sir Timothy, putting it in his pocket; 'then I won’t give gold.' Hanway's 'Eight Letters to the Duke of ——' were inspired by Sir Timothy's complaint."
Red Lion Square.—"The benevolent Jonas Hanway, the traveller, lived and died (1786) in a house in Red Lion Square, the principal rooms of which he decorated with paintings and emblematical devices, 'in a style,' says his biographer, 'peculiar to himself.' 'I found,' he used to say, when speaking of these ornaments, 'that my countrymen and women were not au fait in the art of conversation, and that instead of recurring to their cards, when the discourse began to flag, the minutes between the time of assembling and the placing the card-tables are spent in an irksome suspense. To relieve this vacuum in social intercourse and prevent cards from engrossing the whole of my visitors' minds, I have presented them with objects the most attractive I could imagine—and when that fails there are the cards.' Hanway was the first man who ventured to walk the streets of London with an umbrella over his head. After carrying one near thirty years, he saw them come into general use."
Red Lion Square.—"The kind Jonas Hanway, the traveler, lived and died (1786) in a house in Red Lion Square, where he decorated the main rooms with paintings and symbolic designs, 'in a style,' says his biographer, 'unique to him.' 'I found,' he would say when talking about these decorations, 'that my fellow countrymen and women were not au fait in the art of conversation, and that instead of turning to their cards when the conversation started to fade, they spent the minutes between gathering and setting up the card tables in an annoying silence. To fill this gap in social interaction and keep cards from taking over my visitors' attention, I have provided them with the most interesting objects I could think of—and when that fails, there are always cards.' Hanway was the first person to walk the streets of London with an umbrella. After carrying one for nearly thirty years, he saw it become widely used."
Downing Street.—"Baron Bothmar's house was part of the forfeited property of Lee, Lord Lichfield, who retired with James II., to whom he was Master of the Horse. At the beginning of the present century there was no other official residence in the street than the house which belonged, by right of office, to the First Lord of the Treasury, but by degrees one house was bought after another: first the Foreign Office, increased afterwards by three other houses; then the Colonial Office; then the house in the north corner, which was the Judge Advocate's, since added to the Colonial Office; then a house for the Chancellor of the Exchequer; and lastly, a whole row of lodging-houses, chiefly for Scotch and Irish members."
Downing Street.—"Baron Bothmar's house was part of the seized property of Lee, Lord Lichfield, who left with James II., for whom he served as Master of the Horse. At the start of this century, the only official residence on the street was the house that belonged to the First Lord of the Treasury by virtue of their position, but gradually, one house after another was purchased: first the Foreign Office, which later expanded to include three more houses; then the Colonial Office; next the house in the north corner, which was the Judge Advocate's, later incorporated into the Colonial Office; then a house for the Chancellor of the Exchequer; and finally, a whole row of boarding houses, mostly for Scottish and Irish members."
Whitehall.—"King Charles I. was executed on a scaffold erected in front of the Banqueting House, towards the park. The warrant directs that he should be executed 'in the open street before Whitehall.' Lord Leicester tells us in his Journal, that he was 'beheaded at Whitehall Gate.' Dugdale, in his Diary, that he was 'beheaded at the gate of Whitehall;' and a single sheet of the time reserved in the British Museum, that 'the King was beheaded at Whitehall Gate.' There cannot, therefore, be a doubt that the scaffold was erected in front of the building facing the present Horse Guards. We now come to the next point which has excited some discussion. It appears from Herbert's minute account of the King's last moments, that 'the King was led all along the galleries and Banqueting House, and there was a passage broken through the wall, by which the king passed unto the scaffold.' This seems particular enough, and leads, it is said, to a conclusion that the scaffold was erected on the north side. Where the passage was broken through, one thing is certain, the scaffold was erected on the west side, or, in other words, 'in the open street,' now called Whitehall; and that the King, as Ludlow relates in his Memoirs, 'was conducted to the scaffold out of the window of the Banqueting House.' Ludlow, who tells us this, was one of the regicides, and what he states, simply and straightforwardly, is confirmed by any engraving of the execution, published at Amsterdam in the same year, and by the following memorandum of Vertue's on the copy of Terasson's large engraving of the Banqueting House, preserved in the library of the Society of Antiquaries:—'It is, according to the truest reports, said that out of this window King Charles went upon the scaffold to be beheaded, the window-frame being taken out purposely to make the passage on to the scaffold, which is equal to the landing-place of the hall within side.' The window marked by Vertue belonged to a small building abutting from the north side of the present Banqueting House. From this window, then the King stept upon the scaffold."
Whitehall.—"King Charles I was executed on a scaffold set up in front of the Banqueting House, toward the park. The warrant states he should be executed 'in the open street before Whitehall.' Lord Leicester mentions in his Journal that he was 'beheaded at Whitehall Gate.' Dugdale, in his Diary, says he was 'beheaded at the gate of Whitehall,' and a single sheet from that time kept in the British Museum notes that 'the King was beheaded at Whitehall Gate.' Therefore, there's no doubt that the scaffold was put up in front of the building that faces what is now the Horse Guards. Next, we arrive at a point that has sparked some debate. Herbert's detailed account of the King's final moments indicates that 'the King was led all along the galleries and Banqueting House, and there was a passage broken through the wall, by which the king passed to the scaffold.' This detail seems significant, suggesting the scaffold was set up on the north side. Where the passage was broken through is unclear, but one thing is certain: the scaffold was situated on the west side, in other words, 'in the open street,' now known as Whitehall; and the King, as Ludlow recounts in his Memoirs, 'was led to the scaffold out of the window of the Banqueting House.' Ludlow, who shares this, was one of the regicides, and his straightforward account is backed by engravings of the execution published in Amsterdam that same year, as well as this note by Vertue on the copy of Terasson's large engraving of the Banqueting House, kept in the library of the Society of Antiquaries:—'According to the most accurate accounts, it is said that from this window King Charles went onto the scaffold to be beheaded, the window-frame being removed to create a passage to the scaffold, which is level with the landing of the hall inside.' The window highlighted by Vertue belonged to a small building extending from the north side of the current Banqueting House. So, the King stepped onto the scaffold from this window."
We shall probably next week indulge in a few QUERIES which have suggested themselves to us, and to which Mr. Cunningham will perhaps be good enough to reply.
We will probably ask a few questions next week that have come to mind, and maybe Mr. Cunningham will be kind enough to respond.
ANECDOTE OF CHARLES I.
I have great pleasure in forwarding to you an anecdote of the captivity of Charles I., which I think will be considered interesting to your readers. Of its authenticity there can be no doubt. I extract it from a small paper book, purchased some fifty years since, at Newport, in the Isle of Wight, which contains the history of a family named Douglas, for some years resident in that town, written by the last representative, Eliza Douglas, at the sale of whose effects it came into my grandfather's hands. There are many curious particulars in it besides the anecdote I have sent you; especially an account of the writer's great-great-grandfather (the husband of the heroine of this tale), who "traded abroad, and was took into Turkey as a slave," and there gained the affections of his master's daughter, after the most approved old-ballad fashion; though, alas! it was not to her love that he owed his liberty, but (dreadful bathos!) to his skill in "cooking fowls, &c. &c. in the English taste;" which, on a certain occasion, when some English merchants came to dine with his master, "so pleased the company, that they offered to redeem him, which was accepted; and when freed he came home to England, and lived in London to an advanced age; so old that they fed him with a tea-spoon."
I’m excited to share with you a story about the captivity of Charles I that I think your readers will find interesting. There’s no doubt about its authenticity. I pulled it from a small book I bought about fifty years ago in Newport on the Isle of Wight, which tells the history of a family named Douglas, who lived in that town for several years. It was written by the last family member, Eliza Douglas, and my grandfather acquired it when her belongings were sold. There are many fascinating details in it besides the story I’m sending you; particularly an account of the writer’s great-great-grandfather (the husband of the heroine of this story), who “traded abroad and was taken into Turkey as a slave.” He won the heart of his master’s daughter in the classic fashion, but unfortunately, it wasn’t her love that secured his freedom; rather, it was his talent for “cooking fowls, etc. in the English manner.” On one occasion, when some English merchants dined with his master, his cooking impressed them so much that they offered to buy his freedom, which was accepted. After he was freed, he returned to England and lived in London until an old age; so old that they fed him with a teaspoon.
After his death his wife married again; and it was during this second marriage that the interview with King Charles took place.
After he died, his wife married someone else; and it was during this second marriage that the meeting with King Charles happened.
"My mother's great-grandmother, when a-breeding with her daughter, Mary Craige, which was at y'e time of King Charles being a prisoner in Carisbrook Castle, she longed to kiss the King's hand; and when he was brought to Newport to be carried off, she being acquainted with the gentleman's housekeeper, where the King was coming to stay, till orders for him to leave the island, she went to the housekeeper, told her what she wanted, and they contrived for her to come the morning he was to go away. So up she got, and dressed herself, and set off to call her midwife, and going along, the first and second guard stopped her and asked her where she was going; she told them 'to call her midwife,' which she did. They went to this lady, and she went and acquainted his Majesty with the affair; he desired she may come up to him, and she said, when she came into the room, his Majesty seemed to appear as if he had been at prayers. He rose up and came to her, who fell on her knees before him; he took her up by the arm himself, and put his cheek to her, and she said she gave him a good hearty smack on his cheek. His Majesty then said, 'Pray God bless you, and that you go withal.' She then went down stairs to wait and see the King take coach; she got so close that she saw a gentleman in it; and when the King stept into the coach, he said, 'Pray, Sir, what is your name?' he replied, 'I am Col. Pride.' 'Not miscalled,' says the King. Then Pride says, 'Drive on, coachman.'"
"My mother's great-grandmother, while chatting with her daughter, Mary Craige, during the time when King Charles was a prisoner at Carisbrook Castle, really wanted to kiss the King's hand. When he was being taken to Newport for departure, she, having a friendly relationship with the gentleman's housekeeper where the King would stay until he left the island, approached the housekeeper to express her wish. They arranged for her to visit on the morning he was set to leave. So she got up, got dressed, and headed out to call her midwife. On her way, the first and second guards stopped her and asked where she was going; she replied, 'to call my midwife,' which she did. They took her to the midwife, who then went to inform his Majesty about the situation. He requested that she come up to see him, and she said that when she entered the room, the King looked like he had just been at prayers. He stood up and approached her, and she fell to her knees before him. He lifted her by the arm and put his cheek against hers, and she gave him a warm kiss on his cheek. His Majesty then said, 'Pray God bless you, and may you go with it.' She then went downstairs to wait and see the King get into the coach; she got so close that she saw a gentleman inside it. When the King stepped into the coach, he asked, 'Pray, Sir, what is your name?' He replied, 'I am Col. Pride.' 'Not miscalled,' said the King. Then Pride added, 'Drive on, coachman.'
QUERIES.
THE MAUDELEYNE GRACE.
The rector of Slimbridge, in the diocese of Gloucester, is bound to pay ten pounds a year to Magdalen College, for "choir music on the top of the College tower on May-day." (See Rudder's Gloucestershire.) Some years ago a prospectus was issued, announcing as in preparation, "The Maudeleyne Grace, including the Hymnus Eucharisticus, with the music by Dr. Rogers, as sung every year on May Morning, on the Tower of Magdalene College, Oxford, in Latin and English. With an Historical Introduction by William Henry Black." Can any of your readers inform me whether this interesting work ever made its appearance? I am inclined to think it did not, and have an indistinct recollection that the original MS. of the "Grace" was lost through the carelessness of the lithographer who was entrusted with it for the purpose of making a fac-simile.
The rector of Slimbridge, in the diocese of Gloucester, is required to pay ten pounds a year to Magdalen College for "choir music on top of the College tower on May Day." (See Rudder's Gloucestershire.) A few years ago, a prospectus was released announcing the upcoming publication of "The Maudeleyne Grace, including the Hymnus Eucharisticus, with music by Dr. Rogers, as it is sung every year on May Morning on the Tower of Magdalen College, Oxford, in Latin and English. With an Historical Introduction by William Henry Black." Can any of your readers let me know if this fascinating work was ever published? I tend to think it wasn't, and I vaguely remember that the original manuscript of the "Grace" was lost due to the negligence of the lithographer who was supposed to produce a facsimile.
Whilst making some researches in the library of Christ Church, Oxford, I accidentally met with what appears to me to be the first draft of the "Grace" in question. It commences "Te Deum Patrem colimus," and has the following note:—"This Hymn is sung every day in Magdalen College Hall, Oxon, dinner and supper throughout the year for the after grace, by the chaplains, clarkes, and choristers there. Composed by Benjamin Rogers, Doctor of Musique of the University of Oxon, 1685." It is entered in a folio volume, with this note on the fly-leaf,—"Ben Rogers, his book, Aug. 18. 1673, and presented me by Mr. John Playford, Stationer in the Temple, London." The Latin Grace, Te Deum Patrem colimus, is popularly supposed to be the Hymnus Eucharisticus written by Dr. Nathaniel Ingelo, and sung at the civic feast at Guildhall on the 5th July, 1660, while the king and the other royal personages were at dinner; but this is a mistake, for the words of Ingelo's hymn, very different from the Magdalen hymn, still exist, and are to be found in Wood's collection in the Ashmolean Museum. The music, too, of the Te Deum is in a grand religious style, and not of a festal character.
While researching in the library of Christ Church, Oxford, I stumbled upon what seems to be the first draft of the "Grace" in question. It starts with "Te Deum Patrem colimus" and includes the following note:—"This Hymn is sung every day in Magdalen College Hall, Oxon, at dinner and supper throughout the year for the after grace, by the chaplains, clerks, and choristers there. Composed by Benjamin Rogers, Doctor of Music of the University of Oxon, 1685." It’s recorded in a folio volume, with this note on the flyleaf,—"Ben Rogers, his book, Aug. 18. 1673, and presented to me by Mr. John Playford, Stationer in the Temple, London." The Latin Grace, Te Deum Patrem colimus, is commonly thought to be the Hymnus Eucharisticus written by Dr. Nathaniel Ingelo, sung at the civic feast at Guildhall on July 5, 1660, while the king and other royal figures were dining; however, this is incorrect, as the words of Ingelo's hymn, which are quite different from the Magdalen hymn, still exist and can be found in Wood's collection at the Ashmolean Museum. Additionally, the music for the Te Deum is composed in a grand religious style, rather than a festive one.
"ESQUIRE" AND "GENTLEMAN."
The custom of addressing almost every man above the rank of an artizan or a huckster as "Esquire," seems now to be settled as a matter of ordinary politeness and courtesy; whilst the degradation of the gentleman into the "Gent," has caused this term, as the title of a social class, to have fallen into total disuse. Originally, they were terms that had their respective meanings as much as Duke, Knight, Yeoman, or Hind; but now they simply mean courtesy or contempt towards {438} the person to whom they are applied,—with the exception, indeed, of certain combinations of circumstances under which the word "Gentleman" is applied as a character.
The practice of calling almost any man above the status of a tradesman or a vendor "Esquire" has now become a standard sign of politeness; meanwhile, the term "Gent" has reduced the status of gentleman to a lower level, leading to the term's complete decline in use as a social class designation. These words once had specific meanings, just like Duke, Knight, Yeoman, or Hind; now they often express either politeness or disdain towards {438} the individual they reference, except in certain situations where "Gentleman" is used as a character.
It would be an interesting occupation to trace the mutations of meaning which these words have undergone, and the circumstances which gave rise to the successive applications of them. The subject has been often touched upon more or less slightly; but I know of no work in which it is discussed fully, though, indeed, there may be such. Of course, many of your readers are men whose pursuits have lain in other directions than social customs, social language, and social tastes; and, as one of them, I may be permitted to ask either where a full discussion can be found, or that some of your correspondents will furnish through your medium a clear and tolerably full exposition of the question. I believe it would be of general and public interest.
It would be fascinating to track the changes in meaning that these words have gone through, along with the circumstances that led to their various uses over time. This topic has often been mentioned, but I haven't seen any work that covers it comprehensively, although there could be one out there. Naturally, many of your readers are people whose interests lie outside of social customs, language, and tastes; and as one of them, I’d like to ask if you could point me to a detailed discussion or if some of your contributors could provide a clear and reasonably thorough explanation of this issue through your platform. I think it would be of broad public interest.
We naturally expect, that in official correspondence, the public boards, through their proper officers, would be very precise in assigning to every person his proper title, in the address of a letter. Yet nothing can be more negligent and capricious than the way in which this is done. I have held an appointment in the public service, which is generally considered to carry with it the title of "Esquire," (but really whether it do or not, I am unable to tell), and have at different times had a good deal of official correspondence, sometimes mere routine, and sometimes involving topics of a critical character. From my own experience I am led to think that no definite rule exists, and that the temper of the moment will dictate the style of address. For instance, in matter-of-course business, or in any correspondence that was agreeable to official persons, I was addressed as "Esq.;" but if the correspondence took a turn that was unpleasant, it was "Mr. ——;" and on one occasion I received a note addressed with my name denuded of all title whatever, even of the office I filled. The note, I hardly need say, was "full of fire and fury;" and yet, in less than half an hour, I received a second (the writer having discovered his mistake), opening with "My dear Sir," and superscribed with the "Esquire" at full length. This, I think, proves the capriciousness of men in public stations in their assignment of titles of this kind.
We naturally expect that in official correspondence, public boards, through their proper officers, would be very precise in assigning the correct title to every person in the address of a letter. Yet nothing can be more careless and random than the way this is done. I have held a position in the public service, which is generally thought to come with the title of "Esquire," (but honestly, I can't say for sure if it does or not), and I have had quite a bit of official correspondence at different times, sometimes just routine and sometimes dealing with critical matters. Based on my own experience, I believe there’s no set rule, and the mood of the moment seems to dictate the style of address. For example, in routine business or in any correspondence that was favorable to official people, I was addressed as "Esq.;" but if the correspondence took a negative turn, it became "Mr. ——;" and once, I got a note addressed with my name stripped of all titles, even the one for the position I held. The note, I hardly need to mention, was "full of fire and fury;" and yet, in less than half an hour, I received a second note (the writer realizing his error), beginning with "My dear Sir," and signed with "Esquire" in full. I think this highlights the unpredictability of people in public positions when it comes to assigning titles like these.
I certainly expected to find, however, in the "List of the Fellows of the Society of Antiquaries," due attention paid to this circumstance. The one just circulated was therefore referred to, and it would seem to be as full of anomalies as a "Court Guide" or a "Royal Blue Book." We have, indeed, the Knights and Baronets duly titled, and the Peers, lay and spiritual, sufficiently distinguished both by capitals and mode of insertion. All those who have no other title (as D.D. or F.R.S.) recognised by the Society, are courteously designated by the affix "Esq." In this, it will be strange indeed if all be entitled to the appellation in its legitimate sense; or, in other words, if the principle of courtesy does not supersede, amongst the otherwise untitled mass of Fellows, the principle of social rank. To this in itself, as the distinction of "Gent" after a man's name has become derogatory, there cannot be the least objection; for antiquarianism does not palliate rudeness or offensive language.
I really expected to see, though, in the "List of the Fellows of the Society of Antiquaries," some acknowledgment of this situation. The one that was just circulated was therefore looked at, and it seems to be as full of oddities as a "Court Guide" or a "Royal Blue Book." We do have the Knights and Baronets properly titled, and the Peers, both lay and spiritual, clearly distinguished by capital letters and their placement. Everyone who doesn’t have another title (like D.D. or F.R.S.) recognized by the Society is politely labeled with "Esq." In this case, it would be quite strange if everyone truly deserves that title in its proper sense; or, in other words, if the principle of courtesy doesn’t take precedence, among the otherwise untitled group of Fellows, over the principle of social rank. Given that the distinction of "Gent" after a man's name has become less favorable, there shouldn't be any objection to this; because antiquarianism does not excuse rudeness or offensive language.
At the same time, the adoption of this principle should surely be uniform, and invidious distinctions should not be made. The title "Esq.," should not be given to one man, and left out in designating another whose social position is precisely the same. For instance, we find in this list "——, M.D.," and "——, Esq., M.D.," employed to designate two different Doctors in Medicine. We find "——, F.R.S." and "——, Esq., F.R.S." to designate two Fellows of the Society of Antiquaries, who are also Fellows of the Royal. We see one or two D.D.'s deprived of their titles of "Rev.," and, as if to make amends (in point of quantity at least), we have one Fellow with titles at each end of his name that seem incompatible with each other, viz., "Rev. ——, Esq."
At the same time, this principle should definitely be applied consistently, and unfair distinctions shouldn’t be made. The title "Esq." shouldn’t be given to one person while being omitted for another who holds the same social status. For example, we see "——, M.D." and "——, Esq., M.D." used to refer to two different medical doctors. We also find "——, F.R.S." and "——, Esq., F.R.S." to refer to two Fellows of the Society of Antiquaries, who are also Fellows of the Royal Society. There are one or two D.D.s who don’t have the title "Rev.," and to make up for it (at least in terms of quantity), there’s one Fellow who has titles at both ends of his name that seem contradictory, namely, "Rev. ——, Esq."
Anomalies like these can only be the result of sheer carelessness, or of the ignorance of some clerk employed to make out the list without adequate instructions given to him. It has, in my hearing, been held up as a specimen of invidious distinction to gratify some petty dislike; but this notion is simply absurd, and deserves no notice. At the same time, it betokens a carelessness that it is desirable to avoid.
Anomalies like these can only come from complete carelessness or from a clerk who doesn’t have the right instructions to create the list. I’ve heard it suggested as a prime example of unfair favoritism to satisfy some petty grudge, but that idea is just ridiculous and isn’t worth considering. However, it does show a level of carelessness that we should strive to avoid.
As a mere question of dignity, it appears to me to savour too much of Clapham-Common or Hampstead-Heath grandeur, to add much to our respectability or worldly importance. It would, indeed, be more "dignified" to drop, in the lists, all use of "Esq." under any circumstances; or, if this be objected to, to at least treat "M.A.," "D.D.," "F.R.S." as higher titles, in which the "Esq." may properly be merged, and thus leave the appellation to designate the absence of any higher literary or scientific title.
As a simple matter of dignity, it seems to me that it carries too much of a Clapham Common or Hampstead Heath pretentiousness to really enhance our respectability or social standing. It would actually be more "dignified" to completely drop the use of "Esq." in any situation; or, if that's not acceptable, at least consider "M.A.," "D.D.," and "F.R.S." as more significant titles, which could encompass "Esq." and leave that term to signify the lack of any higher academic or scientific qualifications.
A good deal of this is irrelevant to the primary object of my letter; but certainly not altogether irrelevant to the dignity of the highest English representative body of archæology, the Society of Antiquaries. I hope, at least, that this irrelevancy will give neither pain nor offence to any one, for nothing could be further from my wish or intention than such an effect. I have only wished to illustrate the necessity for an accurate description of what are really the original, subsequent, and present significations of the words "Esquire" and "Gentleman," and to urge that either some definite rule should be adopted as to their use in official {439} and semi-official cases, or else that they should be discontinued altogether.
A lot of this isn't directly related to the main point of my letter, but it definitely has some relevance to the dignity of the highest English body representing archaeology, the Society of Antiquaries. I hope that this off-topic discussion won't upset anyone because that’s the last thing I want. My main goal is to highlight the need for a clear definition of what the terms "Esquire" and "Gentleman" actually meant originally, what they mean now, and what they’ve come to mean over time. I urge that we adopt a clear rule for their use in official {439} and semi-official contexts, or that we stop using them altogether.
April 18.
April 18th.
FIVE QUERIES.
1. Lines by Sir John Suckling.—Is Sir John Suckling, or Owen Feltham, the real author of the poem whose first verse runs thus:
1. Lines by Sir John Suckling.—Is Sir John Suckling or Owen Feltham the actual author of the poem that starts like this:
"When, dearest, I but think on thee,
"When, my dear, I just think of you,
Methinks all things that lovely be
Methinks all things that are lovely
Are present, and my soul delighted;
Are present, and my soul is delighted;
For beauties that from worth arise,
For beauties that come from true value,
Are like the grace of deities,
Are like the grace of gods,
Still present with us though unsighted."
Still here with us, though unseen.
I find it in the twelfth edition of Feltham's Works, 1709, p. 593., with the following title:
I found it in the twelfth edition of Feltham's Works, 1709, p. 593, with the following title:
"This ensuing copy of the late Printer hath been pleased to honour, by mistaking it among those of the most ingenious and too early lost, Sir John Suckling."
"This copy of the late Printer has gained recognition by being mistaken for the works of the talented and tragically lost Sir John Suckling."
I find it also in the edition of Suckling's Works published at Dublin, 1766. As I feel interested in all that relates to Suckling, I shall be glad to have the authorship of this short poem rightly assigned.
I also see it in the edition of Suckling's Works published in Dublin, 1766. Since I'm interested in everything related to Suckling, I would be happy to have the authorship of this short poem correctly attributed.
2. What is the origin and exact meaning of the phrase "Sleeveless errand"? It is mentioned as late even as the last century, by Swift, in his poem entitled Reasons for not building at Drapier's Hill:
2. What is the origin and exact meaning of the phrase "Sleeveless errand"? It is mentioned as recently as the last century by Swift in his poem titled Reasons for not building at Drapier's Hill:
"Who send my mind as I believe, less
"Who sends my mind, as I believe, less"
Than others do on errands sleeveless."
Than others do on errands without sleeves."
3. What is the origin and derivation of the word "Trianon," the name of the two palaces, Le Grand and Le Petit, at Versailles? and why was it applied to them?
3. What is the origin and meaning of the word "Trianon," the name of the two palaces, Le Grand and Le Petit, at Versailles? And why was it given to them?
4. What is the correct blazon of the arms of Godin; with crest and motto? I have seen an imperfect drawing of the arms, Party per fess, a goblet transpierced with a dagger.
4. What is the correct description of the arms of Godin; including the crest and motto? I've seen an incomplete drawing of the arms, split horizontally, featuring a goblet pierced by a dagger.
5. Whose is the line,
Who owns the line,
"With upward finger pointing to the sky."
"With an upward finger pointing to the sky."
I have heard it generally referred to Goldsmith, but cannot find it.
I’ve often heard it called Goldsmith, but I can’t find it.
Corpus Christi Hall, Maidstone, April 15. 1850.
Corpus Christi Hall, Maidstone, April 15, 1850.
QUERIES PROPOSED, NO. I.
The non-appearance of my name as a querist has been rather fortuitous, and it shall now be made evident that I am neither so rich in materials, nor so proud in spirit, as to decline such assistance as may be derived from the information and courtesy of other contributors to the "Notes and Queries."
The fact that my name hasn’t appeared as a person asking questions has been quite lucky, and it will now be clear that I am neither so wealthy in resources nor so arrogant in attitude to turn down the help that can come from the information and kindness of others contributing to the "Notes and Queries."
1. Did the following critical remarks on Shakspere, by Edward Phillips, appear verbatim in the Thesaurus of J. Buchlerus, 1669?
1. Did the following critical comments on Shakespeare, by Edward Phillips, appear verbatim in the Thesaurus of J. Buchlerus, 1669?
The Bodleian library has the London edition of 1636; and the British Museum that of 1652. Wood cites an edition of 1669. I transcribe from that of 1679.
The Bodleian Library has the London edition from 1636, and the British Museum has the one from 1652. Wood mentions an edition from 1669. I'm copying from the one from 1679.
"Hoc seculo [sc. temporibus Elizabetha reginæ et Jacobi regis] floruerunt—Gulielmus Shacsperus, qui præter opera dramatica, duo poematia Lucretiæ stuprum à Tarquinio, et Amores Veneris in Adonidem, lyrica carmina nonnulla composuit; videtur fuisse, siquis alius, re verâ poeta natus. Samuel Daniel non obseurus hujus ætatis poeta, etc....
"In this century [during the reign of Queen Elizabeth and King James], William Shakespeare thrived. Aside from his dramatic works, he wrote two poems, The Rape of Lucrece and Venus and Adonis, along with several lyrical songs; he seems truly to have been a born poet like no other. Samuel Daniel was also a notable poet of this time, among others...."
Ex eis qui dramaticè scripserunt, primas sibi vendicant Shacsperus, Jonsonus et Fletcherus, quorum hic facundâ et polita quadam familiaritate sermonis, ille erudito judicio et usu veterum authorum, alter nativa quadam et poetica sublimitate ingenii excelluisse videntur. Ante hos in hoc genere poeseos apud nos eminuit nemo. Pauci quidem antea scripserunt, at parum foeliciter; hos autem tanquam duces itineris plurimi saltem æmulati sunt, inter quos præter Sherleium, proximum à supra memorato triumviratu. Suclingium, Randolphium, Davenantium et Carturitium—enumerandi veniunt Ric. Bromeus, Tho. Heivodus," etc.
Among those who wrote dramas, Shakespeare, Jonson, and Fletcher hold the leading positions. Shakespeare is notable for his expressive and polished style, Jonson for his educated insights and knowledge of classical authors, while Fletcher stands out for his natural poetic talent. Before them, no one had excelled in this genre of poetry in our country. A few had written earlier, but not very successfully; however, many have looked up to these three as pioneers in the field, including, besides Shirley, those who are close to the aforementioned trio. We can also mention Suckling, Randolph, Davenant, and Cartwright—along with Richard Brome, Thomas Heywood, and others.
2. What are the contents of a work entitled, [Old German script: Schaubune Englischer und Franßofischer Comædianten], printed before 1671?
2. What are the contents of a work titled, [Old German script: Schaubune Englischer und Franßofischer Comædianten], printed before 1671?
This work is recorded, but without a date, in the Historia literaria of Simon Paulli, which was printed at Strasbourg in 1671. A statement of its contents would be very acceptable to myself, and to other admirers of our early dramatic literature.
This work is documented, but without a date, in the Historia literaria by Simon Paulli, which was published in Strasbourg in 1671. A summary of its contents would be greatly appreciated by me and by other fans of our early dramatic literature.
3. Who is the fortunate possessor of the Lives and characters of the English dramatick poets with the marginal marks of Garrick?
3. Who is the lucky owner of the Lives and Characters of the English Dramatic Poets with Garrick's notes in the margins?
The copy in question was sold with the unreserved books of Garrick in 1823, No. 1269. It contained this note:
The copy being referred to was sold with Garrick's unreserved books in 1823, No. 1269. It included this note:
"All the plays marked thus * in this catalogue, I bought of Dodsley. Those marked thus O, I have added to the collection since. D.G."
"I purchased all the plays marked with * in this catalog from Dodsley. Those marked with O have been added to the collection since then. D.G."
Each of the above queries would have admitted further remarks, but I wish to set an example of obedience to the recent editorial injunction on brevity.
Each of the above questions could have included more comments, but I want to demonstrate my compliance with the recent editorial instruction to be brief.
MINOR QUERIES.
Elizabeth and Isabel.—"A.C." inquires whether these names are not varied forms of the same name, and if so, what is the common origin of the two? Camden, in his Remains, has—
Elizabeth and Isabel.—"A.C." asks if these names are different versions of the same name, and if they are, what is their shared origin? Camden, in his Remains, has—
"ELIZABETH, Heb. Peace of the Lord, or quiet rest of the Lord, the which England has found verified in the most honoured name of our late sovereign. Mantuan, playing with it maketh it Eliza-bella; and of Isabel he says 'The same with Elizabeth, if the Spaniards do not mistake, which always translate Elizabeth into Isabel, and the French into Isabeau.'"
"ELIZABETH, Heb. The peace of the Lord, or the quiet rest of the Lord, which England has shown to be true in the highly respected name of our late monarch. Mantuan, playfully referring to it, calls it Eliza-bella; he also mentions that Isabel is equivalent to Elizabeth, according to the Spaniards, who always translate Elizabeth as Isabel, and the French as Isabeau."
Howard, Earl of Surrey.—Dr. Percy is said, in Watt's Bibliotheca Britannica, to have prepared an edition of the poems of the Earl of Surrey, the whole impression of which was consumed in the fire which took place in Mr. Nicholl's premises in 1808. Can any of your readers say whether Dr. Percy had a copy of the sheets, and whether he had prefixed thereto any life of the Earl of Surrey? or did Sir Egerton Brydges ever print any account of Surrey amongst his numerous issues from the Lee or other presses?
Howard, Earl of Surrey.—Dr. Percy is mentioned in Watt's Bibliotheca Britannica as having prepared an edition of the poems of the Earl of Surrey, but the entire print run was destroyed in the fire at Mr. Nicholl's premises in 1808. Can any of your readers share if Dr. Percy had a copy of the sheets, and if he included any biography of the Earl of Surrey? Or did Sir Egerton Brydges ever publish any information about Surrey in his many outputs from the Lee or other presses?
Bulls called William.—In looking into the notes in my Provincial Glossary, I find that bulls are in Somersetshire invariably called William. Is this peculiar to that county?
Bulls called William.—As I check my notes in the Provincial Glossary, I discover that in Somersetshire, bulls are always referred to as William. Is this unique to that county?
Bawn.—Mutual.—In vol. iii. p. 506. of Hallam's Constitutional History of England, there occurs the following passage in reference to the colonisation of Ulster in 1612, after Tyrone's rebellion:
Bawn.—Mutual.—In vol. iii. p. 506. of Hallam's Constitutional History of England, there occurs the following passage regarding the colonization of Ulster in 1612, after Tyrone's rebellion:
"Those who received 2000 acres were bound within four years to build a castle and bawn, or strong court-yard; the second class within two years to build a stone or brick house, with a bawn; the third class a bawn only."
"People who received 2000 acres were required to build a castle and a bawn, or fortified courtyard, within four years; the second group had two years to construct a stone or brick house, along with a bawn; the third group only needed to build a bawn."
What was the bawn, which was equally indispensable to the grantee of 2000, 1500, or 1000 acres? Richardson variously describes the term as almost any kind of dwelling, or "an enclosure of walls to keep cattle from being stolen at night;" in fact, a court-yard. This, however, conveys a very unsatisfactory idea, unless I am justified in supposing that a court-yard was insisted upon, even when a house could not be built, as insuring a future residential settlement, and thereby warding off the evils of absenteeism.
What was the bawn, which was just as essential for the grantee of 2000, 1500, or 1000 acres? Richardson describes the term in various ways as almost any kind of dwelling, or "an enclosure of walls to protect cattle from being stolen at night;" essentially, a courtyard. However, this doesn't give a complete picture unless I can assume that a courtyard was required, even when a house couldn't be built, as it would ensure a future residential settlement and help prevent the problems of absenteeism.
At page 514. of the same volume, I read,—
At page 514 of the same volume, I read,—
"Wentworth had so balanced the protestant and recusant parties, employed so skilfully the resources of fair promises and intimidation, that he procured six subsidies to be granted before a prorogation, without any mutual concession from the crown."
"Wentworth had cleverly managed the Protestant and recusant groups by combining real promises with intimidation. This approach enabled him to obtain six subsidies before a break, without any mutual concessions from the crown."
Will Dr. Kennedy, or any other strict verbal critic, sanction this use of the word "mutual?"
Will Dr. Kennedy, or any other strict verbal critic, approve this use of the word "mutual?"
April 6. 1850.
April 6, 1850.
[It is obvious, from the following lines from Swift's poem, The Grand Question debated whether Hamilton's Bawn should be turned into a Barrack or Malt-house, 1729, that a Bawn was there used to signify a building, and not an inclosure:—
[It is obvious, from the following lines from Swift's poem, The Grand Question debated whether Hamilton's Bawn should be turned into a Barrack or Malt-house, 1729, that a Bawn was there used to signify a building, and not an inclosure:—
"This Hamilton's bawn, while it sticks in my hand,
"This Hamilton's bawn, while it sticks in my hand,
I lose by the house what I get by the land;
I lose what I gain from the land to the house;
But how to dispose of it to the best bidder,
But how to sell it to the highest bidder,
For a barrack or malt-house, we now must consider."
For a barrack or malt house, we now need to think about.
And in a foot-note on Hamilton's bawn, in the original edition, it is described as "a large old house, two miles from Sir Arthur Acheson's seat."]
And in a footnote on Hamilton's bawn, in the original edition, it is described as "a large old house, two miles from Sir Arthur Acheson's seat."
Versicle and Response.—What is the meaning of the following versicle and its response, which occur in both Morning and Evening Prayer?
Versicle and Response.—What does the following versicle and its response mean, which appear in both Morning and Evening Prayer?
"Give peace in our time, O Lord,
"Give us peace in our time, Lord,
Because there is none other that fighteth for us
Because there's no one else fighting for us.
but only thou, O God!"
"but only you, O God!"
Surely the "because" &c. is a non sequitur!
Surely the "because" etc. is a non sequitur!
April 6. 1850.
April 6, 1850.
[In Palmer's Origines Liturgice, vol. i. p. 241. (2d edit.), we find the following note on the response, "Quia non est alius," &c.:—"Brev. Eboracens. fol. 264.; Brev. Sarisb. fol. 85." Bishop Lloyd remarks on this verse and response as follows:—"I do not know what Burnet means by stating that this response was made in the year 1549, on the occasion of political occurrences, for this answer is found in all the foreign breviaries, in the Salisbury primer, and in the primer of Hen. VIII. See Burnet's Hist. Ref. p. ii. b. 1. anno 1549."]
[In Palmer's Origines Liturgice, vol. i. p. 241. (2d edit.), we find the following note on the response, "Quia non est alius," etc.:—"Brev. Eboracens. fol. 264.; Brev. Sarisb. fol. 85." Bishop Lloyd comments on this verse and response as follows:—"I don’t understand what Burnet means by claiming that this response was made in 1549 during political events, because this answer appears in all the foreign breviaries, in the Salisbury primer, and in the primer of Henry VIII. See Burnet's Hist. Ref. p. ii. b. 1. anno 1549."]
Yeoman.—This word, the origin of which Dr. Johnson says is much doubted, in the general acceptation of it meaning signifies a small farmer; though several authorities quoted by Johnson tend to show it also signifies a certain description of servants, and that it is applied also to soldiers, as Yeoman of the Guard. It is not, however, confined to soldiers, for we hear of Yeoman of the Chamber; Yeoman of the Robes; Yeoman of the Pantry; Yeoman Usher of the Black Rod.
Yeoman.—This word, which Dr. Johnson notes has an uncertain origin, generally refers to a small farmer. However, several sources cited by Johnson indicate that it can also describe a particular type of servant and is used for soldiers, like the Yeoman of the Guard. It's not just for soldiers, though, as we also hear about the Yeoman of the Chamber, Yeoman of the Robes, Yeoman of the Pantry, and Yeoman Usher of the Black Rod.
I should be glad if any of your readers can give an explanation of the word as used in the latter instances.
I would appreciate it if any of your readers could provide an explanation for the word as used in those later examples.
Pusan.—Iklynton Collar.—Among the royal orders issued on the occasion of the marriage of Henry VI., contained in the fifth volume of Rymer's Fædera, p. 142., occurs the following:—
Pusan.—Iklynton Collar.—Among the royal orders issued for the marriage of Henry VI, found in the fifth volume of Rymer's Fædera, p. 142, is the following:—
"We wol and charge you, that ye deliver unto oure trusty and well-beloved Squier, John Merston, keeper of our Jewell, a Pusan of golde, called Iklynton colar, garnished with iv Rubies, &c., &c."
"We request and order you to give our trusted and beloved squire, John Merston, the keeper of our jewels, a Pusan made of gold, known as the Iklynton collar, adorned with rubies, etc., etc."
What is the meaning and derivation of this word Pusan, and why called Iklynton collar?
What does the word Pusan mean and where does it come from, and why is it called Iklynton collar?
Who was Lord Karinthon, murdered 1665?—Can any of your readers inform me who was the English lord, murdered in France by his Flemish valet, in March, 1665, as stated in the following passage of Gui Patin's Letters, tom. iii. p. 519., ed. 1846:—
Who was Lord Karinthon, murdered in 1665?—Can any of your readers tell me who the English lord was, murdered in France by his Flemish servant in March 1665, as mentioned in the following excerpt from Gui Patin's Letters, vol. iii, p. 519, ed. 1846:—
"Hier, ce 18 Mars, je vis sur le pont Notre Dame, mené à la Grève, un certain méchant malheureux coquin, natif de Flandre, qui avoit poignardé son maître dans Pontoise; c'étoit un seigneur anglois, doint il vouloit avoir la bourse.... Ce seigneur anglois qui fut poignardé dans son lit avoit nom de Milord Karinthon.... Dans le testament de ce bon mais malheureux maître il se trouve qui'il donnoit à ce pendard de valet 20,000 livres."
"Yesterday, March 18th, I saw on the Notre Dame bridge, heading towards the Grève, a certain troublesome and unfortunate criminal from Flanders who had stabbed his master in Pontoise; he was an English lord from whom he wanted to steal money.... This English lord, who was stabbed in his bed, was named Lord Karinthon.... In the will of this good but unfortunate master, it says that he left this rogue servant 20,000 livres."
Christian Captives.—Where can any information be obtained respecting the Christian captives taken by the Barbary pirates—the subscriptions raised for their relief, by briefs, &c., and what became of the funds?
Christian Captives.—Where can we find information about the Christian captives captured by the Barbary pirates, the donations collected for their relief through briefs, etc., and what happened to the funds?
Ancient Churchyard Customs.—In an article in The Ecclesiologist on churchyards and churchyard crosses,—but not having the volume by me, I am unable to give an exact reference,—it is stated,
Ancient Churchyard Customs.—In an article in The Ecclesiologist about churchyards and churchyard crosses,—but since I don't have the volume with me, I can't provide an exact reference,—it is stated,
"In them (churchyards) prayers are not now commonly poured forth to God nor are doles distributed to His poor; the epitsphium is no longer delivered from the steps of the churchyard cross, nor does the solemn lamprophoria symbolize the life of the deceased."
"In today's churchyards, people typically don't pray to God, nor do they make donations to those in need; the epitaph isn't read from the steps of the churchyard cross anymore, and the solemn lamprophoria no longer symbolizes the life of the deceased."
I shall be much obliged for a fuller account of these ancient customs, more particularly of the last two, and for notes of any allusions to them in old books. I may say the same with reference to the following extract from the Handbook of English Ecclesiology, p. 190.:
I would really appreciate a more detailed explanation of these ancient customs, especially the last two, and any references to them in old books. I could say the same about the following excerpt from the Handbook of English Ecclesiology, p. 190.:
"Under this head may also be mentioned the Funa'l or Deadlight, which was lighted in some churchyards at night."
"Also, related to this topic, we can mention the Funa'l or Deadlight, which was lit in some churchyards at night."
"Rotten Row" and "Stockwell" Street.—"R.R.," of Glasgow, inquires the etymology of these names, which, occurring both in Scotland and in England, and at a time when the countries were almost always at war, would scarcely have been copied by the one from the other. He rejects, as of course, the etymology of the former from its passing by the buildings which were old and "rotten;" neither does he favour the belief that the original word was "Routine" Row, so called from the processions of the church passing in that direction.
"Rotten Row" and "Stockwell" Street.—"R.R.," from Glasgow, asks about the origins of these names, which appear in both Scotland and England, especially at a time when the countries were often at war, making it unlikely that one borrowed from the other. He dismisses, of course, the idea that the former comes from its proximity to buildings that were old and "rotten;" he also does not support the notion that the original word was "Routine" Row, named for the church processions that passed that way.
REPLIES.
EARLY STATISTICS.—CHART, KENT.
(No. 21. p. 329.)
The Registrar-General, in his Eighth Report, enters at length into the causes which have brought about the variations in the number of marriages, and consequently, as I need scarcely say, of births. In comparing the marriage returns since 1754, which are given in the report, with the history of events since that period, he certainly makes it clear, to use his own words, that "The marriage returns in England point out periods of prosperity little less distinctly than the funds measure the hopes and fears of the money-market." (p. 26. 8vo. edit.)
The Registrar-General, in his Eighth Report, goes into detail about the reasons behind the changes in the number of marriages and, as I hardly need to mention, in the number of births as well. By comparing the marriage statistics since 1754, provided in the report, with the events that have happened since then, he clearly shows, in his own words, that "The marriage returns in England highlight periods of prosperity just as clearly as the funds reflect the hopes and fears of the money market." (p. 26. 8vo. edit.)
And that
And that
"The great fluctuations in the marriages of England are the results of peace after war, abundance after dearth, high wages after want of employment, speculation after languid enterprise, confidence after distrust, national triumphs after national disasters." (p. 27.)
"The major changes in marriages in England are driven by peace after war, abundance after times of shortage, higher wages after joblessness, optimism after low ambition in business, confidence after uncertainty, and national successes following national setbacks." (p. 27.)
During the civil wars, the diminishing influences indicated in the reverse of this statement were at work with an intensity unequalled in any other period of our modern history, so that there can be no doubt that our then "unhappy divisions" did most materially retard the numerical increase of the population, as well as the progress of science and the useful arts. Such is the inevitable consequence of war: of civil war in a tenfold degree. And our parish register books, all of which I doubt not show similar facts, place this in the most unfavourable light; for, through the spread of nonconformity, the unsettled state of the times, and the substitution during the protectorate of the registration of births which might or might not be communicated to the elected parish register, for that of baptisms which the parish priest would both celebrate and register, the names of very many of those born into the world would be altogether omitted from these records. It may be interesting to show the effects of some of these causes by the subjoined extracts from the registers themselves, which I transcribe from the Chronicon Mirabile of the late Sir Cuthbert Sharpe.—(Vide pp. 17. 18. 22. 23. 70. 121. and 156.)
During the civil wars, the diminishing influences mentioned in the opposite of this statement were at work with an intensity unmatched in any other time in our modern history. There's no doubt that our then "unhappy divisions" significantly slowed down both population growth and advancements in science and the practical arts. This is the inevitable outcome of war, especially civil war, which amplifies these effects tenfold. Our parish register books, which I’m sure show similar facts, highlight this situation negatively. The spread of nonconformity, the unsettled nature of the times, and the switch during the protectorate from recording births—which might or might not be reported to the appointed parish registrar—to only registering baptisms, which the parish priest would both celebrate and record, led to many names of those born during this time being completely left out of these records. It might be interesting to illustrate the effects of some of these factors with the following excerpts from the registers themselves, which I’m copying from the Chronicon Mirabile of the late Sir Cuthbert Sharpe.—(Vide pp. 17. 18. 22. 23. 70. 121. and 156.)
Staindrop, Durham.—"1644. From this time to 1646, through want of a Minister, and carelessness of ye Cleark, during ye wars, much of ye Register is lost, only here and there a name registered."
Staindrop, Durham.—"1644. From this time until 1646, due to the absence of a minister and the negligence of the clerk during the wars, a lot of the register is lost, with only a few names recorded here and there."
"1652. June 14. Mem. From this time till August there was noe Minister, soe that ye children were carried to other parishes to be baptized."
"1652. June 14. Note: From this time until August, there was no minister, so the children were taken to other parishes to get baptized."
St. Helen's Aukland, Durham, A.D. 1633.—"Mr. John Vaux, our minister, was suspended.... Mr. Robert Cowper, of Durham, served in his place, and left out divers christenings unrecorded, and regestered others disorderly."
St. Helen's Auckland, Durham, A.D. 1633.—"Mr. John Vaux, our minister, was suspended.... Mr. Robert Cowper, from Durham, stepped in but skipped several baptisms in the records, while also recording others incorrectly."
Gainford, Durham.—"Courteous Reader, this is to let thee understand that many children were left unrecorded or redgestered, but the reason and cause was this; some would and some would not, being of a fickle condition, as the time was then; this being their end and aim, to save a groate from the poor Clarke, so they would rather have them unredgestered—but now ... it is their design to have them redgestered."
Gainford, Durham.—"Dear Reader, this is to inform you that many children were unrecorded or unregistered, but the reason was that some wanted to be registered and some didn’t, being quite inconsistent as things were back then; their aim was to save a penny from the poor clerk, so they chose not to be registered—but now ... they want to have them registered."
Lowestoft, Suffolk, 1644 ... "For some time following there was in this Town neither Minister nor Clarke, but the inhabitants were inforced to procure now one and then another to baptize their children, by which means there was no Register kept, only those few hereafter mentioned weare by myself baptized in those intervalls when I enjoyed my freedom."
Lowestoft, Suffolk, 1644 ... "For a while after that, there was no minister or clerk in this town, so the people had to occasionally find someone to baptize their children. Because of this, there was no official register kept, except for the few I later mention who were baptized by me during my available times."
Hexham, Northumberland, c. 1655.—"Note y't Mr. Will. Lister, Minister of S't. John Lees in those distracted times, did both marry and baptize all that made ther application to him, for w'ch he was sometimes severely threatened by y'e souldiers, and had once a cockt pistoll held to his breest, &c., so y't its no wond'r y't y'e {442} Registers for these times are so imperfect, and besides, they are extremely confused."
Hexham, Northumberland, c. 1655.—"Note that Mr. Will. Lister, Minister of St. John Lees during those chaotic times, married and baptized everyone who came to him for help, for which he was sometimes seriously threatened by soldiers, and at one point had a cocked pistol pointed at his chest, etc. So it’s no wonder that the {442} registers from this period are so incomplete, and they are also extremely disorganized."
In the Preface to the Enumeration Abstract of the Census of 1841, pp. 34-37., your correspondent will find information and statistics relative to the estimated population of England and Wales, 1570-1750, compiled from the parish registers, and—
In the Preface to the Enumeration Abstract of the Census of 1841, pp. 34-37., your correspondent will find information and statistics related to the estimated population of England and Wales from 1570 to 1750, gathered from the parish registers, and—
"calculated on the supposition, that the registered baptisms, burials, and marriages, on an average of three years, in 1570, 1600, 1630, 1670, 1700, and 1750, bore the same proportion to the actual population as in the year 1801."
"calculated based on the assumption that the registered baptisms, burials, and marriages, averaged over three years, in 1570, 1600, 1630, 1670, 1700, and 1750, had the same ratio to the actual population as in the year 1801."
From the Table, pp. 36, 37, it appears, that whilst the population (estimated) in the thirty years 1600-1630 increased upwards of 16 percent., in the forty years 1630-1670 it increased a mere trifle over 3 per cent. only. In no fewer than twenty English counties, the population, estimated as before, was absolutely less in 1670 than in 1630; and in Kent, the county in which Chart is situate, the decrease is striking: population of Kent in 1630, 189,212; in 1670, 167,398; in 1700, 157,833; in 1750, 181,267; and in 1801, the enumerated population was 307,624.
From the Table, pp. 36, 37, it seems that while the estimated population increased by over 16 percent from 1600 to 1630, during the forty years from 1630 to 1670, it only grew by a little more than 3 percent. In at least twenty English counties, the estimated population was actually lower in 1670 than it had been in 1630. In Kent, the county where Chart is located, the decrease is especially notable: the population of Kent in 1630 was 189,212; in 1670, it dropped to 167,398; in 1700, it further decreased to 157,833; in 1750, it rose to 181,267; and in 1801, the counted population reached 307,624.
Your correspondent might also find it useful to consult Sir William Petty's Political Arithmetic, the various documents compiled at the different censuses, and the Reports of the Registrar-General.
Your correspondent might also find it helpful to check out Sir William Petty's Political Arithmetic, the various documents gathered from the different censuses, and the Reports of the Registrar-General.
PARISH REGISTER STATISTICS.—CHART, KENT.
Your correspondent "E.R.J.H." (No. 21. p. 330.) inquires whether any general statistical returns, compiled from our early parish registers, have been published. It must be a matter of regret to all who are acquainted with the value of these national records—which for extent and antiquity are unequalled in any other country—that this question cannot be answered affirmatively. By the exertions of the late Mr. Rickman, their importance, in a statistical point of view, has been shown, but only to a very limited extent. In 1801, being entrusted with the duty of collecting and arranging the returns of the first actual enumeration of the population, he obtained from the clergyman of each parish a statement of the number of baptisms and burials recorded in the register book in every tenth year from 1700, and of marriages in every consecutive year from 1754, when the Marriage Act of George II. took effect. The results were published with the census returns of 1801; but, instead of each parish being separately shown, only the totals of the hundreds and similar county divisions, and of a few principal towns, were given. In subsequent "Parish Register Abstracts" down to that of 1841, the same meagre information has been afforded by an adherence to this generalising system.
Your writer "E.R.J.H." (No. 21, p. 330) is asking whether any general statistical data gathered from our early parish registers has been published. It's disappointing for everyone who understands the value of these national records—unmatched in scope and history compared to any other country—that we can't answer this question positively. Thanks to the late Mr. Rickman, we've seen some of their statistical importance, but only to a limited extent. In 1801, while tasked with collecting and organizing the data for the first real population count, he managed to get from the clergyman of each parish a report on the number of baptisms and burials recorded every ten years from 1700, and marriages each year since 1754, when the Marriage Act of George II came into effect. The findings were published alongside the 1801 census data; however, instead of presenting information for each parish separately, only totals for the hundreds and similar county divisions, as well as a few major towns, were provided. In later "Parish Register Abstracts" up to 1841, the same limited information has been provided due to this overarching approach.
In 1836, with a view of forming an estimate of the probable population for England and Wales at certain periods anterior to 1801, Mr. Rickman, acting upon the result of inquiries previously made respecting the condition and earliest date of the register books in every parish, applied to the clergy for returns of the number of baptisms, burials, and marriages registered in three years at six irregular periods, viz. A.D. 1570, 1600, 1630, 1670, 1700, and 1750. The clergy, with their accustomed readiness to aid in any useful investigation, responded very generally to the application, and Mr. Rickman obtained nearly 3000 returns of the earliest date required (1570), and nearly 4000 (from not much less than half the parishes of England) as far back as 1600; those for the more recent periods being tolerably complete from all the counties. The interesting details thus collected have not been published; nor am I able to say where the original returns, if still extant, are deposited. In pursuance of this design, however, Mr. Rickman proceeded with these materials to calculate the probable population of the several counties on the supposition that the registered baptisms, &c., in 1570, 1600, and at the other assigned periods, bore the same proportion to the actual population as in 1801. The numerical results are embodied in a table which appears in the Census Enumeration Abstract for 1841 (Preface, pp. 36, 37.), and it is stated that there is reason for supposing the estimate arrived at to be an approximation to the truth.
In 1836, to estimate the likely population of England and Wales at different times before 1801, Mr. Rickman, based on previous research regarding the condition and the earliest dates of parish register books, reached out to the clergy for records of baptisms, burials, and marriages registered over three years at six specific points in time: A.D. 1570, 1600, 1630, 1670, 1700, and 1750. The clergy, always willing to assist in meaningful inquiries, generally responded to this request, and Mr. Rickman received nearly 3000 returns from the earliest date required (1570) and almost 4000 (from nearly half of the parishes in England) going back as far as 1600; the records for more recent periods were fairly complete across all counties. The intriguing details collected from this research have not been published, and I cannot confirm where the original returns, if they still exist, are stored. Nonetheless, Mr. Rickman used this data to calculate the probable population of each county, assuming that the registered baptisms, etc., in 1570, 1600, and the other specified years reflected the same ratio to the actual population as they did in 1801. The numerical results are presented in a table found in the Census Enumeration Abstract for 1841 (Preface, pp. 36, 37.), and it is suggested that the estimate is likely close to the truth.
During the Civil Wars and the Protectorate, few parochial registers were kept with any degree of accuracy; indeed, in many parishes they are altogether defective at that period, owing to the temporary expulsion of the clergy from their benefices. It is not improbable, therefore, that the remarkable decrease of baptismal entries in the register book of Chart next Sutton Valence may have arisen partly from imperfect registration, as well as from the other causes suggested. But the trifling increase observable after the Restoration undoubtedly points to the conclusion arrived at by your corespondent—that a great diminution had taken place in the population of the parish: and Mr. Rickman's estimate above referred to gives a result for the entire county, which, if it does not fully establish the supposed decrease, shows at least that the registers of other Kentish parishes were affected in a similar manner. The following is the estimated population of Kent, deduced from the baptisms, burials, and marriages, by Mr. Rickman:—
During the Civil Wars and the Protectorate, few local registers were kept accurately; in fact, in many parishes, they are completely lacking from that time due to the temporary removal of clergy from their positions. Therefore, it's quite possible that the notable drop in baptism records in the register book of Chart next Sutton Valence may have come from both poor recording and other reasons mentioned. However, the slight increase seen after the Restoration clearly supports your correspondent's conclusion—that there was a significant decline in the parish population: and Mr. Rickman's earlier estimate provides a figure for the entire county, which, while it may not completely confirm the suspected decrease, at least indicates that the registers of other Kentish parishes were similarly affected. The following is the estimated population of Kent, based on baptisms, burials, and marriages, by Mr. Rickman:—
A.D. | Population |
1570 | 136,710 |
1600 | 161,236 |
1630 | 189,212 |
1670 | 167,398 |
1700 | 157,833 |
1750 | 181,267 |
The population enumerated in 1801 was 307,624, which had increased to 548,337 in 1841.
The population counted in 1801 was 307,624, which grew to 548,337 by 1841.
Applying the average of England to the parish {443} of Chart, the 120 baptisms in the years 1640-1659, if representing the actual births, would indicate a population of about 200 during that period; while the 246 entries in the previous twenty years would give upwards of 400 inhabitants. According to the several censuses, Chart contained 381 persons in 1801, and 424, 500, 610, 604, respectively, at the subsequent decades.
Applying the average for England to the parish {443} of Chart, the 120 baptisms from 1640 to 1659, if they reflect actual births, would suggest a population of about 200 during that time. Meanwhile, the 246 entries from the previous twenty years would imply more than 400 inhabitants. According to various censuses, Chart had 381 people in 1801, and then 424, 500, 610, and 604 in the following decades.
While on the subject of parish registers, I may add, that a scheme has been propounded by the Rev. E. Wyatt Edgell, in a paper read before the Statistical Society, for transcribing and printing in a convenient form the whole of the extant parish register books of England and Wales, thus concentrating those valuable records, and preserving, before it is too late, their contents from the effects of time and accidental injuries. The want of funds to defray the cost of copying and printing is the one great difficulty of the plan.
While we're discussing parish registers, I should mention that Rev. E. Wyatt Edgell proposed a plan in a paper presented to the Statistical Society for transcribing and printing all the existing parish register books of England and Wales in a user-friendly format. This would centralize these valuable records and protect their contents from the effects of time and accidental damage before it's too late. The main challenge of the plan is the lack of funding to cover the costs of copying and printing.
April 2.
April 2nd.
EARLY STATISTICS.—PARISH REGISTERS.
In reference to the observations of your correspondent "E.R.J.H.," he will find, upon closer examination, that no comparison approaching to accuracy can be made between the population of any place at different periods of the seventeenth century, founded upon the entries in parish registers of baptisms, births, or marriages. In 1653 the ecclesiastical registers ceased to contain much of the information they had before given. In that year was passed, "An Act how Marriages shall be solemnised and registered, and also for a Register of Births and Burials;" which first introduced registers of births and not of baptisms. The Act treated marriage as a civil contract, to be solemnised before a justice of the peace; and it directed that, for the entry of all marriages, and "of all births of children, and burial of all sorts of people, within every parish," the rated inhabitants should choose "an honest and able person to be called 'The Parish Register,'" sworn before and approved by a neighbouring magistrate. Until after the Restoration, this Act was found practicable; and in many parishes these books (distinct from the clergyman's register of baptisms, &c., celebrated in the church) continue to be fairly preserved. In such parishes, and in no others, a correct comparative estimate of the population may be formed.
Regarding the observations of your correspondent "E.R.J.H.," he will discover, upon closer inspection, that no accurate comparison can be made between the population of any location at different times during the seventeenth century, based on entries in parish registers of baptisms, births, or marriages. In 1653, the ecclesiastical registers stopped providing much of the information they had previously contained. That year, "An Act how Marriages shall be solemnised and registered, and also for a Register of Births and Burials" was passed, which first introduced birth registers instead of baptism registers. The Act regarded marriage as a civil contract to be formalized before a justice of the peace; it specified that for the recording of all marriages, as well as "all births of children and burials of all kinds of people, within every parish," the rated residents should choose "an honest and capable person to be called 'The Parish Register,'" who would be sworn in and approved by a neighboring magistrate. This Act was practicable until after the Restoration, and in many parishes, these records (separate from the clerical register of baptisms, etc., conducted in the church) continue to be well-maintained. In those parishes, and in no others, a reliable comparative estimate of the population can be made.
The value of the parochial registers for statistical and historical purposes cannot be overrated; and yet their great loss in very recent times is beyond all doubt. It was given in evidence before the committee on registration, that out of seventy or eighty parishes for which Bridges made collections a century since, thirteen of the old registers have been lost, and three accidentally burnt. On a comparison of the dates of the Sussex registers, seen by Sir W. Burrell between 1770 and 1780, and of those returned as the earliest in the population returns of 1831, the old registers, in no less than twenty-nine parishes, had in the interval disappeared; whilst, during the same half-century, nineteen old registers had found their way back to the proper repository. On searching the MSS. in Skelton Castle, in Cleveland, a few years since, the first register of that parish was discovered, and has been restored.
The importance of parish records for statistical and historical purposes cannot be overstated; however, their significant loss in recent times is undeniable. Evidence presented to the registration committee revealed that out of seventy or eighty parishes for which Bridges collected data a century ago, thirteen old registers have been lost, and three were accidentally burned. When comparing the dates of the Sussex registers, seen by Sir W. Burrell between 1770 and 1780, with those listed as the earliest in the population returns of 1831, it was found that the old registers had disappeared in twenty-nine parishes during that time; meanwhile, in the same fifty years, nineteen old registers had returned to the proper location. A few years ago, while searching the manuscripts at Skelton Castle in Cleveland, the first register of that parish was found and has been restored.
These changes show how great the danger is to which the old registers are exposed; and in many instances it saves time and trouble to search the Bishop's transcripts before searching the original registers.
These changes highlight how significant the risk is to the old records, and in many cases, it's more efficient to look at the Bishop's transcripts before checking the original records.
81. Guildford Street, March 25. 1850.
81. Guildford Street, March 25, 1850.
BYRON'S LARA.
I cannot agree with your able corespondent "C.B." (No. 20. p. 324., and No. 17. p. 262.), that Ezzelin in "Lara" is Seyd of the "Corsair." My interpretation of both tales is as follows:—Lara and Ezzelin both lived in youth where they afterwards met, viz. in a midland county of England—time about the fourteenth century. Ezzelin was a kinsman, or, more probably, a lover of Medora, whom Lara induced to fly with him, and who shared his corsair life. When Lara had returned home, the midnight scene in the gallery arose from some Frankenstein creation of his own bad conscience; a "horrible shadow," an "unreal mockery." Kaled was Gulnare disguised as a page; and when Lara met Ezzelin at Otho's house, Ezzelin's indignation arose from his recollection of Medora's abduction. Otho favours Ezzelin in this quarrel; and, when Kaled looks down upon the "sudden strife," and becomes deeply moved, her agitation was from seeing in Ezzelin the champion of Medora, her own rival in the affections of Lara. Ezzelin is murdered, probably by the contrivance of Kaled, who had before shown that she could lend a hand in such an affair. After this, Lara collects a band, like what David gathered to himself in the cave of Adullam, and what follows suits the mediæval period of English history.
I cannot agree with your capable correspondent "C.B." (No. 20. p. 324, and No. 17. p. 262) that Ezzelin in "Lara" is Seyd from the "Corsair." My interpretation of both stories is as follows: Lara and Ezzelin both lived in their youth where they later met, specifically in a central county of England—around the fourteenth century. Ezzelin was a relative, or more likely, a lover of Medora, whom Lara persuaded to escape with him, and who shared his pirate life. When Lara returned home, the midnight scene in the gallery came from some twisted creation of his own guilty conscience; a "horrible shadow," an "unreal mockery." Kaled was Gulnare disguised as a page; and when Lara encountered Ezzelin at Otho's house, Ezzelin's anger stemmed from his memory of Medora's abduction. Otho supports Ezzelin in this conflict; and when Kaled looks down on the "sudden strife" and becomes deeply moved, her distress was from seeing Ezzelin as the defender of Medora, her own rival for Lara’s affection. Ezzelin is killed, likely due to Kaled's scheming, as she had previously shown she could be involved in such matters. After this, Lara gathers a group similar to what David assembled in the cave of Adullam, and what follows fits the medieval period of English history.
I will briefly quote in support of this view. Otho shows that Lara and Ezzelin had both sprung from one spot, when he says,
I will briefly quote to support this view. Otho shows that Lara and Ezzelin both came from the same place when he says,
"I pledge myself for thee, as not unknown,
"I commit myself to you, as if not unfamiliar,
Though like Count Lara now return'd alone
Though like Count Lara, now returned alone
From other lands, almost a stranger grown."
From other places, almost like a stranger now.
The 9th section of canto 1. is a description of Byron himself at Newstead (the two poems are merely vehicles of their authors' own feelings), with the celebrated skull, since made into a drinking cup, beside him. The succeeding section is a picture {444} of "our own dear lake." That Medora was a gentlewoman, and not from the slave-market, is shown by Conrad's appreciation of her in the 12th section of the first canto of the "Corsair;" and why not formerly beloved by Ezzelin, and thus alluded to by him in the quarrel scene?
The 9th section of canto 1 is a description of Byron himself at Newstead (the two poems are just expressions of the authors' own feelings), with the famous skull, which was later turned into a drinking cup, next to him. The following section paints a picture {444} of "our own dear lake." Medora was a lady of high status, not from the slave market, as shown by Conrad's appreciation of her in the 12th section of the first canto of the "Corsair." And why wouldn’t she previously have been loved by Ezzelin, as referenced by him in the quarrel scene?
"And deem'st thou me unknown too? Gaze again!
"And do you think I'm unknown too? Look again!"
At least thy memory was not given in vain,
At least your memory wasn’t in vain,
Oh! never canst thou cancel half her debt,
Oh! you can never cancel half her debt,
Eternity forbids thee to forget."
"Eternity prevents you from forgetting."
The accents, muttered in a foreign tongue by Lara, on recovering from his swoon in the gallery,—
The accents, spoken in a foreign language by Lara, as he regained consciousness in the gallery,—
"And meant to meet an ear
"And meant to meet an ear"
That hears him not—alas! that cannot hear"—
That hears him not—alas! that cannot hear"—
were addressed, I think, to Medora; and I am only the more disposed to this opinion by their effect on Kaled. (See canto 1. sec. 14.)
were addressed, I believe, to Medora; and I am even more inclined to this view by their effect on Kaled. (See canto 1. sec. 14.)
I quite agree with "EMDEE" in esteeming "Lara" a magnificent poem.
I totally agree with "EMDEE" in considering "Lara" a fantastic poem.
Ecclesfield, March 18, 1850.
Ecclesfield, March 18, 1850.
REPLIES TO MINOR QUERIES.
Dr. Whichcot and Lord Shaftesbury.—Your correspondent "C." (No. 24. p. 382.) will find in the Alumni Etonenses, by Harwood, printed at Birmingham by Pearson, and by Caddell, jun., and Davies, Strand, 1797, at p. 46. in the account of Whichcot, under the head of "Provosts of King's College," the following passage:—"A volume of his sermons was published in 1628, from copies taken in short-hand as they were delivered from the pulpit, with a preface by Lord Shaftesbury." In a MS. account of the provosts it is stated, "the first volume of his discourses, published by Lord Shaftesbury, 1698;" and that one of his brothers was alive in 1749, at Finchley, aged 96.
Dr. Whichcot and Lord Shaftesbury.—Your correspondent "C." (No. 24. p. 382.) will find in the Alumni Etonenses, by Harwood, printed in Birmingham by Pearson, and by Caddell, jun., and Davies, Strand, 1797, at p. 46, in the account of Whichcot, under the section "Provosts of King's College," the following passage:—"A volume of his sermons was published in 1628, from short-hand copies taken as they were delivered from the pulpit, with a preface by Lord Shaftesbury." In a manuscript account of the provosts, it is stated, "the first volume of his discourses, published by Lord Shaftesbury, 1698;" and that one of his brothers was alive in 1749, at Finchley, aged 96.
A letter from Lord Lauderdale to Dr. Whichcot is in MS. Harl. 7045. p. 473. I take the figures from a printed, but not published, account of some of the proceedings relating to Dr. Whichcot's deprivation of his provostship at the Restoration, in which Lord Lauderdale says, "For I took an opportunity, in the presence of my Lord Chamberlain, your Chancellor, to acquaint his Majesty with those excellent endowments with which God hath blesst you, and which render you so worthie of the place you enjoy, (which the King heard very graciously); afterwards he spoke with my Lord Chamberlain about your concerns, and he and I are both of opinion there is no fear as to your concerns." Was Shaftesbury ever Chancellor of Cambridge? or who was the Lord Chamberlain who at that time was Chancellor of the university? I have no means of referring to any University History as to these points.
A letter from Lord Lauderdale to Dr. Whichcot is in MS. Harl. 7045. p. 473. I’m taking the details from a printed, but not published, account of some events regarding Dr. Whichcot’s removal from his provost position during the Restoration, where Lord Lauderdale says, "I took the opportunity, in front of my Lord Chamberlain, your Chancellor, to inform his Majesty of the wonderful qualities God has blessed you with, which make you so deserving of the position you hold, (which the King received very graciously); after that, he talked with my Lord Chamberlain about your situation, and we both believe there’s no concern regarding your position." Was Shaftesbury ever Chancellor of Cambridge? Or who was the Lord Chamberlain that was Chancellor of the university at that time? I have no way of referring to any University History for these matters.
Black Doll at Old Store Shops.—I asked you some time since the origin of the Black Doll at Old Store Shops; but you did not insert my Query, which curiously enough has since been alluded to by Punch, as a mystery only known to, or capable of being interpreted by, the editor of "Notes and Queries."
Black Doll at Old Store Shops.—I asked you a while ago about the origin of the Black Doll at Old Store Shops, but you didn't publish my question. Interestingly, it has since been mentioned by Punch as a mystery that only the editor of "Notes and Queries" knows or can interpret.
[We are obliged to our correspondent and also to our witty contemporary for this testimony to our omniscience, and show our sense of their kindness by giving them two explanations. The first is, the story which has been told of its originating with a person who kept a house for the sale of toys and rags in Norton Falgate some century since, to whom an old woman brought a large bundle of rags for sale, with a desire that it might remain unopened until she could call again to see it weighed. Several weeks having elapsed without her re-appearance, the ragman opened the bundle, and finding in it a black doll neatly dressed, with a pair of gold ear-rings, hung it over his door, for the purpose of its being owned by the woman who had left it. The plan succeeded, and the woman, who had by means of the black doll recovered her bundle of rags, presented it to the dealer; and the story becoming known, the black doll was adopted as the favourite sign of this class of shopkeepers. Such is the romance of the black doll; the reality, we believe, will be found in the fact, that cast-off clothes having been formerly purchased by dealers in large quantities, for the purpose of being resold to merchants, to be exchanged by them in traffic with the uncivilised tribes, who, it is known, will barter any thing for articles of finery,—a black doll, gaily dressed out, was adopted as the sign of such dealers in old apparel.]
[We are grateful to our correspondent and our clever contemporary for this acknowledgment of our knowledge, and we want to show our appreciation by providing two explanations. The first is the story that claims it started with a person who ran a shop selling toys and rags in Norton Falgate about a hundred years ago. An old woman came in with a large bundle of rags to sell but asked that it remain unopened until she could return to have it weighed. After several weeks without her returning, the rag dealer opened the bundle and found a black doll, neatly dressed and wearing a pair of gold earrings. He hung it over his door to attract the woman who had left it behind. This worked, and when the woman retrieved her bundle of rags, she presented the doll to the dealer. As the story spread, the black doll became the favored symbol for this type of shopkeeper. That’s the story of the black doll; however, the truth may lie in the fact that secondhand clothes were once bought in bulk by dealers to be resold to merchants, who would trade them with uncivilized tribes known to exchange anything for items of beauty—a black doll, dressed up attractively, was chosen as the sign of such dealers in used clothing.]
Journal of Sir William Beeston.—In reply to the inquiry of "C." (No. 25. p. 400), I can state that a journal of Sir William Beeston is now preserved in the British Museum (MS. Add. 12,424.), and was presented to the national collection in 1842, by Charles Edward Long, Esq. It is a folio volume, entirely autograph, and extends from Dec. 10, 1671, when Beeston was in command of the Assistance frigate in the West Indies, to July 21, 1673; then from July 6 to September 6, 1680, in a voyage from Port Royal to London; and from December 19, 1692, to March 9, 1692-3, in returning from Portsmouth to Jamaica; and, lastly, from April 25 to June 28, 1702, in coming home from Jamaica to England. By a note written by Mr. Long on the fly-leaf of the volume, it appears that Sir William Beeston was baptized in Dec. 2, 1636, at Titchfield, co. Hants, and was the second son of William Beeston, of Posbrooke, the same parish, by Elizabeth, daughter of Arthur Bromfield. (See Visit. C. 19. Coll. Arm.) His elder brother, Henry, was Master of Winchester, and Warden of New College; and his daughter and heir Jane married, first, Sir Thomas Modyford, Bart., and, secondly, Charles Long, to whom she was a second wife. To this may be added, that Sir William received the honour of knighthood at Kensington, October 30, 1692, and was Governor of Jamaica from 1693 till 1700. In the Add. MS. {445} 12,430. is contained a narrative, by Sir William Beeston, of the descent by the French on Jamaica, in June, 1694; as also the copy of a Journal kept by Col. William Beeston from his first coming to Jamaica, 1655-1680.
Journal of Sir William Beeston.—In response to the inquiry from "C." (No. 25. p. 400), I can confirm that a journal of Sir William Beeston is currently kept at the British Museum (MS. Add. 12,424.) and was donated to the national collection in 1842 by Charles Edward Long, Esq. It is a folio volume, fully handwritten, covering the period from December 10, 1671, when Beeston was in charge of the Assistance frigate in the West Indies, to July 21, 1673; then from July 6 to September 6, 1680, during a journey from Port Royal to London; from December 19, 1692, to March 9, 1692-3, while returning from Portsmouth to Jamaica; and finally, from April 25 to June 28, 1702, on the journey back from Jamaica to England. A note written by Mr. Long on the fly-leaf of the volume indicates that Sir William Beeston was baptized on December 2, 1636, in Titchfield, Hampshire, and was the second son of William Beeston of Posbrooke in the same parish, by Elizabeth, the daughter of Arthur Bromfield. (See Visit. C. 19. Coll. Arm.) His older brother, Henry, was Master of Winchester and Warden of New College; his daughter and heir, Jane, was married first to Sir Thomas Modyford, Bart., and then to Charles Long, making him her second husband. Additionally, Sir William was knighted at Kensington on October 30, 1692, and served as Governor of Jamaica from 1693 to 1700. The Add. MS. {445} 12,430 includes a narrative by Sir William Beeston regarding the French descent on Jamaica in June 1694, as well as a copy of a journal kept by Col. William Beeston from his arrival in Jamaica in 1655 until 1680.
Shrew (No. 24. p. 381.).—I know not whether it will at all help the inquiry of "W.R.F." to remind him that the local Dorsetshire name of the shrew-mouse is "shocrop" or "shrocrop." The latter is the word given in Mr. Barnes's excellent Glossary, but I have just applied for its name to two labourers, and their pronunciation of it is clearly the former.
Shrew (No. 24. p. 381.).—I'm not sure if it will help "W.R.F." with his inquiry, but I should mention that the local Dorsetshire name for the shrew-mouse is "shocrop" or "shrocrop." The second version is what Mr. Barnes lists in his great Glossary, but I just asked two laborers about it, and they clearly pronounce it the first way.
I should be glad to hear any conjecture as to the final syllable. The only folk-lore connected with it in this part of the country seems to be that long ago reported by Pennant and others, viz. "Cats will kill, but not eat it."
I would be happy to hear any guesses about the last syllable. The only folk-lore related to it in this area seems to be the one that was long ago mentioned by Pennant and others, which is, "Cats will kill it, but not eat it."
Trunck Breeches.—"X.Y.Z." (No. 24. p. 384) will also find the following in Dryden's Translation of Perseus:—
Trunck Breeches.—"X.Y.Z." (No. 24. p. 384) will also find the following in Dryden's Translation of Perseus:—
"There on the walls by Polynotu's hand,
There on the walls by Polynotu's hand,
The conquered Medians in trunk-breeches stand."
The conquered Medians in trunk-breeches stand.
Certainly a very free translation. See the original, Sat. 3. Trunck is from the Latin truncus, cut short, maimed, imperfect. In the preface to Johnson's Dictionary we have the following:—
Certainly a very loose translation. Check the original, Sat. 3. Trunck comes from the Latin truncus, meaning cut short, maimed, or imperfect. The preface to Johnson's Dictionary contains the following:—
"The examples are too often injudicious truncated."
"The examples are frequently poorly cut off."
Vide also Shaw, Museum Liverianum, or rather examples given in Richardson's Dictionary. Shaw, in speaking of the feathers of certain birds, says,
Vide also Shaw, Museum Liverianum, or rather examples given in Richardson's Dictionary. Shaw, when discussing the feathers of certain birds, says,
"They appear as if cut off transversely towards their ends with scissors. This is a mode of termination which in the language of natural history is called truncated."
"They look like they've been cut off at the ends with scissors. In natural history, this type of ending is referred to as truncated."
The word trunck-hose is often met with.
The term trunck-hose is commonly encountered.
Queen's Messengers.—"J.U.G.G.," who inquires about Queen's messengers (No. 12. p. 186.), will, I think, find some such information as he wants in a parliamentary paper about King's messengers, printed by the House of Commons in 1845 or 1846, on the motion of Mr. Warburton. Something, I think, also occurs on the subject in the Report of the Commons' Committee of 1844 on the Opening of Letters in the Post-office. I am unable to refer to either of these documents at present.
Queen's Messengers.—"J.U.G.G.," who is asking about Queen's messengers (No. 12. p. 186.), should find some of the information he needs in a parliamentary paper about King's messengers, published by the House of Commons in 1845 or 1846, following a motion by Mr. Warburton. There might also be something related in the Report from the Commons' Committee of 1844 on Opening Letters in the Post Office. I can't refer to either of these documents right now.
Dissenting Ministers (No. 24. p. 383.).—The verses representing the distinctive characteristics of many ministers, by allegorical resemblance to flowers, were written by the lady whose paternal name is given by your correspondent. She married the Rev. Joseph Brooksbank. I think it quite improbable that those verses were ever published. It seems that two of the three names mentioned in your description of this "nosegay" are erroneous. The first is indisputable, RICHARD WINTER, a man of distinguished excellence, who died in 1799. "Hugh Washington" is certainly a mistake for HUGH WORTHINGTON; but for "James Jouyce" I can offer no conjecture.
Dissenting Ministers (No. 24. p. 383.).—The verses that describe the unique traits of many ministers, using flowers as a metaphor, were written by the woman whose father's name your correspondent provided. She married Rev. Joseph Brooksbank. I find it very unlikely that those verses were ever published. It appears that two of the three names mentioned in your description of this "nosegay" are incorrect. The first name is undeniable, RICHARD WINTER, a man of great distinction, who passed away in 1799. "Hugh Washington" is clearly a mistake for HUGH WORTHINGTON; however, I can't provide any guess for "James Jouyce."
Ballad of "The Wars in France" (No. 20. p. 318.).—Your correspondent "NEMO" will find two versions of the ballad commencing,
Ballad of "The Wars in France" (No. 20. p. 318.).—Your correspondent "NEMO" will find two versions of the ballad starting with,
"As our king lay musing on his bed,"
"As our king lay thinking on his bed,"
in appendices 20 and 21 to Sir Harris Nicolas's History of the Battle of Agincourt, 2nd edit. They are not, I believe, in the first edition. I have a copy of the ballad myself, which I took down a few years ago, together with the quaint air to which it is sung, from the lips of an old miner in Derbyshire. My copy does not differ very much from the first of those given by Sir H. Nicolas.
in appendices 20 and 21 to Sir Harris Nicolas's History of the Battle of Agincourt, 2nd edit. I don't think they're in the first edition. I have a copy of the ballad myself, which I recorded a few years ago, along with the unique tune it's sung to, from an old miner in Derbyshire. My copy doesn't differ much from the first one given by Sir H. Nicolas.
["J.W." (Norwich), and "A.R." (Kenilworth), have each kindly sent us a copy of the ballad. "F.M." informs us that it exists as a broadside, printed and sold in Aldermary Church-yard, Bow Lane, London, under the title of "King Henry V., his Conquest of France, in Revenge for the Affront offered him by the French King, in sending him (instead of the tribute due) a ton of tennis balls." And, lastly, the "Rev. J.R. WREFORD" has called our attention to the fact that it is printed in the collection of Ancient Poems, Ballads, and Songs of the Peasantry of England, edited by Mr. Dixon for the Percy Society in 1846.
["J.W." (Norwich) and "A.R." (Kenilworth) have each kindly sent us a copy of the ballad. "F.M." tells us that it exists as a broadside, printed and sold in Aldermary Churchyard, Bow Lane, London, under the title "King Henry V’s Conquest of France, in Revenge for the Insult from the French King, Who Sent Him (instead of the Tribute Owed) a Ton of Tennis Balls." Lastly, the "Rev. J.R. WREFORD" has pointed out that it is included in the collection of Ancient Poems, Ballads, and Songs of the Peasantry of England, edited by Mr. Dixon for the Percy Society in 1846.]
Mr. Dixon's version was taken down from the singing of an eccentric character, known as the "Skipton Minstrel," and who used to sing it to the tune of "The Bold Pedlar and Robin Hood."]
Mr. Dixon's version was recorded from the singing of an eccentric character known as the "Skipton Minstrel," who used to sing it to the tune of "The Bold Pedlar and Robin Hood."
Monody on the Death of Sir John Moore (No. 20. p. 320.).—This Query has brought us a number of communications from "A.G.," "J.R.W.," "G.W.B.," "R.S.," and "The Rev. L. COOPER," who writes as follows:—
Monody on the Death of Sir John Moore (No. 20. p. 320.).—This question has led to several responses from "A.G.," "J.R.W.," "G.W.B.," "R.S.," and "The Rev. L. COOPER," who writes as follows:—
{446}"The undoubted author is the late Rev. Charles Wolfe, a young Irishman, curate of Donoughmore, diocese of Armagh, who died 1823, in the 32nd year of his age. His Life and Remains were edited by the Archdeacon of Clogher; and a fifth edition of the vol., which is an 8vo., was published in 1832 by Hamilton, Adams, and Co., Paternoster Row. At the 25th page of the Memoir there is the narration of an interesting discussion between Lord Byron, Shelley, and others, as to the most perfect ode that had ever been produced. Shelley contended for Coleridge's on Switzerland; others named Campbell's Hohenlinden and Lord Byron's Invocation in Manfred. But Lord Byron left the dinner-table before the cloth was removed, and returned with a magazine, from which he read this monody, which just then appeared anonymously. After he had read it, he repeated the third stanza, and pronounced it perfect, and especially the lines:—
"The undeniable author is the late Rev. Charles Wolfe, a young Irishman and curate of Donoughmore in the diocese of Armagh, who passed away in 1823 at the age of 32. His Life and Remains were edited by the Archdeacon of Clogher, and a fifth edition of the book, which is in 8vo format, was published in 1832 by Hamilton, Adams, and Co., Paternoster Row. On page 25 of the Memoir, there's an interesting account of a discussion between Lord Byron, Shelley, and others about the greatest ode ever written. Shelley argued for Coleridge's ode on Switzerland; others mentioned Campbell's Hohenlinden and Lord Byron's Invocation in Manfred. However, Lord Byron left the dinner table before the cloth was removed and returned with a magazine that had just published this monody anonymously. After reading it, he recited the third stanza and declared it perfect, especially the lines:—"
"'But he lay like a warrior taking his rest,
"'But he lay like a warrior taking a break,
With his martial cloak around him.'
With his martial cloak draped around him.
"'I should have taken the whole,' said Shelley, 'for a rough sketch of Campbell's.'
"'I should have taken the whole thing,' said Shelley, 'as a rough draft of Campbell's.'"
"'No,' replied Lord Byron, 'Campbell would have claimed it, had it been his.'
"'No,' replied Lord Byron, 'Campbell would have claimed it if it belonged to him.'"
"The Memoir contains the fullest details on the subject of the authorship, Mr. Wolfe's claim to which was also fully established by the Rev. Dr. Miller, late Fellow of Trinity, Dublin, and author of Lectures on the Philosophy of Modern History."
"The Memoir provides detailed information on the issue of authorship, which Mr. Wolfe's claim was also thoroughly supported by Rev. Dr. Miller, the former Fellow of Trinity, Dublin, and author of Lectures on the Philosophy of Modern History."
[With regard to the French translation, professing to be a monody on Lally Tollendal, and to be found in the Appendix to his Memoirs, it was only a clever hoax from the ready pen of Father Prout, and first appears in Bentley's Miscellany. No greater proof of the inconvenience of facetiæ of this peculiar nature can be required than the circumstance, that the fiction, after a time, gets mistaken for a fact: and, as we learn in the present case, the translation has been quoted in a French newspaper as if it was really what it pretends to be.]
[Regarding the French translation, claiming to be a monody on Lally Tollendal and found in the Appendix to his Memoirs, it was merely a clever prank by Father Prout, first appearing in Bentley's Miscellany. No stronger evidence of the trouble with this kind of humor is needed than the fact that the fiction, over time, gets mistaken for reality: as we see in this case, the translation has been cited in a French newspaper as though it were indeed what it claims to be.]
IRON RAILINGS ROUND ST. PAUL'S.
As the removal of the iron railing which surrounds St. Paul's Churchyard is now said to be in contemplation, P.C.S.S. imagines that it may not be unacceptable to the readers of "NOTES AND QUERIES," if he transcribes the following account of it from Hasted's Kent, vol. ii. p. 382, which is to be found in his description of the parish of Lamberhurst:—
As the removal of the iron railing around St. Paul's Churchyard is currently being considered, P.C.S.S. thinks it might be of interest to the readers of "NOTES AND QUERIES" if he shares the following account from Hasted's Kent, vol. ii. p. 382, which is included in his description of the parish of Lamberhurst:—
"It was called Gloucester Furnace in honour of the Duke of Gloucester, Queen Anne's son, who, in the year 1698, visited it from Tunbridge Wells. The iron rails round St. Paul's Churchyard, in London, were cast at this furnace. They compose the most magnificent balustrade, perhaps, in the universe, being of the height of five feet six inches, in which there are, at intervals, seven iron gates of beautiful workmanship, which, together with the rails, weigh two hundred tons and eighty-one pounds; the whole of which cost 6d. per pound, and with other charges, amounted to the sum of 11,202l. 0s. 6d."
"It was named Gloucester Furnace to honor the Duke of Gloucester, Queen Anne's son, who visited from Tunbridge Wells in 1698. The iron rails surrounding St. Paul's Churchyard in London were produced at this furnace. They create the most impressive balustrade in the world, standing five feet six inches tall, with seven beautifully crafted iron gates spaced along its length. Together with the rails, they weigh two hundred tons and eighty-one pounds; all of this cost 6d. per pound, and with additional fees, the total came to 11,202l. 0s. 6d."
MISCELLANEOUS.
NOTES ON BOOKS, CATALOGUES, SALES, ETC.
If there was any ground, and we are inclined to believe there was, for the objection urged by the judicious few against that interesting series of illustrations of English history, Lodge's Illustrious Portraits, namely, that in engraving the portraits selected, truth had often times been sacrificed to effect; so that one had a better picture, though a less faithful copy,—such an objection cannot be urged against a work to which our attention has just been directed, Harding's Historical Portraits. In this endeavour to bring before us the men of past time, each "in his habit as he lived," the scrupulous accuracy with which Mr. Harding copies an old portrait has been well seconded by the engravers, so that this work is unrivalled for the fidelity with which it exhibits, as by a Daguerrotype, copies in little of some very curious portraits of old-world worthies. The collection is limited in extent; but, as it contains plates of individuals of whom no other engraving exists, will be a treasure to illustrators of Clarendon, Granger, &c. Among the most interesting subjects are Henry VIII. and Charles V., from the remarkable picture formerly at Strawberry Hill; Sir Robert Dudley, son of Elizabeth's favourite; Lord Russel of Thornhaugh, from the picture at Woburn; Speaker Lenthall; and the remarkable portrait of Henry Carey Viscount Falkland, dressed in white, painted by Van Somer, which suggested to Horace Walpole his Castle of Otranto.
If there was any valid reason, and we tend to think there was, for the criticism made by the wise few against the captivating series of illustrations of English history, Lodge's Illustrious Portraits, specifically that the portraits chosen often prioritized style over accuracy; thus, you ended up with a more visually appealing image, albeit a less authentic representation—such a criticism can't be applied to the work we've just discussed, Harding's Historical Portraits. In this effort to present to us historical figures "as they were," the meticulous precision with which Mr. Harding replicates an old portrait has been excellently matched by the engravers, making this work exceptional for its realistic portrayal, almost like a Daguerreotype, of some very intriguing portraits of notable figures from the past. The collection is somewhat limited in size; however, since it includes images of individuals for whom no other engravings exist, it will be a valuable resource for illustrators of Clarendon, Granger, etc. Among the most fascinating subjects are Henry VIII. and Charles V., from the famous painting that used to be at Strawberry Hill; Sir Robert Dudley, the son of Elizabeth's favorite; Lord Russel of Thornhaugh, based on the painting at Woburn; Speaker Lenthall; and the striking portrait of Henry Carey Viscount Falkland, dressed in white and painted by Van Somer, which inspired Horace Walpole's Castle of Otranto.
Messrs. Sotheby and Co. will sell on Thursday next, a small but superb collection of drawings by modern artists; and on the following Monday will commence a six days' sale of the third portion of the important stock of prints of Messrs. Smith; comprising some of the works of the most eminent engravers of the continental and English schools, including a matchless collection of the works of the Master of Fontainebleau, engraver's proofs of book plates, and a few fine drawings.
Messrs. Sotheby and Co. will sell a small but outstanding collection of drawings by modern artists next Thursday; and the following Monday will kick off a six-day sale of the third part of the significant stock of prints from Messrs. Smith. This includes works by some of the most renowned engravers from both the continental and English schools, featuring an unmatched collection by the Master of Fontainebleau, engraver's proofs of bookplates, and a few fine drawings.
We have received the following Catalogues:—J. Peteram's (94. High Holborn) Catalogue, Part CXI., No. 5. for 1850 of Old and New Books; and J. Miller's (43. Chandos Street) Catalogue No. 5. for 1850 of Books Old and New.
We have received the following catalogs:—J. Peteram's (94 High Holborn) Catalog, Part CXI, No. 5, for 1850 of Old and New Books; and J. Miller's (43 Chandos Street) Catalog No. 5, for 1850 of Books Old and New.
BOOKS AND ODD VOLUMES
WANTED TO PURCHASE.
(In continuation of Lists in former Nos.)
ARNOT'S PHYSICS.—The gentleman who has a copy of this to dispose of, is requested to send his address.
ARNOT'S PHYSICS.—If you have a copy of this to sell, please send your address.
JOLDERVY'S COLLECTION OF ENGLISH EPITAPHS, or any other.
JOLDERVY'S COLLECTION OF ENGLISH EPITAPHS, or any other.
NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS.
Although we have this week again enlarged NOTES AND QUERIES from 16 to 24 pages, in fulfilment of our promise to do so when the number and extent of our communications called for it, we have been compelled to omit many Notes, Queries, and Replies of great interest.
Even though we've expanded NOTES AND QUERIES from 16 to 24 pages again this week, fulfilling our promise to do so when the volume and depth of our submissions warranted it, we've still had to leave out many Notes, Queries, and Replies that are quite interesting.
Our attention has been called by more than one of our earliest contributors to the inconvenience of the single initial, which they had originally adopted, being assumed by subsequent correspondents, who probably had no idea that the A., B., or C., by which they thought to distinguish their communications, was already in use. Will our friends avoid this in future by prefixing another letter or two to their favourite A., B., or C.
Several of our early contributors have pointed out the issue with the single initials they originally adopted, which have been taken by later correspondents who likely didn't realize that the A., B., or C., they intended to use to identify their messages was already in use. Can our friends prevent this in the future by adding another letter or two to their preferred A., B., or C.?
Errata..—No. 25. p. 398. col. 2. line 44., for "L.D." read "L.R."; No 26. p. 416. col. 2. line 52., for "Beattie" read "Bentley"; and the Latin Epigram, p. 422., should commence "Longè" instead of "Longi," and be subscribed "T.D." instead of "W. (1)."
Errata..—No. 25. p. 398. col. 2. line 44., for "L.D." read "L.R."; No 26. p. 416. col. 2. line 52., for "Beattie" read "Bentley"; and the Latin Epigram, p. 422., should start with "Longè" instead of "Longi," and be signed "T.D." instead of "W. (1)."
NEW WORKS.
NEW PROJECTS.
I. SOUTHEY'S LIFE and CORRESPONDENCE. Edited by his Son. Vol. IV. with Portrait of Miss Tyler, and Landscape. Post 8vo. 10s. 6d.
I. SOUTHEY'S LIFE and CORRESPONDENCE. Edited by his Son. Vol. IV. with Portrait of Miss Tyler, and Landscape. Post 8vo. 10s. 6d.
II. ESSAYS SELECTED from CONTRIBUTIONS to the EDINBURGH REVIEW. By HENRY ROGERS. 2 vols. 8vo. 24s.
II. ESSAYS SELECTED from CONTRIBUTIONS to the EDINBURGH REVIEW. By HENRY ROGERS. 2 vols. 8vo. 24s.
III. A HISTORY of the ROMANS under the EMPIRE. By the Rev. CHARLES MERIVALE, B.D. Vols. I. and II. 8vo. 28s.
III. A HISTORY of the ROMANS under the EMPIRE. By the Rev. CHARLES MERIVALE, B.D. Vols. I. and II. 8vo. 28s.
IV. CRITICAL HISTORY of the LANGUAGE and LITERATURE of ANCIENT GREECE. By Colonel WILLIAM MURE, M.P., of Caldwell. 3 vols. 8vo. 36s.
IV. CRITICAL HISTORY of the LANGUAGE and LITERATURE of ANCIENT GREECE. By Colonel WILLIAM MURE, M.P., of Caldwell. 3 vols. 8vo. 36s.
V. Col. CHESNEY'S EXPEDITION to SURVEY the EUPHRATES and TIGRIS. With Plates and Woodcuts. Vols. I. and II. royal 8vo. Map, 63s.—Atlas of Charts, &c., 31s. 6d.
V. Col. Chesney's Expedition to Survey the Euphrates and Tigris. With Plates and Woodcuts. Vols. I and II. Royal 8vo. Map, 63s. — Atlas of Charts, etc., 31s. 6d.
VI. Mr. S. LAING'S NOTES of a TRAVELLER, 2nd Series:—On the SOCIAL and POLITICAL STATE of the EUROPEAN PEOPLE in 1848 and 1849. 8vo. 14s.
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London: LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN and LONGMANS.
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II. LIFE of ROBERT PLUMER WARD, Esq. With Selections from his Political and Literary Correspondence, Diaries, and Unpublished Remains. By the Hon. EDMUND PHIPPS. Portrait. 2 vols. 8vo. (Next week.)
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IV. LIVES of VICE-ADMIRAL SIR C.V. PENROSE, K.C.B., and CAPT. JAMES TREVENEN. By their Nephew, Rev. JOHN PENROSE, M.A. Portraits. 8vo. 10s. 6d.
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V. NINEVEH and its REMAINS; being a Narrative of Researches and Discoveries amidst the Ruins of Assyria. With an Account of the Chaldeau Christians of Kurdistan; the Yezidis, or Devil-worshippers, and an Inquiry into the Manners and Arts of the Ancient Assyrians. By AUSTEN H. LAYARD, D.C.L. FOURTH EDITION. With 100 Plates and Woodcuts. 2 vols. 8vo. 36s.
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VII. HORACE. A NEW EDITION, beautifully printed, and illustrated by Engravings of Coins, Gems, Bas-reliefs, Statues, &c., taken chiefly from the Antique. Edited, with a LIFE, BY Rev. H.H. MILMAN, Dean of St. Paul's. With 300 Vignettes. Crown 8vo.
VII. HORACE. A NEW EDITION, beautifully printed and illustrated by engravings of coins, gems, bas-reliefs, statues, etc., mainly from antiquity. Edited, with a biography, by Rev. H.H. MILMAN, Dean of St. Paul's. With 300 vignettes. Crown 8vo.
"Not a page can be opened where the eye does not light upon some antique gem. Mythology, history, art, manners, topography, have all their fitting representatives. It is the highest praise to say, that the designs throughout add to the pleasure with which Horace is read. Many of them carry us back to the very portraitures from which the old poets drew their inspirations."—Classical Museum.
"Not a page can be turned without seeing some classic treasure. Mythology, history, art, customs, and geography all have their rightful representatives. The greatest compliment is that the illustrations throughout enhance the enjoyment of reading Horace. Many of them take us back to the very images from which the ancient poets drew their inspiration."—Classical Museum.
JOHN MURRAY: Albemarle Street.
JOHN MURRAY: Albemarle St.
NUMISMATICS.—Mr. C.R. TAYLOR respectfully invites the attention of Collectors and others to his extensive Stock of ANCIENT and MODERN COINS and MEDALS, which will be found to be generally fine in condition, at prices unusually moderate. This collection includes a magnificent specimen of the famous Decadrachm, or Medallion of Syracuse: the extremely rare Fifty-shilling piece and other Coins of Cromwell; many fine Proofs and Pattern Pieces of great rarity and interest; also, some choice Cabinets, Numismatic works, &c. orders, however small, punctually attended to. Articles forwarded to any part of the Country for inspection, and every information desired promptly furnished,. Coins, &c., bought, sold, or exchanged; and Commissions faithfully executed. Address, 2. Tavistock Street, Covent Garden.
NUMISMATICS.—Mr. C.R. TAYLOR respectfully invites the attention of collectors and others to his extensive stock of ancient and modern coins and medals, which are mostly in excellent condition, at very reasonable prices. This collection includes a stunning example of the renowned Decadrachm, or Medallion of Syracuse; the extremely rare Fifty-shilling piece and other coins from Cromwell; many fine proofs and rare pattern pieces of great interest; plus, some exquisite cabinets, numismatic books, etc. Orders, no matter how small, are promptly attended to. Items can be sent to any part of the country for inspection, and all requested information will be provided quickly. Coins, etc., are bought, sold, or exchanged; and commissions are carried out with care. Address: 2 Tavistock Street, Covent Garden.
ENGLISH HISTORICAL PORTRAITS.
ENGLISH HISTORY PORTRAITS.
THIS SERIES OF PORTRAITS, ILLUSTRATIVE OF ENGLISH HISTORY, is engraved from highly-finished Drawings of ORIGINAL PICTURES, existing in various Galleries and Family Collections throughout the country, made with scrupulous accuracy by Mr. G.P. HARDING: the greater portion never having been previously engraved.
THIS SERIES OF PORTRAITS, ILLUSTRATIVE OF ENGLISH HISTORY, is engraved from highly detailed drawings of ORIGINAL PICTURES, found in various galleries and family collections across the country, created with meticulous accuracy by Mr. G.P. HARDING: the majority of which have never been engraved before.
M.M. HOLLOWAY, having purchased the whole of the impressions and plates, now offers the Sets in a Folio Volume, bound in cloth, and including Biographical Letter-press to each subject, at the greatly reduced price of £2 12s. 6d., and £4 4s. 0d., for Proofs before Letters, of which but 18 copies remain.
M.M. HOLLOWAY, after buying all the impressions and plates, now offers the complete Sets in a cloth-bound Folio Volume, which includes Biographical text for each subject, at the significantly reduced price of £2 12s. 6d., and £4 4s. 0d. for Proofs before Letters, of which only 18 copies are left.
The Collection consists of the following Portraits:—
The Collection includes the following Portraits:—
KING HENRY VIII. and the EMPEROR CHARLES V., from the Original, formerly in the Strawberry Hill Gallery.
KING HENRY VIII and EMPEROR CHARLES V, from the original, previously in the Strawberry Hill Gallery.
QUEEN KATHARINE OF ARRAGON, from a Miniature by HOLBEIN, in the possession of the Duke of Buccleugh.
QUEEN KATHARINE OF ARAGON, from a Miniature by HOLBEIN, in the possession of the Duke of Buccleugh.
SIR ANTHONY BROWNE, K.G., from the Original in the possession of Thomas Baylis, Esq., F.S.A.
SIR ANTHONY BROWNE, K.G., from the original owned by Thomas Baylis, Esq., F.S.A.
ANTHONY BROWNE, VISCOUNT MONTAGUE, K.G., from the Collection of the Marquess of Exeter.
ANTHONY BROWNE, VISCOUNT MONTAGUE, K.G., from the Collection of the Marquess of Exeter.
EDWARD VERE, EARL OF OXFORD, from the Original Picture in the Collection of the Duke of Portland.
EDWARD VERE, EARL OF OXFORD, from the Original Picture in the Collection of the Duke of Portland.
SIR WILLIAM RUSSELL, BARON THORNHAUGH, LORD DEPUTY OF IRELAND, from the Original Picture in the Collection of the Duke of Bedford.
SIR WILLIAM RUSSELL, BARON THORNHAUGH, LORD DEPUTY OF IRELAND, from the Original Picture in the Collection of the Duke of Bedford.
WILLIAM CAMDEN, CLARENCEUX KING OF ARMS, from the Picture in the possession of the Earl of Clarendon.
WILLIAM CAMDEN, CLARENCEUX KING OF ARMS, from the picture owned by the Earl of Clarendon.
SIR ANTHONY SHIRLEY, AMBASSADOR FROM THE COURT OF PERSIA TO JAMES I., from the Original Miniature by Peter Oliver.
SIR ANTHONY SHIRLEY, AMBASSADOR FROM THE COURT OF PERSIA TO JAMES I., from the Original Miniature by Peter Oliver.
HENRY CAREY, LORD FALKLAND, LORD DEPUTY OF IRELAND, from the Original by VANSOMER, formerly in the Strawberry Hill Collection.
HENRY CAREY, LORD FALKLAND, LORD DEPUTY OF IRELAND, from the Original by VANSOMER, previously in the Strawberry Hill Collection.
SIR ROBERT DUDLEY, SON OF THE EARL OF LEICESTER, from the Original Miniature by N. HILLIARD, in the possession of Lord De l'Isle and Dudley.
SIR ROBERT DUDLEY, SON OF THE EARL OF LEICESTER, from the Original Miniature by N. HILLIARD, in the possession of Lord De l'Isle and Dudley.
THE RIGHT HON. WILLIAM LENTHALL, SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, from a Miniature by J. COOPER, in the possession of R.S. Holford, Esq.
THE RIGHT HON. WILLIAM LENTHALL, SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, from a Miniature by J. COOPER, in the possession of R.S. Holford, Esq.
MARGARET CAVENDISH, DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE, from the Original Picture in the Collection of F. Vernon Wentworth, Esq.
MARGARET CAVENDISH, DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE, from the Original Picture in the Collection of F. Vernon Wentworth, Esq.
SIR THOMAS BROWNE, M.D., of NORWICH, from an Original Picture in the College of Physicians, London.
SIR THOMAS BROWNE, M.D., of NORWICH, from an Original Picture in the College of Physicians, London.
SIR CHARLES SCARBOROUGH, M.D., PHYSICIAN TO CHARLES II., JAMES II., and WILLIAM III., from the Original Picture in the Barber-Surgeons' Hall.
SIR CHARLES SCARBOROUGH, M.D., PHYSICIAN TO CHARLES II., JAMES II., and WILLIAM III., from the Original Picture in the Barber-Surgeons' Hall.
FLORA MACDONALD, from the Original by A. RAMSAY, 1749, in the Picture Gallery, Oxford.
FLORA MACDONALD, from the Original by A. RAMSAY, 1749, in the Picture Gallery, Oxford.
M.M. HOLLOWAY, 25. BEDFORD STREET, COVENT GARDEN.
M.M. HOLLOWAY, 25 BEDFORD STREET, COVENT GARDEN.
Originally published at 6l. 6s., now re-issued by WASHBOURNE, New Bridge Street, in 12 vols. 8vo., at 3l. 3s.
Originally published at £6.6s., now re-issued by WASHBOURNE, New Bridge Street, in 12 vols. 8vo., at £3.3s.
THE COMPLETE WORKS OF VENERABLE BEDE,
THE COMPLETE WORKS OF VENERABLE BEDE,
Collected and edited by the Rev. Dr. GILES, comprising the COMMENTARY ON HOLY SCRIPTURE, ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, HOMILIES, TRACTS, LETTERS, POEMS, LIFE, &c. &c., in Latin and English.—Also,
Collected and edited by Rev. Dr. GILES, including the COMMENTARY ON HOLY SCRIPTURE, ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, HOMILIES, TRACTS, LETTERS, POEMS, LIFE, etc., in Latin and English.—Also,
THE MISCELLANEOUS WORKS AND LIFE OF BEDE,
THE MISCELLANEOUS WORKS AND LIFE OF BEDE,
Published at 3l. 3s., may, for a short period, be had at 1l. 11s. 6d., in 6 vols. 8vo., cloth, lettered Contents.
Published at £3 3s., may, for a short period, be had at £1 11s. 6d., in 6 vols. 8vo., cloth, lettered Contents.
It is intended to raise the price of these immediately on the disposal of a moiety of the small Stock now on hand.
It aims to increase the price of these right after selling a portion of the small stock currently available.
"A new edition of Bede's Works is now published by Dr. Giles, who has made a discovery amongst the MS. treasures which can scarcely fail of presenting the venerable Anglo-Saxon's Homilies in a far more trustworthy form than the press has hitherto produced them."—Soames's Edition of Mosheim's Note, vol. ii. p 142.
"A new edition of Bede's Works has now been published by Dr. Giles, who has uncovered a find among the manuscript treasures that is likely to present the respected Anglo-Saxon’s Homilies in a much more reliable form than what has been previously offered by the press."—Soames's Edition of Mosheim's Note, vol. ii. p 142.
PREPARING FOR PUBLICATION,
Getting ready for publication,
With the Sanction of the Society of Arts, and the Committee of the Ancient and Mediæval Exhibition,
With the approval of the Society of Arts and the Committee of the Ancient and Medieval Exhibition,
A Description of the Works of Ancient and Mediæval Art
A Description of the Works of Ancient and Medieval Art
COLLECTED AT THE SOCIETY OF ARTS IN 1850; WITH HISTORICAL INTRODUCTIONS ON THE VARIOUS ARTS, AND NOTICES OF THE ARTISTS.
COLLECTED AT THE SOCIETY OF ARTS IN 1850; WITH HISTORICAL INTRODUCTIONS ON THE VARIOUS ARTS, AND NOTICES OF THE ARTISTS.
By AUGUSTUS W. FRANKS, Honorary Secretary.
By AUGUSTUS W. FRANKS, Honorary Secretary.
The Work will be handsomely printed in super-royal 8vo., and will be amply illustrated with Wood Engravings by P.H. DE LA MOTTE.
The work will be beautifully printed in super-royal 8vo and will be well illustrated with wood engravings by P.H. DE LA MOTTE.
A LARGE PAPER EDITION will be printed if a sufficient number of Subscribers be obtained beforehand.
A LARGE PAPER EDITION will be printed if enough Subscribers are secured in advance.
GEORGE BELL, 186. FLEET STREET.
GEORGE BELL, 186 FLEET STREET.
Printed by THOMAS CLARK SHAW, of No. 8. New Street Square, at No. 5. New Street Square, in the Parish of St. Bride, in the City of London; and published by GEORGE BELL, of No. 186. Fleet Street, in the Parish of St. Dunstan in the West, in the City of London, Publisher, at No. 186. Fleet Street aforesaid.—Saturday, May 4. 1850.
Printed by THOMAS CLARK SHAW, at No. 8 New Street Square, and at No. 5 New Street Square, in the Parish of St. Bride, in the City of London; published by GEORGE BELL, at No. 186 Fleet Street, in the Parish of St. Dunstan in the West, in the City of London, Publisher, at No. 186 Fleet Street mentioned above.—Saturday, May 4, 1850.
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