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THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

The Harvard Classics

WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES

EDITED BY

The Harvard Classics

WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES

EDITED BY

CHARLES W ELIOT LLD

CHARLES W. ELIOT, LLD

P F COLLIER & SON COMPANY
NEW YORK
1909

P F COLLIER & SON COMPANY
NEW YORK
1909

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Benjamin Franklin was born in Milk Street, Boston, on January 6, 1706. His father, Josiah Franklin, was a tallow chandler who married twice, and of his seventeen children Benjamin was the youngest son. His schooling ended at ten, and at twelve he was bound apprentice to his brother James, a printer, who published the “New England Courant.” To this journal he became a contributor, and later was for a time its nominal editor. But the brothers quarreled, and Benjamin ran away, going first to New York, and thence to Philadelphia, where he arrived in October, 1723. He soon obtained work as a printer, but after a few months he was induced by Governor Keith to go to London, where, finding Keith’s promises empty, he again worked as a compositor till he was brought back to Philadelphia by a merchant named Denman, who gave him a position in his business. On Denman’s death he returned to his former trade, and shortly set up a printing house of his own from which he published “The Pennsylvania Gazette,” to which he contributed many essays, and which he made a medium for agitating a variety of local reforms. In 1732 he began to issue his famous “Poor Richard’s Almanac” for the enrichment of which he borrowed or composed those pithy utterances of worldly wisdom which are the basis of a large part of his popular reputation. In 1758, the year in which he ceased writing for the Almanac, he printed in it “Father Abraham’s Sermon,” now regarded as the most famous piece of literature produced in Colonial America.

Ben Franklin was born on Milk Street in Boston on January 6, 1706. His father, Josiah Franklin, was a candle maker who was married twice, and of his seventeen children, Benjamin was the youngest son. He finished school at ten, and by twelve, he became an apprentice to his brother James, a printer who published the “New England Courant.” Benjamin contributed to this journal and later served as its nominal editor for a while. However, the brothers had a falling out, and Benjamin ran away, first heading to New York and then to Philadelphia, where he arrived in October 1723. He quickly found work as a printer, but after a few months, Governor Keith persuaded him to go to London. Once there, he realized Keith's promises were empty and worked as a compositor until a merchant named Denman brought him back to Philadelphia, offering him a position in his business. After Denman passed away, Benjamin returned to printing and soon established his own printing house, where he published “The Pennsylvania Gazette,” contributing many essays and using it as a platform to push for various local reforms. In 1732, he began publishing his famous “Poor Richard’s Almanac,” which was filled with clever sayings and worldly wisdom that significantly contributed to his popularity. In 1758, the year he stopped writing for the Almanac, he published “Father Abraham’s Sermon” in it, which is now considered the most famous piece of literature from Colonial America.

Meantime Franklin was concerning himself more and more with public affairs. He set forth a scheme for an Academy, which was taken up later and finally developed into the University of Pennsylvania; and he founded an “American Philosophical Society” for the purpose of enabling scientific men to communicate their discoveries to one another. He himself had already begun his electrical researches, which, with other scientific inquiries, he carried on in the intervals of money-making and politics to the end of his life. In 1748 he sold his business in order to get leisure for study, having now acquired comparative wealth; and in a few years he had made discoveries that gave him a reputation with the learned throughout Europe. In politics he proved very able both as an administrator and as a controversialist; but his record as an office-holder is stained by the use he made of his position to advance his relatives. His most notable service in home politics was his reform of the postal system; but his fame as a statesman rests chiefly on his services in connection with the relations of the Colonies with Great Britain, and later with France. In 1757 he was sent to England to protest against the influence of the Penns in the government of the colony, and for five years he remained there, striving to enlighten the people and the ministry of England as to Colonial conditions. On his return to America he played an honorable part in the Paxton affair, through which he lost his seat in the Assembly; but in 1764 he was again despatched to England as agent for the colony, this time to petition the King to resume the government from the hands of the proprietors. In London he actively opposed the proposed Stamp Act, but lost the credit for this and much of his popularity through his securing for a friend the office of stamp agent in America. Even his effective work in helping to obtain the repeal of the act left him still a suspect; but he continued his efforts to present the case for the Colonies as the troubles thickened toward the crisis of the Revolution. In 1767 he crossed to France, where he was received with honor; but before his return home in 1775 he lost his position as postmaster through his share in divulging to Massachusetts the famous letter of Hutchinson and Oliver. On his arrival in Philadelphia he was chosen a member of the Continental Congress, and in 1777 he was despatched to France as commissioner for the United States. Here he remained till 1785, the favorite of French society; and with such success did he conduct the affairs of his country that when he finally returned he received a place only second to that of Washington as the champion of American independence. He died on April 17, 1790.

Meanwhile, Franklin became increasingly involved in public affairs. He proposed a plan for an Academy, which later evolved into the University of Pennsylvania, and he established an “American Philosophical Society” to allow scientists to share their discoveries with one another. He had already started his electrical research, which he continued alongside money-making and political endeavors throughout his life. In 1748, he sold his business to have more time for study, having gained some wealth; within a few years, he made discoveries that earned him recognition among learned people across Europe. In politics, he proved to be quite capable both as an administrator and a debater; however, his record as an officeholder is marred by his use of his position to promote his relatives. His most significant contribution in local politics was reforming the postal system, but his reputation as a statesman mainly comes from his work related to the Colonies’ relations with Great Britain and later with France. In 1757, he was sent to England to protest the influence of the Penn family in the colony's government, and he stayed there for five years, trying to inform the English public and government about Colonial issues. Upon returning to America, he played a respectable role in the Paxton affair, which cost him his Assembly seat; however, in 1764, he was sent back to England as the colony's agent, this time to ask the King to take back control from the proprietors. In London, he actively opposed the proposed Stamp Act but lost credibility and much of his popularity when he helped a friend secure the position of stamp agent in America. Even his effective efforts to help repeal the act did not fully clear his name; nonetheless, he continued advocating for the Colonies as tensions mounted towards the Revolutionary crisis. In 1767, he traveled to France, where he was welcomed with honor; however, before returning home in 1775, he lost his position as postmaster for revealing the famous letter from Hutchinson and Oliver to Massachusetts. Upon arriving in Philadelphia, he was elected to the Continental Congress, and in 1777, he was sent to France as a commissioner for the United States. He remained there until 1785, becoming a favorite in French society; he managed his country’s affairs so successfully that upon his return, he was regarded as the second most prominent figure, after Washington, in American independence. He died on April 17, 1790.

The first five chapters of the Autobiography were composed in England in 1771, continued in 1784-5, and again in 1788, at which date he brought it down to 1757. After a most extraordinary series of adventures, the original form of the manuscript was finally printed by Mr. John Bigelow, and is here reproduced in recognition of its value as a picture of one of the most notable personalities of Colonial times, and of its acknowledged rank as one of the great autobiographies of the world.

The first five chapters of the Autobiography were written in England in 1771, continued in 1784-85, and again in 1788, by which time he had brought it up to 1757. After an incredible series of adventures, the original version of the manuscript was finally printed by Mr. John Bigelow, and is presented here in acknowledgment of its significance as a portrayal of one of the most notable figures of Colonial times, and of its recognized status as one of the great autobiographies in the world.


BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY

1706-1757

Twyford, at the Bishop of St. Asaph’s, [1] 1771.

Twyford, at the Bishop of St. Asaph’s, [1] 1771.

Dear Son: I have ever had pleasure in obtaining any little anecdotes of my ancestors. You may remember the inquiries I made among the remains of my relations when you were with me in England, and the journey I undertook for that purpose. Imagining it may be equally agreeable to [2] you to know the circumstances of my life, many of which you are yet unacquainted with, and expecting the enjoyment of a week’s uninterrupted leisure in my present country retirement, I sit down to write them for you. To which I have besides some other inducements. Having emerged from the poverty and obscurity in which I was born and bred, to a state of affluence and some degree of reputation in the world, and having gone so far through life with a considerable share of felicity, the conducing means I made use of, which with the blessing of God so well succeeded, my posterity may like to know, as they may find some of them suitable to their own situations, and therefore fit to be imitated.

Dear Son,: I have always enjoyed gathering little stories about my ancestors. You may recall the questions I asked about my relatives when you were with me in England and the trip I took for that purpose. Thinking it might be just as interesting for you to learn about my life, much of which you still don’t know, and looking forward to a week's worth of uninterrupted free time at my current country home, I’m sitting down to write them out for you. I also have some other reasons for doing this. Having risen from the poverty and obscurity of my early life to a place of wealth and some respect in the world, and having navigated life so far with a fair amount of happiness, I believe my experiences and the methods that worked for me, with God's blessing, may be valuable for my descendants to know, as they might find some of them relevant to their own lives and worth emulating.

That felicity, when I reflected on it, has induced me sometimes to say, that were it offered to my choice, I should have no objection to a repetition of the same life from its beginning, only asking the advantages authors have in a second edition to correct some faults of the first. So I might, besides correcting the faults, change some sinister accidents and events of it for others more favorable. But though this were denied, I should still accept the offer. Since such a repetition is not to be expected, the next thing most like living one’s life over again seems to be a recollection of that life, and to make that recollection as durable as possible by putting it down in writing.

That happiness, when I thought about it, has sometimes led me to say that if I were given the choice, I wouldn’t mind reliving my life from the beginning, only asking for the benefits that authors get in a second edition to fix some mistakes from the first. That way, I could not only correct the errors but also swap out some unfortunate events for better ones. But even if that option were not available, I would still take the offer. Since reliving my life isn’t possible, the next best thing seems to be remembering that life, and making those memories last as long as possible by writing them down.

Hereby, too, I shall indulge the inclination so natural in old men, to be talking of themselves and their own past actions; and I shall indulge it without being tiresome to others, who, through respect to age, might conceive themselves obliged to give me a hearing, since this may be read or not as any one pleases. And, lastly (I may as well confess it, since my denial of it will be believed by nobody), perhaps I shall a good deal gratify my own vanity. Indeed, I scarce ever heard or saw the introductory words, “Without vanity I may say,” &c., but some vain thing immediately followed. Most people dislike vanity in others, whatever share they have of it themselves; but I give it fair quarter wherever I meet with it, being persuaded that it is often productive of good to the possessor, and to others that are within his sphere of action; and therefore, in many cases, it would not be altogether absurd if a man were to thank God for his vanity among the other comforts of life.

Here, too, I’ll indulge in the tendency that’s so common in older folks to talk about themselves and their past actions. I’ll do this without being a burden to others, who out of respect for my age might feel obligated to listen to me, since this can be read or skipped as anyone wishes. Lastly, I might as well admit that I could be satisfying my own vanity quite a bit. Honestly, I can hardly recall hearing or seeing the phrase, “Without vanity I may say,” without something vain following right after. Most people don’t like seeing vanity in others, no matter how much they have themselves; but I give it some leeway when I encounter it, believing it often brings benefits to the person who possesses it and to those around them. So in many cases, it wouldn’t be completely unreasonable for someone to thank God for their vanity among other comforts in life.

And now I speak of thanking God, I desire with all humility to acknowledge that I owe the mentioned happiness of my past life to His kind providence, which lead me to the means I used and gave them success. My belief of this induces me to hope, though I must not presume, that the same goodness will still be exercised toward me, in continuing that happiness, or enabling me to bear a fatal reverse, which I may experience as others have done: the complexion of my future fortune being known to Him only in whose power it is to bless to us even our afflictions.

And now that I'm talking about thanking God, I humbly want to recognize that the happiness I experienced in my past life is due to His kind guidance, which led me to the resources I used and gave them success. My belief in this makes me hope, although I must not presume, that the same goodness will continue to be shown to me, either by maintaining that happiness or helping me cope with a serious setback that I might face, just like others have: the outcome of my future is known only to Him, who has the power to turn our challenges into blessings.

The notes one of my uncles (who had the same kind of curiosity in collecting family anecdotes) once put into my hands, furnished me with several particulars relating to our ancestors. From these notes I learned that the family had lived in the same village, Ecton, in Northamptonshire, for three hundred years, and how much longer he knew not (perhaps from the time when the name of Franklin, that before was the name of an order of people, was assumed by them as a surname when others took surnames all over the kingdom), on a freehold of about thirty acres, aided by the smith’s business, which had continued in the family till his time, the eldest son being always bred to that business; a custom which he and my father followed as to their eldest sons. When I searched the registers at Ecton, I found an account of their births, marriages and burials from the year 1555 only, there being no registers kept in that parish at any time preceding. By that register I perceived that I was the youngest son of the youngest son for five generations back. My grandfather Thomas, who was born in 1598, lived at Ecton till he grew too old to follow business longer, when he went to live with his son John, a dyer at Banbury, in Oxfordshire, with whom my father served an apprenticeship. There my grandfather died and lies buried. We saw his gravestone in 1758. His eldest son Thomas lived in the house at Ecton, and left it with the land to his only child, a daughter, who, with her husband, one Fisher, of Wellingborough, sold it to Mr. Isted, now lord of the manor there. My grandfather had four sons that grew up, viz.: Thomas, John, Benjamin and Josiah. I will give you what account I can of them, at this distance from my papers, and if these are not lost in my absence, you will among them find many more particulars.

The notes from one of my uncles (who also had a knack for collecting family stories) provided me with several details about our ancestors. From these notes, I discovered that the family had been living in the same village, Ecton, in Northamptonshire, for three hundred years, and probably even longer (possibly since the name Franklin, which was originally a title for a class of people, became a surname when others started adopting surnames across the kingdom). They managed a freehold of about thirty acres, supported by the smith’s business, which had been passed down through the family until his time, with the eldest son always trained for that job; a tradition he and my father continued with their eldest sons. When I looked through the registers at Ecton, I found records of their births, marriages, and burials starting from 1555, as there were no records kept in that parish before that time. From that register, I realized I was the youngest son of the youngest son for five generations. My grandfather Thomas, born in 1598, lived in Ecton until he was too old to continue working, after which he moved in with his son John, a dyer in Banbury, Oxfordshire, where my father served his apprenticeship. That’s where my grandfather died and was buried. We saw his gravestone in 1758. His eldest son Thomas stayed in the house at Ecton and left it, along with the land, to his only child, a daughter, who sold it with her husband, a man named Fisher from Wellingborough, to Mr. Isted, who is now the lord of the manor there. My grandfather had four sons who survived to adulthood: Thomas, John, Benjamin, and Josiah. I’ll share what I can about them from this distance from my papers, and if they aren’t lost while I’m away, you’ll find many more details among them.

Thomas was bred a smith under his father; but, being ingenious, and encouraged in learning (as all my brothers were) by an Esquire Palmer, then the principal gentleman in that parish, he qualified himself for the business of scrivener; became a considerable man in the county; was a chief mover of all public-spirited undertakings for the county or town of Northampton, and his own village, of which many instances were related of him; and much taken notice of and patronized by the then Lord Halifax. He died in 1702, January 6, old style, just four years to a day before I was born. The account we received of his life and character from some old people at Ecton, I remember, struck you as something extraordinary, from its similarity to what you knew of mine. “Had he died on the same day,” you said, “one might have supposed a transmigration.”

Thomas was raised as a blacksmith by his father, but being clever and encouraged in learning (just like all my brothers were) by a local Esquire Palmer, who was the main gentleman in the parish, he prepared himself for a career as a scrivener. He became an important figure in the county, a key player in all public-spirited projects for the county or town of Northampton, and his own village, with many stories shared about him. He was well noticed and supported by the Lord Halifax at the time. He died on January 6, 1702, old style, exactly four years to the day before I was born. The stories we heard about his life and character from some elderly people in Ecton, I remember, impressed you as something unusual due to its resemblance to what you knew of my own life. “If he had died on the same day,” you said, “one might have thought there was a reincarnation.”

John was bred a dyer, I believe of woolens. Benjamin was bred a silk dyer, serving an apprenticeship at London. He was an ingenious man. I remember him well, for when I was a boy he came over to my father in Boston, and lived in the house with us some years. He lived to a great age. His grandson, Samuel Franklin, now lives in Boston. He left behind him two quarto volumes, MS., of his own poetry, consisting of little occasional pieces addressed to his friends and relations, of which the following, sent to me, is a specimen. ¹ He had formed a short-hand of his own, which he taught me, but, never practising it, I have now forgot it. I was named after this uncle, there being a particular affection between him and my father. He was very pious, a great attender of sermons of the best preachers, which he took down in his short-hand, and had with him many volumes of them. He was also much of a politician; too much, perhaps, for his station. There fell lately into my hands, in London, a collection he had made of all the principal pamphlets, relating to public affairs, from 1641 to 1717; many of the volumes are wanting as appears by the numbering, but there still remain eight volumes in folio, and twenty-four in quarto and in octavo. A dealer in old books met with them, and knowing me by my sometimes buying of him, he brought them to me. It seems my uncle must have left them here, when he went to America, which was about fifty years since. There are many of his notes in the margins.

John was raised as a dyer, I think working with wool. Benjamin trained as a silk dyer, doing his apprenticeship in London. He was a clever guy. I remember him well because when I was a kid, he came to stay with my father in Boston and lived with us for several years. He lived to be quite old. His grandson, Samuel Franklin, currently lives in Boston. He left behind two quarto volumes of his own poetry, consisting of little occasional pieces written for his friends and family, one of which he sent to me as an example. He had created his own shorthand system and taught it to me, but I’ve forgotten it since I never used it. I was named after this uncle, as there was a special bond between him and my father. He was very religious and frequently attended sermons by the best preachers, which he took notes on in his shorthand. He kept many volumes of those notes. He was also quite political—maybe too much for someone in his position. Recently, I came across a collection he had put together of all the major pamphlets related to public affairs from 1641 to 1717 in London; many volumes were missing, as indicated by the numbering, but there are still eight folio volumes and twenty-four quarto and octavo volumes left. A rare book dealer found them and recognized me from my occasional purchases, so he brought them to me. It seems my uncle must have left them here when he went to America about fifty years ago. Many of his notes are written in the margins.

This obscure family of ours was early in the Reformation, and continued Protestants through the reign of Queen Mary, when they were sometimes in danger of trouble on account of their zeal against popery. They had got an English Bible, and to conceal and secure it, it was fastened open with tapes under and within the cover of a joint-stool. When my great-great-grandfather read it to his family, he turned up the joint-stool upon his knees, turning over the leaves then under the tapes. One of the children stood at the door to give notice if he saw the apparitor coming, who was an officer of the spiritual court. In that case the stool was turned down again upon its feet, when the Bible remained concealed under it as before. This anecdote I had from my uncle Benjamin. The family continued all of the Church of England till about the end of Charles the Second’s reign, when some of the ministers that had been outed for nonconformity holding conventicles in Northamptonshire, Benjamin and Josiah adhered to them, and so continued all their lives: the rest of the family remained with the Episcopal Church.

This obscure family of ours was early in the Reformation and remained Protestant through Queen Mary's reign, during which they sometimes faced threats due to their strong opposition to Catholicism. They managed to get an English Bible, and to hide and protect it, they secured it open with tapes under the cover of a joint stool. When my great-great-grandfather read it to his family, he would place the joint stool on his knees and flip through the pages underneath the tapes. One of the children stood by the door to alert them if the apparitor—an officer of the spiritual court—was coming. In that case, the stool would be flipped back down to hide the Bible again. I heard this story from my uncle Benjamin. The family remained part of the Church of England until around the end of Charles the Second's reign when some ministers, who had been ousted for nonconformity, began holding meetings in Northamptonshire. Benjamin and Josiah joined them and stayed with that group for the rest of their lives, while the rest of the family continued with the Episcopal Church.

Josiah, my father, married young, and carried his wife with three children into New England, about 1682. The conventicles having been forbidden by law, and frequently disturbed, induced some considerable men of his acquaintance to remove to that country, and he was prevailed with to accompany them thither, where they expected to enjoy their mode of religion with freedom. By the same wife he had four children more born there, and by a second wife ten more, in all seventeen; of which I remember thirteen sitting at one time at his table, who all grew up to be men and women, and married; I was the youngest son, and the youngest child but two, and was born in Boston, New England. My mother, the second wife, was Abiah Folger, daughter of Peter Folger, one of the first settlers of New England, of whom honorable mention is made by Cotton Mather, in his church history of that country, entitled Magnalia Christi Americana, as “a godly, learned Englishman,” if I remember the words rightly. I have heard that he wrote sundry small occasional pieces, but only one of them was printed, which I saw now many years since. It was written in 1675, in the home-spun verse of that time and people, and addressed to those then concerned in the government there. It was in favor of liberty of conscience, and in behalf of the Baptists, Quakers, and other sectaries that had been under persecution, ascribing the Indian wars, and other distresses that had befallen the country, to that persecution, as so many judgments of God to punish so heinous an offense, and exhorting a repeal of those uncharitable laws. The whole appeared to me as written with a good deal of decent plainness and manly freedom. The six concluding lines I remember, though I have forgotten the two first of the stanza; but the purport of them was, that his censures proceeded from good-will, and, therefore, he would be known to be the author.

Josiah, my father, married young and moved with his wife and three children to New England around 1682. The ban on conventicles and the frequent disturbances led some prominent people he knew to relocate to that area, and he was encouraged to join them, hoping to practice their religion freely. With the same wife, he had four more children there, and with a second wife, he had ten more, totaling seventeen; I remember thirteen of us sitting together at his table, all of whom grew up to be men and women and got married. I was the youngest son and the youngest of three children. I was born in Boston, New England. My mother, the second wife, was Abiah Folger, the daughter of Peter Folger, one of the first settlers of New England, who is mentioned honorably by Cotton Mather in his church history of the region, called Magnalia Christi Americana, as “a godly, learned Englishman,” if I recall the words correctly. I’ve heard he wrote several small occasional pieces, but only one was published, which I saw many years ago. It was written in 1675, in the simple verse style of that time, and addressed to those involved in the government there. It advocated for freedom of conscience and supported the Baptists, Quakers, and other persecuted groups, attributing the Indian wars and other hardships the country faced to this persecution, seeing them as judgments from God for such a serious offense, and urging a repeal of those unkind laws. The entire piece struck me as written with a lot of straightforwardness and honest boldness. I remember the last six lines, although I've forgotten the first two of the stanza; the essence of those lines was that his criticisms came from a place of goodwill, and therefore, he wanted to be recognized as the author.

“Because to be a libeller (says he)

“Because to be a libeller (he says)

I hate it with my heart;

I totally hate it.

From Sherburne town, where now I dwell

From Sherburne town, where I currently live

My name I do put here;

My name goes here;

Without offense your real friend,

No offense to your real friend,

It is Peter Folgier.”

It's Peter Folgier.

My elder brothers were all put apprentices to different trades. I was put to the grammar-school at eight years of age, my father intending to devote me, as the tithe of his sons, to the service of the Church. My early readiness in learning to read (which must have been very early, as I do not remember when I could not read), and the opinion of all his friends, that I should certainly make a good scholar, encouraged him in this purpose of his. My uncle Benjamin, too, approved of it, and proposed to give me all his short-hand volumes of sermons, I suppose as a stock to set up with, if I would learn his character. I continued, however, at the grammar-school not quite one year, though in that time I had risen gradually from the middle of the class of that year to be the head of it, and farther was removed into the next class above it, in order to go with that into the third at the end of the year. But my father, in the meantime, from a view of the expense of a college education, which having so large a family he could not well afford, and the mean living many so educated were afterwards able to obtain—reasons that he gave to his friends in my hearing—altered his first intention, took me from the grammar-school, and sent me to a school for writing and arithmetic, kept by a then famous man, Mr. George Brownell, very successful in his profession generally, and that by mild, encouraging methods. Under him I acquired fair writing pretty soon, but I failed in the arithmetic, and made no progress in it. At ten years old I was taken home to assist my father in his business, which was that of a tallow-chandler and sope-boiler; a business he was not bred to, but had assumed on his arrival in New England, and on finding his dying trade would not maintain his family, being in little request. Accordingly, I was employed in cutting wick for the candles, filling the dipping mold and the molds for cast candles, attending the shop, going of errands, etc.

My older brothers were all apprenticed to different trades. I started at the grammar school at age eight because my father intended to dedicate me, as the only son he could afford to send, to the Church. My early ability to read (which must have been quite early since I don't remember not being able to read) and the opinion of his friends that I would definitely become a good scholar encouraged him in this decision. My uncle Benjamin also supported it and offered to give me all his shorthand sermon volumes, probably as a resource to help me get started if I learned his shorthand. However, I only stayed at the grammar school for about a year, but during that time, I gradually moved from the middle of the class to the top, and I was promoted to the next class up so I could advance to the third class at the end of the year. But my father, considering the cost of a college education—which he couldn't easily afford with such a large family—and the modest livelihoods many educated people ended up with—reasons he shared with his friends while I was listening—changed his mind, pulled me from the grammar school, and sent me to a school focused on writing and arithmetic run by a well-known man, Mr. George Brownell, who was very successful and known for his gentle, encouraging methods. I learned to write fairly well pretty quickly under him, but I struggled with arithmetic and made little progress. At ten years old, I was taken home to help my father with his business, which was making candles and soap; a trade he hadn't trained for but took up when he arrived in New England after discovering his original trade wouldn't support his family, as it was not in demand. So, I helped by cutting wicks for candles, filling the dipping mold and molds for cast candles, running the shop, running errands, and so on.

I disliked the trade, and had a strong inclination for the sea, but my father declared against it; however, living near the water, I was much in and about it, learnt early to swim well, and to manage boats; and when in a boat or canoe with other boys, I was commonly allowed to govern, especially in any case of difficulty; and upon other occasions I was generally a leader among the boys, and sometimes led them into scrapes, of which I will mention one instance, as it shows an early projecting public spirit, tho’ not then justly conducted.

I didn’t like the trade and had a strong desire for the sea, but my father was against it. Still, living near the water, I spent a lot of time around it, learned to swim well at a young age, and got the hang of managing boats. When I was out in a boat or canoe with other boys, I was usually allowed to take charge, especially when we faced difficulties. On other occasions, I often led the boys and sometimes got us into trouble. I’ll share one example, as it highlights an early sense of public spirit, even if it wasn’t executed well back then.

There was a salt-marsh that bounded part of the mill-pond, on the edge of which, at high water, we used to stand to fish for minnows. By much trampling, we had made it a mere quagmire. My proposal was to build a wharff there fit for us to stand upon, and I showed my comrades a large heap of stones, which were intended for a new house near the marsh, and which would very well suit our purpose. Accordingly, in the evening, when the workmen were gone, I assembled a number of my play-fellows, and working with them diligently like so many emmets, sometimes two or three to a stone, we brought them all away and built our little wharff. The next morning the workmen were surprised at missing the stones, which were found in our wharff. Inquiry was made after the removers; we were discovered and complained of; several of us were corrected by our fathers; and though I pleaded the usefulness of the work, mine convinced me that nothing was useful which was not honest.

There was a salt marsh that bordered part of the mill pond, where we used to stand and fish for minnows at high tide. We had trampled it down so much that it turned into a muddy mess. I suggested that we build a platform there to stand on, and I showed my friends a big pile of stones that were meant for a new house nearby, which would be perfect for our project. So, in the evening, after the workers had left, I gathered a bunch of my friends, and we worked hard like ants, sometimes two or three of us lifting a stone at a time, to carry them all away and build our little platform. The next morning, the workers were surprised to find the stones missing, which they found in our platform. They asked around to find out who moved them; we were caught and complained about; several of us got in trouble with our dads, and even though I argued that our project was useful, mine made it clear that nothing is truly useful if it isn't honest.

I think you may like to know something of his person and character. He had an excellent constitution of body, was of middle stature, but well set, and very strong; he was ingenious, could draw prettily, was skilled a little in music, and had a clear pleasing voice, so that when he played psalm tunes on his violin and sung withal, as he sometimes did in an evening after the business of the day was over, it was extremely agreeable to hear. He had a mechanical genius too, and, on occasion, was very handy in the use of other tradesmen’s tools; but his great excellence lay in a sound understanding and solid judgment in prudential matters, both in private and publick affairs. In the latter, indeed, he was never employed, the numerous family he had to educate and the straitness of his circumstances keeping him close to his trade; but I remember well his being frequently visited by leading people, who consulted him for his opinion in affairs of the town or of the church he belonged to, and showed a good deal of respect for his judgment and advice: he was also much consulted by private persons about their affairs when any difficulty occurred, and frequently chosen an arbitrator between contending parties.

I think you might like to know a bit about his personality and character. He had a strong, healthy build, was of average height, but well-built and very strong. He was clever, could draw nicely, had some skill in music, and had a clear, pleasant voice. So, when he played psalm tunes on his violin and sang along, especially in the evenings after finishing work for the day, it was really enjoyable to listen to. He also had a knack for mechanics and could handle various tools used by other tradespeople when needed. However, his true strength was his sound understanding and solid judgment in practical matters, both in private and public life. In public affairs, he was never really involved due to his need to care for his large family and the limitations of his financial situation, which kept him focused on his trade. Still, I remember him being frequently visited by influential people who sought his advice on local or church-related issues, showing a great deal of respect for his judgment and counsel. He was also often consulted by individuals about their personal matters when challenges arose and was regularly chosen as a mediator between conflicting parties.

At his table he liked to have, as often as he could, some sensible friend or neighbor to converse with, and always took care to start some ingenious or useful topic for discourse, which might tend to improve the minds of his children. By this means he turned our attention to what was good, just, and prudent in the conduct of life; and little or no notice was ever taken of what related to the victuals on the table, whether it was well or ill dressed, in or out of season, of good or bad flavor, preferable or inferior to this or that other thing of the kind, so that I was bro’t up in such a perfect inattention to those matters as to be quite indifferent what kind of food was set before me, and so unobservant of it, that to this day if I am asked I can scarce tell a few hours after dinner what I dined upon. This has been a convenience to me in travelling, where my companions have been sometimes very unhappy for want of a suitable gratification of their more delicate, because better instructed, tastes and appetites.

At his table, he liked to have a sensible friend or neighbor to chat with as often as he could. He always made sure to kick off a thoughtful or useful topic for discussion that could help improve his children's minds. This way, he focused our attention on what was good, just, and wise in life, and we rarely paid attention to the food on the table—whether it was well or poorly prepared, in or out of season, tasty or not, or better or worse than other options. Because of this, I grew up completely indifferent to those matters, so much so that even now, if someone asks me a few hours after dinner what I had, I can hardly remember. This has been a benefit for me while traveling, as my companions sometimes felt uncomfortable due to their more refined tastes and preferences.

My mother had likewise an excellent constitution: she suckled all her ten children. I never knew either my father or mother to have any sickness but that of which they dy’d, he at 89, and she at 85 years of age. They lie buried together at Boston, where I some years since placed a marble over their grave, with this inscription:

My mom also had a strong constitution: she breastfed all ten of her kids. I never saw my dad or mom get sick except for the illnesses that ultimately took their lives; he passed away at 89 and she at 85. They are buried together in Boston, where a few years ago I put a marble stone over their grave with this inscription:

Josiah Franklin,
and
Abiah his wife,
lie here interred.
They lived lovingly together in wedlock
fifty-five years.
Without an estate, or any gainful employment,
By constant labor and industry,
with God’s blessing,
They maintained a large family
comfortably,
and brought up thirteen children
and seven grandchildren
reputably.
From this instance, reader,
Be encouraged to diligence in thy calling,
And distrust not Providence.
He was a pious and prudent man;
She, a discreet and virtuous woman.
Their youngest son,
In filial regard to their memory,
Places this stone.
J.F. born 1655, died 1744, Ætat 89.
A.F. born 1667, died 1752,———85.

Josiah Franklin,
and
Abiah his wife,
are buried here.
They happily lived together in marriage
for fifty-five years.
Without wealth, or any steady job,
Through hard work and dedication,
with God’s blessing,
They supported a large family
comfortably,
raising thirteen children
and seven grandchildren
with honor.
From this example, reader,
Be inspired to work hard in your own path,
And trust in Providence.
He was a faithful and wise man;
She, a sensible and virtuous woman.
Their youngest son,
In loving memory of them,
Placed this stone.
J.F. born 1655, died 1744, Ætat 89.
A.F. born 1667, died 1752,———85.

By my rambling digressions I perceive myself to be grown old. I us’d to write more methodically. But one does not dress for private company as for a publick ball. ’Tis perhaps only negligence.

By my wandering thoughts, I realize I’ve grown old. I used to write more systematically. But you don’t dress for a small gathering the same way you would for a big event. It might just be carelessness.

To return: I continued thus employed in my father’s business for two years, that is, till I was twelve years old; and my brother John, who was bred to that business, having left my father, married, and set up for himself at Rhode Island, there was all appearance that I was destined to supply his place, and become a tallow-chandler. But my dislike to the trade continuing, my father was under apprehensions that if he did not find one for me more agreeable, I should break away and get to sea, as his son Josiah had done, to his great vexation. He therefore sometimes took me to walk with him, and see joiners, bricklayers, turners, braziers, etc., at their work, that he might observe my inclination, and endeavor to fix it on some trade or other on land. It has ever since been a pleasure to me to see good workmen handle their tools; and it has been useful to me, having learnt so much by it as to be able to do little jobs myself in my house when a workman could not readily be got, and to construct little machines for my experiments, while the intention of making the experiment was fresh and warm in my mind. My father at last fixed upon the cutler’s trade, and my uncle Benjamin’s son Samuel, who was bred to that business in London, being about that time established in Boston, I was sent to be with him some time on liking. But his expectations of a fee with me displeasing my father, I was taken home again.

To return: I worked in my father's business for two years, until I turned twelve. My brother John, who was trained for that business, left my father, got married, and started his own venture in Rhode Island. It seemed like I was meant to take his place and become a tallow-chandler. However, my dislike for the trade persisted, and my father worried that if he didn’t find me a more suitable job, I would run away like his son Josiah did, which really upset him. So, he sometimes took me out to watch carpenters, bricklayers, turners, brass workers, and others while they worked, trying to see what I was interested in and hoping to steer me toward a trade on land. Since then, I've enjoyed watching skilled workers with their tools, and it’s been useful for me, as I’ve learned enough to do small jobs around my house when a worker wasn’t available, and to create little machines for my experiments while the ideas were still fresh in my mind. Eventually, my father settled on the cutler’s trade, and my uncle Benjamin’s son Samuel, who had been trained in that business in London and was then established in Boston, was supposed to teach me for a while. However, my father was unhappy about Samuel expecting a fee for me, so I was brought back home.

From a child I was fond of reading, and all the little money that came into my hands was ever laid out in books. Pleased with the Pilgrim’s Progress, my first collection was of John Bunyan’s works in separate little volumes. I afterward sold them to enable me to buy R. Burton’s Historical Collections; they were small chapmen’s books, and cheap, 40 or 50 in all. My father’s little library consisted chiefly of books in polemic divinity, most of which I read, and have since often regretted that, at a time when I had such a thirst for knowledge, more proper books had not fallen in my way since it was now resolved I should not be a clergyman. Plutarch’s Lives there was in which I read abundantly, and I still think that time spent to great advantage. There was also a book of De Foe’s, called an Essay on Projects, and another of Dr. Mather’s, called Essays to do Good, which perhaps gave me a turn of thinking that had an influence on some of the principal future events of my life.

From childhood, I loved reading, and I spent any money I got on books. My first collection was of John Bunyan's works in small volumes, inspired by my enjoyment of The Pilgrim’s Progress. Later, I sold them to buy R. Burton's Historical Collections; they were cheap little chapman’s books, around 40 or 50 in total. My father's small library mainly had books on religious debates, most of which I read, and I often wish that, at a time when I was so eager to learn, I had come across more suitable books since it was now decided I wouldn't become a clergyman. I read Plutarch's Lives extensively, which I still believe was very worthwhile. There was also a book by Defoe called An Essay on Projects, and another by Dr. Mather titled Essays to Do Good, which perhaps shaped my thinking in ways that influenced some major events in my life.

This bookish inclination at length determined my father to make me a printer, though he had already one son (James) of that profession. In 1717 my brother James returned from England with a press and letters to set up his business in Boston. I liked it much better than that of my father, but still had a hankering for the sea. To prevent the apprehended effect of such an inclination, my father was impatient to have me bound to my brother. I stood out some time, but at last was persuaded, and signed the indentures when I was yet but twelve years old. I was to serve as an apprentice till I was twenty-one years of age, only I was to be allowed journeyman’s wages during the last year. In a little time I made great proficiency in the business, and became a useful hand to my brother. I now had access to better books. An acquaintance with the apprentices of booksellers enabled me sometimes to borrow a small one, which I was careful to return soon and clean. Often I sat up in my room reading the greatest part of the night, when the book was borrowed in the evening and to be returned early in the morning, lest it should be missed or wanted.

This love for books eventually led my father to decide that I should become a printer, even though he already had one son (James) in that profession. In 1717, my brother James came back from England with a printing press and letters to start his business in Boston. I preferred that work a lot more than my father's, but I still had a desire for the sea. To counter this inclination, my father was eager to have me apprenticed to my brother. I resisted for a while, but eventually I was convinced and signed the indentures when I was just twelve years old. I was supposed to serve as an apprentice until I turned twenty-one, but I would receive journeyman wages during the last year. Before long, I became quite skilled in the trade and became a valuable help to my brother. I now had access to better books. Knowing the apprentices at the bookstores sometimes allowed me to borrow a small book, which I made sure to return quickly and in good condition. Often, I would stay up in my room reading most of the night, especially when I borrowed a book in the evening and needed to return it early the next morning, so it wouldn't be missed.

And after some time an ingenious tradesman, Mr. Matthew Adams, who had a pretty collection of books, and who frequented our printing-house, took notice of me, invited me to his library, and very kindly lent me such books as I chose to read. I now took a fancy to poetry, and made some little pieces; my brother, thinking it might turn to account, encouraged me, and put me on composing occasional ballads. One was called The Lighthouse Tragedy, and contained an account of the drowning of Captain Worthilake, with his two daughters: the other was a sailor’s song, on the taking of Teach (or Blackbeard) the pirate. They were wretched stuff, in the Grub-street-ballad style; and when they were printed he sent me about the town to sell them. The first sold wonderfully, the event being recent, having made a great noise. This flattered my vanity; but my father discouraged me by ridiculing my performances, and telling me verse-makers were generally beggars. So I escaped being a poet, most probably a very bad one; but as prose writing had been of great use to me in the course of my life, and was a principal means of my advancement, I shall tell you how, in such a situation, I acquired what little ability I have in that way.

And after a while, a clever tradesman named Mr. Matthew Adams, who owned a nice collection of books and often visited our printing house, noticed me. He invited me to his library and kindly lent me whatever books I wanted to read. I developed an interest in poetry and wrote a few small pieces. My brother thought it might be beneficial, so he encouraged me to start writing occasional ballads. One was titled The Lighthouse Tragedy, which told the story of Captain Worthilake drowning with his two daughters; the other was a sailor’s song about capturing Teach (or Blackbeard) the pirate. They were terrible, written in the Grub-street-ballad style, and when they were printed, my brother sent me around town to sell them. The first one sold surprisingly well, since the event was recent and had generated a lot of buzz. This boosted my ego, but my father discouraged me by mocking my work and saying that poets usually ended up poor. So, I avoided becoming a poet, probably a very bad one at that; however, since writing prose has been very useful to me throughout my life and was a key factor in my success, I’ll share how I picked up the little skills I have in that area.

There was another bookish lad in the town, John Collins by name, with whom I was intimately acquainted. We sometimes disputed, and very fond we were of argument, and very desirous of confuting one another, which disputatious turn, by the way, is apt to become a very bad habit, making people often extremely disagreeable in company by the contradiction that is necessary to bring it into practice; and thence, besides souring and spoiling the conversation, is productive of disgusts and, perhaps enmities where you may have occasion for friendship. I had caught it by reading my father’s books of dispute about religion. Persons of good sense, I have since observed, seldom fall into it, except lawyers, university men, and men of all sorts that have been bred at Edinborough.

There was another bookish guy in town named John Collins, who I knew pretty well. We often argued with each other because we really liked to debate and were eager to prove each other wrong. This argumentative habit, by the way, can become a really bad thing, making people really unpleasant in social situations because it requires constant contradiction. This not only ruins conversations but can also create annoyance and, potentially, hostility when you need friendship. I picked it up from reading my dad’s books on religious debates. I’ve noticed that sensible people rarely get caught up in this, except for lawyers, university folks, and a variety of people from Edinburgh.

A question was once, somehow or other, started between Collins and me, of the propriety of educating the female sex in learning, and their abilities for study. He was of opinion that it was improper, and that they were naturally unequal to it. I took the contrary side, perhaps a little for dispute’s sake. He was naturally more eloquent, had a ready plenty of words; and sometimes, as I thought, bore me down more by his fluency than by the strength of his reasons. As we parted without settling the point, and were not to see one another again for some time, I sat down to put my arguments in writing, which I copied fair and sent to him. He answered, and I replied. Three or four letters of a side had passed, when my father happened to find my papers and read them. Without entering into the discussion, he took occasion to talk to me about the manner of my writing; observed that, though I had the advantage of my antagonist in correct spelling and pointing (which I ow’d to the printing-house), I fell far short in elegance of expression, in method and in perspicuity, of which he convinced me by several instances. I saw the justice of his remark, and thence grew more attentive to the manner in writing, and determined to endeavor at improvement.

A discussion once came up between Collins and me about whether educating women was appropriate and if they were capable of studying. He believed it was improper and that they were naturally not suited for it. I took the opposite view, maybe just for the sake of argument. He was more articulate and had a quick way with words; sometimes, I felt he overpowered me more with his smooth talking than with solid arguments. Since we didn’t settle the debate and wouldn’t see each other for a while, I decided to write down my points clearly and sent them to him. He replied, and I responded. After exchanging three or four letters each, my father happened to find my papers and read them. Without diving into the argument, he mentioned my writing style and pointed out that, while I had the advantage over my opponent in spelling and punctuation (thanks to the printing house), I lacked elegance of expression, organization, and clarity, which he demonstrated with several examples. I recognized the truth in his comments and became more focused on improving my writing style.

About this time I met with an odd volume of the Spectator. It was the third. I had never before seen any of them. I bought it, read it over and over, and was much delighted with it. I thought the writing excellent, and wished, if possible, to imitate it. With this view I took some of the papers, and, making short hints of the sentiment in each sentence, laid them by a few days, and then, without looking at the book, try’d to compleat the papers again, by expressing each hinted sentiment at length, and as fully as it had been expressed before, in any suitable words that should come to hand. Then I compared my Spectator with the original, discovered some of my faults, and corrected them. But I found I wanted a stock of words, or a readiness in recollecting and using them, which I thought I should have acquired before that time if I had gone on making verses; since the continual occasion for words of the same import, but of different length, to suit the measure, or of different sound for the rhyme, would have laid me under a constant necessity of searching for variety, and also have tended to fix that variety in my mind, and make me master of it. Therefore I took some of the tales and turned them into verse; and, after a time, when I had pretty well forgotten the prose, turned them back again. I also sometimes jumbled my collections of hints into confusion, and after some weeks endeavored to reduce them into the best order, before I began to form the full sentences and compleat the paper. This was to teach me method in the arrangement of thoughts. By comparing my work afterwards with the original, I discovered many faults and amended them; but I sometimes had the pleasure of fancying that, in certain particulars of small import, I had been lucky enough to improve the method or the language, and this encouraged me to think I might possibly in time come to be a tolerable English writer, of which I was extremely ambitious. My time for these exercises and for reading was at night, after work or before it began in the morning, or on Sundays, when I contrived to be in the printing-house alone, evading as much as I could the common attendance on public worship which my father used to exact on me when I was under his care, and which indeed I still thought a duty, though I could not, as it seemed to me, afford time to practise it.

Around this time, I came across a strange copy of the Spectator. It was the third volume, and I had never seen any of them before. I bought it, read it repeatedly, and was really pleased with it. I thought the writing was excellent and wanted to try to imitate it. To do this, I took some of the articles, made brief notes of the ideas in each sentence, set them aside for a few days, and then, without looking at the book, tried to recreate the articles by expressing each note in detail, using any fitting words that came to me. Then I compared my version of the Spectator with the original, noticed some of my mistakes, and fixed them. However, I realized I lacked a good vocabulary or the ability to quickly recall and use the right words, which I believed I would have developed by now if I had kept writing poetry. The constant need for synonyms with different lengths for meter or different sounds for rhyme would have pushed me to search for variety and helped me grasp it better. So, I took some of the stories and turned them into verse; then, after a while, when I had mostly forgotten the prose, I converted them back. I also sometimes mixed up my collection of notes and after a few weeks tried to organize them in the best way before I started writing full sentences to complete the article. This helped me learn how to organize my thoughts. By comparing my work later with the original, I found many mistakes and corrected them, but sometimes I enjoyed thinking that, in some minor details, I might have improved the structure or language, which encouraged me to believe that I could become a decent English writer someday, something I was very ambitious about. I had time for these exercises and reading at night, either after work or before it started in the morning, or on Sundays, when I managed to be alone in the printing house, trying to avoid the usual attendance at public worship that my father insisted on when I lived under his care, something I still considered a duty, even though I felt I couldn't find the time to practice it.

When about 16 years of age I happened to meet with a book, written by one Tryon, recommending a vegetable diet. I determined to go into it. My brother, being yet unmarried, did not keep house, but boarded himself and his apprentices in another family. My refusing to eat flesh occasioned an inconveniency, and I was frequently chid for my singularity. I made myself acquainted with Tryon’s manner of preparing some of his dishes, such as boiling potatoes or rice, making hasty pudding, and a few others, and then proposed to my brother, that if he would give me, weekly, half the money he paid for my board, I would board myself. He instantly agreed to it, and I presently found that I could save half what he paid me. This was an additional fund for buying books. But I had another advantage in it. My brother and the rest going from the printing-house to their meals, I remained there alone, and, despatching presently my light repast, which often was no more than a bisket or a slice of bread, a handful of raisins or a tart from the pastry-cook’s, and a glass of water, had the rest of the time till their return for study, in which I made the greater progress, from that greater clearness of head and quicker apprehension which usually attend temperance in eating and drinking.

When I was about 16 years old, I came across a book by someone named Tryon that recommended a vegetarian diet. I decided to give it a try. My brother, who was still single, wasn't running a household and was boarding with another family along with his apprentices. My choice to not eat meat caused some issues, and I often got criticized for being different. I learned how to make some of Tryon's recipes, like boiling potatoes or rice, making quick pudding, and a few others. I then suggested to my brother that if he gave me half the money he spent on my meals each week, I would take care of my own meals. He agreed right away, and soon I found that I could save half of what he was giving me. This extra money was helpful for buying books. But there was another benefit. While my brother and the others went to eat, I stayed back at the printing house and finished my light meal, which often consisted of just a biscuit or a slice of bread, a handful of raisins, or a pastry and a glass of water. I then had the rest of the time until they returned to study, during which I made significant progress due to the mental clarity and quicker understanding that usually come from eating and drinking in moderation.

And now it was that, being on some occasion made asham’d of my ignorance in figures, which I had twice failed in learning when at school, I took Cocker’s book of Arithmetick, and went through the whole by myself with great ease. I also read Seller’s and Shermy’s books of Navigation, and became acquainted with the little geometry they contain; but never proceeded far in that science. And I read about this time Locke On Human Understanding, and the Art of Thinking, by Messrs. du Port Royal.

And so it was that, feeling embarrassed about my lack of knowledge in math, which I had struggled to learn in school, I picked up Cocker’s book on Arithmetic and went through it all on my own with ease. I also read Seller’s and Shermy’s books on Navigation and got familiar with the basic geometry they included, but I never went very far in that subject. Around this time, I read Locke’s On Human Understanding and the Art of Thinking by Messrs. du Port Royal.

While I was intent on improving my language, I met with an English grammar (I think it was Greenwood’s), at the end of which there were two little sketches of the arts of rhetoric and logic, the latter finishing with a specimen of a dispute in the Socratic method; and soon after I procur’d Xenophon’s Memorable Things of Socrates, wherein there are many instances of the same method. I was charm’d with it, adopted it, dropt my abrupt contradiction and positive argumentation, and put on the humble inquirer and doubter. And being then, from reading Shaftesbury and Collins, become a real doubter in many points of our religious doctrine, I found this method safest for myself and very embarrassing to those against whom I used it; therefore I took a delight in it, practis’d it continually, and grew very artful and expert in drawing people, even of superior knowledge, into concessions, the consequences of which they did not foresee, entangling them in difficulties out of which they could not extricate themselves, and so obtaining victories that neither myself nor my cause always deserved. I continu’d this method some few years, but gradually left it, retaining only the habit of expressing myself in terms of modest diffidence; never using, when I advanced any thing that may possibly be disputed, the words certainly, undoubtedly, or any others that give the air of positiveness to an opinion; but rather say, I conceive or apprehend a thing to be so and so; it appears to me, or I should think it so or so, for such and such reasons; or I imagine it to be so; or it is so, if I am not mistaken. This habit, I believe, has been of great advantage to me when I have had occasion to inculcate my opinions, and persuade men into measures that I have been from time to time engag’d in promoting; and, as the chief ends of conversation are to inform or to be informed, to please or to persuade, I wish well-meaning, sensible men would not lessen their power of doing good by a positive, assuming manner, that seldom fails to disgust, tends to create opposition, and to defeat every one of those purposes for which speech was given to us, to wit, giving or receiving information or pleasure. For, if you would inform, a positive and dogmatical manner in advancing your sentiments may provoke contradiction and prevent a candid attention. If you wish information and improvement from the knowledge of others, and yet at the same time express yourself as firmly fix’d in your present opinions, modest, sensible men, who do not love disputation, will probably leave you undisturbed in the possession of your error. And by such a manner, you can seldom hope to recommend yourself in pleasing your hearers, or to persuade those whose concurrence you desire. Pope says, judiciously:

While I was focused on improving my language skills, I came across an English grammar book (I think it was Greenwood’s). At the end, there were two brief sections on rhetoric and logic, with the latter concluding with an example of a debate in the Socratic method. Soon after that, I got hold of Xenophon’s *Memorable Things of Socrates*, which has many examples of the same method. I was captivated by it, adopted it, stopped my abrupt contradictions and assertive arguments, and instead took on the role of a humble inquirer and skeptic. Since I had become a sincere doubter in several aspects of our religious beliefs, influenced by reading Shaftesbury and Collins, I found this method to be the safest for myself and quite challenging for those I used it against. Thus, I enjoyed it, practiced it constantly, and became quite skilled at leading people, even those with greater knowledge, into agreements they hadn't anticipated, getting them tangled up in problems they couldn’t get out of, and achieving victories that neither I nor my arguments always deserved. I continued this approach for a few years but gradually moved away from it, holding onto just the habit of expressing myself with modest uncertainty. I never used words like certainly, undoubtedly, or others that imply certainty about an opinion when I presented something that could be disputed. Instead, I’d say, "I believe" or "I think it is this way," "it seems to me," or I would suppose it to be this way, for such and such reasons; or I imagine it to be like this; or it's this way, if I'm not mistaken. I believe this habit has been very beneficial when I've had the opportunity to share my views and persuade others into initiatives I've been involved in promoting. The main goals of conversation are to inform or be informed, to please or to persuade, and I wish that well-meaning, sensible people wouldn’t diminish their ability to do good with a confident, assertive manner that often leads to annoyance, creates opposition, and defeats every one of those aims for which speech was given to us, namely, sharing or receiving information or pleasure. Because if you want to inform someone, a confident and dogmatic way of expressing your opinions can provoke disagreement and prevent open attention. If you're seeking knowledge and improvement from others while also expressing yourself as firmly fixed in your current views, modest, sensible individuals who dislike arguing will likely leave you alone with your misconceptions. And with such an approach, you can hardly expect to endear yourself to please your listeners or persuade those whose agreement you seek. Pope wisely states:

“Men should be taught as if you taught them not,

“Men should be taught as if you taught them not,

And things unknown propos’d as things forgot;”

And things that are unknown suggested as things that were forgotten;”

farther recommending to us

further recommending to us

“To speak, tho’ sure, with seeming diffidence.”

“To speak, though certainly, with a hint of hesitation.”

And he might have coupled with this line that which he has coupled with another, I think, less properly,

And he could have connected this line with the one that he joined with another, which I believe is less appropriate.

“For want of modesty is want of sense.”

“For lack of modesty is a lack of sense.”

If you ask, Why less properly? I must repeat the lines,

If you ask, "Why less properly?" I must repeat the lines,

“Immodest words admit of no defense,

“Immodest words have no justification,

For want of modesty is want of sense.”

"For a lack of modesty is a lack of sense."

Now, is not want of sense (where a man is so unfortunate as to want it) some apology for his want of modesty? and would not the lines stand more justly thus?

Now, isn't a lack of common sense (where a person is unfortunate enough to lack it) some excuse for their lack of modesty? And wouldn't the lines make more sense like this?

“Immodest words admit but this defense,

“Immodest words allow but this defense,

That want of modesty is want of sense.”

That lack of modesty is a lack of common sense.

This, however, I should submit to better judgments.

This, though, I should leave to better judgments.

My brother had, in 1720 or 1721, begun to print a newspaper. It was the second that appeared in America, and was called the New England Courant. The only one before it was the Boston News-Letter. I remember his being dissuaded by some of his friends from the undertaking, as not likely to succeed, one newspaper being, in their judgment, enough for America. At this time (1771) there are not less than five-and-twenty. He went on, however, with the undertaking, and after having worked in composing the types and printing off the sheets, I was employed to carry the papers thro’ the streets to the customers.

My brother started printing a newspaper in 1720 or 1721. It was the second one published in America and was called the New England Courant. The only one before it was the Boston News-Letter. I remember some of his friends trying to talk him out of it, saying it probably wouldn't succeed since, in their opinion, one newspaper was enough for America. At this point (1771), there are at least twenty-five. Despite their doubts, he went ahead with the newspaper, and after he worked on setting the type and printing the sheets, I was tasked with delivering the papers to customers on the streets.

He had some ingenious men among his friends, who amus’d themselves by writing little pieces for this paper, which gain’d it credit and made it more in demand, and these gentlemen often visited us. Hearing their conversations, and their accounts of the approbation their papers were received with, I was excited to try my hand among them; but, being still a boy, and suspecting that my brother would object to printing anything of mine in his paper if he knew it to be mine, I contrived to disguise my hand, and, writing an anonymous paper, I put it in at night under the door of the printing-house. It was found in the morning, and communicated to his writing friends when they call’d in as usual. They read it, commented on it in my hearing, and I had the exquisite pleasure of finding it met with their approbation, and that, in their different guesses at the author, none were named but men of some character among us for learning and ingenuity. I suppose now that I was rather lucky in my judges, and that perhaps they were not really so very good ones as I then esteem’d them.

He had some really smart friends who entertained themselves by writing short pieces for this paper, which gained it credibility and increased its popularity. These guys often visited us. Listening to their conversations and their stories about how well their papers were received got me eager to try my own. But since I was still a kid and worried my brother wouldn’t want to print anything of mine if he knew it was from me, I figured out a way to hide my identity. I wrote an anonymous piece and slipped it under the door of the printing house at night. It was discovered in the morning and shared with his writing friends when they came by as usual. They read it, discussed it while I was listening, and I had the amazing pleasure of seeing that they liked it. None of their guesses about the author pointed to me, but rather to men known for their intelligence and creativity. I now think I was pretty lucky with my critics, and maybe they weren’t as good as I thought they were back then.

Encourag’d, however, by this, I wrote and convey’d in the same way to the press several more papers which were equally approv’d; and I kept my secret till my small fund of sense for such performances was pretty well exhausted and then I discovered it, when I began to be considered a little more by my brother’s acquaintance, and in a manner that did not quite please him, as he thought, probably with reason, that it tended to make me too vain. And, perhaps, this might be one occasion of the differences that we began to have about this time. Though a brother, he considered himself as my master, and me as his apprentice, and accordingly, expected the same services from me as he would from another, while I thought he demean’d me too much in some he requir’d of me, who from a brother expected more indulgence. Our disputes were often brought before our father, and I fancy I was either generally in the right, or else a better pleader, because the judgment was generally in my favor. But my brother was passionate, and had often beaten me, which I took extreamly amiss; and, thinking my apprenticeship very tedious, I was continually wishing for some opportunity of shortening it, which at length offered in a manner unexpected. [3]

Encouraged by this, I wrote and sent several more papers to the press, which were also well-received. I kept my secret until my limited understanding of such work was almost used up, and then I revealed it, at a time when my brother's friends began to notice me a bit more, in a way that didn’t sit well with him. He probably had good reason to think it made me too arrogant. This might have sparked some of the disagreements we started having around this time. Although he was my brother, he viewed himself as my master and me as his apprentice. He expected the same level of service from me as he would from anyone else, while I felt he was demanding too much from me, expecting more leniency as a brother. Our arguments often ended up in front of our father, and I think I was usually in the right, or at least a more skilled debater, because the decisions tended to favor me. However, my brother was fiery and had often beaten me, which I found extremely unfair. Feeling that my apprenticeship was dragging on, I was always hoping for a chance to shorten it, which eventually came in an unexpected way. [3]

One of the pieces in our newspaper on some political point, which I have now forgotten, gave offense to the Assembly. He was taken up, censur’d, and imprison’d for a month, by the speaker’s warrant, I suppose, because he would not discover his author. I too was taken up and examin’d before the council; but, tho’ I did not give them any satisfaction, they content’d themselves with admonishing me, and dismissed me, considering me, perhaps, as an apprentice, who was bound to keep his master’s secrets.

One of the articles in our newspaper about some political issue, which I can't remember now, upset the Assembly. He was arrested, criticized, and imprisoned for a month, probably on the speaker’s orders, because he wouldn’t reveal his author. I was also questioned before the council; although I didn’t provide them with any answers, they were satisfied with just warning me and let me go, thinking of me as an apprentice who was required to keep his master’s secrets.

During my brother’s confinement, which I resented a good deal, notwithstanding our private differences, I had the management of the paper; and I made bold to give our rulers some rubs in it, which my brother took very kindly, while others began to consider me in an unfavorable light, as a young genius that had a turn for libelling and satyr. My brother’s discharge was accompany’d with an order of the House (a very odd one), that “James Franklin should no longer print the paper called the New England Courant.”

During my brother’s time away, which I was quite upset about despite our personal issues, I managed the paper. I took the liberty of poking fun at our leaders in it, which my brother appreciated, while some others started to see me in a negative way, as a young talent with a knack for slandering and satire. My brother's release came with a rather strange order from the House that “James Franklin should no longer print the paper called the New England Courant.”

There was a consultation held in our printing-house among his friends, what he should do in this case. Some proposed to evade the order by changing the name of the paper; but my brother, seeing inconveniences in that, it was finally concluded on as a better way, to let it be printed for the future under the name of Benjamin Franklin; and to avoid the censure of the Assembly, that might fall on him as still printing it by his apprentice, the contrivance was that my old indenture should be return’d to me, with a full discharge on the back of it, to be shown on occasion, but to secure to him the benefit of my service, I was to sign new indentures for the remainder of the term, which were to be kept private. A very flimsy scheme it was; however, it was immediately executed, and the paper went on accordingly, under my name for several months.

There was a meeting at our printing house among his friends to discuss what he should do in this situation. Some suggested avoiding the order by changing the name of the paper, but my brother saw issues with that, so it was decided it would be better to print it in the future under the name of Ben Franklin. To avoid criticism from the Assembly, which might come down on him for still printing it under his apprentice, the plan was for my old indenture to be returned to me with a full release on the back to be shown when necessary. To ensure he still got the benefit of my work, I would sign new indentures for the rest of the term, which would be kept confidential. It was a pretty weak plan, but it was carried out right away, and the paper continued under my name for several months.

At length, a fresh difference arising between my brother and me, I took upon me to assert my freedom, presuming that he would not venture to produce the new indentures. It was not fair in me to take this advantage, and this I therefore reckon one of the first errata of my life; but the unfairness of it weighed little with me, when under the impressions of resentment for the blows his passion too often urged him to bestow upon me, though he was otherwise not an ill-natur’d man: perhaps I was too saucy and provoking.

Eventually, a new conflict arose between my brother and me, and I decided to assert my independence, thinking he wouldn't dare show the new agreements. It wasn't right of me to take advantage of this situation, and I consider it one of the first mistakes of my life; however, the unfairness didn't bother me much at the time, fueled by my resentment for the blows his anger often made him deliver to me, even though he wasn't really a cruel person: maybe I was just too cheeky and irritating.

When he found I would leave him, he took care to prevent my getting employment in any other printing-house of the town, by going round and speaking to every master, who accordingly refus’d to give me work. I then thought of going to New York, as the nearest place where there was a printer; and I was rather inclin’d to leave Boston when I reflected that I had already made myself a little obnoxious to the governing party, and, from the arbitrary proceedings of the Assembly in my brother’s case, it was likely I might, if I stay’d, soon bring myself into scrapes; and farther, that my indiscrete disputations about religion began to make me pointed at with horror by good people as an infidel or atheist. I determin’d on the point, but my father now siding with my brother, I was sensible that, if I attempted to go openly, means would be used to prevent me. My friend Collins, therefore, undertook to manage a little for me. He agreed with the captain of a New York sloop for my passage, under the notion of my being a young acquaintance of his, that had got a naughty girl with child, whose friends would compel me to marry her, and therefore I could not appear or come away publicly. So I sold some of my books to raise a little money, was taken on board privately, and as we had a fair wind, in three days I found myself in New York, near 300 miles from home, a boy of but 17, without the least recommendation to, or knowledge of any person in the place, and with very little money in my pocket.

When he realized I was going to leave him, he made sure to block me from getting a job at any other printing house in town by going around and talking to every owner, who then refused to hire me. I then thought about going to New York, since it was the closest place with a printer, and I was inclined to leave Boston as I realized I had already gotten a little on the bad side of the authorities. Considering the unfair actions of the Assembly in my brother’s situation, I figured I might, if I stayed, soon find myself in trouble. Plus, my reckless discussions about religion were starting to make good people look at me in horror as an infidel or atheist. I decided to go for it, but since my father was now on my brother’s side, I knew that if I tried to leave openly, they would do whatever they could to stop me. So, my friend Collins stepped in to help a bit. He made arrangements with the captain of a New York sloop for my passage, saying I was a young acquaintance of his who had gotten a girl pregnant, and that her family would force me to marry her, so I couldn’t leave publicly. I sold some of my books to get a little money, boarded the ship quietly, and since we had a good wind, within three days I found myself in New York, nearly 300 miles from home, a 17-year-old boy with no recommendations or connections in the city, and very little money in my pocket.

My inclinations for the sea were by this time worne out, or I might now have gratify’d them. But, having a trade, and supposing myself a pretty good workman, I offer’d my service to the printer in the place, old Mr. William Bradford, who had been the first printer in Pennsylvania, but removed from thence upon the quarrel of George Keith. He could give me no employment, having little to do, and help enough already; but says he, “My son at Philadelphia has lately lost his principal hand, Aquila Rose, by death; if you go thither, I believe he may employ you.” Philadelphia was a hundred miles further; I set out, however, in a boat for Amboy, leaving my chest and things to follow me round by sea.

By this time, I was no longer as interested in the sea, or I might have pursued that passion. However, since I had a trade and thought I was a decent craftsman, I offered my services to the local printer, Mr. William Bradford, who was the first printer in Pennsylvania but had moved away due to a dispute with George Keith. He had no work for me since he was busy and already had enough help, but he said, “My son in Philadelphia recently lost his main worker, Aquila Rose, to death; if you go there, he might hire you.” Philadelphia was a hundred miles away, but I decided to set out in a boat for Amboy, leaving my trunk and belongings to be sent by sea.

In crossing the bay, we met with a squall that tore our rotten sails to pieces, prevented our getting into the Kill, and drove us upon Long Island. In our way, a drunken Dutchman, who was a passenger too, fell overboard; when he was sinking, I reached through the water to his shock pate, and drew him up, so that we got him in again. His ducking sobered him a little, and he went to sleep, taking first out of his pocket a book, which he desir’d I would dry for him. It proved to be my old favorite author, Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress, in Dutch, finely printed on good paper, with copper cuts, a dress better than I had ever seen it wear in its own language. I have since found that it has been translated into most of the languages of Europe, and suppose it has been more generally read than any other book, except perhaps the Bible. Honest John was the first that I know of who mix’d narration and dialogue; a method of writing very engaging to the reader, who in the most interesting parts finds himself, as it were, brought into the company and present at the discourse. De Foe in his Cruso, his Moll Flanders, Religious Courtship, Family Instructor, and other pieces, has imitated it with success; and Richardson has done the same in his Pamela, etc.

While crossing the bay, we encountered a sudden storm that ripped our old sails to shreds, kept us from reaching the Kill, and pushed us onto Long Island. Along the way, a drunk Dutchman, who was also a passenger, fell overboard. When he started to sink, I reached into the water, grabbed his bald head, and pulled him back in. His dip in the water sobered him up a bit, and he went to sleep after asking me to dry a book he had in his pocket. It turned out to be my old favorite, Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress, in Dutch, beautifully printed on quality paper, with copper illustrations—a better edition than I had ever seen in its original language. I later discovered that it has been translated into most European languages and I believe it has been read more widely than any other book, except maybe the Bible. Honest John was the first I know of to mix storytelling and dialogue; a writing style that really engages the reader, who feels as if they’re in the room during the most thrilling parts of the conversation. Defoe used this technique successfully in his Crusoe, Moll Flanders, Religious Courtship, Family Instructor, and other works; and Richardson did the same in his Pamela, and more.

When we drew near the island, we found it was at a place where there could be no landing, there being a great surff on the stony beach. So we dropt anchor, and swung round towards the shore. Some people came down to the water edge and hallow’d to us, as we did to them; but the wind was so high, and the surff so loud, that we could not hear so as to understand each other. There were canoes on the shore, and we made signs, and hallow’d that they should fetch us; but they either did not understand us, or thought it impracticable, so they went away, and night coming on, we had no remedy but to wait till the wind should abate; and, in the meantime, the boatman and I concluded to sleep, if we could; and so crowded into the scuttle, with the Dutchman, who was still wet, and the spray beating over the head of our boat, leak’d thro’ to us, so that we were soon almost as wet as he. In this manner we lay all night, with very little rest; but, the wind abating the next day, we made a shift to reach Amboy before night, having been thirty hours on the water, without victuals, or any drink but a bottle of filthy rum, and the water we sail’d on being salt.

As we got closer to the island, we realized that there was no way to dock because the waves were crashing on the rocky beach. So, we dropped anchor and turned towards the shore. Some people came down to the water's edge and shouted to us, just as we shouted to them; but the wind was so strong and the waves so loud that we couldn’t hear each other clearly. There were canoes on the shore, and we gestured and yelled for them to come get us; but either they didn’t understand us or thought it was impossible, so they left. With night approaching, we had no choice but to wait for the wind to die down. In the meantime, the boatman and I decided to try to sleep, if we could. We squeezed into the small space with the Dutchman, who was still wet, and spray from the waves was hitting our boat, leaking through to us, so we quickly got nearly as wet as he was. We spent the whole night like that, with hardly any rest. Fortunately, the wind calmed down the next day, allowing us to make it to Amboy before nightfall, after being on the water for thirty hours without food or anything to drink except for a bottle of nasty rum, with the water we sailed on being salty.

In the evening I found myself very feverish, and went in to bed; but, having read somewhere that cold water drank plentifully was good for a fever, I follow’d the prescription, sweat plentiful most of the night, my fever left me, and in the morning, crossing the ferry, I proceeded on my journey on foot, having fifty miles to Burlington, where I was told I should find boats that would carry me the rest of the way to Philadelphia.

In the evening, I felt really feverish and went to bed. However, after reading somewhere that drinking a lot of cold water was good for a fever, I followed that advice. I sweated a lot most of the night, my fever went away, and in the morning, after crossing the ferry, I continued my journey on foot, with fifty miles to Burlington, where I heard I would find boats that could take me the rest of the way to Philadelphia.

It rained very hard all the day; I was thoroughly soak’d, and by noon a good deal tired; so I stopt at a poor inn, where I staid all night, beginning now to wish that I had never left home. I cut so miserable a figure, too, that I found, by the questions ask’d me, I was suspected to be some runaway servant, and in danger of being taken up on that suspicion. However, I proceeded the next day, and got in the evening to an inn, within eight or ten miles of Burlington, kept by one Dr. Brown. He entered into conversation with me while I took some refreshment, and, finding I had read a little, became very sociable and friendly. Our acquaintance continu’d as long as he liv’d. He had been, I imagine, an itinerant doctor, for there was no town in England, or country in Europe, of which he could not give a very particular account. He had some letters, and was ingenious, but much of an unbeliever, and wickedly undertook, some years after, to travestie the Bible in doggrel verse, as Cotton had done Virgil. By this means he set many of the facts in a very ridiculous light, and might have hurt weak minds if his work had been published; but it never was.

It rained heavily all day; I was completely soaked, and by noon I was pretty tired, so I stopped at a run-down inn where I stayed all night, starting to regret that I had ever left home. I looked so miserable that, based on the questions I was asked, it seemed like people thought I might be a runaway servant at risk of being taken in on that suspicion. Nevertheless, the next day I continued on and got to an inn in the evening, within eight or ten miles of Burlington, run by a Dr. Brown. He struck up a conversation with me while I had something to eat, and realizing I had read a bit, he became very friendly and welcoming. Our friendship lasted as long as he lived. I suspect he had been a traveling doctor, as he could give detailed accounts of every town in England and country in Europe. He had some letters and was clever, but he was quite the skeptic and foolishly attempted, a few years later, to parody the Bible in crude verse, similar to what Cotton did with Virgil. This way, he portrayed many facts in a ridiculous manner and could have misled impressionable minds if his work had been published; however, it never was.

At his house I lay that night, and the next morning reach’d Burlington, but had the mortification to find that the regular boats were gone a little before my coming, and no other expected to go before Tuesday, this being Saturday; wherefore I returned to an old woman in the town, of whom I had bought gingerbread to eat on the water, and ask’d her advice. She invited me to lodge at her house till a passage by water should offer; and being tired with my foot travelling, I accepted the invitation. She understanding I was a printer, would have had me stay at that town and follow my business, being ignorant of the stock necessary to begin with. She was very hospitable, gave me a dinner of ox-cheek with great good will, accepting only a pot of ale in return; and I thought myself fixed till Tuesday should come. However, walking in the evening by the side of the river, a boat came by, which I found was going towards Philadelphia, with several people in her. They took me in, and, as there was no wind, we row’d all the way; and about midnight, not having yet seen the city, some of the company were confident we must have passed it, and would row no farther; the others knew not where we were; so we put toward the shore, got into a creek, landed near an old fence, with the rails of which we made a fire, the night being cold, in October, and there we remained till daylight. Then one of the company knew the place to be Cooper’s Creek, a little above Philadelphia, which we saw as soon as we got out of the creek, and arriv’d there about eight or nine o’clock on the Sunday morning, and landed at the Market-street wharf.

That night, I stayed at his house, and the next morning I made my way to Burlington, only to find out that the regular boats had just left a little before I arrived, and no other boats were expected to leave until Tuesday since it was Saturday. So, I went back to an old woman in town, from whom I had bought gingerbread to eat on the water, and asked for her advice. She invited me to stay at her house until a boat became available, and since I was tired from walking, I accepted her offer. She learned that I was a printer and encouraged me to stay in town and continue my work, not realizing the resources needed to get started. She was very hospitable, served me a dinner of ox cheek with great kindness, and only asked for a pot of ale in return; I thought I was all set until Tuesday. However, while walking by the river in the evening, a boat passed by, heading towards Philadelphia, with several people on board. They offered me a ride, and since there was no wind, we rowed the whole way. Around midnight, not having seen the city yet, some of the group insisted we must have passed it and refused to row any further; the others were unsure of our location. So, we made our way to the shore, entered a creek, landed near an old fence, and used the rails to make a fire since it was a cold October night, and we stayed there until morning. One of the group recognized the location as Cooper’s Creek, which is just above Philadelphia. We saw the city as soon as we got out of the creek and arrived at the Market Street Wharf around eight or nine o’clock on Sunday morning.

I have been the more particular in this description of my journey, and shall be so of my first entry into that city, that you may in your mind compare such unlikely beginnings with the figure I have since made there. I was in my working dress, my best cloaths being to come round by sea. I was dirty from my journey; my pockets were stuff’d out with shirts and stockings, and I knew no soul nor where to look for lodging. I was fatigued with travelling, rowing, and want of rest, I was very hungry; and my whole stock of cash consisted of a Dutch dollar, and about a shilling in copper. The latter I gave the people of the boat for my passage, who at first refus’d it, on account of my rowing; but I insisted on their taking it. A man being sometimes more generous when he has but a little money than when he has plenty, perhaps thro’ fear of being thought to have but little.

I've gone into detail about my journey and will also focus on my first experience in that city so you can picture how unlikely my beginnings were compared to what I've accomplished there. I was in my work clothes, my nicer outfits being shipped by sea. I was dirty from traveling; my pockets were stuffed with shirts and socks, and I didn’t know anyone or where to find a place to stay. I was exhausted from traveling, rowing, and not having any rest, and I was very hungry. My entire amount of cash was a Dutch dollar and about a shilling in coins. I gave the people on the boat my fare, even though they initially refused it because of my rowing, but I insisted they take it. Sometimes, a person can be more generous when they have very little money rather than when they have a lot, perhaps out of fear of being seen as poor.

Then I walked up the street, gazing about till near the market-house I met a boy with bread. I had made many a meal on bread, and, inquiring where he got it, I went immediately to the baker’s he directed me to, in Second-street, and ask’d for bisket, intending such as we had in Boston; but they, it seems, were not made in Philadelphia. Then I asked for a three-penny loaf, and was told they had none such. So not considering or knowing the difference of money, and the greater cheapness nor the names of his bread, I made him give me three-penny worth of any sort. He gave me, accordingly, three great puffy rolls. I was surpriz’d at the quantity, but took it, and, having no room in my pockets, walk’d off with a roll under each arm, and eating the other. Thus I went up Market-street as far as Fourth-street, passing by the door of Mr. Read, my future wife’s father; when she, standing at the door, saw me, and thought I made, as I certainly did, a most awkward, ridiculous appearance. Then I turned and went down Chestnut-street and part of Walnut-street, eating my roll all the way, and, coming round, found myself again at Market-street wharf, near the boat I came in, to which I went for a draught of the river water; and, being filled with one of my rolls, gave the other two to a woman and her child that came down the river in the boat with us, and were waiting to go farther.

Then I walked up the street, looking around until I reached the market and met a boy with bread. I had eaten a lot of bread before, so I asked him where he got it. He pointed me to a baker on Second Street, so I went there and asked for biscuits, thinking they would be like the ones we had in Boston. But it turned out they didn’t make those in Philadelphia. So I asked for a three-penny loaf, and they said they didn't have any. Not knowing much about the money or how cheap things were or the names of the bread, I told him to give me three pennies' worth of anything. He handed me three big, fluffy rolls. I was surprised by the amount but took them. Since I had no space in my pockets, I walked away with one roll under each arm and eating the third. I went up Market Street to Fourth Street, passing in front of Mr. Read’s house, my future wife’s father. She was standing at the door, saw me, and thought I looked really awkward and silly, which I definitely did. Then I turned and walked down Chestnut Street and part of Walnut Street, eating my roll the whole way. When I came back around, I found myself at Market Street wharf, near the boat I arrived on, where I went to get a drink of river water. After finishing one of my rolls, I gave the other two to a woman and her child who had come down the river with us and were waiting to continue their journey.

Thus refreshed, I walked again up the street, which by this time had many clean-dressed people in it, who were all walking the same way. I joined them, and thereby was led into the great meeting-house of the Quakers near the market. I sat down among them, and, after looking round awhile and hearing nothing said, being very drowsy thro’ labor and want of rest the preceding night, I fell fast asleep, and continued so till the meeting broke up, when one was kind enough to rouse me. This was, therefore, the first house I was in, or slept in, in Philadelphia.

Feeling refreshed, I walked back up the street, which was now filled with well-dressed people all heading the same way. I joined them and was led to the large Quaker meeting house near the market. I sat down among them, and after looking around for a bit and hearing nothing being said, I became very drowsy from the labor and lack of rest the night before, so I fell fast asleep and continued dozing until the meeting ended, when someone kindly woke me up. So, this was the first place I entered, or slept in, in Philadelphia.

Walking down again toward the river, and, looking in the faces of people, I met a young Quaker man, whose countenance I lik’d, and, accosting him, requested he would tell me where a stranger could get lodging. We were then near the sign of the Three Mariners. “Here,” says he, “is one place that entertains strangers, but it is not a reputable house; if thee wilt walk with me, I’ll show thee a better.” He brought me to the Crooked Billet in Water-street. Here I got a dinner; and, while I was eating it, several sly questions were asked me, as it seemed to be suspected from my youth and appearance, that I might be some runaway.

Walking back toward the river and looking at the faces of people, I met a young Quaker man whose face I liked. I approached him and asked if he could tell me where a stranger could find a place to stay. We were close to the sign of the Three Mariners. “Here,” he said, “is one place that takes in strangers, but it's not a reputable place; if you’ll walk with me, I’ll show you a better one.” He took me to the Crooked Billet on Water Street. There, I had dinner, and while I was eating, several subtle questions were asked of me, as it seemed they suspected, because of my youth and appearance, that I might be a runaway.

After dinner, my sleepiness return’d, and being shown to a bed, I lay down without undressing, and slept till six in the evening, was call’d to supper, went to bed again very early, and slept soundly till next morning. Then I made myself as tidy as I could, and went to Andrew Bradford the printer’s. I found in the shop the old man his father, whom I had seen at New York, and who, travelling on horseback, had got to Philadelphia before me. He introduc’d me to his son, who receiv’d me civilly, gave me a breakfast, but told me he did not at present want a hand, being lately suppli’d with one; but there was another printer in town, lately set up, one Keimer, who, perhaps, might employ me; if not, I should be welcome to lodge at his house, and he would give me a little work to do now and then till fuller business should offer.

After dinner, I felt sleepy again, and when I was shown to a bed, I lay down without getting undressed and slept until six in the evening. I was called for supper, went to bed again pretty early, and slept soundly until the next morning. Then I made myself as neat as I could and went to see Andrew Bradford, the printer. In the shop, I found his father, whom I had seen in New York, and who had traveled on horseback to Philadelphia before me. He introduced me to his son, who welcomed me politely, offered me breakfast, but told me he didn't need any help at the moment because he had recently hired someone. However, there was another printer in town, a new guy named Keimer, who might have work for me. If not, I was welcome to stay at his house, and he would give me some small tasks here and there until more work came my way.

The old gentleman said he would go with me to the new printer; and when we found him, “Neighbor,” says Bradford, “I have brought to see you a young man of your business; perhaps you may want such a one.” He ask’d me a few questions, put a composing stick in my hand to see how I work’d, and then said he would employ me soon, though he had just then nothing for me to do; and, taking old Bradford, whom he had never seen before, to be one of the town’s people that had a good will for him, enter’d into a conversation on his present undertaking and prospects; while Bradford, not discovering that he was the other printer’s father, on Keimer’s saying he expected soon to get the greatest part of the business into his own hands, drew him on by artful questions, and starting little doubts, to explain all his views, what interests he reli’d on, and in what manner he intended to proceed. I, who stood by and heard all, saw immediately that one of them was a crafty old sophister, and the other a mere novice. Bradford left me with Keimer, who was greatly surpris’d when I told him who the old man was.

The old man said he would go with me to the new printer, and when we found him, “Neighbor,” Bradford said, “I’ve brought a young man who might be useful to you.” He asked me a few questions, handed me a composing stick to see how I worked, and then said he would hire me soon, although he didn’t have anything for me to do at the moment. Mistaking old Bradford, whom he had never seen before, as someone from town who supported him, he started a conversation about his current project and future plans. Meanwhile, Bradford, not realizing that he was the other printer’s father, prompted him with clever questions and raised small doubts to get him to explain all his ideas, what connections he was relying on, and how he planned to move forward. Standing by and listening, I quickly figured out that one of them was a sly old trickster and the other a complete beginner. Bradford left me with Keimer, who was very surprised when I explained who the old man was.

Keimer’s printing-house, I found, consisted of an old shatter’d press, and one small, worn-out font of English which he was then using himself, composing an Elegy on Aquila Rose, before mentioned, an ingenious young man, of excellent character, much respected in the town, clerk of the Assembly, and a pretty poet. Keimer made verses too, but very indifferently. He could not be said to write them, for his manner was to compose them in the types directly out of his head. So there being no copy, but one pair of cases, and the Elegy likely to require all the letter, no one could help him. I endeavor’d to put his press (which he had not yet us’d, and of which he understood nothing) into order fit to be work’d with; and, promising to come and print off his Elegy as soon as he should have got it ready, I return’d to Bradford’s, who gave me a little job to do for the present, and there I lodged and dieted. A few days after, Keimer sent for me to print off the Elegy. And now he had got another pair of cases, and a pamphlet to reprint, on which he set me to work.

Keimer’s printing shop, I found, had an old, broken press and one small, worn-out font of English he was using to compose an elegy for Aquila Rose, who I mentioned earlier. Aquila was a clever young man, highly respected in town, the clerk of the Assembly, and a decent poet. Keimer wrote poetry too, but not very well. He couldn’t really be called a writer because he would make up verses directly in the type from his head. Since there was no copy and only one set of cases, and the elegy would likely use up all the letters, no one could help him. I tried to organize his press (which he hadn’t used yet and didn’t understand at all) so it could work properly. I promised to come back and print his elegy as soon as he was ready, then returned to Bradford’s, who had a small job for me to do for now, and that’s where I stayed and ate. A few days later, Keimer called me to print the elegy. By then, he had obtained another set of cases and a pamphlet to reprint, which he assigned me to work on.

These two printers I found poorly qualified for their business. Bradford had not been bred to it, and was very illiterate; and Keimer, tho’ something of a scholar, was a mere compositor, knowing nothing of presswork. He had been one of the French prophets, and could act their enthusiastic agitations. At this time he did not profess any particular religion, but something of all on occasion; was very ignorant of the world, and had, as I afterward found, a good deal of the knave in his composition. He did not like my lodging at Bradford’s while I work’d with him. He had a house, indeed, but without furniture, so he could not lodge me; but he got me a lodging at Mr. Read’s, before mentioned, who was the owner of his house; and, my chest and clothes being come by this time, I made rather a more respectable appearance in the eyes of Miss Read than I had done when she first happen’d to see me eating my roll in the street.

I found both of these printers to be poorly suited for the job. Bradford wasn’t trained for it and was quite uneducated; Keimer, although somewhat of a scholar, was just a typesetter who knew nothing about how to operate a press. He had been involved with the French prophets and could mimic their passionate behaviors. At that time, he didn’t follow any specific religion but would dabble in all of them occasionally. He was quite naive about the world and, as I later discovered, had quite a bit of a scheming side to him. He didn’t like that I was staying at Bradford’s while I was working with him. He had a house, but it was unfurnished, so he couldn’t host me. Instead, he arranged for me to stay with Mr. Read, who owned his house. By this time, my chest and clothes had arrived, so I presented a more respectable appearance to Miss Read than I did when she first saw me eating my roll in the street.

I began now to have some acquaintance among the young people of the town, that were lovers of reading, with whom I spent my evenings very pleasantly; and gaining money by my industry and frugality, I lived very agreeably, forgetting Boston as much as I could, and not desiring that any there should know where I resided, except my friend Collins, who was in my secret, and kept it when I wrote to him. At length, an incident happened that sent me back again much sooner than I had intended. I had a brother-in-law, Robert Holmes, master of a sloop that traded between Boston and Delaware. He being at Newcastle, forty miles below Philadelphia, heard there of me, and wrote me a letter mentioning the concern of my friends in Boston at my abrupt departure, assuring me of their good will to me, and that every thing would be accommodated to my mind if I would return, to which he exhorted me very earnestly. I wrote an answer to his letter, thank’d him for his advice, but stated my reasons for quitting Boston fully and in such a light as to convince him I was not so wrong as he had apprehended.

I started to get to know some of the young people in town who loved reading, and I spent my evenings with them very happily. By working hard and being frugal, I made enough money to live comfortably, trying to forget Boston as much as I could, and not wanting anyone there to know where I was, except for my friend Collins, who was in on my secret and kept it when I wrote to him. Eventually, something happened that sent me back sooner than I had planned. I had a brother-in-law, Robert Holmes, who was the captain of a sloop that traded between Boston and Delaware. While he was in Newcastle, about forty miles below Philadelphia, he heard about me and sent me a letter expressing concern from my friends in Boston about my sudden departure. He assured me that they had good intentions towards me and that everything would be arranged to my satisfaction if I came back, which he urged me to do earnestly. I replied to his letter, thanked him for his advice, but explained my reasons for leaving Boston in a way that I hoped would make him see that I wasn't as wrong as he thought.

Sir William Keith, governor of the province, was then at Newcastle, and Captain Holmes, happening to be in company with him when my letter came to hand, spoke to him of me, and show’d him the letter. The governor read it, and seem’d surpris’d when he was told my age. He said I appear’d a young man of promising parts, and therefore should be encouraged; the printers at Philadelphia were wretched ones; and, if I would set up there, he made no doubt I should succeed; for his part, he would procure me the public business, and do me every other service in his power. This my brother-in-law afterwards told me in Boston, but I knew as yet nothing of it; when, one day, Keimer and I being at work together near the window, we saw the governor and another gentleman (which proved to be Colonel French, of Newcastle), finely dress’d, come directly across the street to our house, and heard them at the door.

Sir William Keith, the governor of the province, was at Newcastle when my letter arrived. Captain Holmes happened to be with him and mentioned me, showing him my letter. The governor read it and seemed surprised when he learned my age. He remarked that I appeared to be a young man with a lot of potential and should be encouraged. He said the printers in Philadelphia were terrible, and if I set up shop there, he was sure I would succeed. He offered to help me with public business and any other support he could provide. My brother-in-law later told me about this in Boston, but at that time, I had no idea. One day, while Keimer and I were working together near the window, we saw the governor and another gentleman (who turned out to be Colonel French from Newcastle) dressed nicely, coming straight across the street to our house, and we heard them at the door.

Keimer ran down immediately, thinking it a visit to him; but the governor inquir’d for me, came up, and with a condescension of politeness I had been quite unus’d to, made me many compliments, desired to be acquainted with me, blam’d me kindly for not having made myself known to him when I first came to the place, and would have me away with him to the tavern, where he was going with Colonel French to taste, as he said, some excellent Madeira. I was not a little surprised, and Keimer star’d like a pig poison’d. I went, however, with the governor and Colonel French to a tavern, at the corner of Third-street, and over the Madeira he propos’d my setting up my business, laid before me the probabilities of success, and both he and Colonel French assur’d me I should have their interest and influence in procuring the public business of both governments. On my doubting whether my father would assist me in it, Sir William said he would give me a letter to him, in which he would state the advantages, and he did not doubt of prevailing with him. So it was concluded I should return to Boston in the first vessel, with the governor’s letter recommending me to my father. In the mean time the intention was to be kept a secret, and I went on working with Keimer as usual, the governor sending for me now and then to dine with him, a very great honor I thought it, and conversing with me in the most affable, familiar, and friendly manner imaginable.

Keimer immediately ran downstairs, thinking it was a visit for him; but the governor asked for me, came up, and, with a level of politeness I wasn’t used to, complimented me a lot, wanted to get to know me, gently chided me for not introducing myself when I first arrived, and invited me to go with him to the tavern, where he was headed with Colonel French to sample some excellent Madeira. I was quite surprised, and Keimer looked shocked. Nevertheless, I went with the governor and Colonel French to a tavern at the corner of Third Street. While we enjoyed the Madeira, he suggested that I start my own business, laid out the chances of success, and both he and Colonel French assured me they would support me in getting public business from both governments. When I expressed doubt about whether my father would help me, Sir William offered to write a letter to him, explaining the benefits, and he was confident he could persuade him. So, we agreed that I would return to Boston on the next ship with the governor’s letter recommending me to my father. In the meantime, we decided to keep this plan a secret, and I continued to work with Keimer as usual, while the governor would occasionally invite me to dine with him, which I thought was a great honor, and he spoke with me in the most friendly and approachable way imaginable.

About the end of April, 1724, a little vessel offer’d for Boston. I took leave of Keimer as going to see my friends. The governor gave me an ample letter, saying many flattering things of me to my father, and strongly recommending the project of my setting up at Philadelphia as a thing that must make my fortune. We struck on a shoal in going down the bay, and sprung a leak; we had a blustering time at sea, and were oblig’d to pump almost continually, at which I took my turn. We arriv’d safe, however, at Boston in about a fortnight. I had been absent seven months, and my friends had heard nothing of me; for my br. Holmes was not yet return’d, and had not written about me. My unexpected appearance surpriz’d the family; all were, however, very glad to see me, and made me welcome, except my brother. I went to see him at his printing-house. I was better dress’d than ever while in his service, having a genteel new suit from head to foot, a watch, and my pockets lin’d with near five pounds sterling in silver. He receiv’d me not very frankly, look’d me all over, and turn’d to his work again.

Around the end of April 1724, a small ship set sail for Boston. I said goodbye to Keimer, saying I was going to visit my friends. The governor gave me a nice letter saying many flattering things about me to my father and strongly encouraged my plan to establish myself in Philadelphia as something that would bring me success. We hit a sandbar while going down the bay and sprang a leak; we had a rough time at sea and had to pump water almost constantly, which I took turns doing. However, we arrived safely in Boston in about two weeks. I had been away for seven months, and my friends hadn’t heard from me because my brother Holmes hadn’t returned and hadn’t written about me. My unexpected arrival surprised the family; everyone was happy to see me and welcomed me, except for my brother. I went to visit him at his printing shop. I was dressed better than ever during my time working for him, sporting a smart new outfit from head to toe, a watch, and my pockets lined with nearly five pounds in silver. He didn’t greet me warmly, looked me up and down, and then went back to his work.

The journeymen were inquisitive where I had been, what sort of a country it was, and how I lik’d it. I prais’d it much, the happy life I led in it, expressing strongly my intention of returning to it; and, one of them asking what kind of money we had there, I produc’d a handful of silver, and spread it before them, which was a kind of raree-show they had not been us’d to, paper being the money of Boston. Then I took an opportunity of letting them see my watch; and, lastly (my brother still grum and sullen), I gave them a piece of eight to drink, and took my leave. This visit of mine offended him extreamly; for, when my mother some time after spoke to him of a reconciliation, and of her wishes to see us on good terms together, and that we might live for the future as brothers, he said I had insulted him in such a manner before his people that he could never forget or forgive it. In this, however, he was mistaken.

The workers were curious about where I had been, what the place was like, and how I enjoyed it. I praised it a lot, talking about the happy life I led there and strongly expressing my intention to return. When one of them asked what kind of money we used, I pulled out a handful of silver and spread it out for them to see, which was quite a spectacle for them since paper money was what they were used to in Boston. Then I took the chance to show them my watch; and finally (my brother still grumpy and moody), I gave them a piece of silver to drink to and said my goodbyes. This visit of mine offended him a lot; because when my mother later spoke to him about making up and her wishes for us to get along as brothers in the future, he said I had insulted him in front of his people in a way he could never forget or forgive. In this, though, he was mistaken.

My father received the governor’s letter with some apparent surprise, but said little of it to me for some days, when Capt. Holmes returning he showed it to him, ask’d him if he knew Keith, and what kind of man he was; adding his opinion that he must be of small discretion to think of setting a boy up in business who wanted yet three years of being at man’s estate. Holmes said what he could in favor of the project, but my father was clear in the impropriety of it, and at last gave a flat denial to it. Then he wrote a civil letter to Sir William, thanking him for the patronage he had so kindly offered me, but declining to assist me as yet in setting up, I being, in his opinion, too young to be trusted with the management of a business so important, and for which the preparation must be so expensive.

My father was somewhat surprised when he got the governor’s letter, but he didn’t say much about it to me for several days. When Captain Holmes returned, he showed it to him and asked if he knew Keith and what kind of person he was. My father added that he thought it was unwise to consider setting up a boy in business who still had three years to go before he was an adult. Holmes tried to support the idea, but my father was firm about its inappropriateness and eventually flatly rejected it. He then wrote a polite letter to Sir William, thanking him for the support he had kindly offered me, but declining to help me start out, stating that he believed I was too young to be trusted with managing such an important business, especially since the setup would be quite costly.

My friend and companion Collins, who was a clerk in the post-office, pleas’d with the account I gave him of my new country, determined to go thither also; and, while I waited for my father’s determination, he set out before me by land to Rhode Island, leaving his books, which were a pretty collection of mathematicks and natural philosophy, to come with mine and me to New York, where he propos’d to wait for me.

My friend Collins, who worked as a clerk at the post office, was intrigued by my stories about my new country and decided he wanted to go there too. While I was waiting to hear what my dad would decide, he set off ahead of me by land to Rhode Island, leaving his collection of math and natural philosophy books to come with mine to New York, where he planned to wait for me.

My father, tho’ he did not approve Sir William’s proposition, was yet pleas’d that I had been able to obtain so advantageous a character from a person of such note where I had resided, and that I had been so industrious and careful as to equip myself so handsomely in so short a time; therefore, seeing no prospect of an accommodation between my brother and me, he gave his consent to my returning again to Philadelphia, advis’d me to behave respectfully to the people there, endeavor to obtain the general esteem, and avoid lampooning and libeling, to which he thought I had too much inclination; telling me, that by steady industry and a prudent parsimony I might save enough by the time I was one-and-twenty to set me up; and that, if I came near the matter, he would help me out with the rest. This was all I could obtain, except some small gifts as tokens of his and my mother’s love, when I embark’d again for New York, now with their approbation and their blessing.

My father, although he didn't agree with Sir William's proposal, was still pleased that I managed to get such a great reference from a well-known person where I had lived, and that I had worked hard and carefully to prepare myself so well in such a short time. So, since there was no sign of a reconciliation between my brother and me, he agreed to let me return to Philadelphia. He advised me to treat the people there with respect, to try to earn their general respect, and to avoid mocking and slandering, which he thought I was too inclined to do. He told me that with consistent work and careful spending, I could save enough by the time I turned twenty-one to set myself up, and that if I got close to that goal, he would help me out with the rest. This was all I could get, except for a few small gifts as tokens of his and my mother’s love, when I set off again for New York, now with their approval and blessing.

The sloop putting in at Newport, Rhode Island, I visited my brother John, who had been married and settled there some years. He received me very affectionately, for he always lov’d me. A friend of his, one Vernon, having some money due to him in Pensilvania, about thirty-five pounds currency, desired I would receive it for him, and keep it till I had his directions what to remit it in. Accordingly, he gave me an order. This afterwards occasion’d me a good deal of uneasiness.

The sloop that docked in Newport, Rhode Island, allowed me to visit my brother John, who had been married and living there for a few years. He welcomed me warmly, as he always cared for me deeply. A friend of his, named Vernon, had some money owed to him in Pennsylvania, about thirty-five pounds in currency, and asked if I could collect it for him and hold onto it until I received his instructions on how to send it. So, he gave me an order. This later caused me quite a bit of stress.

At Newport we took in a number of passengers for New York, among which were two young women, companions, and a grave, sensible, matron-like Quaker woman, with her attendants. I had shown an obliging readiness to do her some little services, which impress’d her I suppose with a degree of good will toward me; therefore, when she saw a daily growing familiarity between me and the two young women, which they appear’d to encourage, she took me aside, and said: “Young man, I am concern’d for thee, as thou has no friend with thee, and seems not to know much of the world, or of the snares youth is expos’d to; depend upon it, those are very bad women; I can see it in all their actions; and if thee art not upon thy guard, they will draw thee into some danger; they are strangers to thee, and I advise thee, in a friendly concern for thy welfare, to have no acquaintance with them.” As I seem’d at first not to think so ill of them as she did, she mentioned some things she had observ’d and heard that had escap’d my notice, but now convinc’d me she was right. I thank’d her for her kind advice, and promis’d to follow it. When we arriv’d at New York, they told me where they liv’d, and invited me to come and see them; but I avoided it, and it was well I did; for the next day the captain miss’d a silver spoon and some other things, that had been taken out of his cabbin, and, knowing that these were a couple of strumpets, he got a warrant to search their lodgings, found the stolen goods, and had the thieves punish’d. So, tho’ we had escap’d a sunken rock, which we scrap’d upon in the passage, I thought this escape of rather more importance to me.

At Newport, we picked up several passengers heading to New York, including two young women who were friends and a serious, sensible, matronly Quaker woman with her attendants. I had shown a willingness to help her with some small tasks, which I suppose made her feel positively toward me. So, when she noticed my growing familiarity with the two young women, which they seemed to encourage, she pulled me aside and said, “Young man, I’m concerned for you because you have no friends with you and don’t seem to know much about the world or the dangers that youth can face. Trust me, those women are trouble; I can see it in everything they do. If you’re not careful, they’ll lead you into some risk. They are strangers to you, and I advise you, out of genuine concern for your safety, to avoid getting close with them.” At first, I didn’t think they were as bad as she described, but she pointed out things she had noticed that I had missed, which convinced me she was right. I thanked her for her kind advice and promised to take it to heart. When we arrived in New York, they told me where they lived and invited me to visit, but I steered clear of it, and I was glad I did. The next day, the captain discovered a silver spoon and some other items missing from his cabin. Knowing that those women were trouble, he got a warrant to search their place, found the stolen items, and had the thieves punished. So, even though we had narrowly avoided a sunken rock during the trip, I thought this escape was much more significant for me.

At New York I found my friend Collins, who had arriv’d there some time before me. We had been intimate from children, and had read the same books together; but he had the advantage of more time for reading and studying, and a wonderful genius for mathematical learning, in which he far outstript me. While I liv’d in Boston most of my hours of leisure for conversation were spent with him, and he continu’d a sober as well as an industrious lad; was much respected for his learning by several of the clergy and other gentlemen, and seemed to promise making a good figure in life. But, during my absence, he had acquir’d a habit of sotting with brandy; and I found by his own account, and what I heard from others, that he had been drunk every day since his arrival at New York, and behav’d very oddly. He had gam’d, too, and lost his money, so that I was oblig’d to discharge his lodgings, and defray his expenses to and at Philadelphia, which prov’d extremely inconvenient to me.

When I got to New York, I found my friend Collins, who had arrived there a while before me. We had been close friends since childhood and had read the same books together, but he had the advantage of spending more time reading and studying, along with a natural talent for math, in which he surpassed me. While I lived in Boston, most of my free time for conversation was spent with him, and he remained both serious and hardworking; he was respected for his knowledge by several clergymen and other gentlemen and seemed likely to make a good name for himself. However, during my absence, he had developed a habit of drinking brandy, and I learned from him and others that he had been drunk every day since arriving in New York and was acting quite strangely. He had also gambled and lost his money, so I had to pay for his lodging and cover his expenses to and in Philadelphia, which turned out to be very inconvenient for me.

The then governor of New York, Burnet (son of Bishop Burnet), hearing from the captain that a young man, one of his passengers, had a great many books, desir’d he would bring me to see him. I waited upon him accordingly, and should have taken Collins with me but that he was not sober. The gov’r. treated me with great civility, show’d me his library, which was a very large one, and we had a good deal of conversation about books and authors. This was the second governor who had done me the honor to take notice of me; which, to a poor boy like me, was very pleasing.

The then governor of New York, Burnet (son of Bishop Burnet), hearing from the captain that a young man, one of his passengers, had a lot of books, asked him to bring me to meet him. I went to see him and would have taken Collins with me, but he wasn’t sober. The governor treated me with great respect, showed me his library, which was quite large, and we had a good conversation about books and authors. This was the second governor who had honored me by noticing me; which, to a poor boy like me, was very gratifying.

We proceeded to Philadelphia. I received on the way Vernon’s money, without which we could hardly have finish’d our journey. Collins wished to be employ’d in some counting-house, but, whether they discover’d his dramming by his breath, or by his behaviour, tho’ he had some recommendations, he met with no success in any application, and continu’d lodging and boarding at the same house with me, and at my expense. Knowing I had that money of Vernon’s, he was continually borrowing of me, still promising repayment as soon as he should be in business. At length he had got so much of it that I was distress’d to think what I should do in case of being call’d on to remit it.

We traveled to Philadelphia. On the way, I received Vernon’s money, which we could hardly have completed our journey without. Collins wanted to find a job in some office, but whether they noticed his drinking from his breath or his behavior, he didn’t have any luck with his applications despite having some recommendations. He continued to stay and eat at the same place as me, at my expense. Knowing that I had Vernon’s money, he kept borrowing from me, promising to pay me back as soon as he found work. Eventually, he had borrowed so much that I became worried about what I would do if I was asked to pay it back.

His drinking continu’d, about which we sometimes quarrell’d; for, when a little intoxicated, he was very fractious. Once, in a boat on the Delaware with some other young men, he refused to row in his turn. “I will be row’d home,” says he. “We will not row you,” says I. “You must, or stay all night on the water,” says he, “just as you please.” The others said, “Let us row; what signifies it?” But, my mind being soured with his other conduct, I continu’d to refuse. So he swore he would make me row, or throw me overboard; and coming along, stepping on the thwarts, toward me, when he came up and struck at me, I clapped my hand under his crutch, and, rising, pitched him head-foremost into the river. I knew he was a good swimmer, and so was under little concern about him; but before he could get round to lay hold of the boat, we had with a few strokes pull’d her out of his reach; and ever when he drew near the boat, we ask’d if he would row, striking a few strokes to slide her away from him. He was ready to die with vexation, and obstinately would not promise to row. However, seeing him at last beginning to tire, we lifted him in and brought him home dripping wet in the evening. We hardly exchang’d a civil word afterwards, and a West India captain, who had a commission to procure a tutor for the sons of a gentleman at Barbadoes, happening to meet with him, agreed to carry him thither. He left me then, promising to remit me the first money he should receive in order to discharge the debt; but I never heard of him after.

His drinking continued, which sometimes led to arguments between us; he was very irritable when he had a bit too much to drink. Once, while we were in a boat on the Delaware with some other young men, he refused to take his turn rowing. “I’ll be rowed home,” he said. “We’re not going to row you,” I replied. “You have to, or you’ll stay out on the water all night,” he insisted. The others said, “Let’s just row; what does it matter?” But I was fed up with his other behavior and kept refusing. He swore he’d make me row or throw me overboard, and as he came toward me, stepping over the benches, he swung at me. I put my hand under his crutch, stood up, and threw him headfirst into the river. I knew he was a good swimmer, so I wasn’t too worried about him; but before he could get to the boat, we had pulled away from him with a few strokes. Whenever he got close, we asked if he would row, giving a little push to keep the boat away from him. He was furious and stubbornly wouldn’t agree to row. However, when he finally started to tire, we lifted him back in and brought him home soaked in the evening. We hardly spoke to each other afterward, and a West India captain who needed to find a tutor for the sons of a gentleman in Barbados happened to meet him and agreed to take him there. He left my company then, promising to send me the first money he received to pay off the debt, but I never heard from him again.

The breaking into this money of Vernon’s was one of the first great errata of my life; and this affair show’d that my father was not much out in his judgment when he suppos’d me too young to manage business of importance. But Sir William, on reading his letter, said he was too prudent. There was great difference in persons; and discretion did not always accompany years, nor was youth always without it. “And since he will not set you up,” says he, “I will do it myself. Give me an inventory of the things necessary to be had from England, and I will send for them. You shall repay me when you are able; I am resolv’d to have a good printer here, and I am sure you must succeed.” This was spoken with such an appearance of cordiality, that I had not the least doubt of his meaning what he said. I had hitherto kept the proposition of my setting up, a secret in Philadelphia, and I still kept it. Had it been known that I depended on the governor, probably some friend, that knew him better, would have advis’d me not to rely on him, as I afterwards heard it as his known character to be liberal of promises which he never meant to keep. Yet, unsolicited as he was by me, how could I think his generous offers insincere? I believ’d him one of the best men in the world.

The money situation with Vernon was one of the first big mistakes of my life; and this incident showed that my father wasn’t wrong in thinking I was too young to handle important business. But Sir William, upon reading his letter, said my father was too cautious. There are big differences among people; wisdom doesn’t always come with age, and youth isn’t always lacking in it. “And since he won’t support you,” he said, “I will do it myself. Give me a list of the things we need from England, and I’ll have them sent for. You can pay me back when you’re able; I’m determined to have a good printer here, and I’m confident you’ll succeed.” He spoke with such genuine warmth that I had no doubt he meant what he said. I had kept my plans to start up a secret in Philadelphia, and I still did. If it had been known that I was counting on the governor, a friend who knew him better might have advised me not to depend on him, since I later learned it was his reputation to make promises he never intended to keep. Yet, since he approached me without me asking, how could I think his generous offers were insincere? I believed he was one of the best men in the world.

I presented him an inventory of a little print’g-house, amounting by my computation to about one hundred pounds sterling. He lik’d it, but ask’d me if my being on the spot in England to chuse the types, and see that every thing was good of the kind, might not be of some advantage. “Then,” says he, “when there, you may make acquaintances, and establish correspondences in the bookselling and stationery way.” I agreed that this might be advantageous. “Then,” says he, “get yourself ready to go with Annis;” which was the annual ship, and the only one at that time usually passing between London and Philadelphia. But it would be some months before Annis sail’d, so I continu’d working with Keimer, fretting about the money Collins had got from me, and in daily apprehensions of being call’d upon by Vernon, which, however, did not happen for some years after.

I showed him a list of a small printing house, which I estimated to be worth about one hundred pounds sterling. He liked it but asked if being in England to choose the types and ensure everything was good quality might be beneficial. “Then,” he said, “while you’re there, you can make connections and establish relationships in the bookselling and stationery business.” I agreed that this could be helpful. “Then,” he said, “get ready to go with Annis,” which was the annual ship and the only one typically traveling between London and Philadelphia at that time. However, it would be a few months before Annis set sail, so I kept working with Keimer, worrying about the money Collins had taken from me and constantly fearing being confronted by Vernon, which, as it turned out, didn’t happen for several years.

I believe I have omitted mentioning that, in my first voyage from Boston, being becalm’d off Block Island, our people set about catching cod, and hauled up a great many. Hitherto I had stuck to my resolution of not eating animal food, and on this occasion consider’d, with my master Tryon, the taking every fish as a kind of unprovoked murder, since none of them had, or ever could do us any injury that might justify the slaughter. All this seemed very reasonable. But I had formerly been a great lover of fish, and, when this came hot out of the frying-pan, it smelt admirably well. I balanc’d some time between principle and inclination, till I recollected that, when the fish were opened, I saw smaller fish taken out of their stomachs; then thought I, “If you eat one another, I don’t see why we mayn’t eat you.” So I din’d upon cod very heartily, and continued to eat with other people, returning only now and then occasionally to a vegetable diet. So convenient a thing it is to be a reasonable creature, since it enables one to find or make a reason for everything one has a mind to do.

I think I forgot to mention that, on my first trip from Boston, while we were stuck off Block Island, our crew started catching cod and pulled up a lot of them. Up to that point, I had stuck to my decision not to eat animal food, and on this occasion, I considered, along with my captain Tryon, that catching any fish was a kind of pointless killing since none of them had, or ever could, harm us in a way that would justify the slaughter. All of this seemed very reasonable. But I used to be a huge fan of fish, and when it was served fresh from the frying pan, it smelled amazing. I weighed my principles against my desires for a while until I remembered that, when we opened the fish, I saw smaller fish inside their stomachs. Then I thought, “If you eat each other, I don’t see why we can’t eat you.” So, I happily had cod for dinner and kept eating with others, occasionally going back to a vegetable diet. It’s so convenient to be a reasonable creature, as it allows one to find or create a reason for anything one wants to do.

Keimer and I liv’d on a pretty good familiar footing, and agreed tolerably well, for he suspected nothing of my setting up. He retained a great deal of his old enthusiasms and lov’d argumentation. We therefore had many disputations. I used to work him so with my Socratic method, and had trepann’d him so often by questions apparently so distant from any point we had in hand, and yet by degrees lead to the point, and brought him into difficulties and contradictions, that at last he grew ridiculously cautious, and would hardly answer me the most common question, without asking first, “What do you intend to infer from that?” However, it gave him so high an opinion of my abilities in the confuting way, that he seriously proposed my being his colleague in a project he had of setting up a new sect. He was to preach the doctrines, and I was to confound all opponents. When he came to explain with me upon the doctrines, I found several conundrums which I objected to, unless I might have my way a little too, and introduce some of mine.

Keimer and I got along pretty well and generally agreed on things because he didn't suspect I was planning something. He still had a lot of his old enthusiasm and loved to debate. So, we often had discussions. I would use my Socratic method on him and would corner him with questions that seemed unrelated to the topic, but gradually led back to it, putting him in tricky situations and contradictions. Eventually, he became overly cautious and hardly answered even the simplest questions without first asking, “What do you intend to infer from that?” Still, it gave him such a high opinion of my debate skills that he seriously suggested I partner with him on a new project to start a new sect. He would preach the beliefs, and I would take down any opponents. When we discussed the doctrines, I found several issues I had with them unless I could also have my say and introduce some of my own ideas.

Keimer wore his beard at full length, because somewhere in the Mosaic law it is said, “Thou shalt not mar the corners of thy beard.” He likewise kept the Seventh day, Sabbath; and these two points were essentials with him. I dislik’d both; but agreed to admit them upon condition of his adopting the doctrine of using no animal food. “I doubt,” said he, “my constitution will not bear that.” I assur’d him it would, and that he would be the better for it. He was usually a great glutton, and I promised myself some diversion in half starving him. He agreed to try the practice, if I would keep him company. I did so, and we held it for three months. We had our victuals dress’d, and brought to us regularly by a woman in the neighborhood, who had from me a list of forty dishes to be prepar’d for us at different times, in all which there was neither fish, flesh, nor fowl, and the whim suited me the better at this time from the cheapness of it, not costing us above eighteenpence sterling each per week. I have since kept several Lents most strictly, leaving the common diet for that, and that for the common, abruptly, without the least inconvenience, so that I think there is little in the advice of making those changes by easy gradations. I went on pleasantly, but poor Keimer suffered grievously, tired of the project, long’d for the flesh-pots of Egypt, and order’d a roast pig. He invited me and two women friends to dine with him; but, it being brought too soon upon table, he could not resist the temptation, and ate the whole before we came.

Keimer wore his beard long because somewhere in the Mosaic law it says, “Thou shalt not mar the corners of thy beard.” He also observed the Sabbath on the seventh day, and these two points were essential to him. I didn’t like either of them but agreed to accept them on the condition that he would adopt the idea of not eating any animal products. “I doubt,” he said, “my constitution won’t handle that.” I assured him it would be fine and that he would actually feel better. He was usually quite a glutton, and I was looking forward to the idea of half starving him. He agreed to give it a try if I would join him. I did, and we kept up the practice for three months. We had our meals cooked and delivered to us regularly by a woman in the neighborhood, who had a list from me of forty dishes to prepare at different times, none of which included fish, meat, or poultry. The idea suited me particularly well at that time since it was inexpensive, costing us only eighteen pence each per week. Since then, I’ve kept several Lents strictly, switching from the common diet to that without any issues, so I think there’s not much to the advice of making those changes gradually. I continued happily, but poor Keimer suffered terribly, grew tired of the project, longed for the flesh pots of Egypt, and ordered a roast pig. He invited me and two women friends to dine with him; however, because it came to the table too early, he couldn’t resist the temptation and ended up eating the whole thing before we arrived.

I had made some courtship during this time to Miss Read. I had a great respect and affection for her, and had some reason to believe she had the same for me; but, as I was about to take a long voyage, and we were both very young, only a little above eighteen, it was thought most prudent by her mother to prevent our going too far at present, as a marriage, if it was to take place, would be more convenient after my return, when I should be, as I expected, set up in my business. Perhaps, too, she thought my expectations not so well founded as I imagined them to be.

I had been courting Miss Read during this time. I had a lot of respect and affection for her, and I had some reason to believe she felt the same way about me. However, since I was about to go on a long journey and we were both quite young, just a little over eighteen, her mother thought it would be best to keep things from getting too serious right now. A marriage, if it was to happen, would be more practical after my return, when I expected to be established in my business. Maybe she also believed my expectations weren't as solid as I thought they were.

My chief acquaintances at this time were Charles Osborne, Joseph Watson, and James Ralph, all lovers of reading. The two first were clerks to an eminent scrivener or conveyancer in the town, Charles Brogden; the other was clerk to a merchant. Watson was a pious, sensible young man, of great integrity; the others rather more lax in their principles of religion, particularly Ralph, who, as well as Collins, had been unsettled by me, for which they both made me suffer. Osborne was sensible, candid, frank; sincere and affectionate to his friends; but, in literary matters, too fond of criticising. Ralph was ingenious, genteel in his manners, and extremely eloquent; I think I never knew a prettier talker. Both of them great admirers of poetry, and began to try their hands in little pieces. Many pleasant walks we four had together on Sundays into the woods, near Schuylkill, where we read to one another, and conferr’d on what we read.

My main friends at this time were Charles Osborne, Joseph Watson, and James Ralph, all passionate about reading. The first two worked as clerks for a well-known lawyer in town, Charles Brogden, while the other was a clerk for a merchant. Watson was a religious and sensible young man with strong integrity; the others were a bit looser in their religious beliefs, particularly Ralph, who, along with Collins, had been influenced by me, which caused me some trouble. Osborne was sensible, open, and straightforward; he was sincere and caring towards his friends but a bit too critical when it came to literary matters. Ralph was clever, polished in his manners, and extremely articulate; I’ve never met anyone who talked as beautifully as he did. Both he and Osborne were big fans of poetry and started trying their hands at writing little pieces. We had many enjoyable walks together on Sundays in the woods near Schuylkill, where we read to each other and discussed what we had read.

Ralph was inclin’d to pursue the study of poetry, not doubting but he might become eminent in it, and make his fortune by it, alleging that the best poets must, when they first began to write, make as many faults as he did. Osborne dissuaded him, assur’d him he had no genius for poetry, and advis’d him to think of nothing beyond the business he was bred to; that, in the mercantile way, tho’ he had no stock, he might, by his diligence and punctuality, recommend himself to employment as a factor, and in time acquire wherewith to trade on his own account. I approv’d the amusing one’s self with poetry now and then, so far as to improve one’s language, but no farther.

Ralph was inclined to study poetry, confident that he could become successful in it and make a living from it, arguing that even the best poets made as many mistakes when they first started writing as he did. Osborne advised against it, assuring him he had no talent for poetry and suggested he focus solely on the trade he was trained for; that, in the business world, even without capital, he could establish himself as a reliable employee through hard work and punctuality, eventually earning enough to start his own trading venture. I agreed that dabbling in poetry occasionally was fine for improving one’s language, but nothing beyond that.

On this it was propos’d that we should each of us, at our next meeting, produce a piece of our own composing, in order to improve by our mutual observations, criticisms, and corrections. As language and expression were what we had in view, we excluded all considerations of invention by agreeing that the task should be a version of the eighteenth Psalm, which describes the descent of a Deity. When the time of our meeting drew nigh, Ralph called on me first, and let me know his piece was ready. I told him I had been busy, and, having little inclination, had done nothing. He then show’d me his piece for my opinion, and I much approv’d it, as it appear’d to me to have great merit. “Now,” says he, “Osborne never will allow the least merit in any thing of mine, but makes 1000 criticisms out of mere envy. He is not so jealous of you; I wish, therefore, you would take this piece, and produce it as yours; I will pretend not to have had time, and so produce nothing. We shall then see what he will say to it.” It was agreed, and I immediately transcrib’d it, that it might appear in my own hand.

At this, it was suggested that we all bring a piece of our own writing to our next meeting, so we could improve through each other's observations, critiques, and edits. Since our focus was on language and expression, we decided to work from the eighteenth Psalm, which talks about the descent of a Deity, and left out any need for original ideas. When our meeting approached, Ralph came to me first and said he had his piece ready. I told him I had been busy and, feeling unmotivated, hadn’t written anything. He then shared his work for my feedback, and I really liked it; I thought it had significant merit. “Now,” he said, “Osborne never sees any merit in my work and always finds a thousand criticisms out of sheer envy. He doesn’t feel that way about you; I wish you would take this piece and present it as your own. I’ll just say I didn’t have time and won’t present anything. Then we can see what he’ll say.” We agreed, and I quickly copied it out so it would appear in my own handwriting.

We met; Watson’s performance was read; there were some beauties in it, but many defects. Osborne’s was read; it was much better; Ralph did it justice; remarked some faults, but applauded the beauties. He himself had nothing to produce. I was backward; seemed desirous of being excused; had not had sufficient time to correct, etc.; but no excuse could be admitted; produce I must. It was read and repeated; Watson and Osborne gave up the contest, and join’d in applauding it. Ralph only made some criticisms, and propos’d some amendments; but I defended my text. Osborne was against Ralph, and told him he was no better a critic than poet, so he dropt the argument. As they two went home together, Osborne expressed himself still more strongly in favor of what he thought my production; having restrain’d himself before, as he said, lest I should think it flattery. “But who would have imagin’d,” said he, “that Franklin had been capable of such a performance; such painting, such force, such fire! He has even improv’d the original. In his common conversation he seems to have no choice of words; he hesitates and blunders; and yet, good God! how he writes!” When we next met, Ralph discovered the trick we had plaid him, and Osborne was a little laught at.

We met; Watson’s performance was read; there were some great parts in it, but many flaws. Osborne’s was read; it was much better; Ralph did it justice; he pointed out some mistakes but praised the strengths. He himself had nothing to share. I hesitated; I seemed eager to be excused; I hadn’t had enough time to revise, etc.; but no excuse was allowed; I had to present something. It was read and repeated; Watson and Osborne gave up the competition and joined in applauding it. Ralph only made a few critiques and suggested some changes; but I defended my piece. Osborne challenged Ralph and told him he was no better a critic than a poet, so he dropped the discussion. As the two of them walked home together, Osborne expressed himself even more strongly in favor of what he thought was my work; he had held back earlier, as he said, to avoid making me think it was flattery. “But who would have imagined,” he said, “that Franklin was capable of such a piece; such imagery, such strength, such passion! He has even improved the original. In his everyday conversation, he seems to struggle with his words; he hesitates and stumbles; and yet, good God! how he writes!” When we met again, Ralph realized the trick we had played on him, and Osborne was laughed at a little.

This transaction fixed Ralph in his resolution of becoming a poet. I did all I could to dissuade him from it, but he continued scribbling verses till Pope cured him. He became, however, a pretty good prose writer. More of him hereafter. But, as I may not have occasion again to mention the other two, I shall just remark here, that Watson died in my arms a few years after, much lamented, being the best of our set. Osborne went to the West Indies, where he became an eminent lawyer and made money, but died young. He and I had made a serious agreement, that the one who happen’d first to die should, if possible, make a friendly visit to the other, and acquaint him how he found things in that separate state. But he never fulfill’d his promise.

This event solidified Ralph's determination to become a poet. I did everything I could to talk him out of it, but he kept writing verses until Pope got him to stop. However, he ended up being quite a good prose writer. More on him later. But since I might not have a chance to mention the other two again, I’ll just say that Watson died in my arms a few years later, and he was greatly missed, being the best of our group. Osborne went to the West Indies, where he became a prominent lawyer and made a lot of money, but he passed away young. He and I had made a serious pact that whoever died first would, if possible, visit the other and share what they found out in that afterlife. But he never kept his promise.

The governor, seeming to like my company, had me frequently to his house, and his setting me up was always mention’d as a fixed thing. I was to take with me letters recommendatory to a number of his friends, besides the letter of credit to furnish me with the necessary money for purchasing the press and types, paper, etc. For these letters I was appointed to call at different times, when they were to be ready, but a future time was still named. Thus he went on till the ship, whose departure too had been several times postponed, was on the point of sailing. Then, when I call’d to take my leave and receive the letters, his secretary, Dr. Bard, came out to me and said the governor was extremely busy in writing, but would be down at Newcastle before the ship, and there the letters would be delivered to me.

The governor, who seemed to enjoy my company, invited me to his house often, and it was always mentioned that I was set to go. I was supposed to take letters of recommendation to several of his friends, along with a letter of credit to provide me with the funds I needed to buy the press, types, paper, and other supplies. I was scheduled to pick up these letters at different times when they were ready, but a later date was always suggested. This continued until the ship, which had been delayed several times, was finally about to sail. Then, when I went to say goodbye and collect the letters, his secretary, Dr. Bard, came out to speak with me and said the governor was very busy writing, but would be in Newcastle before the ship left, and I would get the letters there.

Ralph, though married, and having one child, had determined to accompany me in this voyage. It was thought he intended to establish a correspondence, and obtain goods to sell on commission; but I found afterwards, that, thro’ some discontent with his wife’s relations, he purposed to leave her on their hands, and never return again. Having taken leave of my friends, and interchang’d some promises with Miss Read, I left Philadelphia in the ship, which anchor’d at Newcastle. The governor was there; but when I went to his lodging, the secretary came to me from him with the civillest message in the world, that he could not then see me, being engaged in business of the utmost importance, but should send the letters to me on board, wish’d me heartily a good voyage and a speedy return, etc. I returned on board a little puzzled, but still not doubting.

Ralph, although he was married and had one child, decided to join me on this journey. People thought he wanted to set up a business and get goods to sell on commission; but I later found out that, due to some issues with his wife's family, he planned to leave her to deal with things on her own and never come back. After saying goodbye to my friends and exchanging some promises with Miss Read, I left Philadelphia on the ship that docked at Newcastle. The governor was there, but when I visited his place, his secretary sent me a very polite message saying he couldn’t meet me because he was busy with some important matters, but he would send the letters to me on the ship and wished me a good trip and a quick return, etc. I went back on board feeling a bit confused but still not skeptical.

Mr. Andrew Hamilton, a famous lawyer of Philadelphia, had taken passage in the same ship for himself and son, and with Mr. Denham, a Quaker merchant, and Messrs. Onion and Russel, masters of an iron work in Maryland, had engag’d the great cabin; so that Ralph and I were forced to take up with a berth in the steerage, and none on board knowing us, were considered as ordinary persons. But Mr. Hamilton and his son (it was James, since governor) return’d from Newcastle to Philadelphia, the father being recall’d by a great fee to plead for a seized ship; and, just before we sail’d, Colonel French coming on board, and showing me great respect, I was more taken notice of, and, with my friend Ralph, invited by the other gentlemen to come into the cabin, there being now room. Accordingly, we remov’d thither.

Mr. Andrew Hamilton, a well-known lawyer from Philadelphia, had booked passage on the same ship for himself and his son. Along with Mr. Denham, a Quaker merchant, and Messrs. Onion and Russell, who run an ironworks in Maryland, they had reserved the large cabin. This meant that Ralph and I had to settle for a spot in the steerage, where no one on board recognized us and we were treated as ordinary passengers. However, Mr. Hamilton and his son—James, who later became governor—were returning from Newcastle to Philadelphia after the father was hired for a significant fee to represent a seized ship. Just before we set sail, Colonel French came on board, showed me a lot of respect, and because of that, Ralph and I were noticed more. The other gentlemen invited us to join them in the cabin since there was now space available. So, we moved there.

Understanding that Colonel French had brought on board the governor’s despatches, I ask’d the captain for those letters that were to be under my care. He said all were put into the bag together and he could not then come at them; but, before we landed in England, I should have an opportunity of picking them out; so I was satisfied for the present, and we proceeded on our voyage. We had a sociable company in the cabin, and lived uncommonly well, having the addition of all Mr. Hamilton’s stores, who had laid in plentifully. In this passage Mr. Denham contracted a friendship for me that continued during his life. The voyage was otherwise not a pleasant one, as we had a great deal of bad weather.

Understanding that Colonel French had brought the governor’s dispatches on board, I asked the captain for the letters that were supposed to be my responsibility. He said all of them were in the bag together, and he couldn’t get to them right then; however, before we landed in England, I would have a chance to sort them out. That satisfied me for the moment, and we continued with our journey. We had a friendly group in the cabin and enjoyed our meals, thanks to Mr. Hamilton’s generous supplies. During this trip, Mr. Denham became a friend of mine, and that friendship lasted his whole life. Unfortunately, the voyage wasn’t very pleasant overall, as we faced a lot of bad weather.

When we came into the Channel, the captain kept his word with me, and gave me an opportunity of examining the bag for the governor’s letters. I found none upon which my name was put as under my care. I picked out six or seven, that, by the handwriting, I thought might be the promised letters, especially as one of them was directed to Basket, the king’s printer, and another to some stationer. We arriv’d in London the 24th of December, 1724. I waited upon the stationer, who came first in my way, delivering the letter as from Governor Keith. “I don’t know such a person,” says he; but, opening the letter, “O! this is from Riddlesden. I have lately found him to be a compleat rascal, and I will have nothing to do with him, nor receive any letters from him.” So, putting the letter into my hand, he turn’d on his heel and left me to serve some customer. I was surprized to find these were not the governor’s letters; and, after recollecting and comparing circumstances, I began to doubt his sincerity. I found my friend Denham, and opened the whole affair to him. He let me into Keith’s character; told me there was not the least probability that he had written any letters for me; that no one, who knew him, had the smallest dependence on him; and he laught at the notion of the governor’s giving me a letter of credit, having, as he said, no credit to give. On my expressing some concern about what I should do, he advised me to endeavor getting some employment in the way of my business. “Among the printers here,” said he, “you will improve yourself, and when you return to America, you will set up to greater advantage.”

When we entered the Channel, the captain kept his promise and let me check the bag for the governor’s letters. I didn’t find any letters addressed to me. I pulled out six or seven letters that I suspected were the ones I was waiting for, especially since one was addressed to Basket, the king’s printer, and another to a stationer. We arrived in London on December 24, 1724. I went to see the first stationer I came across, delivering the letter as if it were from Governor Keith. “I don’t know this person,” he said; but upon opening the letter, he exclaimed, “Oh! This is from Riddlesden. I recently discovered he’s a complete fraud, and I won’t deal with him or accept any letters from him.” He handed the letter back to me and turned away to serve another customer. I was shocked to find out these weren’t the governor’s letters, and after thinking it over and comparing details, I started to doubt his sincerity. I found my friend Denham and shared the whole situation with him. He filled me in on Keith’s character, telling me there was no chance he had written any letters for me, and that no one who knew him counted on him at all. He laughed at the idea of the governor providing me with a letter of credit since, as he put it, he had no credit to give. When I expressed my worries about what I should do next, he suggested I try to find some work related to my business. “Among the printers here,” he said, “you’ll improve your skills, and when you return to America, you’ll be better positioned to succeed.”

We both of us happen’d to know, as well as the stationer, that Riddlesden, the attorney, was a very knave. He had half ruin’d Miss Read’s father by persuading him to be bound for him. By this letter it appear’d there was a secret scheme on foot to the prejudice of Hamilton (suppos’d to be then coming over with us); and that Keith was concerned in it with Riddlesden. Denham, who was a friend of Hamilton’s thought he ought to be acquainted with it; so, when he arriv’d in England, which was soon after, partly from resentment and ill-will to Keith and Riddlesden, and partly from good-will to him, I waited on him, and gave him the letter. He thank’d me cordially, the information being of importance to him; and from that time he became my friend, greatly to my advantage afterwards on many occasions.

We both knew, just like the stationer did, that Riddlesden, the lawyer, was a real jerk. He had nearly ruined Miss Read’s father by getting him to back him financially. This letter made it clear that there was a secret plot against Hamilton (who was supposed to be coming over with us); and that Keith was involved with Riddlesden. Denham, who was a friend of Hamilton’s, thought he should know about it; so when he arrived in England, which was soon after, partly out of spite and annoyance toward Keith and Riddlesden, and partly out of goodwill to him, I met with him and shared the letter. He thanked me warmly since the information was important to him; and from that point on, he became my friend, which really helped me out on many occasions later.

But what shall we think of a governor’s playing such pitiful tricks, and imposing so grossly on a poor ignorant boy! It was a habit he had acquired. He wish’d to please everybody; and, having little to give, he gave expectations. He was otherwise an ingenious, sensible man, a pretty good writer, and a good governor for the people, tho’ not for his constituents, the proprietaries, whose instructions he sometimes disregarded. Several of our best laws were of his planning and passed during his administration.

But what should we think about a governor pulling such sad tricks and taking advantage of a poor, naive boy? It was a habit he had picked up. He wanted to please everyone, and since he had little to offer, he gave them hope. Otherwise, he was a clever and sensible guy, a decent writer, and a good governor for the people, although not for his constituents, the proprietors, whose orders he sometimes ignored. Many of our best laws were his ideas and were passed during his time in office.

Ralph and I were inseparable companions. We took lodgings together in Little Britain at three shillings and sixpence a week—as much as we could then afford. He found some relations, but they were poor, and unable to assist him. He now let me know his intentions of remaining in London, and that he never meant to return to Philadelphia. He had brought no money with him, the whole he could muster having been expended in paying his passage. I had fifteen pistoles; so he borrowed occasionally of me to subsist, while he was looking out for business. He first endeavored to get into the playhouse, believing himself qualify’d for an actor; but Wilkes, to whom he apply’d, advis’d him candidly not to think of that employment, as it was impossible he should succeed in it. Then he propos’d to Roberts, a publisher in Paternoster Row, to write for him a weekly paper like the Spectator, on certain conditions, which Roberts did not approve. Then he endeavored to get employment as a hackney writer, to copy for the stationers and lawyers about the Temple, but could find no vacancy.

Ralph and I were inseparable friends. We rented a place together in Little Britain for three shillings and sixpence a week—about all we could afford at the time. He found some relatives, but they were poor and couldn't help him. He let me know he planned to stay in London and had no intention of returning to Philadelphia. He hadn't brought any money, having spent all he had on his passage. I had fifteen pistoles, so he occasionally borrowed from me to get by while he looked for work. He first tried to get into the theater, believing he was qualified to be an actor, but Wilkes, whom he approached, honestly advised him not to pursue that career, as he was unlikely to succeed. Then he suggested to Roberts, a publisher on Paternoster Row, that he could write a weekly paper like the Spectator under certain conditions, which Roberts didn’t like. After that, he tried to find work as a freelance writer, copying for the stationers and lawyers around the Temple, but he couldn't find any openings.

I immediately got into work at Palmer’s, then a famous printing-house in Bartholomew Close, and here I continu’d near a year. I was pretty diligent, but spent with Ralph a good deal of my earnings in going to plays and other places of amusement. We had together consumed all my pistoles, and now just rubbed on from hand to mouth. He seem’d quite to forget his wife and child, and I, by degrees, my engagements with Miss Read, to whom I never wrote more than one letter, and that was to let her know I was not likely soon to return. This was another of the great errata of my life, which I should wish to correct if I were to live it over again. In fact, by our expenses, I was constantly kept unable to pay my passage.

I immediately started working at Palmer’s, a well-known printing house in Bartholomew Close, and I was there for almost a year. I worked hard, but I spent a lot of my earnings with Ralph going to plays and other fun activities. We had used up all my money and were now just scraping by. He seemed to completely forget about his wife and child, and I gradually started to forget my commitments to Miss Read, to whom I only wrote one letter, letting her know I probably wouldn’t be back anytime soon. This was another major mistake in my life that I would want to fix if I could live it again. In fact, because of our spending, I was always broke and unable to pay for my passage.

At Palmer’s I was employed in composing for the second edition of Wollaston’s “Religion of Nature.” Some of his reasonings not appearing to me well founded, I wrote a little metaphysical piece in which I made remarks on them. It was entitled “A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain.” I inscribed it to my friend Ralph; I printed a small number. It occasion’d my being more consider’d by Mr. Palmer as a young man of some ingenuity, tho’ he seriously expostulated with me upon the principles of my pamphlet, which to him appear’d abominable. My printing this pamphlet was another erratum. While I lodg’d in Little Britain, I made an acquaintance with one Wilcox, a bookseller, whose shop was at the next door. He had an immense collection of second-hand books. Circulating libraries were not then in use; but we agreed that, on certain reasonable terms, which I have now forgotten, I might take, read, and return any of his books. This I esteem’d a great advantage, and I made as much use of it as I could.

At Palmer’s, I was working on the second edition of Wollaston’s “Religion of Nature.” Since I didn’t completely agree with some of his arguments, I wrote a short philosophical piece where I commented on them. It was called “A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain.” I dedicated it to my friend Ralph and printed a small number of copies. This got me noticed by Mr. Palmer as a young man with some talent, although he seriously challenged me on the principles in my pamphlet, which he found awful. Printing this pamphlet was another mistake. While I was staying in Little Britain, I met a bookseller named Wilcox, whose shop was next door. He had a huge collection of second-hand books. Since circulating libraries weren’t common at that time, we agreed on some reasonable terms, which I now can’t remember, that allowed me to borrow, read, and return any of his books. I considered this a big advantage, and I took full advantage of it.

My pamphlet by some means falling into the hands of one Lyons, a surgeon, author of a book entitled “The Infallibility of Human Judgment,” it occasioned an acquaintance between us. He took great notice of me, called on me often to converse on those subjects, carried me to the Horns, a pale alehouse in ——— Lane, Cheapside, and introduced me to Dr. Mandeville, author of the “Fable of the Bees,” who had a club there, of which he was the soul, being a most facetious, entertaining companion. Lyons, too, introduced me to Dr. Pemberton, at Batson’s Coffee-house, who promis’d to give me an opportunity, some time or other, of seeing Sir Isaac Newton, of which I was extreamely desirous; but this never happened.

My pamphlet somehow made its way into the hands of a surgeon named Lyons, who wrote a book called “The Infallibility of Human Judgment,” which led to us getting to know each other. He took a strong interest in me, visited often to discuss various topics, took me to the Horns, a pale alehouse on ——— Lane in Cheapside, and introduced me to Dr. Mandeville, the author of “The Fable of the Bees,” who had a club there. He was the life of the party, being a very witty and entertaining guy. Lyons also introduced me to Dr. Pemberton at Batson’s Coffee-house, who promised that he would eventually introduce me to Sir Isaac Newton, which I was very eager for, but that never happened.

I had brought over a few curiosities, among which the principal was a purse made of the asbestos, which purifies by fire. Sir Hans Sloane heard of it, came to see me, and invited me to his house in Bloomsbury Square, where he show’d me all his curiosities, and persuaded me to let him add that to the number, for which he paid me handsomely.

I had brought over a few interesting items, the main one being a purse made of asbestos, which purifies by fire. Sir Hans Sloane heard about it, came to visit me, and invited me to his house in Bloomsbury Square, where he showed me all his curiosities and convinced me to let him add that to his collection, for which he paid me well.

In our house there lodg’d a young woman, a milliner, who, I think, had a shop in the Cloisters. She had been genteelly bred, was sensible and lively, and of most pleasing conversation. Ralph read plays to her in the evenings, they grew intimate, she took another lodging, and he followed her. They liv’d together some time; but, he being still out of business, and her income not sufficient to maintain them with her child, he took a resolution of going from London, to try for a country school, which he thought himself well qualified to undertake, as he wrote an excellent hand, and was a master of arithmetic and accounts. This, however, he deemed a business below him, and confident of future better fortune, when he should be unwilling to have it known that he once was so meanly employed, he changed his name, and did me the honor to assume mine; for I soon after had a letter from him, acquainting me that he was settled in a small village (in Berkshire, I think it was, where he taught reading and writing to ten or a dozen boys, at sixpence each per week), recommending Mrs. T——— to my care, and desiring me to write to him, directing for Mr. Franklin, schoolmaster, at such a place.

In our house, there was a young woman, a milliner, who I think had a shop in the Cloisters. She had been raised well, was smart and lively, and had a very enjoyable conversation. Ralph read plays to her in the evenings, they became close, she moved to another place, and he followed her. They lived together for a while; however, since he was still unemployed and her income wasn’t enough to support them along with her child, he decided to leave London to look for a teaching job in the countryside, which he believed he was well-suited for since he wrote excellently and was skilled in math and accounting. This, however, he felt was beneath him, and confident of a better future, not wanting anyone to know he had once been so poorly employed, he changed his name and honored me by taking mine; soon after, I received a letter from him, letting me know he was settled in a small village (in Berkshire, I think) where he taught reading and writing to ten or a dozen boys for sixpence a week, and he recommended Mrs. T——— to my care, asking me to write to him, addressing it to Mr. Franklin, schoolmaster, at that location.

He continued to write frequently, sending me large specimens of an epic poem which he was then composing, and desiring my remarks and corrections. These I gave him from time to time, but endeavor’d rather to discourage his proceeding. One of Young’s Satires was then just published. I copy’d and sent him a great part of it, which set in a strong light the folly of pursuing the Muses with any hope of advancement by them. All was in vain; sheets of the poem continued to come by every post. In the mean time, Mrs. T———, having on his account lost her friends and business, was often in distresses, and us’d to send for me, and borrow what I could spare to help her out of them. I grew fond of her company, and, being at that time under no religious restraint, and presuming upon my importance to her, I attempted familiarities (another erratum) which she repuls’d with a proper resentment, and acquainted him with my behaviour. This made a breach between us; and, when he returned again to London, he let me know he thought I had cancell’d all the obligations he had been under to me. So I found I was never to expect his repaying me what I lent to him, or advanc’d for him. This, however, was not then of much consequence, as he was totally unable; and in the loss of his friendship I found myself relieved from a burthen. I now began to think of getting a little money beforehand, and, expecting better work, I left Palmer’s to work at Watts’s, near Lincoln’s Inn Fields, a still greater printing-house. Here I continued all the rest of my stay in London.

He kept writing a lot, sending me big portions of an epic poem he was working on and asking for my feedback and corrections. I gave him my thoughts occasionally but tried to discourage him from continuing. At that time, one of Young’s Satires had just been published. I copied and sent him a large part of it, which highlighted the foolishness of chasing the Muses with any hope of gain. All of this was in vain; I kept getting sheets of his poem with every mail. Meanwhile, Mrs. T———, who had lost her friends and job because of him, would often call on me and borrow whatever I could spare to help her out of her troubles. I grew fond of her company, and since I was under no religious restrictions at the time and thinking I was important to her, I tried to get a little too familiar (another mistake), but she rejected my advances firmly and told him about my behavior. This caused a rift between us, and when he came back to London, he let me know he thought I had canceled all the obligations he had to me. So, I realized I should never expect him to pay me back what I lent him or advanced for him. This didn’t matter much at the time since he was completely broke, and losing his friendship felt like a relief. I started to think about making some money in advance, and in search of better opportunities, I left Palmer’s to work at Watts’s, which was a much larger printing house near Lincoln’s Inn Fields. I stayed there for the rest of my time in London.

At my first admission into this printing-house I took to working at press, imagining I felt a want of the bodily exercise I had been us’d to in America, where presswork is mix’d with composing. I drank only water; the other workmen, near fifty in number, were great guzzlers of beer. On occasion, I carried up and down stairs a large form of types in each hand, when others carried but one in both hands. They wondered to see, from this and several instances, that the Water-American, as they called me, was stronger than themselves, who drank strong beer! We had an alehouse boy who attended always in the house to supply the workmen. My companion at the press drank every day a pint before breakfast, a pint at breakfast with his bread and cheese, a pint between breakfast and dinner, a pint at dinner, a pint in the afternoon about six o’clock, and another when he had done his day’s work. I thought it a detestable custom; but it was necessary, he suppos’d, to drink strong beer, that he might be strong to labor. I endeavored to convince him that the bodily strength afforded by beer could only be in proportion to the grain or flour of the barley dissolved in the water of which it was made; that there was more flour in a pennyworth of bread; and therefore, if he would eat that with a pint of water, it would give him more strength than a quart of beer. He drank on, however, and had four or five shillings to pay out of his wages every Saturday night for that muddling liquor; an expense I was free from. And thus these poor devils keep themselves always under.

When I first started working at this printing house, I jumped right into press work, thinking I needed the physical activity I used to get in America, where press work is combined with typesetting. I only drank water; the other workers, about fifty of them, were heavy drinkers of beer. Once in a while, I would carry a large form of types in each hand while others struggled with just one in both hands. They were surprised to see that the Water-American, as they called me, was stronger than they were, even though they drank strong beer! We had a tavern boy who was always around to serve the workers. My press mate consumed a pint every day before breakfast, a pint with his breakfast of bread and cheese, a pint between breakfast and lunch, a pint at lunch, a pint in the afternoon around six, and another after finishing his workday. I found it a disgusting habit; he thought it was necessary to drink strong beer to be strong enough for the job. I tried to convince him that the physical strength from beer was proportional to the grain or flour of the barley dissolved in the water it was brewed with; that a penny’s worth of bread contained more flour. So if he ate that with a pint of water, it would give him more strength than a quart of beer. He continued drinking, though, and had to fork out four or five shillings from his paycheck every Saturday night for that disgusting drink—a cost I didn’t have to worry about. And that’s how these poor guys keep themselves down.

Watts, after some weeks, desiring to have me in the composing-room, I left the pressmen; a new bien venu or sum for drink, being five shillings, was demanded of me by the compositors. I thought it an imposition, as I had paid below; the master thought so too, and forbad my paying it. I stood out two or three weeks, was accordingly considered as an excommunicate, and had so many little pieces of private mischief done me, by mixing my sorts, transposing my pages, breaking my matter, etc., etc., if I were ever so little out of the room, and all ascribed to the chappel ghost, which they said ever haunted those not regularly admitted, that, notwithstanding the master’s protection, I found myself oblig’d to comply and pay the money, convinc’d of the folly of being on ill terms with those one is to live with continually.

After a few weeks, Watts wanted me in the composing room, so I left the pressmen. The compositors demanded a new welcome drink fee of five shillings from me. I thought it was unfair since I had already paid before; the master agreed, and told me not to pay it. I held out for two or three weeks, and as a result, I was seen as an outcast. I faced all sorts of petty sabotage, like mixing my types, rearranging my pages, and breaking my materials whenever I was out of the room. They blamed it all on the chapel ghost, which supposedly haunted anyone who wasn’t properly admitted. Despite the master's protection, I realized I had to give in and pay the fee, convinced it was foolish to be on bad terms with the people I had to work with every day.

I was now on a fair footing with them, and soon acquir’d considerable influence. I propos’d some reasonable alterations in their chappel [4] laws, and carried them against all opposition. From my example, a great part of them left their muddling breakfast of beer, and bread, and cheese, finding they could with me be suppli’d from a neighboring house with a large porringer of hot water-gruel, sprinkled with pepper, crumbl’d with bread, and a bit of butter in it, for the price of a pint of beer, viz., three half-pence. This was a more comfortable as well as cheaper breakfast, and kept their heads clearer. Those who continued sotting with beer all day, were often, by not paying, out of credit at the alehouse, and us’d to make interest with me to get beer; their light, as they phrased it, being out. I watch’d the pay-table on Saturday night, and collected what I stood engag’d for them, having to pay sometimes near thirty shillings a week on their account. This, and my being esteem’d a pretty good riggite, that is, a jocular verbal satirist, supported my consequence in the society. My constant attendance (I never making a St. Monday) recommended me to the master; and my uncommon quickness at composing occasioned my being put upon all work of dispatch, which was generally better paid. So I went on now very agreeably.

I was now on equal terms with them and quickly gained considerable influence. I suggested some sensible changes to their chapel laws and got them through despite all opposition. By following my example, many of them stopped their messy breakfast of beer, bread, and cheese, realizing they could instead get a big bowl of hot water-gruel from a nearby house, sprinkled with pepper, crumbled with bread, and with a bit of butter for the price of a pint of beer, which was three halfpennies. This was a more comfortable and cheaper breakfast that kept their minds clearer. Those who kept drinking beer all day often found themselves without credit at the alehouse because they didn't pay and would try to get beer through me, saying their "light" was out. I kept an eye on the pay-table on Saturday night and collected what I owed for them, sometimes having to pay nearly thirty shillings a week on their behalf. This, along with my reputation as a pretty good "riggite," which means a witty verbal satirist, helped maintain my status in the group. My regular attendance (I never took a St. Monday off) impressed the master; and my quickness in writing led to me being assigned to all the urgent tasks, which were generally better paid. So I continued on quite happily.

My lodging in Little Britain being too remote, I found another in Duke-street, opposite to the Romish Chapel. It was two pair of stairs backwards, at an Italian warehouse. A widow lady kept the house; she had a daughter, and a maid servant, and a journeyman who attended the warehouse, but lodg’d abroad. After sending to inquire my character at the house where I last lodg’d she agreed to take me in at the same rate, 3s. 6d. per week; cheaper, as she said, from the protection she expected in having a man lodge in the house. She was a widow, an elderly woman; had been bred a Protestant, being a clergyman’s daughter, but was converted to the Catholic religion by her husband, whose memory she much revered; had lived much among people of distinction, and knew a thousand anecdotes of them as far back as the times of Charles the Second. She was lame in her knees with the gout, and, therefore, seldom stirred out of her room, so sometimes wanted company; and hers was so highly amusing to me, that I was sure to spend an evening with her whenever she desired it. Our supper was only half an anchovy each, on a very little strip of bread and butter, and half a pint of ale between us; but the entertainment was in her conversation. My always keeping good hours, and giving little trouble in the family, made her unwilling to part with me; so that, when I talk’d of a lodging I had heard of, nearer my business, for two shillings a week, which, intent as I now was on saving money, made some difference, she bid me not think of it, for she would abate me two shillings a week for the future; so I remained with her at one shilling and sixpence as long as I staid in London.

My place in Little Britain was too far away, so I found another one on Duke Street, right across from the Catholic chapel. It was up two flights of stairs at an Italian warehouse. A widow ran the place; she had a daughter, a maid, and a journeyman who worked at the warehouse but lived elsewhere. After I had someone check my references at my last lodging, she agreed to take me in for the same price, 3s. 6d. per week; she said it was cheaper because she felt safer having a man living in the house. She was an elderly widow, raised as a Protestant since she was the daughter of a clergyman, but she converted to Catholicism because of her late husband, whose memory she held in high regard. She had socialized with distinguished people and could share a thousand stories about them going back to the time of Charles II. She had gout, which made her knees sore, so she rarely left her room and sometimes wanted company, and her stories were so entertaining that I made sure to spend an evening with her whenever she asked. Our dinner was just half an anchovy each on a tiny piece of bread and butter, and we shared half a pint of ale, but the real pleasure was in our conversations. I kept good hours and was little trouble in the house, so she didn't want me to leave; when I mentioned a place I heard about that was closer to my work for two shillings a week—something that caught my interest since I was focused on saving money—she told me not to worry about it because she would reduce my rate by two shillings from then on. So I stayed with her for just one shilling and sixpence as long as I was in London.

In a garret of her house there lived a maiden lady of seventy, in the most retired manner, of whom my landlady gave me this account: that she was a Roman Catholic, had been sent abroad when young, and lodg’d in a nunnery with an intent of becoming a nun; but, the country not agreeing with her, she returned to England, where, there being no nunnery, she had vow’d to lead the life of a nun, as near as might be done in those circumstances. Accordingly, she had given all her estate to charitable uses, reserving only twelve pounds a year to live on, and out of this sum she still gave a great deal in charity, living herself on water-gruel only, and using no fire but to boil it. She had lived many years in that garret, being permitted to remain there gratis by successive Catholic tenants of the house below, as they deemed it a blessing to have her there. A priest visited her to confess her every day. “I have ask’d her,” says my landlady, “how she, as she liv’d, could possibly find so much employment for a confessor?” “Oh,” said she, “it is impossible to avoid vain thoughts.” I was permitted once to visit her. She was chearful and polite, and convers’d pleasantly. The room was clean, but had no other furniture than a matras, a table with a crucifix and book, a stool which she gave me to sit on, and a picture over the chimney of Saint Veronica displaying her handkerchief, with the miraculous figure of Christ’s bleeding face on it, which she explained to me with great seriousness. She look’d pale, but was never sick; and I give it as another instance on how small an income life and health may be supported.

In a small attic of her house lived a 70-year-old single woman, who kept to herself. My landlady shared this story about her: she was a Roman Catholic who had been sent abroad when she was young and stayed in a convent with the intention of becoming a nun. However, since she didn’t adapt well to the country, she returned to England, where, with no convent available, she vowed to live as much like a nun as possible under the circumstances. She donated all her assets to charity, keeping only twelve pounds a year to live on. Despite this, she still gave a lot away in charity, surviving mostly on water porridge and only using fire to boil it. She lived in that attic for many years, allowed to stay there for free by successive Catholic tenants of the house below, who considered it a blessing to have her there. A priest visited her daily for confession. “I asked her,” my landlady said, “how she could possibly find enough for a confessor with her lifestyle.” “Oh,” she replied, “it’s impossible to avoid vain thoughts.” I once got the chance to visit her. She was cheerful and polite, and we had a pleasant conversation. The room was clean but had no furniture except for a mattress, a table with a crucifix and a book, a stool she offered me to sit on, and a picture over the fireplace of Saint Veronica showing her handkerchief with the miraculous image of Christ’s bleeding face on it, which she explained to me very seriously. She looked pale but was never sick, and I mention this as another example of how a small income can sustain life and health.

At Watts’s printing-house I contracted an acquaintance with an ingenious young man, one Wygate, who, having wealthy relations, had been better educated than most printers; was a tolerable Latinist, spoke French, and lov’d reading. I taught him and a friend of his to swim at twice going into the river, and they soon became good swimmers. They introduc’d me to some gentlemen from the country, who went to Chelsea by water to see the College and Don Saltero’s curiosities. In our return, at the request of the company, whose curiosity Wygate had excited, I stripped and leaped into the river, and swam from near Chelsea to Blackfryar’s, performing on the way many feats of activity, both upon and under water, that surpris’d and pleas’d those to whom they were novelties.

At Watts's printing house, I met an intelligent young man named Wygate, who, thanks to his wealthy family, was better educated than most printers; he was a decent Latin speaker, spoke French, and loved to read. I taught him and a friend of his how to swim during two trips to the river, and they quickly became good swimmers. They introduced me to some gentlemen from the countryside who took a boat to Chelsea to see the College and Don Saltero's curiosities. On our way back, at the request of the group, who were intrigued by Wygate's stories, I took off my clothes and jumped into the river, swimming from near Chelsea to Blackfriars, performing many impressive tricks both above and below the water that surprised and entertained those who had never seen anything like it.

I had from a child been ever delighted with this exercise, had studied and practis’d all Thevenot’s motions and positions, added some of my own, aiming at the graceful and easy as well as the useful. All these I took this occasion of exhibiting to the company, and was much flatter’d by their admiration; and Wygate, who was desirous of becoming a master, grew more and more attach’d to me on that account, as well as from the similarity of our studies. He at length proposed to me travelling all over Europe together, supporting ourselves everywhere by working at our business. I was once inclined to it; but, mentioning it to my good friend Mr. Denham, with whom I often spent an hour when I had leisure, he dissuaded me from it, advising me to think only of returning to Pennsilvania, which he was now about to do.

Since childhood, I had always been excited about this activity, studying and practicing all of Thevenot’s movements and positions, incorporating some of my own, aiming for both grace and ease as well as practicality. I took this opportunity to show them to the group, and I felt flattered by their admiration. Wygate, who wanted to become a master, became more and more attached to me for that reason, as well as our shared interests. Eventually, he suggested that we travel all over Europe together, supporting ourselves by working in our field. I was initially open to the idea, but when I mentioned it to my good friend Mr. Denham, with whom I often spent an hour whenever I had some free time, he advised against it and encouraged me to focus on returning to Pennsylvania, which he was planning to do.

I must record one trait of this good man’s character. He had formerly been in business at Bristol, but failed in debt to a number of people, compounded and went to America. There, by a close application to business as a merchant, he acquir’d a plentiful fortune in a few years. Returning to England in the ship with me, he invited his old creditors to an entertainment, at which he thank’d them for the easy composition they had favored him with, and, when they expected nothing but the treat, every man at the first remove found under his plate an order on a banker for the full amount of the unpaid remainder with interest.

I need to mention one important aspect of this good man’s character. He used to be in business in Bristol but went bankrupt, owing money to several people, settled with them, and moved to America. There, by working hard as a merchant, he accumulated a substantial fortune in just a few years. When he returned to England on the same ship as me, he invited his former creditors to a gathering, where he thanked them for the favorable settlement they had given him. Just when they expected only a nice meal, each guest found an order for the full amount of their remaining debt, plus interest, under their plate.

He now told me he was about to return to Philadelphia, and should carry over a great quantity of goods in order to open a store there. He propos’d to take me over as his clerk, to keep his books, in which he would instruct me, copy his letters, and attend the store. He added that, as soon as I should be acquainted with mercantile business, he would promote me by sending me with a cargo of flour and bread, etc., to the West Indies, and procure me commissions from others which would be profitable; and, if I manag’d well, would establish me handsomely. The thing pleas’d me; for I was grown tired of London, remembered with pleasure the happy months I had spent in Pennsylvania, and wish’d again to see it; therefore I immediately agreed on the terms of fifty pounds a year, Pennsylvania money; less, indeed, than my present gettings as a compositor, but affording a better prospect.

He told me he was about to go back to Philadelphia and would be taking a large amount of goods to open a store there. He offered to take me as his clerk, to keep his books, in which he would teach me, copy his letters, and help run the store. He added that as soon as I got the hang of the business, he would promote me by sending me with a shipment of flour and bread, etc., to the West Indies, and get me commissions from others that would be profitable; and if I did well, he would set me up nicely. I liked the idea because I was getting tired of London, fondly remembered the happy months I had spent in Pennsylvania, and wanted to see it again; so I quickly agreed to the terms of fifty pounds a year, Pennsylvania money; which was actually less than what I was making as a compositor, but it offered a better future.

I now took leave of printing, as I thought, for ever, and was daily employed in my new business, going about with Mr. Denham among the tradesmen to purchase various articles, and seeing them pack’d up, doing errands, calling upon workmen to dispatch, etc.; and, when all was on board, I had a few days’ leisure. On one of these days, I was, to my surprise, sent for by a great man I knew only by name, a Sir William Wyndham, and I waited upon him. He had heard by some means or other of my swimming from Chelsea to Blackfriar’s, and of my teaching Wygate and another young man to swim in a few hours. He had two sons, about to set out on their travels; he wish’d to have them first taught swimming, and proposed to gratify me handsomely if I would teach them. They were not yet come to town, and my stay was uncertain, so I could not undertake it; but, from this incident, I thought it likely that, if I were to remain in England and open a swimming-school, I might get a good deal of money; and it struck me so strongly, that, had the overture been sooner made me, probably I should not so soon have returned to America. After many years, you and I had something of more importance to do with one of these sons of Sir William Wyndham, become Earl of Egremont, which I shall mention in its place.

I now thought I was finished with printing for good and was busy every day in my new job, going around with Mr. Denham among the tradesmen to buy various items, overseeing the packing, running errands, and asking workmen to hurry things along, etc. Once everything was loaded up, I had a few days of free time. One of those days, I was surprised to get a call from a notable man I only knew by name, Sir William Wyndham, and I went to meet him. He had heard, somehow, about my swimming from Chelsea to Blackfriars and about me teaching Wygate and another young man to swim in just a few hours. He had two sons who were about to travel and wanted them to learn how to swim first, offering to pay me well if I would teach them. They hadn’t arrived in town yet, and since my stay was uncertain, I couldn’t take on the task. However, this incident made me think that if I stayed in England and opened a swimming school, I could make quite a bit of money. It struck me so strongly that if the offer had come sooner, I likely wouldn’t have returned to America as quickly. Many years later, you and I would have something more significant to do with one of Sir William Wyndham's sons, who became the Earl of Egremont, which I will mention at the appropriate time.

Thus I spent about eighteen months in London; most part of the time I work’d hard at my business, and spent but little upon myself except in seeing plays and in books. My friend Ralph had kept me poor; he owed me about twenty-seven pounds, which I was now never likely to receive; a great sum out of my small earnings! I lov’d him, notwithstanding, for he had many amiable qualities. I had by no means improv’d my fortune; but I had picked up some very ingenious acquaintance, whose conversation was of great advantage to me; and I had read considerably.

So, I spent about eighteen months in London; most of the time I worked hard at my job and didn’t spend much on myself except for going to plays and reading books. My friend Ralph kept me broke; he owed me about twenty-seven pounds, which I was probably never going to get back—a lot of money considering my small earnings! I still cared for him, though, because he had many good qualities. I hadn’t really improved my financial situation, but I had made some clever friends whose conversations were really helpful to me, and I had done a lot of reading.

We sail’d from Gravesend on the 23d of July, 1726. For the incidents of the voyage, I refer you to my Journal, where you will find them all minutely related. Perhaps the most important part of that journal is the plan [5] to be found in it, which I formed at sea, for regulating my future conduct in life. It is the more remarkable, as being formed when I was so young, and yet being pretty faithfully adhered to quite thro’ to old age.

We sailed from Gravesend on July 23, 1726. For the events of the voyage, I direct you to my Journal, where you will find everything detailed. Perhaps the most important part of that journal is the plan [5] that I created at sea to guide my future actions in life. It's particularly notable because it was made when I was so young, and I stuck to it pretty faithfully all the way into old age.

We landed in Philadelphia on the 11th of October, where I found sundry alterations. Keith was no longer governor, being superseded by Major Gordon. I met him walking the streets as a common citizen. He seem’d a little asham’d at seeing me, but pass’d without saying anything. I should have been as much asham’d at seeing Miss Read, had not her friends, despairing with reason of my return after the receipt of my letter, persuaded her to marry another, one Rogers, a potter, which was done in my absence. With him, however, she was never happy, and soon parted from him, refusing to cohabit with him or bear his name, it being now said that he had another wife. He was a worthless fellow, tho’ an excellent workman, which was the temptation to her friends. He got into debt, ran away in 1727 or 1728, went to the West Indies, and died there. Keimer had got a better house, a shop well supply’d with stationery, plenty of new types, a number of hands, tho’ none good, and seem’d to have a great deal of business.

We arrived in Philadelphia on October 11th, where I noticed several changes. Keith was no longer the governor; he had been replaced by Major Gordon. I saw him walking down the street as an ordinary citizen. He seemed a bit embarrassed to see me but walked past without saying anything. I would have felt just as embarrassed to see Miss Read, except her friends, understandably concerned about my return after receiving my letter, encouraged her to marry someone else, a potter named Rogers, which happened while I was away. However, she was never happy with him and soon separated from him, refusing to live with him or take his name, since it was now rumored that he had another wife. He was a worthless man, though a skilled worker, which was the reason her friends pushed for the marriage. He fell into debt, ran away in 1727 or 1728, went to the West Indies, and died there. Keimer had moved into a better place, a well-stocked shop with stationery, plenty of new types, several employees, though none were skilled, and seemed to be doing a lot of business.

Mr. Denham took a store in Water-street, where we open’d our goods; I attended the business diligently, studied accounts, and grew, in a little time, expert at selling. We lodg’d and boarded together; he counsell’d me as a father, having a sincere regard for me. I respected and lov’d him, and we might have gone on together very happy; but, in the beginning of February, 1726-7, when I had just pass’d my twenty-first year, we both were taken ill. My distemper was a pleurisy, which very nearly carried me off. I suffered a good deal, gave up the point in my own mind, and was rather disappointed when I found myself recovering, regretting, in some degree, that I must now, some time or other, have all that disagreeable work to do over again. I forget what his distemper was; it held him a long time, and at length carried him off. He left me a small legacy in a nuncupative will, as a token of his kindness for me, and he left me once more to the wide world; for the store was taken into the care of his executors, and my employment under him ended.

Mr. Denham opened a store on Water Street, where we set up our goods; I focused on the business, studied the accounts, and quickly became skilled at selling. We lived and ate together; he advised me like a father, genuinely caring for me. I respected and loved him, and we could have continued happily together; however, at the beginning of February 1726-27, when I had just turned twenty-one, we both got sick. I had pleurisy, which nearly took my life. I suffered quite a bit, mentally gave up, and was somewhat disappointed when I found myself recovering, regretting that I would eventually have to go through all that unpleasantness again. I can't remember what his illness was; it lasted a long time and ultimately took his life. He left me a small legacy in a verbal will as a sign of his kindness, and once again I was left to face the world on my own, as the store was entrusted to his executors, ending my job with him.

My brother-in-law, Holmes, being now at Philadelphia, advised my return to my business; and Keimer tempted me, with an offer of large wages by the year, to come and take the management of his printing-house, that he might better attend his stationer’s shop. I had heard a bad character of him in London from his wife and her friends, and was not fond of having any more to do with him. I tri’d for farther employment as a merchant’s clerk; but, not readily meeting with any, I clos’d again with Keimer. I found in his house these hands: Hugh Meredith, a Welsh Pensilvanian, thirty years of age, bred to country work; honest, sensible, had a great deal of solid observation, was something of a reader, but given to drink. Stephen Potts, a young countryman of full age, bred to the same, of uncommon natural parts, and great wit and humor, but a little idle. These he had agreed with at extream low wages per week, to be rais’d a shilling every three months, as they would deserve by improving in their business; and the expectation of these high wages, to come on hereafter, was what he had drawn them in with. Meredith was to work at press, Potts at book-binding, which he, by agreement, was to teach them, though he knew neither one nor t’other. John ———, a wild Irishman, brought up to no business, whose service, for four years, Keimer had purchased from the captain of a ship; he, too, was to be made a pressman. George Webb, an Oxford scholar, whose time for four years he had likewise bought, intending him for a compositor, of whom more presently; and David Harry, a country boy, whom he had taken apprentice.

My brother-in-law, Holmes, now in Philadelphia, suggested that I return to my work. Keimer tempted me with an offer of a good annual salary to manage his printing house so he could focus more on his stationery shop. I had heard negative things about him in London from his wife and her friends, and I wasn't eager to have any more dealings with him. I tried looking for a job as a merchant's clerk, but not finding anything right away, I ended up working with Keimer again. In his shop, I found the following staff: Hugh Meredith, a 30-year-old Welshman from Pennsylvania, who was trained in country work; he was honest, sensible, observant, somewhat of a reader, but had a problem with drinking. Then there was Stephen Potts, a young countryman of legal age, also trained in country work, who was quite clever and had a great sense of humor, though he was a bit lazy. Keimer had hired them at extremely low weekly wages, with the promise of a raise of a shilling every three months based on their performance. The lure of those higher wages later on was what had attracted them. Meredith was supposed to work at the press, while Potts was set to do bookbinding, which he was supposed to teach them, although he didn’t actually know how to do either. John ———, a wild Irishman who hadn't been trained in any trade, had his services bought from a ship captain for four years; he was also meant to become a pressman. George Webb, an Oxford scholar, had also had his four years bought, with the intention of training him as a compositor, and more on him later; and David Harry, a country boy whom Keimer had taken on as an apprentice.

I soon perceiv’d that the intention of engaging me at wages so much higher than he had been us’d to give, was, to have these raw, cheap hands form’d thro’ me; and, as soon as I had instructed them, then they being all articled to him, he should be able to do without me. I went on, however, very cheerfully, put his printing-house in order, which had been in great confusion, and brought his hands by degrees to mind their business and to do it better.

I quickly realized that the reason he was offering me wages much higher than he usually paid was so I could train these inexperienced workers. Once I had taught them, since they were all contracted to him, he would no longer need me. Still, I carried on happily, organized his printing house, which had been in disarray, and gradually helped his workers to focus on their tasks and improve at them.

It was an odd thing to find an Oxford scholar in the situation of a bought servant. He was not more than eighteen years of age, and gave me this account of himself; that he was born in Gloucester, educated at a grammar-school there, had been distinguish’d among the scholars for some apparent superiority in performing his part, when they exhibited plays; belong’d to the Witty Club there, and had written some pieces in prose and verse, which were printed in the Gloucester newspapers; thence he was sent to Oxford; where he continued about a year, but not well satisfi’d, wishing of all things to see London, and become a player. At length, receiving his quarterly allowance of fifteen guineas, instead of discharging his debts he walk’d out of town, hid his gown in a furze bush, and footed it to London, where, having no friend to advise him, he fell into bad company, soon spent his guineas, found no means of being introduc’d among the players, grew necessitous, pawn’d his cloaths, and wanted bread. Walking the street very hungry, and not knowing what to do with himself, a crimp’s bill was put into his hand, offering immediate entertainment and encouragement to such as would bind themselves to serve in America. He went directly, sign’d the indentures, was put into the ship, and came over, never writing a line to acquaint his friends what was become of him. He was lively, witty, good-natur’d, and a pleasant companion, but idle, thoughtless, and imprudent to the last degree.

It was strange to see an Oxford scholar in the position of a bought servant. He was no older than eighteen and shared his story with me: he was born in Gloucester, educated at a grammar school there, and had stood out among his peers for his talent in performing during school plays. He was part of the Witty Club and had written some pieces in prose and poetry that were published in the Gloucester newspapers. After that, he was sent to Oxford, where he stayed for about a year but was not satisfied, longing to see London and become an actor. Eventually, after receiving his quarterly allowance of fifteen guineas, instead of paying off his debts, he walked out of town, hid his gown in a furze bush, and made his way to London. With no friends to help him, he got involved with the wrong crowd, quickly spent his guineas, couldn’t find a way to get in touch with the actors, became desperate, pawned his clothes, and struggled to get enough to eat. Walking the streets, very hungry and unsure of what to do, he was handed a crimp's bill offering immediate entertainment and support for anyone willing to sign up to serve in America. He went straight there, signed the contract, boarded the ship, and came over without ever writing to his friends to let them know what had happened to him. He was lively, witty, good-natured, and a fun companion, but he was also lazy, careless, and extremely reckless.

John, the Irishman, soon ran away; with the rest I began to live very agreeably, for they all respected me the more, as they found Keimer incapable of instructing them, and that from me they learned something daily. We never worked on Saturday, that being Keimer’s Sabbath, so I had two days for reading. My acquaintance with ingenious people in the town increased. Keimer himself treated me with great civility and apparent regard, and nothing now made me uneasy but my debt to Vernon, which I was yet unable to pay, being hitherto but a poor œconomist. He, however, kindly made no demand of it.

John, the Irishman, soon left; with the others, I started to enjoy life more, as they respected me more because they realized Keimer couldn't teach them anything, and they learned something new from me every day. We never worked on Saturday, since that was Keimer's day of rest, so I had two days for reading. My circle of smart people in town grew. Keimer himself treated me with great politeness and apparent friendship, and the only thing that bothered me was my debt to Vernon, which I still couldn't pay off, as I wasn't very good with money. However, he kindly didn't press me for it.

Our printing-house often wanted sorts, and there was no letter-founder in America; I had seen types cast at James’s in London, but without much attention to the manner; however, I now contrived a mould, made use of the letters we had as puncheons, struck the matrices in lead, and thus supply’d in a pretty tolerable way all deficiencies. I also engrav’d several things on occasion; I made the ink; I was warehouseman, and everything, and, in short, quite a factotum.

Our printing house often ran out of types, and there was no letter founder in America. I had seen types cast at James’s in London, but I didn't pay much attention to how it was done. However, I figured out a way to make a mold, used the letters we had as punches, and cast the matrices in lead. This allowed me to pretty much fill in all the gaps. I also engraved several items when needed, made the ink, managed the warehouse, and did everything else—I was basically a jack of all trades.

But, however serviceable I might be, I found that my services became every day of less importance, as the other hands improv’d in the business; and, when Keimer paid my second quarter’s wages, he let me know that he felt them too heavy, and thought I should make an abatement. He grew by degrees less civil, put on more of the master, frequently found fault, was captious, and seem’d ready for an outbreaking. I went on, nevertheless, with a good deal of patience, thinking that his encumber’d circumstances were partly the cause. At length a trifle snapt our connections; for, a great noise happening near the court-house, I put my head out of the window to see what was the matter. Keimer, being in the street, look’d up and saw me, call’d out to me in a loud voice and angry tone to mind my business, adding some reproachful words, that nettled me the more for their publicity, all the neighbors who were looking out on the same occasion being witnesses how I was treated. He came up immediately into the printing-house, continu’d the quarrel, high words pass’d on both sides, he gave me the quarter’s warning we had stipulated, expressing a wish that he had not been oblig’d to so long a warning. I told him his wish was unnecessary, for I would leave him that instant; and so, taking my hat, walk’d out of doors, desiring Meredith, whom I saw below, to take care of some things I left, and bring them to my lodgings.

But no matter how useful I was, I noticed that my contributions became less significant every day as the others improved in their work. When Keimer paid me for my second quarter, he mentioned he felt my wages were too high and thought I should take a pay cut. Gradually, he became less polite, acted more like a boss, frequently complained, seemed irritable, and was ready to explode at any moment. I continued to deal with it patiently, believing that his difficult situation was partly to blame. Eventually, a small incident broke our connection. When I heard a loud commotion near the courthouse, I leaned out the window to see what was happening. Keimer, standing in the street, looked up and shouted at me angrily to mind my own business, adding some hurtful remarks that stung even more because everyone else was watching. He came straight up to the printing house and continued the argument, with harsh words exchanged on both sides. He gave me the quarter's notice we had agreed on and expressed a desire that he didn’t have to give such a long notice. I told him his wish was pointless because I would leave right away. So, I grabbed my hat, walked out the door, and asked Meredith, who I saw downstairs, to take care of some things I was leaving behind and bring them to my place.

Meredith came accordingly in the evening, when we talked my affair over. He had conceiv’d a great regard for me, and was very unwilling that I should leave the house while he remain’d in it. He dissuaded me from returning to my native country, which I began to think of; he reminded me that Keimer was in debt for all he possess’d; that his creditors began to be uneasy; that he kept his shop miserably, sold often without profit for ready money, and often trusted without keeping accounts; that he must therefore fall, which would make a vacancy I might profit of. I objected my want of money. He then let me know that his father had a high opinion of me, and, from some discourse that had pass’d between them, he was sure would advance money to set us up, if I would enter into partnership with him. “My time,” says he, “will be out with Keimer in the spring; by that time we may have our press and types in from London. I am sensible I am no workman; if you like it, your skill in the business shall be set against the stock I furnish, and we will share the profits equally.”

Meredith came over in the evening, and we discussed my situation. He had developed a strong affection for me and was very reluctant to have me leave the house while he was still there. He urged me not to return to my home country, which I had started to consider; he reminded me that Keimer was deeply in debt for everything he owned, that his creditors were beginning to get anxious, that he ran his shop poorly, often sold without making a profit for cash, and frequently extended credit without keeping any records. Because of this, he would eventually fail, creating an opportunity I could take advantage of. I mentioned my lack of funds. He then informed me that his father thought highly of me and, based on some conversation they had, he was confident his father would lend us money to start up if I agreed to go into partnership with him. "My term," he said, "will be up with Keimer in the spring; by then, we should have our press and types shipped in from London. I know I'm not a craftsman; if you’re interested, your expertise in the business will balance out the investment I provide, and we'll share the profits evenly."

The proposal was agreeable, and I consented; his father was in town and approv’d of it; the more as he saw I had great influence with his son, had prevail’d on him to abstain long from dram-drinking, and he hop’d might break him off that wretched habit entirely, when we came to be so closely connected. I gave an inventory to the father, who carry’d it to a merchant; the things were sent for, the secret was to be kept till they should arrive, and in the mean time I was to get work, if I could, at the other printing-house. But I found no vacancy there, and so remain’d idle a few days, when Keimer, on a prospect of being employ’d to print some paper money in New Jersey, which would require cuts and various types that I only could supply, and apprehending Bradford might engage me and get the jobb from him, sent me a very civil message, that old friends should not part for a few words, the effect of sudden passion, and wishing me to return. Meredith persuaded me to comply, as it would give more opportunity for his improvement under my daily instructions; so I return’d, and we went on more smoothly than for some time before. The New Jersey jobb was obtain’d, I contriv’d a copperplate press for it, the first that had been seen in the country; I cut several ornaments and checks for the bills. We went together to Burlington, where I executed the whole to satisfaction; and he received so large a sum for the work as to be enabled thereby to keep his head much longer above water.

The proposal was agreeable, and I agreed; his father was in town and approved of it, especially since he noticed I had a lot of influence with his son. I had convinced him to stay away from drinking for a long time, and he hoped that being closely connected might help him completely break that terrible habit. I gave an inventory to the father, who took it to a merchant; the items were ordered, the secret was to be kept until they arrived, and in the meantime, I was supposed to find work if I could at the other printing house. But I didn't find any openings there, so I stayed idle for a few days. Then Keimer, expecting to be hired to print some paper money in New Jersey— which would need cuts and different types that only I could provide— worried that Bradford might hire me and take the job from him. He sent me a very polite message, saying that old friends shouldn't part over a few hasty words and asked me to come back. Meredith convinced me to return, as it would give him more chances to learn from my daily guidance. So, I went back, and we worked together more smoothly than we had for a while. The New Jersey job was secured, and I designed a copperplate press for it, the first of its kind in the country; I created several ornaments and checks for the bills. We went together to Burlington, where I completed everything to satisfaction, and he earned a substantial sum for the work, which allowed him to stay afloat much longer.

At Burlington I made an acquaintance with many principal people of the province. Several of them had been appointed by the Assembly a committee to attend the press, and take care that no more bills were printed than the law directed. They were therefore, by turns, constantly with us, and generally he who attended, brought with him a friend or two for company. My mind having been much more improv’d by reading than Keimer’s, I suppose it was for that reason my conversation seem’d to be more valu’d. They had me to their houses, introduced me to their friends, and show’d me much civility; while he, tho’ the master, was a little neglected. In truth, he was an odd fish; ignorant of common life, fond of rudely opposing receiv’d opinions, slovenly to extream dirtiness, enthusiastic in some points of religion, and a little knavish withal.

At Burlington, I got to know many important people in the province. Several of them had been appointed by the Assembly as a committee to oversee the press and ensure that no more bills were printed than the law allowed. They were consistently with us, taking turns to attend, and usually, whoever came brought along a friend or two for company. My mind had been much more sharpened by reading than Keimer’s, so I guess that’s why my conversations seemed to be valued more. They invited me to their homes, introduced me to their friends, and treated me with a lot of kindness, while he, even though he was the boss, was somewhat overlooked. Honestly, he was a strange character; clueless about everyday life, fond of harshly challenging accepted views, messy to the point of extreme dirtiness, overly enthusiastic about certain religious matters, and a bit shady as well.

We continu’d there near three months; and by that time I could reckon among my acquired friends, Judge Allen, Samuel Bustill, the secretary of the Province, Isaac Pearson, Joseph Cooper, and several of the Smiths, members of Assembly, and Isaac Decow, the surveyor-general. The latter was a shrewd, sagacious old man, who told me that he began for himself, when young, by wheeling clay for the brick-makers, learned to write after he was of age, carri’d the chain for surveyors, who taught him surveying, and he had now by his industry, acquir’d a good estate; and says he, “I foresee that you will soon work this man out of business, and make a fortune in it at Philadelphia.” He had not then the least intimation of my intention to set up there or anywhere. These friends were afterwards of great use to me, as I occasionally was to some of them. They all continued their regard for me as long as they lived.

We stayed there for almost three months, and by then I could count several friends I had made, including Judge Allen, Samuel Bustill, the provincial secretary, Isaac Pearson, Joseph Cooper, and a few members of the Assembly, the Smiths, along with Isaac Decow, the surveyor-general. Isaac was a clever, wise old man who shared that he started out when he was young by carrying clay for the brick-makers, learned to write only after he turned 21, worked as a chainman for surveyors who taught him the craft, and through hard work, he built up a good estate. He said, “I can see you’ll soon put this man out of work and make a fortune doing it in Philadelphia.” At that time, he had no idea I planned to set up there or anywhere else. These friends later proved very helpful to me, just as I was to some of them. They all kept their affection for me for the rest of their lives.

Before I enter upon my public appearance in business, it may be well to let you know the then state of my mind with regard to my principles and morals, that you may see how far those influenc’d the future events of my life. My parents had early given me religious impressions, and brought me through my childhood piously in the Dissenting way. But I was scarce fifteen, when, after doubting by turns of several points, as I found them disputed in the different books I read, I began to doubt of Revelation itself. Some books against Deism fell into my hands; they were said to be the substance of sermons preached at Boyle’s Lectures. It happened that they wrought an effect on me quite contrary to what was intended by them; for the arguments of the Deists, which were quoted to be refuted, appeared to me much stronger than the refutations; in short, I soon became a thorough Deist. My arguments perverted some others, particularly Collins and Ralph; but, each of them having afterwards wrong’d me greatly without the least compunction, and recollecting Keith’s conduct towards me (who was another freethinker), and my own towards Vernon and Miss Read, which at times gave me great trouble, I began to suspect that this doctrine, tho’ it might be true, was not very useful. My London pamphlet, which had for its motto these lines of Dryden:

Before I start my public journey in business, it seems important to share my mindset regarding my principles and morals, so you can understand how they influenced the events of my life. My parents instilled religious beliefs in me from a young age and raised me with a strong Dissenting faith throughout my childhood. However, by the time I was nearly fifteen, after wrestling with various issues presented in the different books I read, I began to question Revelation itself. I came across some books that argued against Deism; they were said to summarize sermons given at Boyle’s Lectures. Ironically, they had the opposite effect on me than intended, as the Deist arguments they aimed to refute struck me as much stronger than the rebuttals. In a short time, I became a dedicated Deist. My arguments influenced a few others, particularly Collins and Ralph; but each of them later wronged me greatly without any guilt. Reflecting on Keith's treatment of me (another freethinker) and my own behavior towards Vernon and Miss Read—which caused me considerable distress—I started to doubt whether this doctrine, though it might be true, was actually beneficial. My London pamphlet had these lines from Dryden as its motto:

“Whatever is, is right. Though purblind man

“Whatever is, is right. Though blind man

Sees but a part o’ the chain, the nearest link:

Sees just a part of the chain, the closest link:

His eyes not carrying to the equal beam,

His eyes not matching the same brightness,

That poises all above;”

That puts everything on hold;”

and from the attributes of God, his infinite wisdom, goodness and power, concluded that nothing could possibly be wrong in the world, and that vice and virtue were empty distinctions, no such things existing, appear’d now not so clever a performance as I once thought it; and I doubted whether some error had not insinuated itself unperceiv’d into my argument, so as to infect all that follow’d, as is common in metaphysical reasonings.

and from the qualities of God—his endless wisdom, kindness, and strength—concluded that nothing could really be wrong in the world, and that good and evil were meaningless labels, with no real existence. This no longer seemed as smart as I once thought it was, and I questioned whether some mistake had slipped unnoticed into my reasoning, affecting everything that came after, which often happens in philosophical debates.

I grew convinc’d that truth, sincerity and integrity in dealings between man and man were of the utmost importance to the felicity of life; and I form’d written resolutions, which still remain in my journal book, to practice them ever while I lived. Revelation had indeed no weight with me, as such; but I entertain’d an opinion that, though certain actions might not be bad because they were forbidden by it, or good because it commanded them, yet probably these actions might be forbidden because they were bad for us, or commanded because they were beneficial to us, in their own natures, all the circumstances of things considered. And this persuasion, with the kind hand of Providence, or some guardian angel, or accidental favorable circumstances and situations, or all together, preserved me, thro’ this dangerous time of youth, and the hazardous situations I was sometimes in among strangers, remote from the eye and advice of my father, without any willful gross immorality or injustice, that might have been expected from my want of religion. I say willful, because the instances I have mentioned had something of necessity in them, from my youth, inexperience, and the knavery of others. I had therefore a tolerable character to begin the world with; I valued it properly, and determin’d to preserve it.

I became convinced that truth, sincerity, and integrity in interactions between people were crucial for a happy life. I wrote down resolutions, which still exist in my journal, to practice these principles for the rest of my life. Revelation didn’t hold much significance for me in itself; however, I believed that while some actions might not be wrong just because they were forbidden, or right just because they were commanded, they might be forbidden because they were genuinely harmful to us, or commanded because they were beneficial, considering all circumstances. This belief, along with the kind guidance of Providence, a guardian angel, or just fortunate circumstances, kept me safe during the risky times of my youth, even in dangerous situations among strangers, far from my father's watchful eye and advice, without any deliberate wrongdoing or injustice that one might expect from my lack of religion. I say deliberate because the situations I’ve mentioned had elements of necessity due to my youth, inexperience, and the deceit of others. As a result, I had a decent reputation to start my life with; I valued it and was determined to maintain it.

We had not been long return’d to Philadelphia before the new types arriv’d from London. We settled with Keimer, and left him by his consent before he heard of it. We found a house to hire near the market, and took it. To lessen the rent, which was then but twenty-four pounds a year, tho’ I have since known it to let for seventy, we took in Thomas Godfrey, a glazier, and his family, who were to pay a considerable part of it to us, and we to board with them. We had scarce opened our letters and put our press in order, before George House, an acquaintance of mine, brought a countryman to us, whom he had met in the street inquiring for a printer. All our cash was now expended in the variety of particulars we had been obliged to procure, and this countryman’s five shillings, being our first-fruits, and coming so seasonably, gave me more pleasure than any crown I have since earned; and the gratitude I felt toward House has made me often more ready than perhaps I should otherwise have been to assist young beginners.

We hadn't been back in Philadelphia long before the new type arrived from London. We made an agreement with Keimer and left him, with his consent, before he even found out. We rented a house near the market. To lower the rent, which was just twenty-four pounds a year at the time (though I've since learned it rented for seventy), we took in Thomas Godfrey, a glazier, and his family, who agreed to cover a significant part of it, and we’d board with them. We had barely opened our letters and set up our press when George House, a friend of mine, brought a farmer to us. He had met this farmer in the street, who was looking for a printer. We had already spent all our cash on various supplies we needed, so the farmer's five shillings, being our first income and arriving just in time, brought me more joy than any crown I've earned since. The gratitude I felt towards House has often made me more willing to help young beginners than I might have been otherwise.

There are croakers in every country, always boding its ruin. Such a one then lived in Philadelphia; a person of note, an elderly man, with a wise look and a very grave manner of speaking; his name was Samuel Mickle. This gentleman, a stranger to me, stopt one day at my door, and asked me if I was the young man who had lately opened a new printing-house. Being answered in the affirmative, he said he was sorry for me, because it was an expensive undertaking, and the expense would be lost; for Philadelphia was a sinking place, the people already half-bankrupts, or near being so; all appearances to the contrary, such as new buildings and the rise of rents, being to his certain knowledge fallacious; for they were, in fact, among the things that would soon ruin us. And he gave me such a detail of misfortunes now existing, or that were soon to exist, that he left me half melancholy. Had I known him before I engaged in this business, probably I never should have done it. This man continued to live in this decaying place, and to declaim in the same strain, refusing for many years to buy a house there, because all was going to destruction; and at last I had the pleasure of seeing him give five times as much for one as he might have bought it for when he first began his croaking.

There are pessimists in every country, always predicting its downfall. One such person lived in Philadelphia; he was a notable elderly man with a wise look and a very serious way of speaking; his name was Samuel Mickle. This gentleman, a stranger to me, stopped by my door one day and asked if I was the young man who had recently opened a new printing house. When I confirmed that I was, he expressed his sympathy for me, saying it was an expensive venture and that the costs would be wasted since Philadelphia was a sinking ship. He claimed the people were already half-bankrupt or close to it; all evidence to the contrary, like new buildings and rising rents, was, in his opinion, misleading because they were, in fact, among the things that would soon ruin us. He detailed so many current or impending misfortunes that he left me feeling quite gloomy. If I had known him before starting this business, I might never have gone through with it. This man continued to live in this decaying city and maintained the same negative outlook, refusing for many years to buy a house there because everything was heading for disaster. In the end, I had the pleasure of seeing him pay five times more for a house than he could have when he first started his complaints.

I should have mentioned before, that, in the autumn of the preceding year, I had form’d most of my ingenious acquaintance into a club of mutual improvement, which we called the Junto; we met on Friday evenings. The rules that I drew up required that every member, in his turn, should produce one or more queries on any point of Morals, Politics, or Natural Philosophy, to be discuss’d by the company; and once in three months produce and read an essay of his own writing, on any subject he pleased. Our debates were to be under the direction of a president, and to be conducted in the sincere spirit of inquiry after truth, without fondness for dispute, or desire of victory; and, to prevent warmth, all expressions of positiveness in opinions, or direct contradiction, were after some time made contraband, and prohibited under small pecuniary penalties.

I should have mentioned earlier that in the autumn of the previous year, I gathered most of my clever friends into a club for mutual improvement, which we called the Together; we met on Friday evenings. The rules I created required that each member, in turn, present one or more questions on any topic of Morals, Politics, or Natural Philosophy for the group to discuss; and every three months, produce and read an essay of their own writing on any subject they chose. Our debates were to be guided by a president and conducted in a genuine spirit of inquiry for the truth, without a love for arguing or a desire to win; and to keep things calm, all strong expressions of opinions or outright contradictions were eventually banned and penalized with small fines.

The first members were Joseph Breintnal, a copyer of deeds for the scriveners, a good-natur’d, friendly, middle-ag’d man, a great lover of poetry, reading all he could meet with, and writing some that was tolerable; very ingenious in many little Nicknackeries, and of sensible conversation.

The first members were Joseph Breintnal, a deeds copier for the scriveners, a good-natured, friendly, middle-aged man who loved poetry, read as much as he could find, and wrote some decent pieces; he was quite clever with many little crafts and had engaging conversations.

Thomas Godfrey, a self-taught mathematician, great in his way, and afterward inventor of what is now called Hadley’s Quadrant. But he knew little out of his way, and was not a pleasing companion; as, like most great mathematicians I have met with, he expected universal precision in everything said, or was for ever denying or distinguishing upon trifles, to the disturbance of all conversation. He soon left us.

Thomas Godfrey, a self-taught mathematician who was impressive in his own right, later invented what we now call Hadley’s Quadrant. However, he had limited knowledge beyond that scope and wasn’t a very enjoyable company; like many brilliant mathematicians I’ve encountered, he expected everyone to speak with absolute precision or was constantly nitpicking small details, which disrupted all conversations. He left us soon after.

Nicholas Scull, a surveyor, afterwards surveyor-general, who lov’d books, and sometimes made a few verses.

Nicholas Scull, a surveyor and later the surveyor-general, who loved books and occasionally wrote some poetry.

William Parsons, bred a shoemaker, but loving reading, had acquir’d a considerable share of mathematics, which he first studied with a view to astrology, that he afterwards laught at it. He also became surveyor-general.

William Parsons, raised as a shoemaker but passionate about reading, had gained a significant understanding of mathematics, which he initially studied for astrology but later laughed at. He also became the surveyor-general.

William Maugridge, a joiner, a most exquisite mechanic, and a solid, sensible man.

William Maugridge, a carpenter, a highly skilled craftsman, and a practical, sensible man.

Hugh Meredith, Stephen Potts, and George Webb I have characteriz’d before.

Hugh Meredith, Stephen Potts, and George Webb have been described by me before.

Robert Grace, a young gentleman of some fortune, generous, lively, and witty; a lover of punning and of his friends.

Robert Grace, a young man with some wealth, is generous, lively, and witty; he loves making puns and spending time with his friends.

And William Coleman, then a merchant’s clerk, about my age, who had the coolest, clearest head, the best heart, and the exactest morals of almost any man I ever met with. He became afterwards a merchant of great note, and one of our provincial judges. Our friendship continued without interruption to his death, upward of forty years; and the club continued almost as long, and was the best school of philosophy, morality, and politics that then existed in the province; for our queries, which were read the week preceding their discussion, put us upon reading with attention upon the several subjects, that we might speak more to the purpose; and here, too, we acquired better habits of conversation, every thing being studied in our rules which might prevent our disgusting each other. From hence the long continuance of the club, which I shall have frequent occasion to speak further of hereafter.

And William Coleman, who was then working as a merchant’s clerk and was about my age, had the clearest mind, the kindest heart, and the strictest morals of almost anyone I've ever met. He later became a well-known merchant and one of our provincial judges. Our friendship lasted without interruption until his death, which was over forty years later; the club we were part of lasted almost as long and was the best school for philosophy, morality, and politics that existed in the province at that time. Our questions, which we read the week before discussing them, encouraged us to read carefully on various topics so we could speak more effectively. We also developed better habits of conversation, as our rules addressed anything that could cause annoyance among us. This contributed to the club's long existence, which I will mention more about later.

But my giving this account of it here is to show something of the interest I had, every one of these exerting themselves in recommending business to us. Breintnal particularly procur’d us from the Quakers the printing forty sheets of their history, the rest being to be done by Keimer; and upon this we work’d exceedingly hard, for the price was low. It was a folio, pro patria size, in pica, with long primer notes. I compos’d of it a sheet a day, and Meredith worked it off at press; it was often eleven at night, and sometimes later, before I had finished my distribution for the next day’s work, for the little jobbs sent in by our other friends now and then put us back. But so determin’d I was to continue doing a sheet a day of the folio, that one night, when, having impos’d my forms, I thought my day’s work over, one of them by accident was broken, and two pages reduced to pi, I immediately distributed and compos’d it over again before I went to bed; and this industry, visible to our neighbors, began to give us character and credit; particularly, I was told, that mention being made of the new printing-office at the merchants’ Every-night club, the general opinion was that it must fail, there being already two printers in the place, Keimer and Bradford; but Dr. Baird (whom you and I saw many years after at his native place, St. Andrew’s in Scotland) gave a contrary opinion: “For the industry of that Franklin,” says he, “is superior to any thing I ever saw of the kind; I see him still at work when I go home from club, and he is at work again before his neighbors are out of bed.” This struck the rest, and we soon after had offers from one of them to supply us with stationery; but as yet we did not chuse to engage in shop business.

But I'm sharing this story to highlight the interest I had in everyone working hard to recommend business to us. Breintnal, in particular, helped us get the Quakers to print forty sheets of their history, with the rest being done by Keimer; and we worked really hard on this because the pay was low. It was a folio, pro patria size, in pica, with long primer notes. I managed to get a sheet done each day, while Meredith printed it; often it was eleven at night or later before I finished organizing the next day's work because the little jobs from our other friends sometimes delayed us. But I was so determined to keep up with the daily sheet of the folio that one night, after I thought I was done for the day, one of my forms accidentally broke, and two pages got turned into gibberish. I quickly set it up and composed it again before going to bed; this hard work, noticed by our neighbors, started to build our reputation and credibility. I was even told that when the new printing office was mentioned at the merchants' Every-night club, most people thought we would fail since there were already two printers in town, Keimer and Bradford. However, Dr. Baird (whom you and I saw many years later in his hometown, St. Andrew’s in Scotland) had a different opinion: “The work ethic of that Franklin,” he said, “is beyond anything I’ve ever seen. I still see him working when I go home from the club, and he's back at it again before his neighbors are even awake.” This caught everyone’s attention, and soon after, one of them offered to supply us with stationery, but we weren’t ready to get into retail yet.

I mention this industry the more particularly and the more freely, tho’ it seems to be talking in my own praise, that those of my posterity, who shall read it, may know the use of that virtue, when they see its effects in my favour throughout this relation.

I mention this industry more specifically and more openly, even though it might seem like I'm just praising myself, so that my descendants who read this will understand the value of that virtue when they see its positive impact on me throughout this account.

George Webb, who had found a female friend that lent him wherewith to purchase his time of Keimer, now came to offer himself as a journeyman to us. We could not then imploy him; but I foolishly let him know as a secret that I soon intended to begin a newspaper, and might then have work for him. My hopes of success, as I told him, were founded on this, that the then only newspaper, printed by Bradford, was a paltry thing, wretchedly manag’d, no way entertaining, and yet was profitable to him; I therefore thought a good paper would scarcely fail of good encouragement. I requested Webb not to mention it; but he told it to Keimer, who immediately, to be beforehand with me, published proposals for printing one himself, on which Webb was to be employ’d. I resented this; and, to counteract them, as I could not yet begin our paper, I wrote several pieces of entertainment for Bradford’s paper, under the title of the Busy Body, which Breintnal continu’d some months. By this means the attention of the publick was fixed on that paper, and Keimer’s proposals, which we burlesqu’d and ridicul’d, were disregarded. He began his paper, however, and, after carrying it on three quarters of a year, with at most only ninety subscribers, he offered it to me for a trifle; and I, having been ready some time to go on with it, took it in hand directly; and it prov’d in a few years extremely profitable to me.

George Webb, who had found a female friend to help him buy his freedom from Keimer, now came to offer himself as a journeyman to us. We couldn’t employ him at that time, but I foolishly let him in on a secret that I intended to start a newspaper soon and might have work for him then. My hopes for success, as I mentioned to him, were based on the fact that the only newspaper at that time, printed by Bradford, was poorly done, badly managed, uninteresting, and yet still made money for him; therefore, I thought a good paper would likely attract good support. I asked Webb not to mention it, but he told Keimer, who immediately jumped ahead of me and published proposals to start his own newspaper, with Webb set to be employed there. I was upset about this; and to counteract their plans, since I couldn’t start our paper yet, I wrote several entertaining pieces for Bradford’s paper under the title of the Busybody, which Breintnal continued for a few months. This drew the public's attention to that paper, and Keimer’s proposals, which we mocked and ridiculed, were ignored. However, he did start his paper, and after running it for about three quarters of a year with at most just ninety subscribers, he offered it to me for a small amount; and since I had been ready for some time to move forward with it, I took it over right away, and it turned out to be very profitable for me within a few years.

I perceive that I am apt to speak in the singular number, though our partnership still continu’d; the reason may be that, in fact, the whole management of the business lay upon me. Meredith was no compositor, a poor pressman, and seldom sober. My friends lamented my connection with him, but I was to make the best of it.

I realize that I tend to speak in the singular, even though our partnership is still going strong; the reason might be that, truthfully, I handled the entire management of the business. Meredith wasn’t a typesetter, a bad printer, and rarely sober. My friends mourned my association with him, but I had to make the best of it.

Our first papers made a quite different appearance from any before in the province; a better type, and better printed; but some spirited remarks of my writing, on the dispute then going on between Governor Burnet and the Massachusetts Assembly, struck the principal people, occasioned the paper and the manager of it to be much talk’d of, and in a few weeks brought them all to be our subscribers.

Our first papers looked very different from anything else in the province; they had a nicer format and were better printed. However, some bold comments I made about the ongoing dispute between Governor Burnet and the Massachusetts Assembly caught the attention of the key figures. This sparked a lot of conversation about the paper and its editor, and within a few weeks, it led to everyone becoming our subscribers.

Their example was follow’d by many, and our number went on growing continually. This was one of the first good effects of my having learnt a little to scribble; another was, that the leading men, seeing a newspaper now in the hands of one who could also handle a pen, thought it convenient to oblige and encourage me. Bradford still printed the votes, and laws, and other publick business. He had printed an address of the House to the governor, in a coarse, blundering manner, we reprinted it elegantly and correctly, and sent one to every member. They were sensible of the difference: it strengthened the hands of our friends in the House, and they voted us their printers for the year ensuing.

Their example was followed by many, and our numbers kept growing constantly. This was one of the first positive outcomes of my learning to write a bit; another was that the leading figures, seeing a newspaper now in the hands of someone who could also use a pen, thought it was a good idea to support and encourage me. Bradford continued to print the votes, laws, and other public business. He had printed an address from the House to the governor in a rough, clumsy way; we reprinted it elegantly and accurately, and sent one to every member. They recognized the difference: it strengthened our friends in the House, and they appointed us as their printers for the following year.

Among my friends in the House I must not forget Mr. Hamilton, before mentioned, who was then returned from England, and had a seat in it. He interested himself for me strongly in that instance, as he did in many others afterward, continuing his patronage till his death. [6]

Among my friends in the House, I shouldn't forget Mr. Hamilton, who I mentioned before, and who had just returned from England and had a seat in it. He strongly supported me in that case, just as he did in many others later on, continuing his support until his death. [6]

Mr. Vernon, about this time, put me in mind of the debt I ow’d him, but did not press me. I wrote him an ingenuous letter of acknowledgment, crav’d his forbearance a little longer, which he allow’d me, and as soon as I was able, I paid the principal with interest, and many thanks; so that erratum was in some degree corrected.

Mr. Vernon, around this time, reminded me of the debt I owed him, but he wasn't too pushy about it. I wrote him a sincere letter acknowledging the debt and asked for a bit more patience, which he granted. As soon as I was able, I paid back the principal with interest and a lot of thanks, so that mistake was somewhat corrected.

But now another difficulty came upon me which I had never the least reason to expect. Mr. Meredith’s father, who was to have paid for our printing-house, according to the expectations given me, was able to advance only one hundred pounds currency, which had been paid; and a hundred more was due to the merchant, who grew impatient, and su’d us all. We gave bail, but saw that, if the money could not be rais’d in time, the suit must soon come to a judgment and execution, and our hopeful prospects must, with us, be ruined, as the press and letters must be sold for payment, perhaps at half price.

But now another problem hit me that I never expected. Mr. Meredith’s father, who was supposed to cover the costs for our printing press, could only come up with one hundred pounds, which he already paid. An additional hundred was owed to the merchant, who was getting impatient and sued us all. We posted bail, but realized that if we couldn't raise the money in time, the case would soon reach a judgment and execution, and our promising future would be destroyed, as the press and letters would have to be sold to cover the costs, probably for half of their value.

In this distress two true friends, whose kindness I have never forgotten, nor ever shall forget while I can remember any thing, came to me separately, unknown to each other, and, without any application from me, offering each of them to advance me all the money that should be necessary to enable me to take the whole business upon myself, if that should be practicable; but they did not like my continuing the partnership with Meredith, who, as they said, was often seen drunk in the streets, and playing at low games in alehouses, much to our discredit. These two friends were William Coleman and Robert Grace. I told them I could not propose a separation while any prospect remain’d of the Merediths’ fulfilling their part of our agreement, because I thought myself under great obligations to them for what they had done, and would do if they could; but, if they finally fail’d in their performance, and our partnership must be dissolv’d, I should then think myself at liberty to accept the assistance of my friends.

In this tough time, two true friends, whose kindness I will never forget, came to me individually, without knowing each other. They both offered to lend me whatever money I needed to take on the whole business myself, if that was possible. However, they didn’t like the idea of me continuing the partnership with Meredith, who, as they pointed out, was often seen drunk on the streets and gambling at low-end bars, which reflected badly on us. These two friends were William Coleman and Robert Grace. I told them I couldn’t suggest a split while there was still a chance that the Merediths would fulfill their part of our deal because I felt very obligated to them for what they had done and would do if they could. But if they ultimately failed to deliver, and our partnership had to end, then I would feel free to accept my friends' help.

Thus the matter rested for some time, when I said to my partner, “Perhaps your father is dissatisfied at the part you have undertaken in this affair of ours, and is unwilling to advance for you and me what he would for you alone. If that is the case, tell me, and I will resign the whole to you, and go about my business.” “No,” said he, “my father has really been disappointed, and is really unable; and I am unwilling to distress him farther. I see this is a business I am not fit for. I was bred a farmer, and it was a folly in me to come to town, and put myself, at thirty years of age, an apprentice to learn a new trade. Many of our Welsh people are going to settle in North Carolina, where land is cheap. I am inclin’d to go with them, and follow my old employment. You may find friends to assist you. If you will take the debts of the company upon you; return to my father the hundred pound he has advanced; pay my little personal debts, and give me thirty pounds and a new saddle, I will relinquish the partnership, and leave the whole in your hands.” I agreed to this proposal: it was drawn up in writing, sign’d, and seal’d immediately. I gave him what he demanded, and he went soon after to Carolina, from whence he sent me next year two long letters, containing the best account that had been given of that country, the climate, the soil, husbandry, etc., for in those matters he was very judicious. I printed them in the papers, and they gave great satisfaction to the publick.

Thus the matter stood for a while, when I said to my partner, “Maybe your father isn't happy with the role you've taken in our project and is reluctant to support us the way he would if it were just you. If that’s the case, let me know, and I’ll back out and go my own way.” “No,” he replied, “my father is genuinely disappointed and really can’t help; I don’t want to cause him any more distress. I can see that this is a business I’m not cut out for. I grew up as a farmer, and it was a mistake for me to move to the city and become an apprentice to learn a new trade at thirty. Many of our Welsh folks are moving to North Carolina, where land is cheap. I’m thinking of going with them and returning to my old job. You can find people to help you. If you agree to take on the company’s debts, pay my father back the hundred pounds he loaned us, settle my small personal debts, and give me thirty pounds and a new saddle, I’ll give up the partnership and leave everything in your hands.” I accepted this offer: it was put into writing, signed, and sealed right away. I gave him what he asked for, and he soon left for Carolina, from where he sent me two lengthy letters the following year, providing the best overview of that region, including the climate, soil, and farming, etc., since he was quite knowledgeable about those subjects. I published them in the papers, and they were very well received by the public.

As soon as he was gone, I recurr’d to my two friends; and because I would not give an unkind preference to either, I took half of what each had offered and I wanted of one, and half of the other; paid off the company’s debts, and went on with the business in my own name, advertising that the partnership was dissolved. I think this was in or about the year 1729.

As soon as he left, I went back to my two friends; and since I didn’t want to show an unfair preference to either of them, I took half of what each had offered and also took what I needed from one and half from the other. I settled the company's debts and continued the business in my own name, announcing that the partnership was dissolved. I think this was around the year 1729.

About this time there was a cry among the people for more paper money, only fifteen thousand pounds being extant in the province, and that soon to be sunk. The wealthy inhabitants oppos’d any addition, being against all paper currency, from an apprehension that it would depreciate, as it had done in New England, to the prejudice of all creditors. We had discuss’d this point in our Junto, where I was on the side of an addition, being persuaded that the first small sum struck in 1723 had done much good by increasing the trade, employment, and number of inhabitants in the province, since I now saw all the old houses inhabited, and many new ones building: whereas I remembered well, that when I first walk’d about the streets of Philadelphia, eating my roll, I saw most of the houses in Walnut-street, between Second and Front streets, with bills on their doors, “To be let”; and many likewise in Chestnut-street and other streets, which made me then think the inhabitants of the city were deserting it one after another.

Around this time, there was a demand from the people for more paper money, as only fifteen thousand pounds were available in the province, and that was quickly running out. The wealthy residents opposed any increase, being against all paper currency due to their fear that it would lose value, as it had in New England, harming all creditors. We had discussed this issue in our Junto, and I sided with the idea of increasing the money supply, believing that the initial small amount issued in 1723 had greatly benefited trade, jobs, and the number of residents in the province. Now, I saw all the old houses occupied, and many new ones being built. I clearly remembered that when I first walked around the streets of Philadelphia, eating my roll, I noticed most of the houses on Walnut Street between Second and Front were marked with “For Rent,” and many others on Chestnut Street and other streets, which made me think the city's inhabitants were leaving one by one.

Our debates possess’d me so fully of the subject, that I wrote and printed an anonymous pamphlet on it, entitled “The Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency.” It was well receiv’d by the common people in general; but the rich men dislik’d it, for it increas’d and strengthen’d the clamor for more money, and they happening to have no writers among them that were able to answer it, their opposition slacken’d, and the point was carried by a majority in the House. My friends there, who conceiv’d I had been of some service, thought fit to reward me by employing me in printing the money; a very profitable jobb and a great help to me. This was another advantage gain’d by my being able to write.

Our discussions absorbed me so completely that I wrote and published an anonymous pamphlet on the topic, titled “The Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency.” It was well received by the general public, but the wealthy disliked it because it fueled and intensified the demand for more money. Since they didn’t have any writers among them who could effectively counter my arguments, their opposition weakened, and the issue was decided by a majority in the House. My friends there, who believed I had been helpful, decided to reward me by hiring me to print the money; it was a very profitable job and a significant help to me. This was another advantage gained from my writing skills.

The utility of this currency became by time and experience so evident as never afterwards to be much disputed; so that it grew soon to fifty-five thousand pounds, and in 1739 to eighty thousand pounds, since which it arose during war to upwards of three hundred and fifty thousand pounds, trade, building, and inhabitants all the while increasing, tho’ I now think there are limits beyond which the quantity may be hurtful.

The usefulness of this currency became so clear over time and experience that it was hardly ever disputed afterward; it quickly grew to fifty-five thousand pounds and reached eighty thousand pounds in 1739. During the war, it rose to over three hundred and fifty thousand pounds, with trade, construction, and population all increasing. However, I now think there are limits beyond which too much of it could be harmful.

I soon after obtain’d, thro’ my friend Hamilton, the printing of the Newcastle paper money, another profitable jobb as I then thought it; small things appearing great to those in small circumstances; and these, to me, were really great advantages, as they were great encouragements. He procured for me, also, the printing of the laws and votes of that government, which continu’d in my hands as long as I follow’d the business.

I soon got, through my friend Hamilton, the contract to print the Newcastle paper money, which I thought was another profitable job at the time; small things seem significant to those in small circumstances; and these were truly great benefits for me, as they were strong encouragements. He also arranged for me to print the laws and votes of that government, which I continued to handle for as long as I was in the business.

I now open’d a little stationer’s shop. I had in it blanks of all sorts, the correctest that ever appear’d among us, being assisted in that by my friend Breintnal. I had also paper, parchment, chapmen’s books, etc. One Whitemash, a compositor I had known in London, an excellent workman, now came to me, and work’d with me constantly and diligently; and I took an apprentice, the son of Aquila Rose.

I just opened a small stationery shop. I stocked it with all kinds of blank items, the best you could find around, thanks to my friend Breintnal's help. I also had paper, parchment, and various books for sale. A typesetter named Whitemash, whom I had known in London and who was a great worker, came to join me and worked with me consistently and hard. I also took on an apprentice, the son of Aquila Rose.

I began now gradually to pay off the debt I was under for the printing-house. In order to secure my credit and character as a tradesman, I took care not only to be in reality industrious and frugal, but to avoid all appearances to the contrary. I drest plainly; I was seen at no places of idle diversion. I never went out a fishing or shooting; a book, indeed, sometimes debauch’d me from my work, but that was seldom, snug, and gave no scandal; and, to show that I was not above my business, I sometimes brought home the paper I purchas’d at the stores thro’ the streets on a wheelbarrow. Thus being esteem’d an industrious, thriving young man, and paying duly for what I bought, the merchants who imported stationery solicited my custom; others proposed supplying me with books, and I went on swimmingly. In the mean time, Keimer’s credit and business declining daily, he was at last forc’d to sell his printing-house to satisfy his creditors. He went to Barbadoes, and there lived some years in very poor circumstances.

I started to gradually pay off the debt I owed for the printing press. To protect my reputation and credibility as a businessman, I made sure not only to actually be hardworking and thrifty, but also to avoid any appearances to the contrary. I dressed simply; I wasn't seen at places of idle entertainment. I never went fishing or hunting; a book would sometimes pull me away from my work, but that happened rarely, was peaceful, and caused no scandal. To show that I wasn't above my work, I sometimes brought home the paper I purchased at the stores on a wheelbarrow. Being seen as a hardworking, successful young man who paid for what I bought helped attract merchants importing stationery to seek my business. Others offered to supply me with books, and I was doing well. Meanwhile, Keimer's business and credit were declining every day, and he was eventually forced to sell his printing house to pay off his creditors. He moved to Barbados and lived there for several years in very poor conditions.

His apprentice, David Harry, whom I had instructed while I work’d with him, set up in his place at Philadelphia, having bought his materials. I was at first apprehensive of a powerful rival in Harry, as his friends were very able, and had a good deal of interest. I therefore propos’d a partnership to him which he, fortunately for me, rejected with scorn. He was very proud, dress’d like a gentleman, liv’d expensively, took much diversion and pleasure abroad, ran in debt, and neglected his business; upon which, all business left him; and, finding nothing to do, he followed Keimer to Barbadoes, taking the printing-house with him. There this apprentice employ’d his former master as a journeyman; they quarrel’d often; Harry went continually behindhand, and at length was forc’d to sell his types and return to his country work in Pensilvania. The person that bought them employ’d Keimer to use them, but in a few years he died.

His apprentice, David Harry, whom I had trained while working with him, set up his business in Philadelphia after buying his materials. I was initially worried about having a strong rival in Harry since his friends were quite capable and had a good deal of influence. So, I proposed a partnership to him, which he fortunately rejected with disdain. He was quite proud, dressed like a gentleman, lived extravagantly, enjoyed spending time out, got into debt, and neglected his work; as a result, all business left him. With nothing to do, he followed Keimer to Barbados, taking the printing house with him. There, this apprentice employed his former master as a journeyman; they often quarreled, Harry continually fell behind, and eventually, he had to sell his types and return to his work in Pennsylvania. The person who bought them hired Keimer to use them, but he died a few years later.

There remained now no competitor with me at Philadelphia but the old one, Bradford; who was rich and easy, did a little printing now and then by straggling hands, but was not very anxious about the business. However, as he kept the post-office, it was imagined he had better opportunities of obtaining news; his paper was thought a better distributer of advertisements than mine, and therefore had many more, which was a profitable thing to him, and a disadvantage to me; for, tho’ I did indeed receive and send papers by the post, yet the publick opinion was otherwise, for what I did send was by bribing the riders, who took them privately, Bradford being unkind enough to forbid it, which occasion’d some resentment on my part; and I thought so meanly of him for it, that, when I afterward came into his situation, I took care never to imitate it.

There were no competitors left for me in Philadelphia except for the old one, Bradford. He was wealthy and comfortable, doing a bit of printing now and then with some casual help, but he wasn't very invested in the business. However, since he ran the post office, people thought he had better access to news. His paper was considered a better platform for advertisements than mine, so he had many more, which was profitable for him and a disadvantage for me. Even though I did send and receive papers through the post, public opinion was different; what I sent was done by bribing the delivery riders who took them secretly, while Bradford unkindly forbade it, which made me resentful. I thought so poorly of him for that that when I eventually found myself in his position, I made sure to never act the same way.

I had hitherto continu’d to board with Godfrey, who lived in part of my house with his wife and children, and had one side of the shop for his glazier’s business, tho’ he worked little, being always absorbed in his mathematics. Mrs. Godfrey projected a match for me with a relation’s daughter, took opportunities of bringing us often together, till a serious courtship on my part ensu’d, the girl being in herself very deserving. The old folks encourag’d me by continual invitations to supper, and by leaving us together, till at length it was time to explain. Mrs. Godfrey manag’d our little treaty. I let her know that I expected as much money with their daughter as would pay off my remaining debt for the printing-house, which I believe was not then above a hundred pounds. She brought me word they had no such sum to spare; I said they might mortgage their house in the loan-office. The answer to this, after some days, was, that they did not approve the match; that, on inquiry of Bradford, they had been inform’d the printing business was not a profitable one; the types would soon be worn out, and more wanted; that S. Keimer and D. Harry had failed one after the other, and I should probably soon follow them; and, therefore, I was forbidden the house, and the daughter shut up.

I had been staying with Godfrey, who lived in part of my house with his wife and kids, and used one side of the shop for his glass business, even though he hardly worked, always getting lost in his math. Mrs. Godfrey was trying to set me up with a relative's daughter and kept finding chances to bring us together until I started seriously courting her, as she was a very worthy girl. The older folks encouraged me with constant dinner invitations and by leaving us alone together until it was finally time to be clear about things. Mrs. Godfrey handled our little negotiation. I let her know I expected a dowry that would cover my remaining debt for the printing house, which I believed was not much more than a hundred pounds at that time. She told me they didn’t have that kind of money to spare; I suggested they could mortgage their house at the loan office. After a few days, I heard back that they didn’t approve of the match; after checking with Bradford, they were informed that the printing business wasn’t profitable — the types would wear out quickly, and more would be needed; that S. Keimer and D. Harry had both failed one after the other, and I would likely follow them soon; and so, I was banned from the house, and their daughter was locked away.

Whether this was a real change of sentiment or only artifice, on a supposition of our being too far engaged in affection to retract, and therefore that we should steal a marriage, which would leave them at liberty to give or withhold what they pleas’d, I know not; but I suspected the latter, resented it, and went no more. Mrs. Godfrey brought me afterward some more favorable accounts of their disposition, and would have drawn me on again; but I declared absolutely my resolution to have nothing more to do with that family. This was resented by the Godfreys; we differ’d, and they removed, leaving me the whole house, and I resolved to take no more inmates.

Whether this was a genuine change of feeling or just a trick, assuming we were too deep in our affection to back out, which meant we would sneak into a marriage that would let them decide what to give or take away, I’m not sure; but I suspected it was the latter, felt upset about it, and didn’t go back. Mrs. Godfrey later gave me some better news about their attitudes and tried to persuade me to return, but I firmly stated my decision to have nothing further to do with their family. The Godfreys were offended by this; we had a falling out, and they moved away, leaving me the entire house, and I decided not to take in any more tenants.

But this affair having turned my thoughts to marriage, I look’d round me and made overtures of acquaintance in other places; but soon found that, the business of a printer being generally thought a poor one, I was not to expect money with a wife, unless with such a one as I should not otherwise think agreeable. In the mean time, that hard-to-be-governed passion of youth hurried me frequently into intrigues with low women that fell in my way, which were attended with some expense and great inconvenience, besides a continual risque to my health by a distemper which of all things I dreaded, though by great good luck I escaped it. A friendly correspondence as neighbors and old acquaintances had continued between me and Mrs. Read’s family, who all had a regard for me from the time of my first lodging in their house. I was often invited there and consulted in their affairs, wherein I sometimes was of service. I piti’d poor Miss Read’s unfortunate situation, who was generally dejected, seldom cheerful, and avoided company. I considered my giddiness and inconstancy when in London as in a great degree the cause of her unhappiness, tho’ the mother was good enough to think the fault more her own than mine, as she had prevented our marrying before I went thither, and persuaded the other match in my absence. Our mutual affection was revived, but there were now great objections to our union. The match was indeed looked upon as invalid, a preceding wife being said to be living in England; but this could not easily be prov’d, because of the distance; and, tho’ there was a report of his death, it was not certain. Then, tho’ it should be true, he had left many debts, which his successor might be call’d upon to pay. We ventured, however, over all these difficulties, and I took her to wife, September 1st, 1730. None of the inconveniences happened that we had apprehended; she proved a good and faithful helpmate, assisted me much by attending the shop; we throve together, and have ever mutually endeavored to make each other happy. Thus I corrected that great erratum as well as I could.

But this situation got me thinking about marriage, so I looked around and tried to meet new people; however, I quickly realized that being a printer was generally seen as a poor profession, and I shouldn't expect to find a wife who would come with money, unless she was someone I wouldn't find appealing otherwise. In the meantime, the hard-to-control passion of youth frequently led me into affairs with women of questionable character who crossed my path, which brought some expenses and a lot of trouble, along with a constant risk to my health from a disease I dreaded, though I was lucky enough to avoid it. A friendly connection had remained between me and Mrs. Read’s family, who had cared for me since I first stayed with them. I was often invited over and consulted on their matters, where I sometimes could help. I felt sorry for poor Miss Read’s unfortunate situation; she was usually downcast, rarely happy, and avoided socializing. I believed my recklessness and inconsistency while in London contributed significantly to her unhappiness, though her mother was kind enough to think the blame was more on her than on me, as she had stopped us from marrying before I went there and encouraged another match while I was away. Our mutual affection resumed, but now there were major issues preventing our union. The match was considered invalid, as a previous husband was said to be alive in England; however, it was hard to prove this because of the distance, and although there were rumors of his death, it wasn't confirmed. Besides, even if he had died, he left behind many debts, which I could potentially be responsible for. Despite all these challenges, we decided to go ahead, and I married her on September 1st, 1730. None of the issues we feared came to pass; she turned out to be a good and loyal partner, helping me a lot in the shop; we prospered together, and we've always tried to make each other happy. Thus, I corrected that significant mistake as best as I could.

About this time, our club meeting, not at a tavern, but in a little room of Mr. Grace’s, set apart for that purpose, a proposition was made by me, that, since our books were often referr’d to in our disquisitions upon the queries, it might be convenient to us to have them altogether where we met, that upon occasion they might be consulted; and by thus clubbing our books to a common library, we should, while we lik’d to keep them together, have each of us the advantage of using the books of all the other members, which would be nearly as beneficial as if each owned the whole. It was lik’d and agreed to, and we fill’d one end of the room with such books as we could best spare. The number was not so great as we expected; and tho’ they had been of great use, yet some inconveniences occurring for want of due care of them, the collection, after about a year, was separated, and each took his books home again.

Around this time, during our club meeting—not at a tavern, but in a small room owned by Mr. Grace that was set up for our gatherings—I proposed that since we often referred to our books during discussions about the topics, it would be helpful to have all of them in one place for easy access. By pooling our books into a common library, we could still enjoy them together while benefiting from each other's collections, making it almost as if each member owned all the books. This idea was well-received and agreed upon, so we filled one end of the room with the books we could spare. The number of books wasn't as high as we had hoped, and although they were very useful, some issues arose from a lack of proper care for them. After about a year, the collection was disbanded, and everyone took their books home again.

And now I set on foot my first project of a public nature, that for a subscription library. I drew up the proposals, got them put into form by our great scrivener, Brockden, and, by the help of my friends in the Junto, procured fifty subscribers of forty shillings each to begin with, and ten shillings a year for fifty years, the term our company was to continue. We afterwards obtain’d a charter, the company being increased to one hundred: this was the mother of all the North American subscription libraries, now so numerous. It is become a great thing itself, and continually increasing. These libraries have improved the general conversation of the Americans, made the common tradesmen and farmers as intelligent as most gentlemen from other countries, and perhaps have contributed in some degree to the stand so generally made throughout the colonies in defense of their privileges.

And now I started my first public project, which was a subscription library. I drafted the proposals, had them formalized by our talented scribe, Brockden, and, with the help of my friends in the Junto, secured fifty subscribers at forty shillings each to start, and ten shillings a year for fifty years, which was the duration our company would operate. We later obtained a charter, and the company grew to one hundred members: this became the first of all the North American subscription libraries, which are now numerous. It has become significant in itself and is continually expanding. These libraries have improved the overall conversation among Americans, making ordinary tradespeople and farmers as knowledgeable as many gentlemen from other countries, and they may have contributed in some way to the widespread resistance throughout the colonies in defense of their rights.

Memo. Thus far was written with the intention express’d in the beginning and therefore contains several little family anecdotes of no importance to others. What follows was written many years after in compliance with the advice contain’d in these letters, and accordingly intended for the public. The affairs of the Revolution occasion’d the interruption.

Memo. This was written with the intention expressed at the beginning and includes several small family stories that won't matter to anyone else. What comes next was written many years later, following the advice in these letters, and is meant for the public. The events of the Revolution caused the delay.


Letter from Mr. Abel James,

with Notes of my Life (received in Paris).

with Notes of my Life (received in Paris).

My Dear and Honored Friend: I have often been desirous of writing to thee, but could not be reconciled to the thought that the letter might fall into the hands of the British, lest some printer or busy-body should publish some part of the contents, and give our friend pain, and myself censure.

My dear and respected friend: I have often wanted to write to you, but I couldn't shake the worry that the letter might end up in the hands of the British, and some printer or nosy person could publish parts of what I wrote, causing our friend distress and me criticism.

“Some time since there fell into my hands, to my great joy, about twenty-three sheets in thy own handwriting, containing an account of the parentage and life of thyself, directed to thy son, ending in the year 1730, with which there were notes, likewise in thy writing; a copy of which I inclose, in hopes it may be a means, if thou continued it up to a later period, that the first and latter part may be put together; and if it is not yet continued, I hope thee will not delay it. Life is uncertain, as the preacher tells us; and what will the world say if kind, humane, and benevolent Ben. Franklin should leave his friends and the world deprived of so pleasing and profitable a work; a work which would be useful and entertaining not only to a few, but to millions? The influence writings under that class have on the minds of youth is very great, and has nowhere appeared to me so plain, as in our public friend’s journals. It almost insensibly leads the youth into the resolution of endeavoring to become as good and eminent as the journalist. Should thine, for instance, when published (and I think it could not fail of it), lead the youth to equal the industry and temperance of thy early youth, what a blessing with that class would such a work be! I know of no character living, nor many of them put together, who has so much in his power as thyself to promote a greater spirit of industry and early attention to business, frugality, and temperance with the American youth. Not that I think the work would have no other merit and use in the world, far from it; but the first is of such vast importance that I know nothing that can equal it.”

“Some time ago, I was thrilled to come into possession of about twenty-three pages in your own handwriting. These pages contain a story about your background and life, addressed to your son, and ending in the year 1730. Along with this, there were notes also written by you, which I’m enclosing here. I hope that if you continue this account up to a later point, the earlier and later parts can be combined. And if you haven’t continued it yet, I really hope you won’t delay. Life is unpredictable, as the preacher says; and what would people think if the kind, compassionate, and generous Ben Franklin were to leave his friends and the world without such a delightful and valuable work? A work that would be not just useful but entertaining for millions, not just a few? The impact that writings like this can have on young people is significant, and it seems most clear in our public friend’s journals. It subtly encourages youth to aspire to be as good and accomplished as the writer. If yours, for instance, were published (which I believe it surely would be), and it inspired young people to emulate your early diligence and self-discipline, what a blessing that would be for that group! I don’t know of anyone living, or of many people combined, who has as much power as you do to cultivate a stronger spirit of hard work, early dedication to business, frugality, and self-discipline among American youth. Not that I think the work would lack other merits and usefulness in the world—far from it—but the first is of such immense importance that I can’t think of anything that could match it.”

The foregoing letter and the minutes accompanying it being shown to a friend, I received from him the following:

The letter above and the minutes that came with it were shown to a friend, and I got the following response from him:

Letter from Mr. Benjamin Vaughan.

Letter from Mr. Benjamin Vaughan.

“Paris, January 31, 1783.

“Paris, January 31, 1783.

“My Dearest Sir: When I had read over your sheets of minutes of the principal incidents of your life, recovered for you by your Quaker acquaintance, I told you I would send you a letter expressing my reasons why I thought it would be useful to complete and publish it as he desired. Various concerns have for some time past prevented this letter being written, and I do not know whether it was worth any expectation; happening to be at leisure, however, at present, I shall by writing, at least interest and instruct myself; but as the terms I am inclined to use may tend to offend a person of your manners, I shall only tell you how I would address any other person, who was as good and as great as yourself, but less diffident. I would say to him, Sir, I solicit the history of your life from the following motives: Your history is so remarkable, that if you do not give it, somebody else will certainly give it; and perhaps so as nearly to do as much harm, as your own management of the thing might do good. It will moreover present a table of the internal circumstances of your country, which will very much tend to invite to it settlers of virtuous and manly minds. And considering the eagerness with which such information is sought by them, and the extent of your reputation, I do not know of a more efficacious advertisement than your biography would give. All that has happened to you is also connected with the detail of the manners and situation of a rising people; and in this respect I do not think that the writings of Cæsar and Tacitus can be more interesting to a true judge of human nature and society. But these, sir, are small reasons, in my opinion, compared with the chance which your life will give for the forming of future great men; and in conjunction with your Art of Virtue (which you design to publish) of improving the features of private character, and consequently of aiding all happiness, both public and domestic. The two works I allude to, sir, will in particular give a noble rule and example of self-education. School and other education constantly proceed upon false principles, and show a clumsy apparatus pointed at a false mark; but your apparatus is simple, and the mark a true one; and while parents and young persons are left destitute of other just means of estimating and becoming prepared for a reasonable course in life, your discovery that the thing is in many a man’s private power, will be invaluable! Influence upon the private character, late in life, is not only an influence late in life, but a weak influence. It is in youth that we plant our chief habits and prejudices; it is in youth that we take our party as to profession, pursuits and matrimony. In youth, therefore, the turn is given; in youth the education even of the next generation is given; in youth the private and public character is determined; and the term of life extending but from youth to age, life ought to begin well from youth, and more especially before we take our party as to our principal objects. But your biography will not merely teach self-education, but the education of a wise man; and the wisest man will receive lights and improve his progress, by seeing detailed the conduct of another wise man. And why are weaker men to be deprived of such helps, when we see our race has been blundering on in the dark, almost without a guide in this particular, from the farthest trace of time? Show then, sir, how much is to be done, both to sons and fathers; and invite all wise men to become like yourself, and other men to become wise. When we see how cruel statesmen and warriors can be to the human race, and how absurd distinguished men can be to their acquaintance, it will be instructive to observe the instances multiply of pacific, acquiescing manners; and to find how compatible it is to be great and domestic, enviable and yet good-humored.

"My Dear Sir": After reading the minutes you received about the significant events of your life, which your Quaker friend gathered for you, I mentioned that I would write a letter to explain why I believe it would be valuable to complete and publish it as he suggested. Various matters have delayed writing this letter, and I'm unsure if it was worth the wait; however, since I have some free time now, I’ll write to at least engage and enlighten myself. But since the language I’m inclined to use might offend someone of your demeanor, I’ll express how I would address any other person who is as good and great as you, yet less reserved. I would say, Sir, I seek the story of your life for these reasons: Your story is so extraordinary that if you don't share it, someone else surely will—and possibly in a way that could do as much harm as your own telling might do good. It would also provide an overview of the inner workings of your country, which could greatly attract settlers with virtuous and admirable qualities. Considering how eager such individuals are for this information and your widespread reputation, I can't think of a more effective advertisement than your biography would be. Everything that has happened to you connects with the details of the customs and situation of a developing people; in this way, I believe the writings of Cæsar and Tacitus aren't more engaging to a genuine observer of human nature and society. However, these reasons seem trivial compared to the opportunity your life presents for shaping future great individuals; especially alongside your Art of Virtue (which you plan to publish) that aims to enhance private character and, in turn, promote happiness in both public and private life. The two works I refer to will offer an admirable guideline and example of self-education. Traditional schooling and education are often based on flawed principles and use a clumsy system aimed at a false target; your approach, however, is straightforward with a true goal. While parents and young people lack reliable methods to assess and prepare for a sensible path in life, your realization that this capability resides within many individuals will be invaluable! Influence on private character, although it may come later in life, is both late and weak. It's in youth that we form our fundamental habits and biases; it's during youth that we choose our professions, pursuits, and partners. Thus, the crucial decisions are made in youth, determining the education of the next generation, shaping private and public character; and since life only spans from youth to old age, it should begin well in youth, especially before we commit to our main objectives. Your biography will not only teach self-education but also the education of a wise individual; the wisest person will gain insights and improve by studying the experiences of another wise person. So why should less capable individuals be deprived of such assistance when our kind has been stumbling along in darkness, almost without guidance, for as long as we can remember? Therefore, show, sir, the vast amount of work still needed, both for fathers and sons, and invite all wise individuals to follow your lead and encourage others to seek wisdom. When we notice how cruel politicians and warriors can be towards humanity, and how absurd esteemed people can be to their friends, it’s enlightening to see the growing examples of calm, agreeable behavior, demonstrating how possible it is to be both great and down-to-earth, admirable yet friendly.

“The little private incidents which you will also have to relate, will have considerable use, as we want, above all things, rules of prudence in ordinary affairs; and it will be curious to see how you have acted in these. It will be so far a sort of key to life, and explain many things that all men ought to have once explained to them, to give them a chance of becoming wise by foresight. The nearest thing to having experience of one’s own, is to have other people’s affairs brought before us in a shape that is interesting; this is sure to happen from your pen; our affairs and management will have an air of simplicity or importance that will not fail to strike; and I am convinced you have conducted them with as much originality as if you had been conducting discussions in politics or philosophy; and what more worthy of experiments and system (its importance and its errors considered) than human life?

“The small personal experiences you’ll also need to share will be quite useful, as we really want practical guidelines for everyday matters; it’ll be interesting to see how you’ve handled these situations. They’ll serve as a sort of insight into life and clarify many things that everyone should understand at some point, giving them a chance to gain wisdom through foresight. The closest thing to having our own experiences is seeing how others manage theirs in an engaging way; this will definitely come from your writing. Our situations and management will seem either simple or significant, which will surely make an impression; and I'm convinced you've approached them with as much creativity as if you were debating issues in politics or philosophy; and what could be more worthy of exploration and systematic study (considering its importance and its mistakes) than human life?

“Some men have been virtuous blindly, others have speculated fantastically, and others have been shrewd to bad purposes; but you, sir, I am sure, will give under your hand, nothing but what is at the same moment, wise, practical and good. Your account of yourself (for I suppose the parallel I am drawing for Dr. Franklin, will hold not only in point of character, but of private history) will show that you are ashamed of no origin; a thing the more important, as you prove how little necessary all origin is to happiness, virtue, or greatness. As no end likewise happens without a means, so we shall find, sir, that even you yourself framed a plan by which you became considerable; but at the same time we may see that though the event is flattering, the means are as simple as wisdom could make them; that is, depending upon nature, virtue, thought and habit. Another thing demonstrated will be the propriety of every man’s waiting for his time for appearing upon the stage of the world. Our sensations being very much fixed to the moment, we are apt to forget that more moments are to follow the first, and consequently that man should arrange his conduct so as to suit the whole of a life. Your attribution appears to have been applied to your life, and the passing moments of it have been enlivened with content and enjoyment, instead of being tormented with foolish impatience or regrets. Such a conduct is easy for those who make virtue and themselves in countenance by examples of other truly great men, of whom patience is so often the characteristic. Your Quaker correspondent, sir (for here again I will suppose the subject of my letter resembling Dr. Franklin), praised your frugality, diligence and temperance, which he considered as a pattern for all youth; but it is singular that he should have forgotten your modesty and your disinterestedness, without which you never could have waited for your advancement, or found your situation in the mean time comfortable; which is a strong lesson to show the poverty of glory and the importance of regulating our minds. If this correspondent had known the nature of your reputation as well as I do, he would have said, Your former writings and measures would secure attention to your Biography, and Art of Virtue; and your Biography and Art of Virtue, in return, would secure attention to them. This is an advantage attendant upon a various character, and which brings all that belongs to it into greater play; and it is the more useful, as perhaps more persons are at a loss for the means of improving their minds and characters, than they are for the time or the inclination to do it. But there is one concluding reflection, sir, that will shew the use of your life as a mere piece of biography. This style of writing seems a little gone out of vogue, and yet it is a very useful one; and your specimen of it may be particularly serviceable, as it will make a subject of comparison with the lives of various public cutthroats and intriguers, and with absurd monastic self-tormentors or vain literary triflers. If it encourages more writings of the same kind with your own, and induces more men to spend lives fit to be written, it will be worth all Plutarch’s Lives put together. But being tired of figuring to myself a character of which every feature suits only one man in the world, without giving him the praise of it, I shall end my letter, my dear Dr. Franklin, with a personal application to your proper self. I am earnestly desirous, then, my dear sir, that you should let the world into the traits of your genuine character, as civil broils may otherwise tend to disguise or traduce it. Considering your great age, the caution of your character, and your peculiar style of thinking, it is not likely that any one besides yourself can be sufficiently master of the facts of your life, or the intentions of your mind. Besides all this, the immense revolution of the present period, will necessarily turn our attention towards the author of it, and when virtuous principles have been pretended in it, it will be highly important to shew that such have really influenced; and, as your own character will be the principal one to receive a scrutiny, it is proper (even for its effects upon your vast and rising country, as well as upon England and upon Europe) that it should stand respectable and eternal. For the furtherance of human happiness, I have always maintained that it is necessary to prove that man is not even at present a vicious and detestable animal; and still more to prove that good management may greatly amend him; and it is for much the same reason, that I am anxious to see the opinion established, that there are fair characters existing among the individuals of the race; for the moment that all men, without exception, shall be conceived abandoned, good people will cease efforts deemed to be hopeless, and perhaps think of taking their share in the scramble of life, or at least of making it comfortable principally for themselves. Take then, my dear sir, this work most speedily into hand: shew yourself good as you are good; temperate as you are temperate; and above all things, prove yourself as one, who from your infancy have loved justice, liberty and concord, in a way that has made it natural and consistent for you to have acted, as we have seen you act in the last seventeen years of your life. Let Englishmen be made not only to respect, but even to love you. When they think well of individuals in your native country, they will go nearer to thinking well of your country; and when your countrymen see themselves well thought of by Englishmen, they will go nearer to thinking well of England. Extend your views even further; do not stop at those who speak the English tongue, but after having settled so many points in nature and politics, think of bettering the whole race of men. As I have not read any part of the life in question, but know only the character that lived it, I write somewhat at hazard. I am sure, however, that the life and the treatise I allude to (on the Art of Virtue) will necessarily fulfil the chief of my expectations; and still more so if you take up the measure of suiting these performances to the several views above stated. Should they even prove unsuccessful in all that a sanguine admirer of yours hopes from them, you will at least have framed pieces to interest the human mind; and whoever gives a feeling of pleasure that is innocent to man, has added so much to the fair side of a life otherwise too much darkened by anxiety and too much injured by pain. In the hope, therefore, that you will listen to the prayer addressed to you in this letter, I beg to subscribe myself, my dearest sir, etc., etc.,

“Some men have practiced virtue without understanding it, others have imagined fantastical theories, and some have used their intelligence for selfish ends; but you, sir, I believe, will always produce nothing but what is simultaneously wise, practical, and good. Your account of yourself (as I assume the comparison I’m making to Dr. Franklin applies not just to your character but also to your personal history) will reveal that you are not ashamed of your origins; this is particularly significant because you demonstrate how little our origins matter for happiness, virtue, or greatness. Just as no outcome occurs without a means, we can see that even you devised a strategy that made you notable; however, we also see that, while the results are flattering, the means are as straightforward as wisdom could make them, relying on nature, virtue, thought, and habit. Another point to consider is the importance of every person waiting for the right moment to take their place in the world. Since our feelings are focused intensely on the present, we often forget that many moments follow the first, and therefore, individuals should conduct themselves in a way that suits the entirety of their lives. Your contributions seem to have been reflected in your life, with its fleeting moments filled with contentment and enjoyment, rather than tormented by silly impatience or regrets. Such behavior is easier for those who model virtue and their actions on examples from genuinely great people, among whom patience is a hallmark. Your Quaker friend, sir (as I imagine the subject of my letter is similar to Dr. Franklin), admired your frugality, hard work, and moderation, which he saw as a blueprint for all youth; yet it’s odd that he overlooked your modesty and your selflessness, without which you could never have patiently awaited your advancement or found your current situation comfortable; this serves as a strong reminder of the emptiness of glory and the necessity of mastering our thoughts. If this correspondent understood your reputation as well as I do, he would have noted that your earlier writings and actions would ensure interest in your Biography and Art of Virtue; and vice versa, these works would draw attention to them. This is a benefit of having a multifaceted character, which highlights everything related to it; it’s particularly valuable because many people struggle more with finding ways to improve their minds and character than with having the time or desire to do so. But there’s one final thought, sir, that illustrates the value of your life as a mere piece of biography. This type of writing seems to be somewhat out of fashion, yet it is very useful; your example may be especially helpful, as it can provide a contrast with the lives of various notorious figures and schemers, as well as with ridiculous monastic self-tormentors or vain literary pretenders. If it inspires more works like yours and encourages more individuals to live lives worth writing about, it will surpass all of Plutarch’s Lives combined. However, tired of imagining a character that only fits one person in the world without giving them credit for it, I will conclude my letter, my dear Dr. Franklin, with a personal appeal to you. I sincerely hope, my dear sir, that you will reveal the nuances of your true character to the world, as civil strife might otherwise distort or misrepresent it. Given your advanced age, the careful nature of your character, and your unique way of thinking, it’s unlikely anyone but you can fully master the facts of your life or the intentions of your mind. Additionally, the immense changes of the present time will naturally draw our focus to their author, and since virtuous principles have been claimed during this period, it will be crucial to demonstrate that they have genuinely influenced events; and as your character will be the main one under scrutiny, it is fitting (for the impact on your vast and growing country, as well as on England and Europe) that it should remain respectable and enduring. To promote human happiness, I have always argued that it’s essential to demonstrate that man is not inherently vile and despicable; moreover, to show that with proper guidance, he can be greatly improved; for much the same reason, I am eager to establish the idea that there are genuinely good individuals among humanity; for the moment all men, without exception, are seen as hopelessly lost, good people will abandon efforts deemed futile, and perhaps consider joining the scramble of life themselves, or at least focus on making it comfortable primarily for their own sake. Therefore, my dear sir, take this task up right away: show yourself as good as you truly are; temperate as you genuinely are; and above all, prove yourself as someone who has loved justice, liberty, and harmony from your childhood in a way that has made it natural and consistent for you to act as we have seen you act over the last seventeen years of your life. Let the English respect you and even love you. When they think highly of individuals in your homeland, they will be closer to thinking well of your country; and when your countrymen see themselves favorably regarded by the English, they will be more likely to think well of England. Expand your vision even further; don’t stop at those who speak English, but after resolving so many issues in nature and politics, think about improving all of humanity. Since I’ve not read any part of the life in question, only knowing the character that lived it, I write somewhat at random. I am confident, however, that the life and the treatise I mentioned (on the Art of Virtue) will definitely meet my main expectations; and even more so if you tailor these works to the various aims outlined above. Even if they fall short of everything a hopeful admirer like me desires, at least you will have created works that engage the human mind; and anyone who brings a sense of innocent pleasure to others has added to the brighter side of a life otherwise overshadowed by anxiety and too much suffering. With hope that you will heed the request made in this letter, I remain, my dearest sir, etc., etc.

“Signed,     Benj. Vaughan.”

“Signed, Benj. Vaughan.”

Continuation of the Account of my Life, begun at Passy, near Paris, 1784.

Continuation of the Story of My Life, started in Passy, near Paris, 1784.

It is some time since I receiv’d the above letters, but I have been too busy till now to think of complying with the request they contain. It might, too, be much better done if I were at home among my papers, which would aid my memory, and help to ascertain dates; but my return being uncertain and having just now a little leisure, I will endeavor to recollect and write what I can; if I live to get home, it may there be corrected and improv’d.

It’s been a while since I received the letters mentioned above, but I’ve been too busy until now to think about fulfilling their request. It would probably be much better done if I were at home with my papers, which would jog my memory and help me confirm dates. However, since my return is uncertain and I have a bit of free time right now, I’ll try to remember and write what I can; if I make it home, I can correct and improve it then.

Not having any copy here of what is already written, I know not whether an account is given of the means I used to establish the Philadelphia public library, which, from a small beginning, is now become so considerable, though I remember to have come down to near the time of that transaction (1730). I will therefore begin here with an account of it, which may be struck out if found to have been already given.

Not having any copy here of what has already been written, I don't know if there's an account of the methods I used to set up the Philadelphia public library, which, from a small start, has now become quite significant, although I remember being close to the time of that event (1730). So, I'll begin here with an account of it, which can be removed if it's already been provided.

At the time I establish’d myself in Pennsylvania, there was not a good bookseller’s shop in any of the colonies to the southward of Boston. In New York and Philad’a the printers were indeed stationers; they sold only paper, etc., almanacs, ballads, and a few common school-books. Those who lov’d reading were oblig’d to send for their books from England; the members of the Junto had each a few. We had left the alehouse, where we first met, and hired a room to hold our club in. I propos’d that we should all of us bring our books to that room, where they would not only be ready to consult in our conferences, but become a common benefit, each of us being at liberty to borrow such as he wish’d to read at home. This was accordingly done, and for some time contented us.

When I settled in Pennsylvania, there wasn't a good bookstore in any of the colonies south of Boston. In New York and Philadelphia, the printers were basically stationers; they only sold paper, almanacs, ballads, and a few basic school books. Those who loved reading had to order their books from England, and the members of the Junto each had a few. We had left the tavern where we first met and rented a room for our club. I suggested that we all bring our books to that room, so they would be available for reference during our meetings and could be borrowed by anyone who wanted to read them at home. This was done, and for a while it worked well for us.

Finding the advantage of this little collection, I propos’d to render the benefit from books more common, by commencing a public subscription library. I drew a sketch of the plan and rules that would be necessary, and got a skilful conveyancer, Mr. Charles Brockden, to put the whole in form of articles of agreement to be subscribed, by which each subscriber engag’d to pay a certain sum down for the first purchase of books, and an annual contribution for increasing them. So few were the readers at that time in Philadelphia, and the majority of us so poor, that I was not able, with great industry; to find more than fifty persons, mostly young tradesmen, willing to pay down for this purpose forty shillings each, and ten shillings per annum. On this little fund we began. The books were imported; the library was opened one day in the week for lending to the subscribers, on their promissory notes to pay double the value if not duly returned. The institution soon manifested its utility, was imitated by other towns, and in other provinces. The libraries were augmented by donations; reading became fashionable; and our people, having no publick amusements to divert their attention from study, became better acquainted with books, and in a few years were observ’d by strangers to be better instructed and more intelligent than people of the same rank generally are in other countries.

Recognizing the value of this small collection, I decided to make the benefits of books more accessible by starting a public subscription library. I outlined a plan and the necessary rules, and had a skilled lawyer, Mr. Charles Brockden, formalize everything into articles of agreement for subscribers, where each person agreed to pay a set amount upfront for the initial book purchase and an annual fee to grow the collection. At that time, there were so few readers in Philadelphia, and many of us were so financially struggling, that I was only able, despite my efforts, to find about fifty people, mostly young tradespeople, willing to contribute forty shillings each upfront and ten shillings per year. With this modest fund, we got started. The books were imported, and the library opened once a week for subscribers to borrow books, with the promise to pay double the value if they weren’t returned on time. The institution quickly showed its value, was copied by other towns and provinces, and libraries were expanded through donations. Reading became fashionable; since we had no public entertainment to distract us from studying, our community became more familiar with books. Within a few years, visitors noticed that we were better educated and more knowledgeable than people of similar social standing in other countries.

When we were about to sign the above-mentioned articles, which were to be binding upon us, our heirs, etc., for fifty years, Mr. Brockden, the scrivener, said to us, “You are young men, but it is scarcely probable that any of you will live to see the expiration of the term fix’d in the instrument.” A number of us, however, are yet living; but the instrument was after a few years rendered null by a charter that incorporated and gave perpetuity to the company.

When we were about to sign the articles mentioned above, which would be binding for us, our heirs, etc., for fifty years, Mr. Brockden, the scrivener, said to us, “You’re young men, but it’s unlikely any of you will live to see the end of the term set in this document.” A number of us, however, are still alive; but the document was rendered void a few years later by a charter that incorporated and granted permanence to the company.

The objections and reluctances I met with in soliciting the subscriptions, made me soon feel the impropriety of presenting one’s self as the proposer of any useful project, that might be suppos’d to raise one’s reputation in the smallest degree above that of one’s neighbors, when one has need of their assistance to accomplish that project. I therefore put myself as much as I could out of sight, and stated it as a scheme of a number of friends, who had requested me to go about and propose it to such as they thought lovers of reading. In this way my affair went on more smoothly, and I ever after practis’d it on such occasions; and, from my frequent successes, can heartily recommend it. The present little sacrifice of your vanity will afterwards be amply repaid. If it remains a while uncertain to whom the merit belongs, some one more vain than yourself will be encouraged to claim it, and then even envy will be disposed to do you justice by plucking those assumed feathers, and restoring them to their right owner.

The objections and hesitations I faced while seeking subscriptions quickly made me realize how inappropriate it was to present myself as the one proposing any useful project that might be thought to boost my reputation even slightly above my neighbors, especially when I needed their help to make that project happen. So, I tried to stay as much out of the spotlight as possible and framed it as a plan from a group of friends who had asked me to pitch it to those they believed were interested in reading. This approach worked out better for me, and I continued to use it in similar situations; from my many successes, I can gladly recommend it. This small sacrifice of your pride will be richly rewarded later. If it takes a while to determine who deserves the credit, someone more vain than you may step up to claim it, and then even envy will be inclined to set things right by stripping those claimed feathers away and returning them to their rightful owner.

This library afforded me the means of improvement by constant study, for which I set apart an hour or two each day, and thus repair’d in some degree the loss of the learned education my father once intended for me. Reading was the only amusement I allow’d myself. I spent no time in taverns, games, or frolicks of any kind; and my industry in my business continu’d as indefatigable as it was necessary. I was indebted for my printing-house; I had a young family coming on to be educated, and I had to contend with for business two printers, who were established in the place before me. My circumstances, however, grew daily easier. My original habits of frugality continuing, and my father having, among his instructions to me when a boy, frequently repeated a proverb of Solomon, “Seest thou a man diligent in his calling, he shall stand before kings, he shall not stand before mean men,” I from thence considered industry as a means of obtaining wealth and distinction, which encourag’d me, tho’ I did not think that I should ever literally stand before kings, which, however, has since happened; for I have stood before five, and even had the honor of sitting down with one, the King of Denmark, to dinner.

This library gave me the opportunity to improve myself through constant study, for which I set aside an hour or two each day, and in this way, I somewhat made up for the loss of the formal education my father had planned for me. Reading was my only form of entertainment. I didn’t spend time in bars, playing games, or engaging in any kind of fun; and I kept working hard in my job, as tirelessly as needed. I was in debt for my printing business; I had a young family I needed to educate, and I had to compete with two other printers who had established themselves in the area before me. My situation, however, improved daily. I maintained my original habits of frugality, and my father had often repeated a saying from Solomon when I was a boy: “Do you see a man diligent in his work? He will stand before kings; he will not stand before ordinary men.” From this, I viewed hard work as a path to wealth and recognition, which motivated me, even though I didn’t think I would literally stand before kings, which, however, did happen; I have stood before five, and even had the honor of dining with one, the King of Denmark.

We have an English proverb that says, “He that would thrive, must ask his wife.” It was lucky for me that I had one as much dispos’d to industry and frugality as myself. She assisted me cheerfully in my business, folding and stitching pamphlets, tending shop, purchasing old linen rags for the papermakers, etc., etc. We kept no idle servants, our table was plain and simple, our furniture of the cheapest. For instance, my breakfast was a long time bread and milk (no tea), and I ate it out of a twopenny earthen porringer, with a pewter spoon. But mark how luxury will enter families, and make a progress, in spite of principle: being call’d one morning to breakfast, I found it in a China bowl, with a spoon of silver! They had been bought for me without my knowledge by my wife, and had cost her the enormous sum of three-and-twenty shillings, for which she had no other excuse or apology to make, but that she thought her husband deserv’d a silver spoon and China bowl as well as any of his neighbors. This was the first appearance of plate and China in our house, which afterward, in a course of years, as our wealth increas’d, augmented gradually to several hundred pounds in value.

We have an English saying that goes, “He that would thrive, must ask his wife.” I was fortunate to have a wife who was just as hardworking and frugal as I was. She happily helped me with my business, folding and stitching pamphlets, managing the shop, and buying old linen rags for the papermakers, among other things. We didn’t keep any idle servants, our meals were plain and simple, and our furniture was the cheapest available. For example, I often had bread and milk for breakfast (no tea), eating it from a two-penny earthenware bowl with a pewter spoon. But notice how luxury sneaks into families and makes its way in despite our principles: one morning when I was called to breakfast, I found it served in a china bowl with a silver spoon! My wife had bought these for me without telling me, and they cost her the extravagant amount of twenty-three shillings, for which she had no other justification than that she thought her husband deserved a silver spoon and china bowl just like any of his neighbors. This was the first instance of fine tableware in our home, which, over the years as our wealth increased, gradually grew to be worth several hundred pounds.

I had been religiously educated as a Presbyterian; and tho’ some of the dogmas of that persuasion, such as the eternal decrees of God, election, reprobation, etc., appeared to me unintelligible, others doubtful, and I early absented myself from the public assemblies of the sect, Sunday being my studying day, I never was without some religious principles. I never doubted, for instance, the existence of the Deity; that he made the world, and govern’d it by his Providence; that the most acceptable service of God was the doing good to man; that our souls are immortal; and that all crime will be punished, and virtue rewarded, either here or hereafter. These I esteem’d the essentials of every religion; and, being to be found in all the religions we had in our country, I respected them all, tho’ with different degrees of respect, as I found them more or less mix’d with other articles, which, without any tendency to inspire, promote, or confirm morality, serv’d principally to divide us, and make us unfriendly to one another. This respect to all, with an opinion that the worst had some good effects, induc’d me to avoid all discourse that might tend to lessen the good opinion another might have of his own religion; and as our province increas’d in people, and new places of worship were continually wanted, and generally erected by voluntary contributions, my mite for such purpose, whatever might be the sect, was never refused.

I was raised in the Presbyterian faith, and while some of its beliefs, like the eternal decrees of God, election, reprobation, etc., seemed confusing to me, others were questionable. Early on, I stopped attending the church services because Sunday was my day to study. Nevertheless, I always held onto certain religious principles. For example, I never doubted the existence of God; that He created the world and governs it by His Providence; that the best way to serve God is by doing good for others; that our souls are immortal; and that all wrongdoing will be punished and goodness rewarded, either in this life or the next. I saw these as the core tenets of any religion. They were present in all the religions in our country, so I respected them all, though to different degrees, depending on how much they were mixed with other beliefs that didn’t encourage morality and served mainly to divide us and make us unfriendly to one another. This respect for all beliefs, along with the view that even the worst religions had some positive effects, led me to avoid conversations that might undermine someone’s good opinion of their own faith. As the population in our province grew and new places of worship were needed, usually built through donations, I always contributed my share for such causes, regardless of the denomination.

Tho’ I seldom attended any public worship, I had still an opinion of its propriety, and of its utility when rightly conducted, and I regularly paid my annual subscription for the support of the only Presbyterian minister or meeting we had in Philadelphia. He us’d to visit me sometimes as a friend, and admonish me to attend his administrations, and I was now and then prevail’d on to do so, once for five Sundays successively. Had he been in my opinion a good preacher, perhaps I might have continued, notwithstanding the occasion I had for the Sunday’s leisure in my course of study; but his discourses were chiefly either polemic arguments, or explications of the peculiar doctrines of our sect, and were all to me very dry, uninteresting, and unedifying, since not a single moral principle was inculcated or enforc’d, their aim seeming to be rather to make us Presbyterians than good citizens.

Though I rarely attended any public worship, I still believed in its value and usefulness when done correctly, and I always paid my annual subscription to support the only Presbyterian minister or congregation we had in Philadelphia. He would often visit me as a friend and encourage me to attend his services, and now and then I was persuaded to go, even for five Sundays in a row. If I had thought he was a good preacher, I might have continued attending, despite needing Sundays for my studies. However, his sermons were mostly either debates or explanations of our specific beliefs, and I found them very dry, uninteresting, and unhelpful, as they didn’t teach or emphasize any moral principles; their goal seemed more about making us Presbyterians than good citizens.

At length he took for his text that verse of the fourth chapter of Philippians, “Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, honest, just, pure, lovely, or of good report, if there be any virtue, or any praise, think on these things.” And I imagin’d, in a sermon on such a text, we could not miss of having some morality. But he confin’d himself to five points only, as meant by the apostle, viz.: 1. Keeping holy the Sabbath day. 2. Being diligent in reading the holy Scriptures. 3. Attending duly the publick worship. 4. Partaking of the Sacrament. 5. Paying a due respect to God’s ministers. These might be all good things; but, as they were not the kind of good things that I expected from that text, I despaired of ever meeting with them from any other, was disgusted, and attended his preaching no more. I had some years before compos’d a little Liturgy, or form of prayer, for my own private use (viz., in 1728), entitled, Articles of Belief and Acts of Religion. I return’d to the use of this, and went no more to the public assemblies. My conduct might be blameable, but I leave it, without attempting further to excuse it; my present purpose being to relate facts, and not to make apologies for them.

Eventually, he chose a verse from the fourth chapter of Philippians for his sermon: “Finally, brothers, whatever is true, whatever is honorable, whatever is just, whatever is pure, whatever is lovely, whatever is commendable—if there is any excellence, if there is anything worthy of praise, think about these things.” I imagined that a sermon based on this text would be filled with moral lessons. However, he limited himself to five points as indicated by the apostle: 1. Keeping the Sabbath holy. 2. Diligently reading the holy Scriptures. 3. Attending public worship regularly. 4. Participating in the Sacrament. 5. Showing proper respect to God's ministers. While these could be considered good things, they were not the type of goodness I expected from that text, and I lost hope of finding it elsewhere. I was disappointed and stopped attending his sermons. A few years earlier, I had created a small Liturgy, or prayer format, for my personal use (in 1728) called, Articles of Belief and Acts of Religion. I returned to using this and did not go back to the public assemblies. My actions might be criticized, but I won’t try to justify them further; my only goal here is to share the facts, not to make excuses.

It was about this time I conceiv’d the bold and arduous project of arriving at moral perfection. I wish’d to live without committing any fault at any time; I would conquer all that either natural inclination, custom, or company might lead me into. As I knew, or thought I knew, what was right and wrong, I did not see why I might not always do the one and avoid the other. But I soon found I had undertaken a task of more difficulty than I had imagined. While my care was employ’d in guarding against one fault, I was often surprised by another; habit took the advantage of inattention; inclination was sometimes too strong for reason. I concluded, at length, that the mere speculative conviction that it was our interest to be completely virtuous, was not sufficient to prevent our slipping; and that the contrary habits must be broken, and good ones acquired and established, before we can have any dependence on a steady, uniform rectitude of conduct. For this purpose I therefore contrived the following method.

Around this time, I came up with the ambitious and challenging idea of achieving moral perfection. I wanted to live without making any mistakes at any time; I aimed to overcome everything that natural instincts, habits, or social influences might push me toward. Since I believed I understood right from wrong, I didn’t see why I couldn't always do what was right and avoid what was wrong. But I quickly realized that I had taken on a task that was more difficult than I had expected. While I was focused on avoiding one flaw, I often found myself caught off guard by another; habits took advantage of my inattention, and my desires sometimes overpowered my reasoning. I eventually concluded that just having the intellectual belief that it was in our best interest to be completely virtuous wasn't enough to keep us from slipping up; old habits needed to be broken, and good habits needed to be developed and solidified before we could rely on consistent moral behavior. To achieve this, I devised the following method.

In the various enumerations of the moral virtues I had met with in my reading, I found the catalogue more or less numerous, as different writers included more or fewer ideas under the same name. Temperance, for example, was by some confined to eating and drinking, while by others it was extended to mean the moderating every other pleasure, appetite, inclination, or passion, bodily or mental, even to our avarice and ambition. I propos’d to myself, for the sake of clearness, to use rather more names, with fewer ideas annex’d to each, than a few names with more ideas; and I included under thirteen names of virtues all that at that time occurr’d to me as necessary or desirable, and annexed to each a short precept, which fully express’d the extent I gave to its meaning.

In the different lists of moral virtues I came across in my reading, I noticed that the number varied, as different authors included more or fewer concepts under the same term. Temperance, for instance, was seen by some as limited to eating and drinking, while others expanded it to encompass moderation in all kinds of pleasures, desires, inclinations, or passions, both physical and mental, even our greed and ambition. To be clearer, I decided to use more names with fewer concepts attached to each, rather than a few names with more concepts. I identified thirteen virtues that I thought were necessary or desirable at that time and attached a brief principle to each that clearly conveyed its meaning.

These names of virtues, with their precepts, were:

These names of virtues, along with their guidelines, were:

1. Temperance.
Eat not to dullness; drink not to elevation.
2. Silence.
Speak not but what may benefit others or yourself; avoid trifling conversation.
3. Order.
Let all your things have their places; let each part of your business have its time.
4. Resolution.
Resolve to perform what you ought; perform without fail what you resolve.
5. Frugality.
Make no expense but to do good to others or yourself; i.e., waste nothing.
6. Industry.
Lose no time; be always employ’d in something useful; cut off all unnecessary actions.
7. Sincerity.
Use no hurtful deceit; think innocently and justly, and, if you speak, speak accordingly.
8. Justice.
Wrong none by doing injuries, or omitting the benefits that are your duty.
9. Moderation.
Avoid extreams; forbear resenting injuries so much as you think they deserve.
10. Cleanliness.
Tolerate no uncleanliness in body, cloaths, or habitation.
11. Tranquillity.
Be not disturbed at trifles, or at accidents common or unavoidable.
12. Chastity.
Rarely use venery but for health or offspring, never to dulness, weakness, or the injury of your own or another’s peace or reputation.
13. Humility.
Imitate Jesus and Socrates.

My intention being to acquire the habitude of all these virtues, I judg’d it would be well not to distract my attention by attempting the whole at once, but to fix it on one of them at a time; and, when I should be master of that, then to proceed to another, and so on, till I should have gone thro’ the thirteen; and, as the previous acquisition of some might facilitate the acquisition of certain others, I arrang’d them with that view, as they stand above. Temperance first, as it tends to procure that coolness and clearness of head, which is so necessary where constant vigilance was to be kept up, and guard maintained against the unremitting attraction of ancient habits, and the force of perpetual temptations. This being acquir’d and establish’d, Silence would be more easy; and my desire being to gain knowledge at the same time that I improv’d in virtue, and considering that in conversation it was obtain’d rather by the use of the ears than of the tongue, and therefore wishing to break a habit I was getting into of prattling, punning, and joking, which only made me acceptable to trifling company, I gave Silence the second place. This and the next, Order, I expected would allow me more time for attending to my project and my studies. Resolution, once become habitual, would keep me firm in my endeavors to obtain all the subsequent virtues; Frugality and Industry freeing me from my remaining debt, and producing affluence and independence, would make more easy the practice of Sincerity and Justice, etc., etc. Conceiving then, that, agreeably to the advice of Pythagoras in his Golden Verses, daily examination would be necessary, I contrived the following method for conducting that examination.

My goal was to develop the habit of all these virtues, so I thought it would be best not to try to focus on them all at once. Instead, I decided to concentrate on one at a time; once I mastered that, I would move on to the next, and so on, until I worked through all thirteen. I arranged them in a way that some would help me learn others. I started with Temperance, as it helps maintain a calm and clear mind, which is crucial for staying alert and resisting the constant pull of old habits and ongoing temptations. Once I acquired and established that, I figured Silence would be easier to manage. Since I wanted to gain knowledge while improving my virtues, and I realized that in conversations knowledge is gained more by listening than by talking, I aimed to break the habit I was developing of chatting, joking, and punning, which only made me popular with superficial company. So, I placed Silence in second. I expected that this and the next virtue, Order, would give me more time to focus on my goals and studies. Once I made Resolution a habit, it would help keep me committed to obtaining the next virtues. Frugality and Industry would help me eliminate my remaining debt and create wealth and independence, making it easier to practice Sincerity and Justice, and so on. Believing, as Pythagoras advised in his Golden Verses, that daily reflection was necessary, I devised the following method for conducting that examination.

I made a little book, in which I allotted a page for each of the virtues. I rul’d each page with red ink, so as to have seven columns, one for each day of the week, marking each column with a letter for the day. I cross’d these columns with thirteen red lines, marking the beginning of each line with the first letter of one of the virtues, on which line, and in its proper column, I might mark, by a little black spot, every fault I found upon examination to have been committed respecting that virtue upon that day.

I created a small book where I dedicated a page to each of the virtues. I ruled each page with red ink, creating seven columns for each day of the week, labeling each column with a letter for that day. I crossed these columns with thirteen red lines, starting each line with the first letter of one of the virtues. In the appropriate column, I would mark, with a small black dot, every mistake I found during my review that related to that virtue on that day.

Form of the pages.

Page layout.

TEMPERANCE.
eat not to dulness;
drink not to elevation.
S. M. T. W. T. F. S.
T.
S.
O. ••
R.
F.
I.
S.
J.
M.
C.
T.
C.
H.

I determined to give a week’s strict attention to each of the virtues successively. Thus, in the first week, my great guard was to avoid every the least offence against Temperance, leaving the other virtues to their ordinary chance, only marking every evening the faults of the day. Thus, if in the first week I could keep my first line, marked T, clear of spots, I suppos’d the habit of that virtue so much strengthen’d, and its opposite weaken’d, that I might venture extending my attention to include the next, and for the following week keep both lines clear of spots. Proceeding thus to the last, I could go thro’ a course compleat in thirteen weeks, and four courses in a year. And like him who, having a garden to weed, does not attempt to eradicate all the bad herbs at once, which would exceed his reach and his strength, but works on one of the beds at a time, and, having accomplish’d the first, proceeds to a second, so I should have, I hoped, the encouraging pleasure of seeing on my pages the progress I made in virtue, by clearing successively my lines of their spots, till in the end, by a number of courses, I should be happy in viewing a clean book, after a thirteen weeks’ daily examination.

I decided to spend a strict week focusing on each virtue one after the other. In the first week, my main goal was to avoid even the slightest offense against Temperance, letting the other virtues take their usual course, while just making a note every evening of the mistakes I made during the day. I figured that if I could keep my first line, marked T, spotless for the week, it would mean I'd strengthened that virtue and weakened its opposite enough to expand my focus to the next virtue. Then, for the following week, I would work on keeping both lines clear of marks. By following this plan through to the end, I could complete a full cycle in thirteen weeks and do four cycles in a year. Just like someone who has a garden to weed doesn’t try to pull out all the weeds at once, which would be overwhelming, but instead focuses on one section at a time, finishing that before moving on, I hoped to find encouragement in seeing my progress in virtue by successively clearing my lines of marks. In the end, after several cycles, I would be pleased to look at a clean book following a thorough thirteen-week daily review.

This my little book had for its motto these lines from Addison’s Cato:

This little book has the following motto from Addison’s Cato:

“Here will I hold. If there’s a power above us

“Here I will stay. If there’s a higher power above us

(And that there is, all nature cries aloud

(And that there is, all nature cries aloud

Thro’ all her works), He must delight in virtue;

Thro' all her works), He must take pleasure in goodness;

And that which he delights in must be happy.”

And what he enjoys must be happy.”

Another from Cicero,

Another quote from Cicero,

“O vitæ Philosophia dux! O virtutum indagatrix expultrixque vitiorum! Unus dies, bene et ex præceptis tuis actus, peccanti immortalitati est anteponendus.”

“O life, Philosophy is our guide! O seeker of virtues and banisher of vices! One day lived well according to your teachings is to be preferred over a lifetime of mistakes.”

Another from the Proverbs of Solomon, speaking of wisdom or virtue:

Another from the Proverbs of Solomon, talking about wisdom or virtue:

“Length of days is in her right hand, and in her left hand riches and honour. Her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace.” iii. 16, 17.

“Length of days is in her right hand, and in her left hand are riches and honor. Her ways are pleasant, and all her paths lead to peace.” iii. 16, 17.

And conceiving God to be the fountain of wisdom, I thought it right and necessary to solicit his assistance for obtaining it; to this end I formed the following little prayer, which was prefix’d to my tables of examination, for daily use.

And since I believe that God is the source of all wisdom, I thought it was important and necessary to ask for His help in gaining it; for this reason, I created the following short prayer, which I placed at the beginning of my study notes for daily use.

“O powerful Goodness! bountiful Father! merciful Guide! Increase in me that wisdom which discovers my truest interest. Strengthen my resolutions to perform what that wisdom dictates. Accept my kind offices to thy other children as the only return in my power for thy continual favors to me.”

“O powerful Goodness! Generous Father! Merciful Guide! Increase in me the wisdom that reveals my truest interest. Strengthen my resolve to act on what that wisdom advises. Accept my good deeds towards your other children as the only way I can repay you for your ongoing kindness to me.”

I used also sometimes a little prayer which I took from Thomson’s Poems, viz.:

I also sometimes used a little prayer that I got from Thomson’s Poems, which is:

“Father of light and life, thou Good Supreme!

“Father of light and life, you Good Supreme!

O teach me what is good; teach me Thyself!

O teach me what is good; teach me Yourself!

Save me from folly, vanity, and vice,

Save me from foolishness, vanity, and wrongdoing,

From every low pursuit; and fill my soul

From every low pursuit; and fill my soul

With knowledge, conscious peace, and virtue pure;

With knowledge, mindful calm, and pure virtue;

Sacred, substantial, never-fading bliss!”

"Divine, significant, everlasting happiness!"

The precept of Order requiring that every part of my business should have its allotted time, one page in my little book contain’d the following scheme of employment for the twenty-four hours of a natural day:

The principle of Order demands that every part of my business should have its assigned time, so one page in my little book included the following schedule for activities throughout the twenty-four hours of a day:

Morning.
Question.
What good shall I do this day?
5
6

7
Rise, wash, and address Powerful Goodness! Contrive day’s business, and take the resolution of the day; prosecute the present study, and breakfast.



8
9
10
11


Work.
12 PM.
12
1
Read, or overlook my accounts, and dine.



2
3
4
5

Work.

Evening.
Question.
What good have I done to-day?
6
7
8
9
Put things in their places. Supper. Music or diversion, or conversation. Examination of the day.



Nighttime.


10
11
12
1
2
3
4



Sleep.


I enter’d upon the execution of this plan for self-examination, and continu’d it with occasional intermissions for some time. I was surpris’d to find myself so much fuller of faults than I had imagined; but I had the satisfaction of seeing them diminish. To avoid the trouble of renewing now and then my little book, which, by scraping out the marks on the paper of old faults to make room for new ones in a new course, became full of holes, I transferr’d my tables and precepts to the ivory leaves of a memorandum book, on which the lines were drawn with red ink, that made a durable stain, and on those lines I mark’d my faults with a black-lead pencil, which marks I could easily wipe out with a wet sponge. After a while I went thro’ one course only in a year, and afterward only one in several years, till at length I omitted them entirely, being employ’d in voyages and business abroad, with a multiplicity of affairs that interfered; but I always carried my little book with me.

I started working on this self-reflection plan and kept it up with some breaks for a while. I was surprised to discover I had way more faults than I thought; but I was satisfied to see them lessen over time. To avoid the hassle of constantly updating my little book, which became full of holes from erasing old faults to make space for new ones, I transferred my notes and guidelines to the ivory pages of a memo book, where the lines were drawn with red ink that left a permanent mark. I used a pencil to note my faults on those lines, which I could easily erase with a wet sponge. Eventually, I focused on just one set of faults each year, and later only tackled one every few years, until I eventually stopped keeping track altogether, as I was busy with travel and work, and had a lot of responsibilities that got in the way; but I always took my little book with me.

My scheme of Order gave me the most trouble; and I found that, tho’ it might be practicable where a man’s business was such as to leave him the disposition of his time, that of a journeyman printer, for instance, it was not possible to be exactly observed by a master, who must mix with the world, and often receive people of business at their own hours. Order, too, with regard to places for things, papers, etc., I found extreamly difficult to acquire. I had not been early accustomed to it, and, having an exceeding good memory, I was not so sensible of the inconvenience attending want of method. This article, therefore, cost me so much painful attention, and my faults in it vexed me so much, and I made so little progress in amendment, and had such frequent relapses, that I was almost ready to give up the attempt, and content myself with a faulty character in that respect, like the man who, in buying an ax of a smith, my neighbour, desired to have the whole of its surface as bright as the edge. The smith consented to grind it bright for him if he would turn the wheel; he turn’d, while the smith press’d the broad face of the ax hard and heavily on the stone, which made the turning of it very fatiguing. The man came every now and then from the wheel to see how the work went on, and at length would take his ax as it was, without farther grinding. “No,” said the smith, “turn on, turn on; we shall have it bright by-and-by; as yet, it is only speckled.” “Yes,” said the man, “but I think I like a speckled ax best.” And I believe this may have been the case with many, who, having, for want of some such means as I employ’d, found the difficulty of obtaining good and breaking bad habits in other points of vice and virtue, have given up the struggle, and concluded that “a speckled ax was best”; for something, that pretended to be reason, was every now and then suggesting to me that such extream nicety as I exacted of myself might be a kind of foppery in morals, which, if it were known, would make me ridiculous; that a perfect character might be attended with the inconvenience of being envied and hated; and that a benevolent man should allow a few faults in himself, to keep his friends in countenance.

My plan for Order was the most challenging for me. I realized that while it might work for someone with a flexible schedule, like a journeyman printer, it wasn't as feasible for a master who had to interact with people and often accommodate their business at various times. I also found it incredibly hard to maintain order when it came to organizing my things, papers, etc. I hadn’t been raised to prioritize it, and because I had a really good memory, I didn’t fully grasp how inconvenient a lack of organization could be. Therefore, this task demanded so much effort from me, and my mistakes frustrated me to the point where I was almost willing to give up and settle for being disorganized, much like the man who, when buying an ax from my neighbor the smith, asked to have the entire surface as shiny as the edge. The smith agreed to polish it for him if he would turn the wheel; the man complied while the smith pressed the broad side of the ax heavily against the stone, making the task quite tiresome. The man would periodically check on the progress and eventually decided to take the ax as it was, without further grinding. “No,” said the smith, “keep turning; we’ll make it shiny soon. Right now, it’s just speckled.” “Yes,” the man replied, “but I think I like a speckled ax best.” I believe this might resonate with many who, without the methods I've used, struggled with breaking bad habits and forming good ones in other areas of life, eventually giving up the fight and convincing themselves that “a speckled ax is best.” I often had thoughts telling me that the extreme precision I demanded of myself might come across as pretentiousness in morals, which, if revealed, would make me seem foolish; that having a perfect character might lead to jealousy and resentment; and that a generous person should allow themselves a few flaws to make their friends feel better.

In truth, I found myself incorrigible with respect to Order; and now I am grown old, and my memory bad, I feel very sensibly the want of it. But, on the whole, tho’ I never arrived at the perfection I had been so ambitious of obtaining, but fell far short of it, yet I was, by the endeavour, a better and a happier man than I otherwise should have been if I had not attempted it; as those who aim at perfect writing by imitating the engraved copies, tho’ they never reach the wish’d-for excellence of those copies, their hand is mended by the endeavor, and is tolerable while it continues fair and legible.

Honestly, I’ve always struggled with Order; now that I’m older and have a bad memory, I really feel its absence. Overall, even though I never reached the perfection I was so eager to achieve and fell short of it, my efforts made me a better and happier person than I would have been if I hadn’t tried. It’s like those who strive for perfect writing by copying engraved texts; even if they never achieve the desired excellence, their writing improves through the effort, and it’s decent as long as it stays neat and readable.

It may be well my posterity should be informed that to this little artifice, with the blessing of God, their ancestor ow’d the constant felicity of his life, down to his 79th year, in which this is written. What reverses may attend the remainder is in the hand of Providence; but, if they arrive, the reflection on past happiness enjoy’d ought to help his bearing them with more resignation. To Temperance he ascribes his long-continued health, and what is still left to him of a good constitution; to Industry and Frugality, the early easiness of his circumstances and acquisition of his fortune, with all that knowledge that enabled him to be a useful citizen, and obtained for him some degree of reputation among the learned; to Sincerity and Justice, the confidence of his country, and the honorable employs it conferred upon him; and to the joint influence of the whole mass of the virtues, even in the imperfect state he was able to acquire them, all that evenness of temper, and that cheerfulness in conversation, which makes his company still sought for, and agreeable even to his younger acquaintance. I hope, therefore, that some of my descendants may follow the example and reap the benefit.

It might be good for my descendants to know that, thanks to this little habit and with God's blessing, their ancestor enjoyed a happy life all the way until his 79th year, when this was written. Whatever challenges lie ahead are in God's hands; however, reflecting on past happiness should help him face them with more acceptance. He attributes his long-lasting health and what remains of his good health to Temperance; his early financial stability and fortune to Industry and Frugality, along with all the knowledge that allowed him to be a valuable citizen and gain some respect among the educated; to Sincerity and Justice, the trust of his community and the honorable positions it brought him; and to the combined influence of all these virtues, even in the imperfect way he was able to develop them, the steady temper and cheerful demeanor that make his company still enjoyable and sought after by even his younger acquaintances. I hope that some of my descendants will follow this example and benefit from it.

It will be remark’d that, tho’ my scheme was not wholly without religion, there was in it no mark of any of the distinguishing tenets of any particular sect. I had purposely avoided them; for, being fully persuaded of the utility and excellency of my method, and that it might be serviceable to people in all religions, and intending some time or other to publish it, I would not have any thing in it that should prejudice any one, of any sect, against it. I purposed writing a little comment on each virtue, in which I would have shown the advantages of possessing it, and the mischiefs attending its opposite vice; and I should have called my book The Art of Virtue, [7] because it would have shown the means and manner of obtaining virtue, which would have distinguished it from the mere exhortation to be good, that does not instruct and indicate the means, but is like the apostle’s man of verbal charity, who only without showing to the naked and hungry how or where they might get clothes or victuals, exhorted them to be fed and clothed.—James ii. 15, 16.

It will be noted that, although my plan wasn't entirely without religious elements, there were no signs of any specific beliefs from any particular sect. I deliberately avoided them because I was convinced of the usefulness and quality of my approach, and that it could be helpful to people from all faiths. I intended to publish it eventually, so I didn’t want anything that might turn anyone from any sect against it. I planned to write a brief commentary on each virtue, highlighting the benefits of having it and the problems associated with its opposing vice. I would have titled my book The Art of Being Good, [7] since it would outline the ways and methods of achieving virtue, setting it apart from just telling people to be good without providing guidance on how to do so. It would be like the apostle’s man of verbal charity, who, without showing the naked and hungry how or where they could find clothes or food, just urged them to be fed and clothed.—James ii. 15, 16.

But it so happened that my intention of writing and publishing this comment was never fulfilled. I did, indeed, from time to time, put down short hints of the sentiments, reasonings, etc., to be made use of in it, some of which I have still by me; but the necessary close attention to private business in the earlier part of my life, and public business since, have occasioned my postponing it; for, it being connected in my mind with a great and extensive project, that required the whole man to execute, and which an unforeseen succession of employs prevented my attending to, it has hitherto remain’d unfinish’d.

But it turns out that my intention to write and publish this commentary was never realized. I did, from time to time, jot down brief notes about the ideas, arguments, etc., that I planned to include, some of which I still have. However, my need to focus on private matters earlier in my life, and then public duties later on, led me to put it off. It was linked in my mind to a big and ambitious project that required my full attention, and an unexpected series of commitments kept me from working on it, so it has remained unfinished.

In this piece it was my design to explain and enforce this doctrine, that vicious actions are not hurtful because they are forbidden, but forbidden because they are hurtful, the nature of man alone considered; that it was, therefore, every one’s interest to be virtuous who wish’d to be happy even in this world; and I should, from this circumstance (there being always in the world a number of rich merchants, nobility, states, and princes, who have need of honest instruments for the management of their affairs, and such being so rare), have endeavored to convince young persons that no qualities were so likely to make a poor man’s fortune as those of probity and integrity.

In this piece, I aimed to clarify and support the idea that evil actions aren't harmful just because they're prohibited, but they're banned because they are harmful when considering human nature alone. Thus, it's in everyone's best interest to be virtuous if they want to be happy, even in this life. I believe that since there are always rich merchants, nobility, states, and princes in the world who need honest people to manage their affairs—and such individuals are quite rare—I would have tried to show young people that the best qualities for a poor person to succeed are integrity and honesty.

My list of virtues contain’d at first but twelve; but a Quaker friend having kindly informed me that I was generally thought proud; that my pride show’d itself frequently in conversation; that I was not content with being in the right when discussing any point, but was overbearing, and rather insolent, of which he convinc’d me by mentioning several instances; I determined endeavouring to cure myself, if I could, of this vice or folly among the rest, and I added Humility to my list, giving an extensive meaning to the word.

My list of virtues originally had just twelve, but a Quaker friend kindly pointed out that people generally thought I was proud. He said my pride often came across in conversations and that I wasn’t satisfied with simply being right when discussing something; instead, I tended to be overbearing and a bit arrogant. He convinced me by mentioning several examples. So, I decided to work on fixing this flaw, among others, and I added Humility to my list, broadening the meaning of the word.

I cannot boast of much success in acquiring the reality of this virtue, but I had a good deal with regard to the appearance of it. I made it a rule to forbear all direct contradiction to the sentiments of others, and all positive assertion of my own. I even forbid myself, agreeably to the old laws of our Junto, the use of every word or expression in the language that imported a fix’d opinion, such as certainly, undoubtedly, etc., and I adopted, instead of them, I conceive, I apprehend, or I imagine a thing to be so or so; or it so appears to me at present. When another asserted something that I thought an error, I deny’d myself the pleasure of contradicting him abruptly, and of showing immediately some absurdity in his proposition; and in answering I began by observing that in certain cases or circumstances his opinion would be right, but in the present case there appear’d or seem’d to me some difference, etc. I soon found the advantage of this change in my manner; the conversations I engag’d in went on more pleasantly. The modest way in which I propos’d my opinions procur’d them a readier reception and less contradiction; I had less mortification when I was found to be in the wrong, and I more easily prevail’d with others to give up their mistakes and join with me when I happened to be in the right.

I can't claim much success in actually embodying this virtue, but I did manage to create the impression of it. I made it a point to avoid directly contradicting others’ opinions and refraining from stating my own too strongly. I even made a rule for myself, in line with the old guidelines of our group, to avoid any words or phrases that suggested a fixed opinion, like "certainly" or "undoubtedly." Instead, I used phrases like "I believe," "I understand," or "I think this might be so," or "it seems to me right now." When someone asserted something that I thought was incorrect, I denied myself the urge to interrupt and point out the flaws in their argument right away; instead, I would start my response by noting that in certain situations or circumstances, their view might be valid, but in this case, there seemed to be a difference, etc. I quickly noticed that this change in my approach made conversations go more smoothly. The humble way I presented my opinions made them more readily accepted and reduced opposition; I felt less embarrassed when I was wrong, and it became easier for me to encourage others to reconsider their mistakes and align with me when I was right.

And this mode, which I at first put on with some violence to natural inclination, became at length so easy, and so habitual to me, that perhaps for these fifty years past no one has ever heard a dogmatical expression escape me. And to this habit (after my character of integrity) I think it principally owing that I had early so much weight with my fellow-citizens when I proposed new institutions, or alterations in the old, and so much influence in public councils when I became a member; for I was but a bad speaker, never eloquent, subject to much hesitation in my choice of words, hardly correct in language, and yet I generally carried my points.

And this way of speaking, which I initially forced myself to adopt against my natural inclinations, eventually became so comfortable and automatic for me that for the past fifty years, no one has ever heard me express anything dogmatically. I believe this habit, along with my reputation for integrity, is mainly why I had so much influence with my fellow citizens when I proposed new institutions or changes to the old ones, and why I had significant sway in public councils once I became a member. I was not a good speaker, never eloquent, often hesitating in my choice of words, and hardly ever correct in my language, yet I usually managed to get my way.

In reality, there is, perhaps, no one of our natural passions so hard to subdue as pride. Disguise it, struggle with it, beat it down, stifle it, mortify it as much as one pleases, it is still alive, and will every now and then peep out and show itself; you will see it, perhaps, often in this history; for, even if I could conceive that I had compleatly overcome it, I should probably be proud of my humility.

In reality, there might not be any of our natural feelings that’s as difficult to control as pride. No matter how much you try to hide it, fight it, suppress it, or humble yourself, it’s still there and will occasionally reveal itself. You’ll probably notice it often in this story; because even if I could convince myself that I had completely defeated it, I would likely end up feeling proud of my humility.

[Thus far written at Passy, 1784.]

[Thus far written at Passy, 1784.]


[“I am now about to write at home, August, 1788, but can not have the help expected from my papers, many of them being lost in the war. I have, however, found the following.”] [8]

[“I’m about to write this at home in August 1788, but I can’t get the help I expected from my notes since many of them were lost in the war. I have, however, found the following.”] [8]

Having mentioned a great and extensive project which I had conceiv’d, it seems proper that some account should be here given of that project and its object. Its first rise in my mind appears in the following little paper, accidentally preserv’d, viz.:

Having mentioned a great and extensive project that I had in mind, it seems right to share some details about that project and its purpose. The initial idea came to me in the following brief document, which was luckily kept safe, namely:

Observations on my reading history, in Library, May 19th, 1731.

Observations on my reading history, in Library, May 19th, 1731.

“That the great affairs of the world, the wars, revolutions, etc., are carried on and affected by parties.

“That the major events of the world, the wars, revolutions, and so on, are driven and influenced by different groups.”

“That the view of these parties is their present general interest, or what they take to be such.

“That the perspective of these parties is their current overall interest, or what they believe it to be.”

“That the different views of these different parties occasion all confusion.

“That the different views of these various parties cause all the confusion.

“That while a party is carrying on a general design, each man has his particular private interest in view.

“That while a group is pursuing a common goal, each person has their own personal interest in mind.

“That as soon as a party has gain’d its general point, each member becomes intent upon his particular interest; which, thwarting others, breaks that party into divisions, and occasions more confusion.

“That as soon as a group has achieved its main goal, each member focuses on their individual interests; this, by conflicting with others, breaks the group into factions and creates even more confusion.”

“That few in public affairs act from a meer view of the good of their country, whatever they may pretend; and, tho’ their actings bring real good to their country, yet men primarily considered that their own and their country’s interest was united, and did not act from a principle of benevolence.

"Very few people involved in public affairs genuinely act out of a true desire for the good of their country, no matter what they might claim; and while their actions may bring real benefits to the nation, they primarily think that their own interests and their country’s interests are aligned, and do not act from a principle of goodwill."

“That fewer still, in public affairs, act with a view to the good of mankind.

“That even fewer, in public affairs, act with the intention of benefiting humanity.

“There seems to me at present to be great occasion for raising a United Party for Virtue, by forming the virtuous and good men of all nations into a regular body, to be govern’d by suitable good and wise rules, which good and wise men may probably be more unanimous in their obedience to, than common people are to common laws.

“There seems to be a strong need right now to create a United Party for Virtue, by bringing together virtuous and good people from all nations into an organized group, governed by appropriate and wise rules, which good and wise individuals may likely follow more consistently than ordinary people do common laws.”

“I at present think that whoever attempts this aright, and is well qualified, can not fail of pleasing God, and of meeting with success.

“I currently believe that anyone who approaches this correctly and is well-equipped will surely please God and find success.

B. F.”

B. F.

Revolving this project in my mind, as to be undertaken hereafter, when my circumstances should afford me the necessary leisure, I put down from time to time, on pieces of paper, such thoughts as occurr’d to me respecting it. Most of these are lost; but I find one purporting to be the substance of an intended creed, containing, as I thought, the essentials of every known religion, and being free of every thing that might shock the professors of any religion. It is express’d in these words, viz.:

As I think about this project, which I plan to tackle later when I have the time, I occasionally jot down ideas on pieces of paper. Most of these notes are gone now, but I found one that seems to be the gist of a proposed belief system, capturing what I believed were the core principles of every known religion while avoiding anything that might offend the followers of any faith. It’s expressed in these words:

“That there is one God, who made all things.

“That there is one God, who created everything.

“That he governs the world by his providence.

“That he governs the world by his guidance.

“That he ought to be worshiped by adoration, prayer, and thanksgiving.

“That he should be honored with praise, prayer, and gratitude.

“But that the most acceptable service of God is doing good to man.

“But the most acceptable way to serve God is by doing good for others.”

“That the soul is immortal.

"The soul is immortal."

“And that God will certainly reward virtue and punish vice, either here or hereafter.” [9]

“And that God will definitely reward good actions and punish bad ones, either in this life or the next.” [9]

My ideas at that time were, that the sect should be begun and spread at first among young and single men only; that each person to be initiated should not only declare his assent to such creed, but should have exercised himself with the thirteen weeks’ examination and practice of the virtues, as in the before-mention’d model; that the existence of such a society should be kept a secret, till it was become considerable, to prevent solicitations for the admission of improper persons, but that the members should each of them search among his acquaintance for ingenuous, well-disposed youths, to whom, with prudent caution, the scheme should be gradually communicated; that the members should engage to afford their advice, assistance, and support to each other in promoting one another’s interests, business, and advancement in life; that, for distinction, we should be call’d The Society of the Free and Easy: free, as being, by the general practice and habit of the virtues, free from the dominion of vice; and particularly by the practice of industry and frugality, free from debt, which exposes a man to confinement, and a species of slavery to his creditors.

My ideas at that time were that the group should be started and initially spread among young, single men only; that each person wanting to join should not only agree to the beliefs but should also have completed the thirteen weeks of examination and practice of the virtues, as mentioned in the earlier model; that the existence of such a society should be kept confidential until it becomes significant, to avoid requests for admitting unsuitable individuals. However, each member should look among their acquaintances for honest, well-meaning young men, to whom the plan can be gradually revealed with careful discretion; that the members should commit to providing each other with advice, assistance, and support to help promote each other's interests, careers, and progress in life; that, for distinction, we should be called The Society of the Free and Easy: free, as being, through the consistent practice of virtues, free from the control of vice; and particularly, by practicing hard work and frugality, free from debt, which leads a person to confinement and a form of slavery to their creditors.

This is as much as I can now recollect of the project, except that I communicated it in part to two young men, who adopted it with some enthusiasm; but my then narrow circumstances, and the necessity I was under of sticking close to my business, occasion’d my postponing the further prosecution of it at that time; and my multifarious occupations, public and private, induc’d me to continue postponing, so that it has been omitted till I have no longer strength or activity left sufficient for such an enterprise; tho’ I am still of opinion that it was a practicable scheme, and might have been very useful, by forming a great number of good citizens; and I was not discourag’d by the seeming magnitude of the undertaking, as I have always thought that one man of tolerable abilities may work great changes, and accomplish great affairs among mankind, if he first forms a good plan, and, cutting off all amusements or other employments that would divert his attention, makes the execution of that same plan his sole study and business.

This is about all I can remember of the project right now, except that I shared part of it with two young men who got really excited about it. However, my tight schedule at the time and the need to focus on my job made me put it on hold. My many responsibilities, both public and private, kept me from picking it back up, and now I feel like I don’t have the energy or drive left for such a venture. Still, I believe it was a feasible idea that could have been very helpful in creating a lot of good citizens. I wasn’t discouraged by the size of the task because I’ve always thought that one person with decent abilities can make significant changes and achieve great things if they first come up with a solid plan, and then cut out distractions or other commitments so they can dedicate themselves fully to executing that plan.

In 1732 I first publish’d my Almanack, under the name of Richard Saunders; it was continu’d by me about twenty-five years, commonly call’d Poor Richard’s Almanac. I endeavor’d to make it both entertaining and useful, and it accordingly came to be in such demand, that I reap’d considerable profit from it, vending annually near ten thousand. And observing that it was generally read, scarce any neighborhood in the province being without it, I consider’d it as a proper vehicle for conveying instruction among the common people, who bought scarcely any other books; I therefore filled all the little spaces that occurr’d between the remarkable days in the calendar with proverbial sentences, chiefly such as inculcated industry and frugality, as the means of procuring wealth, and thereby securing virtue; it being more difficult for a man in want, to act always honestly, as, to use here one of those proverbs, it is hard for an empty sack to stand upright.

In 1732, I published my Almanac for the first time under the name of Richard Saunders; I continued it for about twenty-five years, commonly known as Poor Richard’s Almanac. I aimed to make it both entertaining and useful, and it became so popular that I earned a good profit from it, selling nearly ten thousand copies each year. Noticing that it was widely read, with hardly any neighborhood in the province without it, I saw it as a good way to deliver lessons to the common people, who hardly bought any other books. I filled all the little spaces between the notable days in the calendar with proverbs, mainly those that promoted hard work and savings as ways to gain wealth and secure virtue; it’s harder for someone in need to always act honestly, as one of those proverbs says, it is hard for an empty sack to stand upright.

These proverbs, which contained the wisdom of many ages and nations, I assembled and form’d into a connected discourse prefix’d to the Almanack of 1757, as the harangue of a wise old man to the people attending an auction. The bringing all these scatter’d counsels thus into a focus enabled them to make greater impression. The piece, being universally approved, was copied in all the newspapers of the Continent; reprinted in Britain on a broad side, to be stuck up in houses; two translations were made of it in French, and great numbers bought by the clergy and gentry, to distribute gratis among their poor parishioners and tenants. In Pennsylvania, as it discouraged useless expense in foreign superfluities, some thought it had its share of influence in producing that growing plenty of money which was observable for several years after its publication.

I gathered these proverbs, which hold the wisdom of many ages and cultures, and turned them into a connected discussion that introduces the Almanack of 1757, as if it were a talk from a wise old man to a crowd at an auction. Bringing all these scattered pieces of advice together made them have a stronger impact. The work was widely appreciated and was published in all the newspapers across the continent; it was reprinted in Britain on a large sheet to be displayed in homes; two translations were made in French, and many copies were purchased by clergy and gentry to distribute for free to their poorer parishioners and tenants. In Pennsylvania, since it discouraged unnecessary spending on foreign luxuries, some believed it played a role in the noticeable increase of money that occurred for several years after it was published.

I considered my newspaper, also, as another means of communicating instruction, and in that view frequently reprinted in it extracts from the Spectator, and other moral writers; and sometimes publish’d little pieces of my own, which had been first compos’d for reading in our Junto. Of these are a Socratic dialogue, tending to prove that, whatever might be his parts and abilities, a vicious man could not properly be called a man of sense; and a discourse on self-denial, showing that virtue was not secure till its practice became a habitude, and was free from the opposition of contrary inclinations. These may be found in the papers about the beginning of 1735.

I saw my newspaper as another way to share knowledge, so I often included excerpts from the Spectator and other moral writers, and sometimes published short pieces of my own that were originally written for our Junto meetings. Among these is a Socratic dialogue that aims to show that, no matter how skilled or talented someone is, a person with bad character can't truly be considered sensible; and a discussion on self-denial, demonstrating that virtue isn’t secure until it becomes a habit and is free from conflicting desires. You can find these in the papers from around early 1735.

In the conduct of my newspaper, I carefully excluded all libelling and personal abuse, which is of late years become so disgraceful to our country. Whenever I was solicited to insert anything of that kind, and the writers pleaded, as they generally did, the liberty of the press, and that a newspaper was like a stage-coach, in which any one who would pay had a right to a place, my answer was, that I would print the piece separately if desired, and the author might have as many copies as he pleased to distribute himself, but that I would not take upon me to spread his detraction; and that, having contracted with my subscribers to furnish them with what might be either useful or entertaining, I could not fill their papers with private altercation, in which they had no concern, without doing them manifest injustice. Now, many of our printers make no scruple of gratifying the malice of individuals by false accusations of the fairest characters among ourselves, augmenting animosity even to the producing of duels; and are, moreover, so indiscreet as to print scurrilous reflections on the government of neighboring states, and even on the conduct of our best national allies, which may be attended with the most pernicious consequences. These things I mention as a caution to young printers, and that they may be encouraged not to pollute their presses and disgrace their profession by such infamous practices, but refuse steadily, as they may see by my example that such a course of conduct will not, on the whole, be injurious to their interests.

In running my newspaper, I made sure to exclude all forms of defamation and personal attacks, which have recently become a disgrace in our country. Whenever I was asked to publish something like that, and the writers argued, as they often did, for freedom of the press and compared a newspaper to a stagecoach where anyone who pays deserves a seat, my response was that I would publish their piece separately if they wanted, and they could get as many copies as they liked to distribute themselves, but I wouldn't take it upon myself to spread their slander. I reminded them that I had promised my subscribers to provide them with material that was either useful or entertaining, and I couldn't fill their papers with private disputes that didn’t concern them without doing them a real injustice. Nowadays, many printers have no qualms about indulging the malice of individuals by making false accusations against the best among us, even stirring up animosity that leads to duels; they also carelessly print offensive comments about the governments of neighboring states and the actions of our strongest allies, which can lead to disastrous outcomes. I bring these issues up to caution young printers, encouraging them not to tarnish their presses and shame their profession with such disgraceful practices, but to stand firm, as they can learn from my example that this approach will not ultimately harm their interests.

In 1733 I sent one of my journeymen to Charleston, South Carolina, where a printer was wanting. I furnish’d him with a press and letters, on an agreement of partnership, by which I was to receive one-third of the profits of the business, paying one-third of the expense. He was a man of learning, and honest but ignorant in matters of account; and, tho’ he sometimes made me remittances, I could get no account from him, nor any satisfactory state of our partnership while he lived. On his decease, the business was continued by his widow, who, being born and bred in Holland, where, as I have been inform’d, the knowledge of accounts makes a part of female education, she not only sent me as clear a state as she could find of the transactions past, but continued to account with the greatest regularity and exactness every quarter afterwards, and managed the business with such success, that she not only brought up reputably a family of children, but, at the expiration of the term, was able to purchase of me the printing-house, and establish her son in it.

In 1733, I sent one of my workers to Charleston, South Carolina, where a printer was needed. I provided him with a press and type, under an agreement that I would get one-third of the profits from the business, covering one-third of the costs. He was educated and honest but not knowledgeable about finances. Although he occasionally sent me money, I couldn’t get a clear account from him or a satisfactory overview of our partnership while he was alive. After he passed away, his widow took over the business. She was born and raised in Holland, where, as I’ve been told, understanding finances is part of women's education. She not only gave me a clear account of past transactions but also managed the bookkeeping with great regularity and accuracy every quarter afterwards. She ran the business so successfully that she was able to raise her children respectably and, at the end of our agreement, buy the printing house from me and set her son up in it.

I mention this affair chiefly for the sake of recommending that branch of education for our young females, as likely to be of more use to them and their children, in case of widowhood, than either music or dancing, by preserving them from losses by imposition of crafty men, and enabling them to continue, perhaps, a profitable mercantile house, with establish’d correspondence, till a son is grown up fit to undertake and go on with it, to the lasting advantage and enriching of the family.

I bring this up mainly to suggest that type of education for our young women, as it’s more likely to benefit them and their children if they become widows, compared to music or dancing. It helps protect them from being taken advantage of by deceitful men and allows them to keep running a profitable business with established connections until a son is old enough to take over, ultimately benefiting and enriching the family.

About the year 1734 there arrived among us from Ireland a young Presbyterian preacher, named Hemphill, who delivered with a good voice, and apparently extempore, most excellent discourses, which drew together considerable numbers of different persuasion, who join’d in admiring them. Among the rest, I became one of his constant hearers, his sermons pleasing me, as they had little of the dogmatical kind, but inculcated strongly the practice of virtue, or what in the religious stile are called good works. Those, however, of our congregation, who considered themselves as orthodox Presbyterians, disapprov’d his doctrine, and were join’d by most of the old clergy, who arraign’d him of heterodoxy before the synod, in order to have him silenc’d. I became his zealous partisan, and contributed all I could to raise a party in his favour, and we combated for him a while with some hopes of success. There was much scribbling pro and con upon the occasion; and finding that, tho’ an elegant preacher, he was but a poor writer, I lent him my pen and wrote for him two or three pamphlets, and one piece in the Gazette of April, 1735. Those pamphlets, as is generally the case with controversial writings, tho’ eagerly read at the time, were soon out of vogue, and I question whether a single copy of them now exists.

Around 1734, a young Presbyterian preacher named Hemphill came to us from Ireland. He had a great voice and delivered impressive sermons that seemed to be spontaneous, attracting a diverse crowd who admired his message. I became one of his regular listeners, as his sermons focused less on dogma and more on the importance of virtue, or what is often referred to in religious terms as good works. However, those in our congregation who considered themselves orthodox Presbyterians disapproved of his teachings, and many of the old clergy joined them, accusing him of heresy in front of the synod in an effort to silence him. I became an enthusiastic supporter and did everything I could to gather a group in his favor, and we fought for a while with some hope of success. There was a lot of writing back and forth on the issue, and realizing that, while he was an excellent speaker, he wasn’t a great writer, I lent him my pen and wrote a couple of pamphlets for him, as well as one piece in the Gazette in April 1735. Those pamphlets, like most controversial writings, were popular for a time but faded away quickly, and I doubt that even a single copy of them still exists.

During the contest an unlucky occurrence hurt his cause exceedingly. One of our adversaries having heard him preach a sermon that was much admired, thought he had somewhere read the sermon before, or at least a part of it. On search he found that part quoted at length, in one of the British Reviews, from a discourse of Dr. Foster’s. This detection gave many of our party disgust, who accordingly abandoned his cause, and occasion’d our more speedy discomfiture in the synod. I stuck by him, however, as I rather approv’d his giving us good sermons compos’d by others, than bad ones of his own manufacture, tho’ the latter was the practice of our common teachers. He afterward acknowledg’d to me that none of those he preach’d were his own; adding, that his memory was such as enabled him to retain and repeat any sermon after one reading only. On our defeat, he left us in search elsewhere of better fortune, and I quitted the congregation, never joining it after, tho’ I continu’d many years my subscription for the support of its ministers.

During the contest, an unfortunate incident really hurt his chances. One of our opponents, having heard him deliver a highly praised sermon, thought he had read a part of it somewhere before. After some searching, he found that section quoted verbatim in one of the British Reviews from a sermon by Dr. Foster. This discovery upset many people in our group, leading them to abandon his cause, which resulted in our quicker defeat at the synod. I stuck by him, though, as I preferred him using good sermons from others instead of delivering bad ones of his own, even though the latter was what our usual teachers did. He later admitted to me that none of the sermons he preached were his own, explaining that his memory was such that he could remember and recite any sermon after just one reading. After our defeat, he left us in search of better opportunities elsewhere, and I left the congregation, never returning, even though I continued for many years to contribute to the support of its ministers.

I had begun in 1733 to study languages; I soon made myself so much a master of the French as to be able to read the books with ease. I then undertook the Italian. An acquaintance, who was also learning it, us’d often to tempt me to play chess with him. Finding this took up too much of the time I had to spare for study, I at length refus’d to play any more, unless on this condition, that the victor in every game should have a right to impose a task, either in parts of the grammar to be got by heart, or in translations, etc., which tasks the vanquish’d was to perform upon honour, before our next meeting. As we play’d pretty equally, we thus beat one another into that language. I afterwards with a little painstaking, acquir’d as much of the Spanish as to read their books also.

I started studying languages in 1733 and quickly became proficient in French, allowing me to read books with ease. Then I took on Italian. A friend who was also learning it often tempted me to play chess with him. Realizing this took up too much of my study time, I eventually refused to play unless the winner could assign a task to the loser, either memorizing parts of grammar or doing translations, which the defeated player had to complete on their honor before our next meeting. Since we were evenly matched, we helped each other learn the language this way. Later, with a bit of effort, I also learned enough Spanish to read their books.

I have already mention’d that I had only one year’s instruction in a Latin school, and that when very young, after which I neglected that language entirely. But, when I had attained an acquaintance with the French, Italian, and Spanish, I was surpriz’d to find, on looking over a Latin Testament, that I understood so much more of that language than I had imagined, which encouraged me to apply myself again to the study of it, and I met with more success, as those preceding languages had greatly smooth’d my way.

I already mentioned that I had only a year of lessons in a Latin school when I was very young, after which I completely ignored that language. However, once I became familiar with French, Italian, and Spanish, I was surprised to find that when I looked over a Latin Testament, I understood a lot more of that language than I had thought. This motivated me to dive back into studying it, and I had more success since those earlier languages had really helped me.

From these circumstances, I have thought that there is some inconsistency in our common mode of teaching languages. We are told that it is proper to begin first with the Latin, and, having acquir’d that, it will be more easy to attain those modern languages which are deriv’d from it; and yet we do not begin with the Greek, in order more easily to acquire the Latin. It is true that, if you can clamber and get to the top of a staircase without using the steps, you will more easily gain them in descending; but certainly, if you begin with the lowest you will with more ease ascend to the top; and I would therefore offer it to the consideration of those who superintend the education of our youth, whether, since many of those who begin with the Latin quit the same after spending some years without having made any great proficiency, and what they have learnt becomes almost useless, so that their time has been lost, it would not have been better to have begun with the French, proceeding to the Italian, etc.; for, tho’, after spending the same time, they should quit the study of languages and never arrive at the Latin, they would, however, have acquired another tongue or two, that, being in modern use, might be serviceable to them in common life.

Given these circumstances, I've noticed some inconsistencies in how we typically teach languages. We're told it's best to start with Latin, and once we've learned that, it will be easier to pick up the modern languages that come from it. Yet, we don’t begin with Greek to make learning Latin easier. It's true that if you can climb to the top of a staircase without using the steps, you'll find it easier to come down. However, if you start from the bottom, you'll find it easier to reach the top. I would suggest that those who oversee the education of our youth consider that many students who start with Latin end up leaving it after several years without making significant progress, making what they've learned practically useless and wasting their time. It might be more beneficial to begin with French, then move on to Italian, etc. Because even if, after the same amount of time, they quit studying languages and never reach Latin, they would still have learned another language or two that are in common use and could be useful in everyday life.

After ten years’ absence from Boston, and having become easy in my circumstances, I made a journey thither to visit my relations, which I could not sooner well afford. In returning, I call’d at Newport to see my brother, then settled there with his printing-house. Our former differences were forgotten, and our meeting was very cordial and affectionate. He was fast declining in his health, and requested of me that, in case of his death, which he apprehended not far distant, I would take home his son, then but ten years of age, and bring him up to the printing business. This I accordingly perform’d, sending him a few years to school before I took him into the office. His mother carried on the business till he was grown up, when I assisted him with an assortment of new types, those of his father being in a manner worn out. Thus it was that I made my brother ample amends for the service I had depriv’d him of by leaving him so early.

After ten years away from Boston and having become settled in my life, I finally made a trip there to visit my family, which I hadn’t been able to afford sooner. On my way back, I stopped in Newport to see my brother, who was living there with his printing business. We had put our past disagreements behind us, and our reunion was warm and friendly. He was in poor health and asked me, in case he died soon—which he feared might happen—to take his ten-year-old son home and raise him in the printing trade. I agreed and sent him to school for a few years before bringing him into the office. His mother managed the business until he was grown up, at which point I helped him with a selection of new typefaces since his father's were pretty much worn out. This way, I was able to make it up to my brother for leaving him so early.

In 1736 I lost one of my sons, a fine boy of four years old, by the small-pox, taken in the common way. I long regretted bitterly, and still regret that I had not given it to him by inoculation. This I mention for the sake of parents who omit that operation, on the supposition that they should never forgive themselves if a child died under it; my example showing that the regret may be the same either way, and that, therefore, the safer should be chosen.

In 1736, I lost one of my sons, a wonderful four-year-old, to smallpox, contracted in the usual manner. I deeply regretted, and still do, not having inoculated him. I mention this for the sake of parents who skip that procedure, thinking they could never forgive themselves if a child died from it; my experience shows that the regret can be the same either way, so it’s better to choose the safer option.

Our club, the Junto, was found so useful, and afforded such satisfaction to the members, that several were desirous of introducing their friends, which could not well be done without exceeding what we had settled as a convenient number, viz., twelve. We had from the beginning made it a rule to keep our institution a secret, which was pretty well observ’d; the intention was to avoid applications of improper persons for admittance, some of whom, perhaps, we might find it difficult to refuse. I was one of those who were against any addition to our number, but, instead of it, made in writing a proposal, that every member separately should endeavor to form a subordinate club, with the same rules respecting queries, etc., and without informing them of the connection with the Junto. The advantages proposed were, the improvement of so many more young citizens by the use of our institutions; our better acquaintance with the general sentiments of the inhabitants on any occasion, as the Junto member might propose what queries we should desire, and was to report to the Junto what pass’d in his separate club; the promotion of our particular interests in business by more extensive recommendation, and the increase of our influence in public affairs, and our power of doing good by spreading thro’ the several clubs the sentiments of the Junto.

Our club, the Junto, was so useful and satisfying to the members that several wanted to invite their friends, but we couldn’t really do that without exceeding our agreed limit of twelve members. From the start, we had a rule to keep our group a secret, which we mostly followed; the goal was to prevent inappropriate people from applying for membership, as some of them might be hard to turn down. I was one of those who opposed adding more members, but instead, I proposed in writing that each member should try to form a smaller club on their own, with the same rules about inquiries, and without letting them know about the connection to the Junto. The benefits suggested were the improvement of more young citizens through our institutions; our better understanding of the general opinions of the community on various issues, as the Junto member could suggest questions we wanted to discuss and report back on what happened in their smaller club; the advancement of our business interests through broader recommendations, and the enhancement of our influence in public matters, along with our ability to do good by spreading the Junto’s ideas through these various clubs.

The project was approv’d, and every member undertook to form his club, but they did not all succeed. Five or six only were compleated, which were called by different names, as the Vine, the Union, the Band, etc. They were useful to themselves, and afforded us a good deal of amusement, information, and instruction, besides answering, in some considerable degree, our views of influencing the public opinion on particular occasions, of which I shall give some instances in course of time as they happened.

The project was approved, and every member agreed to start their own club, but not everyone succeeded. Only five or six were completed, and they were named different things like the Vine, the Union, the Band, etc. They were beneficial to their members and provided us with a lot of entertainment, information, and education, while also helping us to influence public opinion on certain occasions. I will share some examples of this in due course as they happened.

My first promotion was my being chosen, in 1736, clerk of the General Assembly. The choice was made that year without opposition; but the year following, when I was again propos’d (the choice, like that of the members, being annual), a new member made a long speech against me, in order to favour some other candidate. I was, however, chosen, which was the more agreeable to me, as, besides the pay for the immediate service as clerk, the place gave me a better opportunity of keeping up an interest among the members, which secur’d to me the business of printing the votes, laws, paper money, and other occasional jobbs for the public, that, on the whole, were very profitable.

My first promotion came in 1736 when I was chosen as the clerk of the General Assembly. The selection was uncontested that year; however, the following year, when I was nominated again (since the choice is made annually, just like for members), a new member gave a long speech against me to support another candidate. I was still elected, which I found particularly satisfying because, in addition to getting paid for my immediate duties as clerk, the position allowed me to build relationships with the members. This secured me the work of printing the votes, laws, paper money, and other occasional jobs for the public, which were quite profitable overall.

I therefore did not like the opposition of this new member, who was a gentleman of fortune and education, with talents that were likely to give him, in time, great influence in the House, which, indeed, afterwards happened. I did not, however, aim at gaining his favour by paying any servile respect to him, but, after some time, took this other method. Having heard that he had in his library a certain very scarce and curious book, I wrote a note to him, expressing my desire of perusing that book, and requesting he would do me the favour of lending it to me for a few days. He sent it immediately, and I return’d it in about a week with another note, expressing strongly my sense of the favour. When we next met in the House, he spoke to me (which he had never done before), and with great civility; and he ever after manifested a readiness to serve me on all occasions, so that we became great friends, and our friendship continued to his death. This is another instance of the truth of an old maxim I had learned, which says, “He that has once done you a kindness will be more ready to do you another, than he whom you yourself have obliged.” And it shows how much more profitable it is prudently to remove, than to resent, return, and continue inimical proceedings.

I didn't like the opposition from this new member, who was a wealthy and educated gentleman with talents that would likely give him significant influence in the House over time, which eventually happened. However, I didn't try to win his favor with any kind of servile respect. Instead, after a while, I took a different approach. I heard that he had a certain very rare and interesting book in his library, so I wrote him a note expressing my desire to read it and asking if he would lend it to me for a few days. He sent it right away, and I returned it about a week later with another note, strongly expressing my appreciation for the favor. When we next met in the House, he spoke to me (which he had never done before) and was very polite. From then on, he always showed a willingness to help me whenever I needed it, and we became great friends, with our friendship lasting until his death. This is another example of an old maxim I had learned, which says, “He that has once done you a kindness will be more ready to do you another than he whom you yourself have obliged.” And it shows how much more beneficial it is to wisely remove obstacles than to hold grudges, retaliate, and continue hostile actions.

In 1737, Colonel Spotswood, late governor of Virginia, and then postmaster-general, being dissatisfied with the conduct of his deputy at Philadelphia, respecting some negligence in rendering, and inexactitude of his accounts, took from him the commission and offered it to me. I accepted it readily, and found it of great advantage; for, tho’ the salary was small, it facilitated the correspondence that improv’d my newspaper, increas’d the number demanded, as well as the advertisements to be inserted, so that it came to afford me a considerable income. My old competitor’s newspaper declin’d proportionably, and I was satisfy’d without retaliating his refusal, while postmaster, to permit my papers being carried by the riders. Thus he suffer’d greatly from his neglect in due accounting; and I mention it as a lesson to those young men who may be employ’d in managing affairs for others, that they should always render accounts, and make remittances, with great clearness and punctuality. The character of observing such a conduct is the most powerful of all recommendations to new employments and increase of business.

In 1737, Colonel Spotswood, the former governor of Virginia and then postmaster general, was unhappy with the way his deputy in Philadelphia was handling things, particularly some negligence in reporting and inaccuracies in his accounts. He took the commission away from him and offered it to me. I gladly accepted it and found it very beneficial; even though the salary was low, it helped improve the correspondence for my newspaper, increased its demand, and brought in more advertisements, giving me a decent income. My old competitor’s newspaper declined in proportion, and I was content without retaliating against his previous refusal to allow my papers to be carried by the riders when he was postmaster. As a result, he suffered a lot due to his lack of proper accounting, and I mention this as a lesson to young men working in management for others: they should always provide clear and timely accounts and remittances. Maintaining such a standard is the best recommendation for landing new jobs and growing business.

I began now to turn my thoughts a little to public affairs, beginning, however, with small matters. The city watch was one of the first things that I conceiv’d to want regulation. It was managed by the constables of the respective wards in turn; the constable warned a number of housekeepers to attend him for the night. Those who chose never to attend paid him six shillings a year to be excus’d, which was suppos’d to be for hiring substitutes, but was, in reality, much more than was necessary for that purpose, and made the constableship a place of profit; and the constable, for a little drink, often got such ragamuffins about him as a watch, that respectable housekeepers did not choose to mix with. Walking the rounds, too, was often neglected, and most of the nights spent in tippling. I thereupon wrote a paper to be read in Junto, representing these irregularities, but insisting more particularly on the inequality of this six-shilling tax of the constables, respecting the circumstances of those who paid it, since a poor widow housekeeper, all whose property to be guarded by the watch did not perhaps exceed the value of fifty pounds, paid as much as the wealthiest merchant, who had thousands of pounds’ worth of goods in his stores.

I started to think more about public issues, but I began with small matters. One of the first things I noticed that needed fixing was the city watch. It was run by the constables of each ward on a rotating basis; the constable would ask a number of homeowners to join him for the night. Those who preferred not to participate paid him six shillings a year to be excused, which was supposedly to hire substitutes, but in reality, it was way more than what was needed for that purpose and turned the constableship into a profitable position. The constable, for a bit of drink, often surrounded himself with such unruly characters as a watch that respectable homeowners didn't want to associate with. Plus, doing the rounds was frequently overlooked, and most nights were spent drinking. So, I wrote a paper to be read at the Junto, highlighting these issues, but I focused particularly on the unfairness of this six-shilling tax imposed by the constables, considering the different circumstances of those who paid it. For example, a poor widow who had maybe fifty pounds' worth of property to be protected by the watch paid the same amount as the richest merchant who had thousands in goods stored away.

On the whole, I proposed as a more effectual watch, the hiring of proper men to serve constantly in that business; and as a more equitable way of supporting the charge the levying a tax that should be proportion’d to the property. This idea, being approv’d by the Junto, was communicated to the other clubs, but as arising in each of them; and though the plan was not immediately carried into execution, yet, by preparing the minds of people for the change, it paved the way for the law obtained a few years after, when the members of our clubs were grown into more influence.

Overall, I suggested that a more effective way to keep watch would be to hire the right people to work in that role full-time. To make it fairer to cover the costs, we could implement a tax based on property ownership. This idea was approved by the Junto and shared with the other clubs, as it originated in each of them. While the plan wasn't put into action right away, it helped to prepare people for the change, ultimately leading to the law that was passed a few years later when the members of our clubs had gained more influence.

About this time I wrote a paper (first to be read in Junto, but it was afterward publish’d) on the different accidents and carelessnesses by which houses were set on fire, with cautions against them, and means proposed of avoiding them. This was much spoken of as a useful piece, and gave rise to a project, which soon followed it, of forming a company for the more ready extinguishing of fires, and mutual assistance in removing and securing the goods when in danger. Associates in this scheme were presently found, amounting to thirty. Our articles of agreement oblig’d every member to keep always in good order, and fit for use, a certain number of leather buckets, with strong bags and baskets (for packing and transporting of goods), which were to be brought to every fire; and we agreed to meet once a month and spend a social evening together, in discoursing and communicating such ideas as occurred to us upon the subject of fires, as might be useful in our conduct on such occasions.

Around this time, I wrote a paper (originally intended for the Junto, but later published) discussing the various accidents and lapses in attention that could cause houses to catch fire, along with tips on how to prevent them. This piece was widely praised as useful, leading to the idea of creating a company to respond more effectively to fires and to help each other move and protect belongings that were in danger. We quickly found thirty partners for this initiative. Our agreement required each member to always maintain a certain number of leather buckets, along with sturdy bags and baskets (for packing and transporting items), which were to be brought to every fire. We also agreed to meet once a month for a social evening to share and discuss any useful ideas that could help us in emergency situations involving fires.

The utility of this institution soon appeared, and many more desiring to be admitted than we thought convenient for one company, they were advised to form another, which was accordingly done; and this went on, one new company being formed after another, till they became so numerous as to include most of the inhabitants who were men of property; and now, at the time of my writing this, tho’ upward of fifty years since its establishment, that which I first formed, called the Union Fire Company, still subsists and flourishes, tho’ the first members are all deceas’d but myself and one, who is older by a year than I am. The small fines that have been paid by members for absence at the monthly meetings have been apply’d to the purchase of fire-engines, ladders, fire-hooks, and other useful implements for each company, so that I question whether there is a city in the world better provided with the means of putting a stop to beginning conflagrations; and, in fact, since these institutions, the city has never lost by fire more than one or two houses at a time, and the flames have often been extinguished before the house in which they began has been half consumed.

The usefulness of this organization quickly became clear, and many more people wanted to join than we thought was practical for just one group. So, they were encouraged to create another, which they did; this continued, with one new group after another being established until there were so many that they included most of the property-owning men in the area. As I write this, over fifty years since it started, the very first group I formed, called the Union Fire Company, is still alive and thriving, even though all the founding members have passed away except for me and one other, who is a year older than I am. The small fines charged to members for missing our monthly meetings have been used to buy fire trucks, ladders, fire hooks, and other useful tools for each company, making me doubt there’s any city in the world better equipped to handle fires. In fact, since these organizations were created, the city has only lost one or two houses at a time to fire, and in many cases, the flames have been put out before they could even consume half of the building they started in.

In 1739 arrived among us from Ireland the Reverend Mr. Whitefield, who had made himself remarkable there as an itinerant preacher. He was at first permitted to preach in some of our churches; but the clergy, taking a dislike to him, soon refus’d him their pulpits, and he was oblig’d to preach in the fields. The multitudes of all sects and denominations that attended his sermons were enormous, and it was matter of speculation to me, who was one of the number, to observe the extraordinary influence of his oratory on his hearers, and how much they admir’d and respected him, notwithstanding his common abuse of them, by assuring them that they were naturally half beasts and half devils. It was wonderful to see the change soon made in the manners of our inhabitants. From being thoughtless or indifferent about religion, it seem’d as if all the world were growing religious, so that one could not walk thro’ the town in an evening without hearing psalms sung in different families of every street.

In 1739, the Reverend Mr. Whitefield arrived from Ireland, where he had become known as a traveling preacher. At first, he was allowed to preach in some of our churches, but the local clergy quickly took a dislike to him and soon refused him access to their pulpits, forcing him to preach in the fields. The crowds of all religions and backgrounds that came to hear him were enormous, and as one of those attending, I found it intriguing to witness the extraordinary impact of his speaking on his audience. They admired and respected him, even though he often insulted them by claiming they were naturally half beasts and half devils. It was amazing to see how quickly the behavior of our community changed. Where people had once been thoughtless or indifferent about religion, it seemed like everyone was becoming more religious, and you could hardly walk through the town in the evening without hearing psalms being sung from different homes on every street.

And it being found inconvenient to assemble in the open air, subject to its inclemencies, the building of a house to meet in was no sooner propos’d, and persons appointed to receive contributions, but sufficient sums were soon receiv’d to procure the ground and erect the building, which was one hundred feet long and seventy broad, about the size of Westminster Hall; and the work was carried on with such spirit as to be finished in a much shorter time than could have been expected. Both house and ground were vested in trustees, expressly for the use of any preacher of any religious persuasion who might desire to say something to the people at Philadelphia; the design in building not being to accommodate any particular sect, but the inhabitants in general; so that even if the Mufti of Constantinople were to send a missionary to preach Mohammedanism to us, he would find a pulpit at his service.

Since it was found inconvenient to meet outside due to bad weather, the idea of building a meeting house was quickly proposed, and people were assigned to collect donations. Before long, enough money was raised to buy the land and build the structure, which measured one hundred feet long and seventy feet wide, similar in size to Westminster Hall. The project was completed much faster than expected, thanks to the enthusiasm behind it. Both the building and the land were entrusted to a group of trustees, specifically for any preacher of any faith who wanted to address the people in Philadelphia. The goal was to create a space that served the community at large, rather than catering to any one specific religious group. So, if the Mufti of Constantinople were to send a missionary to preach Islam to us, he would find a pulpit available for his use.

Mr. Whitefield, in leaving us, went preaching all the way thro’ the colonies to Georgia. The settlement of that province had lately been begun, but, instead of being made with hardy, industrious husbandmen, accustomed to labor, the only people fit for such an enterprise, it was with families of broken shop-keepers and other insolvent debtors, many of indolent and idle habits, taken out of the jails, who, being set down in the woods, unqualified for clearing land, and unable to endure the hardships of a new settlement, perished in numbers, leaving many helpless children unprovided for. The sight of their miserable situation inspir’d the benevolent heart of Mr. Whitefield with the idea of building an Orphan House there, in which they might be supported and educated. Returning northward, he preach’d up this charity, and made large collections, for his eloquence had a wonderful power over the hearts and purses of his hearers, of which I myself was an instance.

Mr. Whitefield, as he was leaving us, preached all the way through the colonies to Georgia. The settlement of that province had just begun, but instead of being established by hardworking farmers who were used to labor, the only people suitable for such an endeavor were families of bankrupt shopkeepers and other insolvent debtors, many of whom had lazy and idle habits. They were taken out of jails and placed in the woods, unprepared for clearing land and unable to withstand the hardships of a new settlement, resulting in many of them dying and leaving behind helpless children without support. The sight of their desperate situation inspired Mr. Whitefield’s compassionate heart with the idea of building an Orphan House there, where these children could be supported and educated. On his return northward, he promoted this charity and collected significant amounts of money, as his eloquence had a remarkable ability to touch the hearts and wallets of his audience, of which I was a prime example.

I did not disapprove of the design, but, as Georgia was then destitute of materials and workmen, and it was proposed to send them from Philadelphia at a great expense, I thought it would have been better to have built the house here, and brought the children to it. This I advis’d; but he was resolute in his first project, rejected my counsel, and I therefore refus’d to contribute. I happened soon after to attend one of his sermons, in the course of which I perceived he intended to finish with a collection, and I silently resolved he should get nothing from me. I had in my pocket a handful of copper money, three or four silver dollars, and five pistoles in gold. As he proceeded I began to soften, and concluded to give the coppers. Another stroke of his oratory made me asham’d of that, and determin’d me to give the silver; and he finish’d so admirably, that I empty’d my pocket wholly into the collector’s dish, gold and all. At this sermon there was also one of our club, who, being of my sentiments respecting the building in Georgia, and suspecting a collection might be intended, had, by precaution, emptied his pockets before he came from home. Towards the conclusion of the discourse, however, he felt a strong desire to give, and apply’d to a neighbour, who stood near him, to borrow some money for the purpose. The application was unfortunately [made] to perhaps the only man in the company who had the firmness not to be affected by the preacher. His answer was, “At any other time, Friend Hopkinson, I would lend to thee freely; but not now, for thee seems to be out of thy right senses.

I didn't mind the design, but since Georgia was lacking materials and workers, and it was suggested to bring them from Philadelphia at a high cost, I thought it would have been better to build the house here and bring the children to it. I advised this, but he was set on his original plan, ignored my advice, and so I refused to contribute. Shortly after, I attended one of his sermons, during which I realized he planned to end with a collection, and I silently decided he wouldn't get anything from me. I had a handful of coins, three or four silver dollars, and five gold pistoles in my pocket. As he continued, I started to change my mind and decided to give the coins. Another impressive point he made made me ashamed of that, and I decided to give the silver; he ended so beautifully that I emptied my pockets completely into the collector’s dish, gold and all. At this sermon, there was also one of our group, who shared my views on the building in Georgia and, suspecting a collection might be coming, had, as a precaution, emptied his pockets before leaving home. However, towards the end of the talk, he felt a strong urge to give and asked a neighbor nearby to borrow some money for that purpose. Unfortunately, he made his request to perhaps the only person in the group who had the strength not to be swayed by the preacher. His response was, “At any other time, Friend Hopkinson, I would lend to you freely; but not now, for you seem to be out of your right senses.

Some of Mr. Whitefield’s enemies affected to suppose that he would apply these collections to his own private emolument; but I who was intimately acquainted with him (being employed in printing his Sermons and Journals, etc.), never had the least suspicion of his integrity, but am to this day decidedly of opinion that he was in all his conduct a perfectly honest man, and methinks my testimony in his favour ought to have the more weight, as we had no religious connection. He us’d, indeed, sometimes to pray for my conversion, but never had the satisfaction of believing that his prayers were heard. Ours was a mere civil friendship, sincere on both sides, and lasted to his death.

Some of Mr. Whitefield’s enemies pretended to think that he would use these collections for his own personal gain; however, I, who knew him well (since I was involved in printing his Sermons and Journals, etc.), never had any doubts about his integrity. I still firmly believe that he was completely honest in all his actions, and my testimony in his favor should hold even more weight since we had no religious ties. He did occasionally pray for my conversion, but I never had the comfort of believing that his prayers were answered. Our relationship was purely a civil friendship, genuine on both sides, and it lasted until his death.

The following instance will show something of the terms on which we stood. Upon one of his arrivals from England at Boston, he wrote to me that he should come soon to Philadelphia, but knew not where he could lodge when there, as he understood his old friend and host, Mr. Benezet, was removed to Germantown. My answer was, “You know my house; if you can make shift with its scanty accommodations, you will be most heartily welcome.” He reply’d, that if I made that kind offer for Christ’s sake, I should not miss of a reward. And I returned, “Don’t let me be mistaken; it was not for Christ’s sake, but for your sake.” One of our common acquaintance jocosely remark’d, that, knowing it to be the custom of the saints, when they received any favour, to shift the burden of the obligation from off their own shoulders, and place it in heaven, I had contriv’d to fix it on earth.

The following example shows the terms of our relationship. During one of his trips from England to Boston, he wrote to me saying that he would be coming to Philadelphia soon but wasn't sure where he could stay since he heard his old friend and host, Mr. Benezet, had moved to Germantown. I replied, “You know my house; if you can manage with its limited accommodations, you’ll be very welcome.” He responded that if I made such a kind offer for Christ’s sake, I wouldn’t go unrewarded. I replied, “Don’t get me wrong; it wasn’t for Christ’s sake, but for your sake.” One of our mutual friends jokingly pointed out that since it’s the custom of the saints to shift the burden of gratitude off their own shoulders and onto heaven, I had managed to keep it grounded on earth.

The last time I saw Mr. Whitefield was in London, when he consulted me about his Orphan House concern, and his purpose of appropriating it to the establishment of a college.

The last time I saw Mr. Whitefield was in London when he talked to me about his Orphan House project and his plan to turn it into a college.

He had a loud and clear voice, and articulated his words and sentences so perfectly, that he might be heard and understood at a great distance, especially as his auditories, however numerous, observ’d the most exact silence. He preach’d one evening from the top of the Court-house steps, which are in the middle of Market-street, and on the west side of Second-street, which crosses it at right angles. Both streets were fill’d with his hearers to a considerable distance. Being among the hindmost in Market-street, I had the curiosity to learn how far he could be heard, by retiring backwards down the street towards the river; and I found his voice distinct till I came near Front-street, when some noise in that street obscur’d it. Imagining then a semi-circle, of which my distance should be the radius, and that it were fill’d with auditors, to each of whom I allow’d two square feet, I computed that he might well be heard by more than thirty thousand. This reconcil’d me to the newspaper accounts of his having preach’d to twenty-five thousand people in the fields, and to the ancient histories of generals haranguing whole armies, of which I had sometimes doubted.

He had a loud and clear voice, and articulated his words and sentences so perfectly that he could be heard and understood from far away, especially since his audience, no matter how large, maintained perfect silence. He preached one evening from the top of the courthouse steps, located in the middle of Market Street, on the west side of Second Street, which intersects it at right angles. Both streets were filled with his listeners for quite a distance. Being among the crowd in Market Street, I was curious to see how far he could be heard, so I moved backward down the street toward the river, and I found his voice was clear until I got close to Front Street, when some noise there drowned it out. Imagining a semi-circle where my distance served as the radius, and estimating that each person took up two square feet, I figured that he could easily be heard by more than thirty thousand people. This made me believe the newspaper reports of his preaching to twenty-five thousand people in the fields, as well as the old stories of generals addressing entire armies, which I had sometimes doubted.

By hearing him often, I came to distinguish easily between sermons newly compos’d, and those which he had often preach’d in the course of his travels. His delivery of the latter was so improv’d by frequent repetitions that every accent, every emphasis, every modulation of voice, was so perfectly well turn’d and well plac’d, that, without being interested in the subject, one could not help being pleas’d with the discourse; a pleasure of much the same kind with that receiv’d from an excellent piece of musick. This is an advantage itinerant preachers have over those who are stationary, as the latter can not well improve their delivery of a sermon by so many rehearsals.

By listening to him frequently, I started to easily tell the difference between sermons he had just prepared and those he had preached multiple times during his travels. His delivery of the latter improved so much from the many repetitions that every tone, every emphasis, and every variation in his voice was perfectly executed and placed. Even if someone wasn't interested in the topic, it was impossible not to enjoy the sermon; it was a pleasure similar to that of listening to a great piece of music. This is an advantage that traveling preachers have over those who stay in one place, as the latter can't really improve their delivery through so many rehearsals.

His writing and printing from time to time gave great advantage to his enemies; unguarded expressions, and even erroneous opinions, delivered in preaching, might have been afterwards explain’d or qualifi’d by supposing others that might have accompani’d them, or they might have been deny’d; but litera scripta manet. Critics attack’d his writings violently, and with so much appearance of reason as to diminish the number of his votaries and prevent their encrease; so that I am of opinion if he had never written any thing, he would have left behind him a much more numerous and important sect, and his reputation might in that case have been still growing, even after his death, as there being nothing of his writing on which to found a censure and give him a lower character, his proselytes would be left at liberty to feign for him as great a variety of excellence as their enthusiastic admiration might wish him to have possessed.

His writing and printing occasionally gave his enemies a big advantage; careless expressions and even wrong opinions shared in preaching could have been explained or qualified later by suggesting other statements that might have accompanied them, or they could have been denied. But litera scripta manet. Critics attacked his writings fiercely and with enough apparent reason to reduce his followers and stop their growth. So, I believe that if he had never written anything, he would have left behind a much larger and more significant group, and his reputation might still have been growing even after his death. Since there would be nothing in his writings to base criticism on and tarnish his character, his followers would have been free to imagine for him as much variety of greatness as their enthusiastic admiration wanted him to have.

My business was now continually augmenting, and my circumstances growing daily easier, my newspaper having become very profitable, as being for a time almost the only one in this and the neighbouring provinces. I experienced, too, the truth of the observation, “that after getting the first hundred pound, it is more easy to get the second,” money itself being of a prolific nature.

My business was constantly growing, and my situation was getting easier every day, as my newspaper had become very profitable, being almost the only one in this and the neighboring regions for a while. I also realized the truth in the saying, “that after making the first hundred pounds, it’s easier to make the second,” since money tends to generate more money.

The partnership at Carolina having succeeded, I was encourag’d to engage in others, and to promote several of my workmen, who had behaved well, by establishing them with printing-houses in different colonies, on the same terms with that in Carolina. Most of them did well, being enabled at the end of our term, six years, to purchase the types of me and go on working for themselves, by which means several families were raised. Partnerships often finish in quarrels; but I was happy in this, that mine were all carried on and ended amicably, owing, I think, a good deal to the precaution of having very explicitly settled, in our articles, every thing to be done by or expected from each partner, so that there was nothing to dispute, which precaution I would therefore recommend to all who enter into partnerships; for, whatever esteem partners may have for, and confidence in each other at the time of the contract, little jealousies and disgusts may arise, with ideas of inequality in the care and burden of the business, etc., which are attended often with breach of friendship and of the connection, perhaps with lawsuits and other disagreeable consequences.

The partnership in Carolina was successful, which encouraged me to start others and promote several of my workers who had performed well by setting them up with printing houses in different colonies, under the same conditions as the one in Carolina. Most of them did well and, after our six-year term, were able to buy my types and continue working for themselves, allowing several families to thrive. Partnerships often end in disputes, but I was fortunate that mine all concluded amicably, which I believe was largely due to the fact that we clearly outlined in our agreements everything each partner was expected to do, leaving no room for disagreement. I recommend this precaution to anyone entering into partnerships; because, no matter how much partners may respect and trust each other at the time of the agreement, small jealousies and grievances can emerge, particularly concerning unequal contributions to the work and responsibilities, often leading to a breakdown in friendship and partnership, potentially resulting in lawsuits and other unpleasant consequences.

I had, on the whole, abundant reason to be satisfied with my being established in Pennsylvania. There were, however, two things that I regretted, there being no provision for defense, nor for a compleat education of youth; no militia, nor any college. I therefore, in 1743, drew up a proposal for establishing an academy; and at that time, thinking the Reverend Mr. Peters, who was out of employ, a fit person to superintend such an institution, I communicated the project to him; but he, having more profitable views in the service of the proprietaries, which succeeded, declin’d the undertaking; and, not knowing another at that time suitable for such a trust, I let the scheme lie a while dormant. I succeeded better the next year, 1744, in proposing and establishing a Philosophical Society. The paper I wrote for that purpose will be found among my writings, when collected.

I had plenty of reasons to be happy with my life in Pennsylvania. However, there were two things I regretted: there was no way to defend ourselves and no complete education for young people; no militia and no college. So, in 1743, I wrote up a proposal to establish an academy. At that time, I thought the Reverend Mr. Peters, who was unemployed, would be a good person to oversee such an institution, so I shared the plan with him. But, since he had more profitable interests serving the proprietors, which worked out for him, he passed on the project. Not knowing anyone else suitable for such a responsibility at that time, I let the idea sit for a while. I did better the following year, in 1744, by proposing and establishing a Philosophical Society. The paper I wrote for that purpose can be found among my collected writings.

With respect to defense, Spain having been several years at war against Great Britain, and being at length join’d by France, which brought us into great danger; and the laboured and long-continued endeavour of our governor, Thomas, to prevail with our Quaker Assembly to pass a militia law, and make other provisions for the security of the province, having proved abortive, I determined to try what might be done by a voluntary association of the people. To promote this, I first wrote and published a pamphlet, entitled Plain Truth, in which I stated our defenceless situation in strong lights, with the necessity of union and discipline for our defense, and promis’d to propose in a few days an association, to be generally signed for that purpose. The pamphlet had a sudden and surprising effect. I was call’d upon for the instrument of association, and having settled the draft of it with a few friends, I appointed a meeting of the citizens in the large building before mentioned. The house was pretty full; I had prepared a number of printed copies, and provided pens and ink dispers’d all over the room. I harangued them a little on the subject, read the paper, and explained it, and then distributed the copies, which were eagerly signed, not the least objection being made.

Regarding defense, after several years of war with Great Britain, Spain was finally joined by France, putting us in serious danger. Our governor, Thomas, had made extensive efforts to persuade our Quaker Assembly to pass a militia law and create other measures for the province's security, but his attempts failed. I decided to see what could be accomplished through a voluntary association of the people. To promote this, I first wrote and published a pamphlet titled Straight Talk, where I clearly outlined our vulnerable situation, emphasizing the need for unity and discipline for our defense, and promised to propose an association for everyone to sign soon. The pamphlet had an immediate and surprising impact. People reached out to me for the association document, and after finalizing the draft with a few friends, I scheduled a meeting for the citizens in the large building mentioned earlier. The room was fairly full; I had prepared several printed copies and set up pens and ink throughout the space. I spoke to them briefly on the topic, read the document, explained it, and then handed out the copies, which were quickly signed without any objections.

When the company separated, and the papers were collected, we found above twelve hundred hands; and, other copies being dispersed in the country, the subscribers amounted at length to upward of ten thousand. These all furnished themselves as soon as they could with arms, formed themselves into companies and regiments, chose their own officers, and met every week to be instructed in the manual exercise, and other parts of military discipline. The women, by subscriptions among themselves, provided silk colors, which they presented to the companies, painted with different devices and mottos, which I supplied.

When the company parted ways and the documents were gathered, we discovered over twelve hundred signatures; and with additional copies circulating around the country, the total number of subscribers eventually reached over ten thousand. All of them quickly armed themselves, organized into companies and regiments, elected their own officers, and met weekly to learn drill exercises and other aspects of military training. The women, through their own fundraising efforts, provided silk flags, which they presented to the companies, decorated with various designs and mottos that I contributed.

The officers of the companies composing the Philadelphia regiment, being met, chose me for their colonel; but, conceiving myself unfit, I declin’d that station, and recommended Mr. Lawrence, a fine person, and man of influence, who was accordingly appointed. I then propos’d a lottery to defray the expense of building a battery below the town, and furnishing it with cannon. It filled expeditiously, and the battery was soon erected, the merlons being fram’d of logs and fill’d with earth. We bought some old cannon from Boston, but, these not being sufficient, we wrote to England for more, soliciting, at the same time, our proprietaries for some assistance, tho’ without much expectation of obtaining it.

The officers of the companies in the Philadelphia regiment came together and chose me as their colonel. However, feeling unqualified for the role, I declined and recommended Mr. Lawrence, a great individual and influential person, who was then appointed. I suggested a lottery to cover the costs of building a battery below the town and arming it with cannons. The lottery filled up quickly, and the battery was soon built, with the walls made of logs and filled with dirt. We purchased some old cannons from Boston, but these weren't enough, so we wrote to England for more and also reached out to our proprietors for some help, although we didn't expect to receive much.

Meanwhile, Colonel Lawrence, William Allen, Abram Taylor, Esqr., and myself were sent to New York by the associators, commission’d to borrow some cannon of Governor Clinton. He at first refus’d us peremptorily; but at dinner with his council, where there was great drinking of Madeira wine, as the custom of that place then was, he softened by degrees, and said he would lend us six. After a few more bumpers he advanc’d to ten; and at length he very good-naturedly conceded eighteen. They were fine cannon, eighteen-pounders, with their carriages, which we soon transported and mounted on our battery, where the associators kept a nightly guard while the war lasted, and among the rest I regularly took my turn of duty there as a common soldier.

Meanwhile, Colonel Lawrence, William Allen, Abram Taylor, and I were sent to New York by the associators, tasked with borrowing some cannons from Governor Clinton. At first, he flatly refused us, but during dinner with his council, where they were heavily drinking Madeira wine, as was the custom there then, he gradually softened and agreed to lend us six. After a few more drinks, he upped it to ten, and eventually, he generously conceded to eighteen. They were great cannons, eighteen-pounders, along with their carriages, which we quickly transported and set up on our battery, where the associators maintained a nightly guard throughout the war, and I regularly took my turn there as a common soldier.

My activity in these operations was agreeable to the governor and council; they took me into confidence, and I was consulted by them in every measure wherein their concurrence was thought useful to the association. Calling in the aid of religion, I propos’d to them the proclaiming a fast, to promote reformation, and implore the blessing of Heaven on our undertaking. They embrac’d the motion; but, as it was the first fast ever thought of in the province, the secretary had no precedent from which to draw the proclamation. My education in New England, where a fast is proclaimed every year, was here of some advantage: I drew it in the accustomed stile, it was translated into German, printed in both languages, and divulg’d thro’ the province. This gave the clergy of the different sects an opportunity of influencing their congregations to join in the association, and it would probably have been general among all but Quakers if the peace had not soon interven’d.

My involvement in these operations was favorable to the governor and council; they trusted me, and I was consulted on every decision where their agreement was thought beneficial to the organization. Calling upon the support of religion, I suggested that we declare a fast to encourage reform and seek Heaven's blessing on our efforts. They accepted the idea; however, since this was the first fast ever considered in the province, the secretary had no previous example to base the proclamation on. My education in New England, where a fast is declared every year, proved to be helpful: I wrote it in the usual style, it was translated into German, printed in both languages, and distributed throughout the province. This allowed the clergy of various denominations the chance to encourage their congregations to participate in the association, and it likely would have been widespread among everyone except the Quakers if peace hadn’t intervened so soon.

It was thought by some of my friends that, by my activity in these affairs, I should offend that sect, and thereby lose my interest in the Assembly of the province, where they formed a great majority. A young gentleman who had likewise some friends in the House, and wished to succeed me as their clerk, acquainted me that it was decided to displace me at the next election; and he, therefore, in good will, advis’d me to resign, as more consistent with my honour than being turn’d out. My answer to him was, that I had read or heard of some public man who made it a rule never to ask for an office, and never to refuse one when offer’d to him. “I approve,” says I, “of his rule, and will practice it with a small addition; I shall never ask, never refuse, nor ever resign an office. If they will have my office of clerk to dispose of to another, they shall take it from me. I will not, by giving it up, lose my right of some time or other making reprisals on my adversaries.” I heard, however, no more of this; I was chosen again unanimously as usual at the next election. Possibly, as they dislik’d my late intimacy with the members of council, who had join’d the governors in all the disputes about military preparations, with which the House had long been harass’d, they might have been pleas’d if I would voluntarily have left them; but they did not care to displace me on account merely of my zeal for the association, and they could not well give another reason.

Some of my friends thought that my involvement in these matters would upset that group, causing me to lose my standing in the provincial Assembly, where they made up a large majority. A young man who also had connections in the House and wanted to take over my role as their clerk told me that it was decided to replace me at the next election. He then kindly advised me to resign, saying it would be more honorable than being ousted. I replied that I had read about a public figure who had a rule never to ask for a job and never to turn one down when it was offered. “I agree,” I said, “with that rule, but I'll add a slight twist: I will never ask, never refuse, and never resign from a position. If they want to give my clerk position to someone else, they will have to take it from me. I will not give it up and lose my chance to get back at my opponents later.” However, I didn't hear any more about it; I was elected again unanimously as usual at the next election. Perhaps, because they disapproved of my recent closeness with the council members who had sided with the governors in all the disputes over military preparations that the House had been dealing with for a while, they might have preferred if I had voluntarily stepped away. Still, they didn't want to remove me just for my commitment to the association, and they couldn't easily provide another reason.

Indeed I had some cause to believe that the defense of the country was not disagreeable to any of them, provided they were not requir’d to assist in it. And I found that a much greater number of them than I could have imagined, tho’ against offensive war, were clearly for the defensive. Many pamphlets pro and con were publish’d on the subject, and some by good Quakers, in favour of defense, which I believe convinc’d most of their younger people.

I definitely had some reason to think that defending the country wasn’t unappealing to any of them, as long as they weren’t asked to help with it. And I discovered that a much larger number of them than I expected, even though they were against offensive war, were definitely in favor of defensive actions. Many pamphlets pro and con were published on the topic, including some by good Quakers, advocating for defense, which I believe convinced most of their younger members.

A transaction in our fire company gave me some insight into their prevailing sentiments. It had been propos’d that we should encourage the scheme for building a battery by laying out the present stock, then about sixty pounds, in tickets of the lottery. By our rules, no money could be dispos’d of till the next meeting after the proposal. The company consisted of thirty members, of which twenty-two were Quakers, and eight only of other persuasions. We eight punctually attended the meeting; but, tho’ we thought that some of the Quakers would join us, we were by no means sure of a majority. Only one Quaker, Mr. James Morris, appear’d to oppose the measure. He expressed much sorrow that it had ever been propos’d, as he said Friends were all against it, and it would create such discord as might break up the company. We told him that we saw no reason for that; we were the minority, and if Friends were against the measure, and outvoted us, we must and should, agreeably to the usage of all societies, submit. When the hour for business arriv’d it was mov’d to put the vote; he allow’d we might then do it by the rules, but, as he could assure us that a number of members intended to be present for the purpose of opposing it, it would be but candid to allow a little time for their appearing.

A discussion in our fire company gave me some insight into their current feelings. It was suggested that we support the plan to build a battery by using the existing funds, which were about sixty pounds, to buy lottery tickets. According to our rules, no money could be spent until the next meeting after the proposal. The company had thirty members, twenty-two of whom were Quakers, and eight were from other backgrounds. All eight of us attended the meeting on time, but while we thought some of the Quakers might support us, we weren't confident we would have a majority. Only one Quaker, Mr. James Morris, showed up to oppose the idea. He expressed a lot of sadness that it was even proposed, stating that the Friends were all against it and that it would create enough conflict to potentially break up the company. We told him that we didn't see why that would happen; we were the minority, and if the Friends opposed the proposal and voted us down, we would have to accept that, as is customary in all societies. When it was time to get down to business, a motion was made to put it to a vote. He conceded that we could follow the rules, but since he could assure us that several members planned to attend specifically to oppose it, he thought it would be fair to allow some time for them to show up.

While we were disputing this, a waiter came to tell me two gentlemen below desir’d to speak with me. I went down, and found they were two of our Quaker members. They told me there were eight of them assembled at a tavern just by; that they were determin’d to come and vote with us if there should be occasion, which they hop’d would not be the case, and desir’d we would not call for their assistance if we could do without it, as their voting for such a measure might embroil them with their elders and friends. Being thus secure of a majority, I went up, and after a little seeming hesitation, agreed to a delay of another hour. This Mr. Morris allow’d to be extreamly fair. Not one of his opposing friends appear’d, at which he express’d great surprize; and, at the expiration of the hour, we carry’d the resolution eight to one; and as, of the twenty-two Quakers, eight were ready to vote with us, and thirteen, by their absence, manifested that they were not inclin’d to oppose the measure, I afterward estimated the proportion of Quakers sincerely against defense as one to twenty-one only; for these were all regular members of that society, and in good reputation among them, and had due notice of what was propos’d at that meeting.

While we were arguing about this, a waiter came to tell me that two gentlemen downstairs wanted to speak with me. I went down and found they were two of our Quaker members. They told me that eight of them had gathered at a nearby tavern and that they were ready to come and vote with us if needed, which they hoped wouldn’t be necessary. They asked us not to call on them for help if we could manage without it, as voting on such a matter might get them into trouble with their elders and friends. Feeling secure in our majority, I went back upstairs, and after a brief moment of pretending to hesitate, I agreed to postpone for another hour. Mr. Morris deemed this extremely fair. Not one of his opposing friends showed up, which surprised him greatly; and when the hour was up, we passed the resolution eight to one. Since eight out of the twenty-two Quakers were willing to vote with us, and thirteen, by their absence, made it clear they were not inclined to oppose the measure, I later figured that the ratio of Quakers genuinely against defense was just one in twenty-one. These were all regular members of that society, well-respected among them, and had been properly notified about what was proposed at that meeting.

The honorable and learned Mr. Logan, who had always been of that sect, was one who wrote an address to them, declaring his approbation of defensive war, and supporting his opinion by many strong arguments. He put into my hands sixty pounds to be laid out in lottery tickets for the battery, with directions to apply what prizes might be drawn wholly to that service. He told me the following anecdote of his old master, William Penn, respecting defense. He came over from England, when a young man, with that proprietary, and as his secretary. It was war-time, and their ship was chas’d by an armed vessel, suppos’d to be an enemy. Their captain prepar’d for defense; but told William Penn, and his company of Quakers, that he did not expect their assistance, and they might retire into the cabin, which they did, except James Logan, who chose to stay upon deck, and was quarter’d to a gun. The suppos’d enemy prov’d a friend, so there was no fighting; but when the secretary went down to communicate the intelligence, William Penn rebuk’d him severely for staying upon deck, and undertaking to assist in defending the vessel, contrary to the principles of Friends, especially as it had not been required by the captain. This reproof, being before all the company, piqu’d the secretary, who answer’d, “I being thy servant, why did thee not order me to come down? But thee was willing enough that I should stay and help to fight the ship when thee thought there was danger.

The honorable and knowledgeable Mr. Logan, who had always been part of that group, wrote an address to them, expressing his approval of defensive war and backing up his opinion with many strong arguments. He gave me sixty pounds to spend on lottery tickets for the battery, instructing me to use any prizes drawn entirely for that purpose. He shared the following story about his old mentor, William Penn, regarding defense. He came over from England as a young man with that proprietary and served as his secretary. It was during wartime, and their ship was chased by an armed vessel, believed to be an enemy. Their captain prepared for defense but told William Penn and the group of Quakers that he did not expect their help and that they could go into the cabin, which they did, except for James Logan, who decided to stay on deck and was assigned to a gun. The supposed enemy turned out to be a friend, so there was no fighting; however, when the secretary went below to share the news, William Penn scolded him harshly for staying on deck and trying to help defend the ship, against the principles of Friends, especially since the captain hadn’t asked for it. This reprimand, spoken in front of everyone, irritated the secretary, who replied, “Since I am your servant, why didn’t you tell me to come down? But you were more than happy for me to stay and help fight the ship when you thought there was danger.

My being many years in the Assembly, the majority of which were constantly Quakers, gave me frequent opportunities of seeing the embarrassment given them by their principle against war, whenever application was made to them, by order of the crown, to grant aids for military purposes. They were unwilling to offend government, on the one hand, by a direct refusal; and their friends, the body of the Quakers, on the other, by a compliance contrary to their principles; hence a variety of evasions to avoid complying, and modes of disguising the compliance when it became unavoidable. The common mode at last was, to grant money under the phrase of its being “for the king’s use,” and never to inquire how it was applied.

Having spent many years in the Assembly, most of which were filled with Quakers, I frequently witnessed the struggles they faced due to their principle against war. Whenever the crown asked them to provide support for military purposes, they were caught in a dilemma. They didn’t want to upset the government with a direct refusal, yet at the same time, they didn't want to go against the beliefs of their fellow Quakers. This led to various ways of avoiding compliance and disguising it when it became necessary. Eventually, the common approach was to give money under the label of being “for the king’s use,” without ever questioning how it would be used.

But, if the demand was not directly from the crown, that phrase was found not so proper, and some other was to be invented. As, when powder was wanting (I think it was for the garrison at Louisburg), and the government of New England solicited a grant of some from Pennsilvania, which was much urg’d on the House by Governor Thomas, they could not grant money to buy powder, because that was an ingredient of war; but they voted an aid to New England of three thousand pounds, to be put into the hands of the governor, and appropriated it for the purchasing of bread, flour, wheat, or other grain. Some of the council, desirous of giving the House still further embarrassment, advis’d the governor not to accept provision, as not being the thing he had demanded; but be reply’d, “I shall take the money, for I understand very well their meaning; other grain is gunpowder,” which he accordingly bought, and they never objected to it. [10]

But if the request didn’t come directly from the crown, that phrase was considered inappropriate, and a different one had to be created. For example, when there was a shortage of gunpowder (I believe it was for the garrison at Louisburg), the government of New England asked for a supply from Pennsylvania, which Governor Thomas strongly pushed in the House. They couldn’t approve funds to buy gunpowder since that was seen as a war material; instead, they voted to give New England three thousand pounds to be put into the governor’s hands and specified it for buying bread, flour, wheat, or other grain. Some council members, wanting to complicate things for the House even more, advised the governor not to accept provisions since it wasn’t what he had requested; but he replied, “I will take the money because I understand their intention very well; other grain is gunpowder,” which he then bought, and they never complained about it. [10]

It was in allusion to this fact that, when in our fire company we feared the success of our proposal in favour of the lottery, and I had said to my friend Mr. Syng, one of our members, “If we fail, let us move the purchase of a fire-engine with the money; the Quakers can have no objection to that; and then, if you nominate me and I you as a committee for that purpose, we will buy a great gun, which is certainly a fire-engine.” “I see,” says he, “you have improv’d by being so long in the Assembly; your equivocal project would be just a match for their wheat or other grain.”

It was in reference to this fact that, when in our fire company we worried about the success of our proposal for the lottery, I said to my friend Mr. Syng, one of our members, “If we don't succeed, let's use the money to buy a fire engine; the Quakers shouldn't object to that. And then, if you nominate me and I nominate you as a committee for that, we can buy a big cannon, which is definitely a fire engine.” “I see,” he replies, “you’ve improved by spending so much time in the Assembly; your clever scheme would be just right for their wheat or other grain.”

These embarrassments that the Quakers suffer’d from having establish’d and published it as one of their principles that no kind of war was lawful, and which, being once published, they could not afterwards, however they might change their minds, easily get rid of, reminds me of what I think a more prudent conduct in another sect among us, that of the Dunkers. I was acquainted with one of its founders, Michael Welfare, soon after it appear’d. He complain’d to me that they were grievously calumniated by the zealots of other persuasions, and charg’d with abominable principles and practices, to which they were utter strangers. I told him this had always been the case with new sects, and that, to put a stop to such abuse, I imagin’d it might be well to publish the articles of their belief, and the rules of their discipline. He said that it had been propos’d among them, but not agreed to, for this reason: “When we were first drawn together as a society,” says he, “it had pleased God to enlighten our minds so far as to see that some doctrines, which we once esteemed truths, were errors; and that others, which we had esteemed errors, were real truths. From time to time He has been pleased to afford us farther light, and our principles have been improving, and our errors diminishing. Now we are not sure that we are arrived at the end of this progression, and at the perfection of spiritual or theological knowledge; and we fear that, if we should once print our confession of faith, we should feel ourselves as if bound and confin’d by it, and perhaps be unwilling to receive farther improvement, and our successors still more so, as conceiving what we their elders and founders had done, to be something sacred, never to be departed from.”

These embarrassments that the Quakers faced from establishing and publishing it as one of their principles that any kind of war was wrong, which, once stated, they couldn't easily discard even if they changed their minds, reminds me of what I think is a smarter approach in another group among us, the Dunkers. I knew one of its founders, Michael Welfare, soon after it began. He complained to me that they were seriously slandered by the zealots of other beliefs and accused of terrible principles and practices that they were completely unfamiliar with. I told him this has always happened with new groups, and to stop such abuse, I thought it might be a good idea to publish their beliefs and rules. He said that this had been suggested among them, but they didn’t agree for this reason: “When we first came together as a society,” he said, “it pleased God to enlighten us enough to recognize that some doctrines we once thought were true were actually errors; and that others we considered errors were real truths. Over time, He has continued to give us further insight, and our principles have improved while our errors have decreased. Right now, we are not sure we’ve reached the end of this journey or the ultimate understanding of spiritual or theological knowledge; and we worry that if we print our confession of faith, we might feel bound by it, becoming reluctant to accept further enlightenment, and our successors would be even less willing, thinking what we, their elders and founders, did was something sacred, never to be changed.”

This modesty in a sect is perhaps a singular instance in the history of mankind, every other sect supposing itself in possession of all truth, and that those who differ are so far in the wrong; like a man traveling in foggy weather, those at some distance before him on the road he sees wrapped up in the fog, as well as those behind him, and also the people in the fields on each side, but near him all appears clear, tho’ in truth he is as much in the fog as any of them. To avoid this kind of embarrassment, the Quakers have of late years been gradually declining the public service in the Assembly and in the magistracy, choosing rather to quit their power than their principle.

This humility in a group may be a unique case in human history; every other group believes they hold the complete truth and that those who disagree are wrong. It's like a person walking in foggy weather: they can see others far ahead on the road, surrounded by fog, as well as those behind them and people in the fields on either side, but everything close to them seems clear, even though they are just as lost in the fog as everyone else. To avoid this confusion, Quakers have recently been stepping back from public roles in the Assembly and magistracy, preferring to give up their power rather than abandon their principles.

In order of time, I should have mentioned before, that having, in 1742, invented an open stove for the better warming of rooms, and at the same time saving fuel, as the fresh air admitted was warmed in entering, I made a present of the model to Mr. Robert Grace, one of my early friends, who, having an iron-furnace, found the casting of the plates for these stoves a profitable thing, as they were growing in demand. To promote that demand, I wrote and published a pamphlet, entitled “An Account of the new-invented Pennsylvania Fireplaces; wherein their Construction and Manner of Operation is particularly explained; their Advantages above every other Method of warming Rooms demonstrated; and all Objections that have been raised against the Use of them answered and obviated,” etc. This pamphlet had a good effect. Gov’r. Thomas was so pleas’d with the construction of this stove, as described in it, that he offered to give me a patent for the sole vending of them for a term of years; but I declin’d it from a principle which has ever weighed with me on such occasions, viz., That, as we enjoy great advantages from the inventions of others, we should be glad of an opportunity to serve others by any invention of ours; and this we should do freely and generously.

In chronological order, I should mention that in 1742, I invented an open stove to better heat rooms while also saving fuel by warming the incoming fresh air. I gave a model of this stove to Mr. Robert Grace, one of my early friends, who had an iron furnace and found it profitable to cast the plates for these stoves, as demand for them was increasing. To encourage that demand, I wrote and published a pamphlet titled “An Account of the new-invented Pennsylvania Fireplaces; wherein their Construction and Manner of Operation is particularly explained; their Advantages above every other Method of warming Rooms demonstrated; and all Objections that have been raised against the Use of them answered and obviated,” etc. This pamphlet had a positive impact. Governor Thomas was so pleased with the stove's design described in it that he offered me a patent for exclusive rights to sell them for a number of years. However, I declined, based on a principle that has always been important to me, which is, That, as we benefit greatly from the inventions of others, we should be eager to help others with our inventions, and we should do this freely and generously.

An ironmonger in London however, assuming a good deal of my pamphlet, and working it up into his own, and making some small changes in the machine, which rather hurt its operation, got a patent for it there, and made, as I was told, a little fortune by it. And this is not the only instance of patents taken out for my inventions by others, tho’ not always with the same success, which I never contested, as having no desire of profiting by patents myself, and hating disputes. The use of these fireplaces in very many houses, both of this and the neighbouring colonies, has been, and is, a great saving of wood to the inhabitants.

An ironmonger in London, however, took a lot of my pamphlet, reworked it into his own version, and made some minor adjustments to the design that negatively affected how it worked. He managed to get a patent for it there and, as I was told, made a small fortune from it. This isn’t the only case of people taking out patents for my inventions, though not always with the same level of success. I never challenged these patents since I had no interest in profiting from them and disliked arguments. The use of these fireplaces in many homes, both in this and neighboring colonies, has been—and still is—a significant way for the residents to save wood.

Peace being concluded, and the association business therefore at an end, I turn’d my thoughts again to the affair of establishing an academy. The first step I took was to associate in the design a number of active friends, of whom the Junto furnished a good part; the next was to write and publish a pamphlet, entitled Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pennsylvania. This I distributed among the principal inhabitants gratis; and as soon as I could suppose their minds a little prepared by the perusal of it, I set on foot a subscription for opening and supporting an academy; it was to be paid in quotas yearly for five years; by so dividing it, I judg’d the subscription might be larger, and I believe it was so, amounting to no less, if I remember right, than five thousand pounds.

With peace established and the association work finished, I shifted my focus back to starting an academy. My first step was to gather a group of active friends, many of whom were from the Junto; then, I wrote and published a pamphlet called Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pennsylvania. I distributed it for free to key residents, and once I thought they had a chance to read it and digest the ideas, I initiated a subscription to launch and sustain the academy. Payments were to be made yearly over five years; I figured that spreading it out like this would allow for a bigger subscription, and I believe it worked, totaling no less than five thousand pounds, if I recall correctly.

In the introduction to these proposals, I stated their publication, not as an act of mine, but of some publick-spirited gentlemen, avoiding as much as I could, according to my usual rule, the presenting myself to the publick as the author of any scheme for their benefit.

In the introduction to these proposals, I mentioned that their publication was not my doing, but that of some public-spirited gentlemen, as I tried to avoid, as much as possible and according to my usual practice, presenting myself to the public as the author of any plan for their benefit.

The subscribers, to carry the project into immediate execution, chose out of their number twenty-four trustees, and appointed Mr. Francis, then attorney-general, and myself to draw up constitutions for the government of the academy; which being done and signed, a house was hired, masters engag’d, and the schools opened, I think, in the same year, 1749.

The subscribers, to get the project started right away, selected twenty-four trustees from their group and appointed Mr. Francis, who was then the attorney general, and me to create the governing rules for the academy. Once that was done and signed, we rented a building, hired teachers, and opened the schools, I believe, in the same year, 1749.

The scholars increasing fast, the house was soon found too small, and we were looking out for a piece of ground, properly situated, with intention to build, when Providence threw into our way a large house ready built, which, with a few alterations, might well serve our purpose. This was the building before mentioned, erected by the hearers of Mr. Whitefield, and was obtained for us in the following manner.

The number of scholars grew quickly, and soon the house was too small. We started looking for a piece of land in a good location with plans to build, when by chance, we came across a large, ready-built house that, with a few changes, could serve our needs. This was the building previously mentioned, constructed by the followers of Mr. Whitefield, and it was acquired for us in the following way.

It is to be noted that the contributions to this building being made by people of different sects, care was taken in the nomination of trustees, in whom the building and ground was to be vested, that a predominancy should not be given to any sect, lest in time that predominancy might be a means of appropriating the whole to the use of such sect, contrary to the original intention. It was therefore that one of each sect was appointed, viz., one Church-of-England man, one Presbyterian, one Baptist, one Moravian, etc., those, in case of vacancy by death, were to fill it by election from among the contributors. The Moravian happen’d not to please his colleagues, and on his death they resolved to have no other of that sect. The difficulty then was, how to avoid having two of some other sect, by means of the new choice.

It’s important to note that contributions to this building were made by people of different religious groups. Care was taken when selecting trustees, to whom the building and land would be entrusted, to ensure that no one group had an advantage over the others. This was to prevent any group from taking control of the entire space for their own use, which would go against the original intention. Therefore, one representative from each group was chosen, such as one from the Church of England, one Presbyterian, one Baptist, one Moravian, etc. In case of a vacancy due to death, they would fill it by electing from among the contributors. The Moravian member didn’t get along with his colleagues, and upon his death, they decided not to appoint another member from that sect. The challenge then became how to avoid selecting two representatives from another group with the new appointment.

Several persons were named, and for that reason not agreed to. At length one mention’d me, with the observation that I was merely an honest man, and of no sect at all, which prevail’d with them to chuse me. The enthusiasm which existed when the house was built had long since abated, and its trustees had not been able to procure fresh contributions for paying the ground-rent, and discharging some other debts the building had occasion’d, which embarrass’d them greatly. Being now a member of both setts of trustees, that for the building and that for the Academy, I had a good opportunity of negotiating with both, and brought them finally to an agreement, by which the trustees for the building were to cede it to those of the academy, the latter undertaking to discharge the debt, to keep for ever open in the building a large hall for occasional preachers, according to the original intention, and maintain a free-school for the instruction of poor children. Writings were accordingly drawn, and on paying the debts the trustees of the academy were put in possession of the premises; and by dividing the great and lofty hall into stories, and different rooms above and below for the several schools, and purchasing some additional ground, the whole was soon made fit for our purpose, and the scholars remov’d into the building. The care and trouble of agreeing with the workmen, purchasing materials, and superintending the work, fell upon me; and I went thro’ it the more cheerfully, as it did not then interfere with my private business, having the year before taken a very able, industrious, and honest partner, Mr. David Hall, with whose character I was well acquainted, as he had work’d for me four years. He took off my hands all care of the printing-office, paying me punctually my share of the profits. This partnership continued eighteen years, successfully for us both.

Several people were mentioned, and because of that, there was no agreement. Finally, one person suggested me, noting that I was just an honest man with no particular affiliation, which led them to choose me. The excitement that existed when the building was first constructed had faded long ago, and its trustees had been unable to gather new funds to cover the ground rent and settle other debts caused by the building, which put them in a tough spot. Since I was now a member of both sets of trustees—the one for the building and the one for the Academy—I had a good chance to negotiate between them. I eventually helped them reach an agreement, where the building's trustees would transfer the property to the Academy's trustees, who would take on the responsibility for clearing the debt, keep a large hall open for occasional preachers as originally intended, and maintain a free school for underprivileged children. Agreements were drawn up, and upon settling the debts, the Academy's trustees took over the property. By dividing the spacious hall into stories and creating separate rooms above and below for the different schools, along with acquiring some extra land, we quickly made the building suitable for our needs, and the students moved in. I managed the negotiations with the workers, bought supplies, and oversaw the construction. I approached this with enthusiasm, as it didn't conflict with my personal business. The year before, I had taken on a very capable, hardworking, and honest partner, Mr. David Hall, whose reputation I knew well, as he had worked for me for four years. He handled all the responsibilities of the printing office, consistently paying me my share of the profits. This partnership lasted eighteen years and was successful for both of us.

The trustees of the academy, after a while, were incorporated by a charter from the governor; their funds were increas’d by contributions in Britain and grants of land from the proprietaries, to which the Assembly has since made considerable addition; and thus was established the present University of Philadelphia. I have been continued one of its trustees from the beginning, now near forty years, and have had the very great pleasure of seeing a number of the youth who have receiv’d their education in it, distinguish’d by their improv’d abilities, serviceable in public stations, and ornaments to their country.

The trustees of the academy were eventually established through a charter from the governor; their funds were increased by donations from Britain and land grants from the proprietors, to which the Assembly has added significantly since then; and thus the current University of Philadelphia was founded. I have been one of its trustees from the start, now nearly forty years, and it has been a great pleasure to see many of the young people who have been educated here become distinguished for their improved abilities, serve in public roles, and be assets to their country.

When I disengaged myself, as above mentioned, from private business, I flatter’d myself that, by the sufficient tho’ moderate fortune I had acquir’d, I had secured leisure during the rest of my life for philosophical studies and amusements. I purchased all Dr. Spence’s apparatus, who had come from England to lecture here, and I proceeded in my electrical experiments with great alacrity; but the publick, now considering me as a man of leisure, laid hold of me for their purposes, every part of our civil government, and almost at the same time, imposing some duty upon me. The governor put me into the commission of the peace; the corporation of the city chose me of the common council, and soon after an alderman; and the citizens at large chose me a burgess to represent them in Assembly. This latter station was the more agreeable to me, as I was at length tired with sitting there to hear debates, in which, as clerk, I could take no part, and which were often so unentertaining that I was induc’d to amuse myself with making magic squares or circles, or any thing to avoid weariness; and I conceiv’d my becoming a member would enlarge my power of doing good. I would not, however, insinuate that my ambition was not flatter’d by all these promotions; it certainly was; for, considering my low beginning, they were great things to me; and they were still more pleasing, as being so many spontaneous testimonies of the public good opinion, and by me entirely unsolicited.

When I stepped away from private business, as mentioned earlier, I was confident that, with the decent but moderate wealth I had earned, I could enjoy the rest of my life focusing on philosophical studies and hobbies. I bought all of Dr. Spence's equipment, who had come over from England to teach here, and I eagerly continued my electrical experiments. However, the public, seeing me as someone with free time, pulled me into their activities, with every part of our civil government imposing some duty on me at almost the same time. The governor appointed me to the commission of the peace; the city council elected me to the common council, and soon after, I became an alderman; and the citizens elected me as a representative for the Assembly. This last position was especially appealing to me because I was tired of just sitting there listening to debates, where I, as clerk, had no say, and often found them so dull that I resorted to creating magic squares or circles to keep myself entertained. I believed that becoming a member would give me more opportunities to do good. I won’t deny that my ambition was flattered by all these promotions; it certainly was, given my humble beginnings—these were significant achievements for me. They were even more gratifying because they represented numerous unsolicited endorsements from the public.

The office of justice of the peace I try’d a little, by attending a few courts, and sitting on the bench to hear causes; but finding that more knowledge of the common law than I possess’d was necessary to act in that station with credit, I gradually withdrew from it, excusing myself by my being oblig’d to attend the higher duties of a legislator in the Assembly. My election to this trust was repeated every year for ten years, without my ever asking any elector for his vote, or signifying, either directly or indirectly, any desire of being chosen. On taking my seat in the House, my son was appointed their clerk.

I tried out the role of justice of the peace by attending a few courts and sitting on the bench to hear cases. However, I realized that I needed a better understanding of common law than I had to serve in that position with any credibility, so I gradually stepped back, justifying it by saying I needed to focus on my important duties as a legislator in the Assembly. I was elected to this position every year for ten years, without ever asking any voter for their support or indicating that I wanted to be chosen, either directly or indirectly. When I took my seat in the House, my son was appointed as their clerk.

The year following, a treaty being to be held with the Indians at Carlisle, the governor sent a message to the House, proposing that they should nominate some of their members, to be join’d with some members of council, as commissioners for that purpose. [11] The House named the speaker (Mr. Norris) and myself; and, being commission’d, we went to Carlisle, and met the Indians accordingly.

The following year, since a treaty was set to take place with the Indians at Carlisle, the governor sent a message to the House suggesting that they nominate some of their members to join a few council members as commissioners for that purpose. [11] The House appointed the speaker (Mr. Norris) and me; and, once we were commissioned, we went to Carlisle and met with the Indians as planned.

As those people are extreamly apt to get drunk, and, when so, are very quarrelsome and disorderly, we strictly forbad the selling any liquor to them; and when they complain’d of this restriction, we told them that if they would continue sober during the treaty, we would give them plenty of rum when business was over. They promis’d this, and they kept their promise, because they could get no liquor, and the treaty was conducted very orderly, and concluded to mutual satisfaction. They then claim’d and receiv’d the rum; this was in the afternoon; they were near one hundred men, women, and children, and were lodg’d in temporary cabins, built in the form of a square, just without the town. In the evening, hearing a great noise among them, the commissioners walk’d out to see what was the matter. We found they had made a great bonfire in the middle of the square; they were all drunk, men and women, quarreling and fighting. Their dark-colour’d bodies, half naked, seen only by the gloomy light of the bonfire, running after and beating one another with firebrands, accompanied by their horrid yellings, form’d a scene the most resembling our ideas of hell that could well be imagin’d; there was no appeasing the tumult, and we retired to our lodging. At midnight a number of them came thundering at our door, demanding more rum, of which we took no notice.

As those people are extremely likely to get drunk and, when they do, become very quarrelsome and disruptive, we strictly prohibited selling any liquor to them. When they complained about this restriction, we told them that if they stayed sober during the treaty, we would give them plenty of rum when the business was over. They promised this, and they kept their promise because they couldn’t get any liquor, and the treaty was conducted very orderly and concluded to mutual satisfaction. They then claimed and received the rum; this was in the afternoon; there were nearly a hundred men, women, and children who were staying in temporary cabins built in a square just outside the town. In the evening, hearing a lot of noise among them, the commissioners walked out to see what was going on. We found they had made a large bonfire in the middle of the square; they were all drunk, both men and women, arguing and fighting. Their dark-skinned bodies, half-naked and illuminated only by the dim light of the bonfire, were running after and hitting one another with firebrands, accompanied by their horrid yelling, creating a scene that closely resembled our ideas of hell. There was no calming the chaos, and we returned to our lodging. At midnight, several of them came pounding on our door, demanding more rum, which we ignored.

The next day, sensible they had misbehav’d in giving us that disturbance, they sent three of their old counselors to make their apology. The orator acknowledg’d the fault, but laid it upon the rum; and then endeavored to excuse the rum by saying, “The Great Spirit, who made all things, made every thing for some use, and whatever use he design’d any thing for, that use it should always be put to. Now, when he made rum, he said ‘Let this be for the Indians to get drunk with,’ and it must be so.” And, indeed, if it be the design of Providence to extirpate these savages in order to make room for cultivators of the earth, it seems not improbable that rum may be the appointed means. It has already annihilated all the tribes who formerly inhabited the sea-coast.

The next day, realizing they had acted poorly by causing us that disruption, they sent three of their senior counselors to apologize. The speaker admitted the mistake but blamed it on the rum; then he tried to justify the rum by saying, “The Great Spirit, who created everything, made everything for a purpose, and whatever purpose he intended for something, that’s the purpose it should always serve. Now, when he created rum, he said, ‘Let this be for the Indians to get drunk with,’ and it has to be that way.” And, in fact, if providence has the goal of wiping out these natives to make space for farmers, it doesn’t seem unlikely that rum could be the chosen method. It has already wiped out all the tribes that once lived along the coast.

In 1751, Dr. Thomas Bond, a particular friend of mine, conceived the idea of establishing a hospital in Philadelphia (a very beneficent design, which has been ascrib’d to me, but was originally his), for the reception and cure of poor sick persons, whether inhabitants of the province or strangers. He was zealous and active in endeavouring to procure subscriptions for it, but the proposal being a novelty in America, and at first not well understood, he met but with small success.

In 1751, Dr. Thomas Bond, who was a close friend of mine, came up with the idea of starting a hospital in Philadelphia (a very generous plan, which has been credited to me, but originally it was his), to care for and treat poor sick people, whether they were residents of the province or visitors. He was passionate and proactive in trying to get donations for it, but since the idea was new in America and not initially well understood, he had limited success.

At length he came to me with the compliment that he found there was no such thing as carrying a public-spirited project through without my being concern’d in it. “For,” says he, “I am often ask’d by those to whom I propose subscribing, Have you consulted Franklin upon this business? And what does he think of it? And when I tell them that I have not (supposing it rather out of your line), they do not subscribe, but say they will consider of it.” I enquired into the nature and probable utility of his scheme, and receiving from him a very satisfactory explanation, I not only subscrib’d to it myself, but engag’d heartily in the design of procuring subscriptions from others. Previously, however, to the solicitation, I endeavoured to prepare the minds of the people by writing on the subject in the newspapers, which was my usual custom in such cases, but which he had omitted.

Eventually, he came to me with the compliment that he found there was no way to successfully carry out a public-spirited project without me being involved. “Because,” he said, “I often get asked by those I propose subscribing to, ‘Have you consulted Franklin about this? And what does he think?’ When I tell them I haven’t (thinking it might be out of your expertise), they don’t subscribe, but say they will think about it.” I asked him about the nature and potential benefits of his plan, and after getting a very satisfactory explanation from him, I not only subscribed myself but also got fully engaged in getting others to subscribe. However, before reaching out, I tried to prepare people’s minds by writing about it in the newspapers, which was my usual practice in such cases, but which he had overlooked.

The subscriptions afterwards were more free and generous; but, beginning to flag, I saw they would be insufficient without some assistance from the Assembly, and therefore propos’d to petition for it, which was done. The country members did not at first relish the project; they objected that it could only be serviceable to the city, and therefore the citizens alone should be at the expense of it; and they doubted whether the citizens themselves generally approv’d of it. My allegation on the contrary, that it met with such approbation as to leave no doubt of our being able to raise two thousand pounds by voluntary donations, they considered as a most extravagant supposition, and utterly impossible.

The subscriptions afterward were more generous and open; however, as they began to decline, I realized they wouldn’t be enough without some support from the Assembly, so I proposed we petition for it, which we did. The country members didn't initially like the idea; they argued that it would primarily benefit the city, and therefore the citizens should foot the bill. They also doubted that the citizens themselves generally supported it. My claim, on the other hand, that it was so well-received we would have no trouble raising two thousand pounds through voluntary donations, was seen as a wildly unrealistic assumption and completely impossible.

On this I form’d my plan; and asking leave to bring in a bill for incorporating the contributors according to the prayer of their petition, and granting them a blank sum of money, which leave was obtained chiefly on the consideration that the House could throw the bill out if they did not like it, I drew it so as to make the important clause a conditional one, viz., “And be it enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that when the said contributors shall have met and chosen their managers and treasurer, and shall have raised by their contributions a capital stock of ——— value (the yearly interest of which is to be applied to the accommodating of the sick poor in the said hospital, free of charge for diet, attendance, advice, and medicines), and shall make the same appear to the satisfaction of the speaker of the Assembly for the time being, that then it shall and may be lawful for the said speaker, and he is hereby required, to sign an order on the provincial treasurer for the payment of two thousand pounds, in two yearly payments, to the treasurer of the said hospital, to be applied to the founding, building, and finishing of the same.”

I came up with my plan; I requested permission to introduce a bill to incorporate the contributors based on their petition, granting them a blank sum of money. This permission was mostly granted on the understanding that the House could reject the bill if they didn’t like it. I drafted the bill so that the key clause was conditional, stating, “And be it enacted, by the authority mentioned, that when the contributors have met and chosen their managers and treasurer, and have raised a capital stock of ——— value through their contributions (the annual interest of which is to be used to support the sick poor in the hospital, free of charge for food, care, advice, and medications), and can demonstrate this to the satisfaction of the current speaker of the Assembly, that then it shall be lawful for the speaker, and he is required to, sign an order to the provincial treasurer for the payment of two thousand pounds, in two annual installments, to the treasurer of the hospital, to be used for founding, building, and completing it.”

This condition carried the bill through; for the members, who had oppos’d the grant, and now conceiv’d they might have the credit of being charitable without the expence, agreed to its passage; and then, in soliciting subscriptions among the people, we urg’d the conditional promise of the law as an additional motive to give, since every man’s donation would be doubled; thus the clause work’d both ways. The subscriptions accordingly soon exceeded the requisite sum, and we claim’d and receiv’d the public gift, which enabled us to carry the design into execution. A convenient and handsome building was soon erected; the institution has by constant experience been found useful, and flourishes to this day; and I do not remember any of my political manœuvres, the success of which gave me at the time more pleasure, or wherein, after thinking of it, I more easily excus’d myself for having made some use of cunning.

This condition got the bill passed; the members who opposed the grant then realized they could look charitable without spending any money, so they agreed to it. When we asked for donations from the public, we highlighted the conditional promise of the law as an extra incentive to give, since every donation would be matched. This clause benefitted everyone. The subscriptions quickly exceeded the necessary amount, and we claimed and received the public funds, which allowed us to move forward with our plan. A nice and practical building was soon constructed; the institution has proven to be valuable through ongoing experience and continues to thrive today. I don't recall any of my political tactics that brought me more satisfaction at the time, or for which I felt more justified in employing a bit of cleverness afterward.

It was about this time that another projector, the Rev. Gilbert Tennent, came to me with a request that I would assist him in procuring a subscription for erecting a new meeting-house. It was to be for the use of a congregation he had gathered among the Presbyterians, who were originally disciples of Mr. Whitefield. Unwilling to make myself disagreeable to my fellow-citizens by too frequently soliciting their contributions, I absolutely refus’d. He then desired I would furnish him with a list of the names of persons I knew by experience to be generous and public-spirited. I thought it would be unbecoming in me, after their kind compliance with my solicitations, to mark them out to be worried by other beggars, and therefore refus’d also to give such a list. He then desir’d I would at least give him my advice. “That I will readily do,” said I; “and, in the first place, I advise you to apply to all those whom you know will give something; next, to those whom you are uncertain whether they will give any thing or not, and show them the list of those who have given; and, lastly, do not neglect those who you are sure will give nothing, for in some of them you may be mistaken.” He laugh’d and thank’d me, and said he would take my advice. He did so, for he ask’d of everybody, and he obtained a much larger sum than he expected, with which he erected the capacious and very elegant meeting-house that stands in Arch-street.

Around this time, another person, the Rev. Gilbert Tennent, approached me with a request for help in gathering funds to build a new meeting house. It was meant for a congregation he had formed among the Presbyterians, who were initially followers of Mr. Whitefield. Not wanting to annoy my fellow citizens by constantly asking for their contributions, I completely refused. He then asked if I could provide him with a list of individuals I knew to be generous and community-minded. I felt it wouldn’t be right, after their kind support of my requests, to single them out to be pestered by others seeking donations, so I also declined to provide such a list. He then asked if I could at least give him some advice. “I’d be happy to do that,” I said; “first, I suggest you reach out to all those you know will donate something; next, approach those you're unsure about and show them the list of people who have contributed; and finally, don't overlook those you think won’t donate anything, as you might be mistaken about some of them.” He laughed and thanked me, saying he would take my advice. He did just that, asking everyone, and he ended up raising much more than he anticipated, allowing him to build the spacious and very elegant meeting house that stands on Arch Street.

Our city, tho’ laid out with a beautiful regularity, the streets large, strait, and crossing each other at right angles, had the disgrace of suffering those streets to remain long unpav’d, and in wet weather the wheels of heavy carriages plough’d them into a quagmire, so that it was difficult to cross them; and in dry weather the dust was offensive. I had liv’d near what was call’d the Jersey Market, and saw with pain the inhabitants wading in mud while purchasing their provisions. A strip of ground down the middle of that market was at length pav’d with brick, so that, being once in the market, they had firm footing, but were often over shoes in dirt to get there. By talking and writing on the subject, I was at length instrumental in getting the street pav’d with stone between the market and the brick’d foot-pavement, that was on each side next the houses. This, for some time, gave an easy access to the market dry-shod; but, the rest of the street not being pav’d, whenever a carriage came out of the mud upon this pavement, it shook off and left its dirt upon it, and it was soon cover’d with mire, which was not remov’d, the city as yet having no scavengers.

Our city, though designed with beautiful regularity, with wide streets that run straight and cross each other at right angles, unfortunately allowed those streets to remain unpaved for too long. In wet weather, the wheels of heavy carriages turned them into a muddy mess, making it hard to cross, and in dry weather, the dust was irritating. I lived near what was known as the Jersey Market and felt disheartened seeing people wading through mud to buy their groceries. A strip of ground in the middle of that market was finally paved with brick, so once they were in the market, they had solid footing, but they often struggled through mud just to get there. By discussing and writing about the issue, I eventually played a role in getting the street paved with stone between the market and the brick walkway next to the houses. This provided easy access to the market without getting wet for a while, but since the rest of the street wasn’t paved, whenever a carriage came out of the mud onto this pavement, it shook off dirt, quickly covering it in muck that wasn’t cleaned up, as the city still had no street cleaners.

After some inquiry I found a poor industrious man, who was willing to undertake keeping the pavement clean, by sweeping it twice a week, carrying off the dirt from before all the neighbours’ doors, for the sum of sixpence per month, to be paid by each house. I then wrote and printed a paper setting forth the advantages to the neighbourhood that might be obtain’d by this small expense; the greater ease in keeping our houses clean, so much dirt not being brought in by people’s feet; the benefit to the shops by more custom, etc., etc., as buyers could more easily get at them; and by not having, in windy weather, the dust blown in upon their goods, etc., etc. I sent one of these papers to each house, and in a day or two went round to see who would subscribe an agreement to pay these sixpences; it was unanimously sign’d, and for a time well executed. All the inhabitants of the city were delighted with the cleanliness of the pavement that surrounded the market, it being a convenience to all, and this rais’d a general desire to have all the streets paved, and made the people more willing to submit to a tax for that purpose.

After some investigation, I found a hardworking man who was willing to keep the pavement clean by sweeping it twice a week and removing the dirt from in front of all the neighbors’ doors for the cost of sixpence a month from each household. I then wrote and printed a notice outlining the benefits to the neighborhood that could come from this small expense; the increased ease of keeping our houses clean, as less dirt would be tracked in by people’s feet; the advantages for the shops from more customers, since buyers could get to them more easily; and the fact that, on windy days, dust wouldn’t be blown onto their merchandise, etc. I distributed one of these notices to each house and, after a day or two, I went around to see who would agree to pay the sixpences. Everyone signed the agreement unanimously, and for a while, it was well executed. All the residents of the city were thrilled with the cleanliness of the pavement around the market, which was convenient for everyone, leading to a widespread desire to have all the streets paved and making the people more willing to accept a tax for that purpose.

After some time I drew a bill for paving the city, and brought it into the Assembly. It was just before I went to England, in 1757, and did not pass till I was gone, [12] and then with an alteration in the mode of assessment, which I thought not for the better, but with an additional provision for lighting as well as paving the streets, which was a great improvement. It was by a private person, the late Mr. John Clifton, his giving a sample of the utility of lamps, by placing one at his door, that the people were first impress’d with the idea of enlighting all the city. The honour of this public benefit has also been ascrib’d to me, but it belongs truly to that gentleman. I did but follow his example, and have only some merit to claim respecting the form of our lamps, as differing from the globe lamps we were at first supply’d with from London. Those we found inconvenient in these respects: they admitted no air below; the smoke, therefore, did not readily go out above, but circulated in the globe, lodg’d on its inside, and soon obstructed the light they were intended to afford; giving, besides, the daily trouble of wiping them clean; and an accidental stroke on one of them would demolish it, and render it totally useless. I therefore suggested the composing them of four flat panes, with a long funnel above to draw up the smoke, and crevices admitting air below, to facilitate the ascent of the smoke; by this means they were kept clean, and did not grow dark in a few hours, as the London lamps do, but continu’d bright till morning, and an accidental stroke would generally break but a single pane, easily repair’d.

After a while, I proposed a bill for paving the city and presented it to the Assembly. This happened just before I left for England in 1757, and it didn’t pass until after I was gone, [12] and even then, it had a change in the assessment method that I didn’t think was an improvement, but it did include an additional provision for lighting the streets as well, which was a significant upgrade. The idea of illuminating the city started with a private individual, the late Mr. John Clifton, who showcased the benefits of lamps by putting one outside his door. This got the community thinking about lighting up the whole city. While some credit this public benefit to me, it really belongs to him. I merely followed his example and only have some credit for the design of our lamps, which were different from the globe lamps we originally received from London. We found those inconvenient because they didn’t allow air to circulate underneath, causing smoke to get trapped inside the globe and quickly block the light they were supposed to emit; plus, they required daily cleaning. If one got bumped, it would shatter and become completely useless. So, I suggested using four flat panes with a tall funnel on top to draw the smoke up and openings at the bottom to let in air, which helped the smoke rise. This design kept them clean and bright for longer than the London lamps, which would dim in just a few hours. An accidental bump would usually only break one pane, which was easy to fix.

I have sometimes wonder’d that the Londoners did not, from the effect holes in the bottom of the globe lamps us’d at Vauxhall have in keeping them clean, learn to have such holes in their street lamps. But, these holes being made for another purpose, viz., to communicate flame more suddenly to the wick by a little flax hanging down thro’ them, the other use, of letting in air, seems not to have been thought of; and therefore, after the lamps have been lit a few hours, the streets of London are very poorly illuminated.

I have sometimes wondered why the people of London didn't, from the way the holes in the bottom of the globe lamps used at Vauxhall help keep them clean, learn to make similar holes in their street lamps. However, since those holes were designed for a different purpose—specifically, to quickly transfer flame to the wick using a little piece of flax hanging down through them—the other function of allowing air in seems to have been overlooked. As a result, after the lamps have been lit for a few hours, the streets of London are very poorly lit.

The mention of these improvements puts me in mind of one I propos’d, when in London, to Dr. Fothergill, who was among the best men I have known, and a great promoter of useful projects. I had observ’d that the streets, when dry, were never swept, and the light dust carried away; but it was suffer’d to accumulate till wet weather reduc’d it to mud, and then, after lying some days so deep on the pavement that there was no crossing but in paths kept clean by poor people with brooms, it was with great labour rak’d together and thrown up into carts open above, the sides of which suffer’d some of the slush at every jolt on the pavement to shake out and fall, sometimes to the annoyance of foot-passengers. The reason given for not sweeping the dusty streets was, that the dust would fly into the windows of shops and houses.

The mention of these improvements reminds me of one I suggested to Dr. Fothergill when I was in London. He was one of the best people I've known and a strong supporter of useful projects. I noticed that the streets, when dry, were never swept, allowing the light dust to build up. Eventually, it would turn to mud during wet weather and, after sitting there for several days so deep that people could only cross in paths cleaned by poor individuals with brooms, it was laboriously raked together and loaded into open-topped carts. However, the sides of these carts allowed some of the slush to spill out with every bump, sometimes annoying pedestrians. The reason given for not sweeping the dusty streets was that it would blow dust into shop and house windows.

An accidental occurrence had instructed me how much sweeping might be done in a little time. I found at my door in Craven-street, one morning, a poor woman sweeping my pavement with a birch broom; she appeared very pale and feeble, as just come out of a fit of sickness. I ask’d who employ’d her to sweep there; she said, “Nobody, but I am very poor and in distress, and I sweeps before gentlefolkses doors, and hopes they will give me something.” I bid her sweep the whole street clean, and I would give her a shilling; this was at nine o’clock; at 12 she came for the shilling. From the slowness I saw at first in her working, I could scarce believe that the work was done so soon, and sent my servant to examine it, who reported that the whole street was swept perfectly clean, and all the dust plac’d in the gutter, which was in the middle; and the next rain wash’d it quite away, so that the pavement and even the kennel were perfectly clean.

One morning, I found a poor woman sweeping my pavement with a birch broom outside my door on Craven Street. She looked very pale and weak, as if she had just recovered from an illness. I asked her who had hired her to sweep there, and she replied, “No one, but I am very poor and in distress, so I sweep in front of wealthy people's doors, hoping they will give me something.” I told her to sweep the whole street and I would give her a shilling. This was at nine o’clock; by noon, she came for the shilling. Given how slowly she had been working at first, I could hardly believe the job was done so quickly, so I sent my servant to check. They reported that the entire street was swept perfectly clean, with all the dust pushed into the gutter in the middle, and the next rain washed it all away, leaving the pavement and even the gutter completely clean.

I then judg’d that, if that feeble woman could sweep such a street in three hours, a strong, active man might have done it in half the time. And here let me remark the convenience of having but one gutter in such a narrow street, running down its middle, instead of two, one on each side, near the footway; for where all the rain that falls on a street runs from the sides and meets in the middle, it forms there a current strong enough to wash away all the mud it meets with; but when divided into two channels, it is often too weak to cleanse either, and only makes the mud it finds more fluid, so that the wheels of carriages and feet of horses throw and dash it upon the foot-pavement, which is thereby rendered foul and slippery, and sometimes splash it upon those who are walking. My proposal, communicated to the good doctor, was as follows:

I then figured that if that frail woman could sweep such a street in three hours, a strong, active man could have done it in half the time. And let me point out the advantage of having just one gutter in such a narrow street, running down the middle, instead of two, one on each side near the sidewalk. When all the rain that falls on a street flows from the sides and meets in the middle, it creates a current strong enough to wash away all the mud it encounters. But when it’s split into two channels, it often becomes too weak to clean either one, making the mud it collects even more fluid so that carriage wheels and horse hooves splash it onto the sidewalk, which then becomes dirty and slippery, occasionally splashing those who are walking by. My proposal, shared with the good doctor, was as follows:

“For the more effectual cleaning and keeping clean the streets of London and Westminster, it is proposed that the several watchmen be contracted with to have the dust swept up in dry seasons, and the mud rak’d up at other times, each in the several streets and lanes of his round; that they be furnish’d with brooms and other proper instruments for these purposes, to be kept at their respective stands, ready to furnish the poor people they may employ in the service.

“For better cleaning and maintaining the streets of London and Westminster, it is suggested that the various watchmen be hired to sweep up the dust during dry seasons and to rake up the mud at other times, each in the streets and lanes they patrol; that they be provided with brooms and other suitable tools for these tasks, to be kept at their respective posts, ready to assist the needy individuals they may hire for the job.”

“That in the dry summer months the dust be all swept up into heaps at proper distances, before the shops and windows of houses are usually opened, when the scavengers, with close-covered carts, shall also carry it all away.

“That in the dry summer months, the dust is all swept into piles at appropriate distances before the shops and windows of houses are typically opened, when the waste collectors, with their covered carts, will also take it all away.”

“That the mud, when rak’d up, be not left in heaps to be spread abroad again by the wheels of carriages and trampling of horses, but that the scavengers be provided with bodies of carts, not plac’d high upon wheels, but low upon sliders, with lattice bottoms, which, being cover’d with straw, will retain the mud thrown into them, and permit the water to drain from it, whereby it will become much lighter, water making the greatest part of its weight; these bodies of carts to be plac’d at convenient distances, and the mud brought to them in wheel-barrows; they remaining where plac’d till the mud is drain’d, and then horses brought to draw them away.”

"Make sure the mud, when raked up, isn’t left in piles to be spread around again by carriage wheels and horses’ hooves. Instead, provide the scavengers with cart bodies that sit low on sliders instead of high on wheels, and have lattice bottoms. By covering these with straw, they will hold the mud while letting the water drain out, making it much lighter since water is the bulk of its weight. These cart bodies should be placed at convenient intervals, and the mud can be loaded onto them using wheelbarrows. They’ll stay where they're set until the mud has drained, and then horses can be brought in to pull them away."

I have since had doubts of the practicability of the latter part of this proposal, on account of the narrowness of some streets, and the difficulty of placing the draining-sleds so as not to encumber too much the passage; but I am still of opinion that the former, requiring the dust to be swept up and carry’d away before the shops are open, is very practicable in the summer, when the days are long; for, in walking thro’ the Strand and Fleet-street one morning at seven o’clock, I observ’d there was not one shop open, tho’ it had been daylight and the sun up above three hours; the inhabitants of London chusing voluntarily to live much by candle-light, and sleep by sunshine, and yet often complain, a little absurdly, of the duty on candles and the high price of tallow.

I’ve since questioned the practicality of the latter part of this proposal because some streets are too narrow, and it’s hard to place the draining sleds without blocking the passage too much. However, I still believe that the first part, which involves sweeping up the dust and removing it before the shops open, is very feasible in the summer when the days are longer. One morning at seven o’clock while walking through the Strand and Fleet Street, I noticed that none of the shops were open, even though it had been daylight and the sun had been up for over three hours. The people of London seem to prefer living by candlelight and sleeping during the day, yet they often complain, somewhat irrationally, about the tax on candles and the high price of tallow.

Some may think these trifling matters not worth minding or relating; but when they consider that tho’ dust blown into the eyes of a single person, or into a single shop on a windy day, is but of small importance, yet the great number of the instances in a populous city, and its frequent repetitions give it weight and consequence, perhaps they will not censure very severely those who bestow some attention to affairs of this seemingly low nature. Human felicity is produc’d not so much by great pieces of good fortune that seldom happen, as by little advantages that occur every day. Thus, if you teach a poor young man to shave himself, and keep his razor in order, you may contribute more to the happiness of his life than in giving him a thousand guineas. The money may be soon spent, the regret only remaining of having foolishly consumed it; but in the other case, he escapes the frequent vexation of waiting for barbers, and of their sometimes dirty fingers, offensive breaths, and dull razors; he shaves when most convenient to him, and enjoys daily the pleasure of its being done with a good instrument. With these sentiments I have hazarded the few preceding pages, hoping they may afford hints which some time or other may be useful to a city I love, having lived many years in it very happily, and perhaps to some of our towns in America.

Some might think these trivial matters aren't worth noticing or sharing; but when they realize that dust blowing into the eyes of one person or into one shop on a windy day is not that significant, yet the sheer number of these instances in a crowded city, along with their frequent occurrence, gives them importance, perhaps they won't judge too harshly those who pay attention to issues of this seemingly minor nature. Human happiness comes not so much from the rare strokes of good fortune, but from the little advantages that happen every day. So, if you teach a young man in need how to shave himself and take care of his razor, you might contribute more to his happiness than giving him a thousand pounds. The money may be spent quickly, leaving him with just the regret of having wasted it; but in the other case, he avoids the regular frustration of waiting for barbers and dealing with their sometimes dirty hands, unpleasant breath, and dull razors; he shaves when it's most convenient for him and enjoys the daily satisfaction of doing it with a good tool. With these thoughts in mind, I’ve put together the previous few pages, hoping they might offer useful insights someday to a city I love, where I’ve spent many happy years, and perhaps to some of our towns in America.

Having been for some time employed by the postmaster-general of America as his comptroller in regulating several offices, and bringing the officers to account, I was, upon his death in 1753, appointed, jointly with Mr. William Hunter, to succeed him, by a commission from the postmaster-general in England. The American office never had hitherto paid any thing to that of Britain. We were to have six hundred pounds a year between us, if we could make that sum out of the profits of the office. To do this, a variety of improvements were necessary; some of these were inevitably at first expensive, so that in the first four years the office became above nine hundred pounds in debt to us. But it soon after began to repay us; and before I was displac’d by a freak of the ministers, of which I shall speak hereafter, we had brought it to yield three times as much clear revenue to the crown as the postoffice of Ireland. Since that imprudent transaction, they have receiv’d from it—not one farthing!

Having worked for some time as the comptroller for the postmaster-general of America, overseeing several offices and holding the officers accountable, I was appointed, after his death in 1753, along with Mr. William Hunter, to take his place by a commission from the postmaster-general in England. Until then, the American office had never contributed anything to Britain. We were supposed to share six hundred pounds a year if we could generate that amount from the office's profits. To make this happen, several improvements were needed; some of these were initially costly, which led to the office accumulating over nine hundred pounds in debt to us within the first four years. However, it soon started repaying us, and before I was removed by an unexpected decision from the ministers, which I will discuss later, we had managed to raise its clear revenue for the crown to three times that of the post office of Ireland. Since that reckless decision, they have received not a single farthing from it!

The business of the postoffice occasion’d my taking a journey this year to New England, where the College of Cambridge, of their own motion, presented me with the degree of Master of Arts. Yale College, in Connecticut, had before made me a similar compliment. Thus, without studying in any college, I came to partake of their honours. They were conferr’d in consideration of my improvements and discoveries in the electric branch of natural philosophy.

The work at the post office led me to take a trip this year to New England, where Harvard University, on their own initiative, awarded me the degree of Master of Arts. Yale University in Connecticut had previously given me a similar honor. So, without ever attending a college, I received their accolades. They were awarded in recognition of my advancements and discoveries in the field of electricity within natural philosophy.

In 1754, war with France being again apprehended, a congress of commissioners from the different colonies was, by an order of the Lords of Trade, to be assembled at Albany, there to confer with the chiefs of the Six Nations concerning the means of defending both their country and ours. Governor Hamilton, having receiv’d this order, acquainted the House with it, requesting they would furnish proper presents for the Indians, to be given on this occasion; and naming the speaker (Mr. Norris) and myself to join Mr. Thomas Penn and Mr. Secretary Peters as commissioners to act for Pennsylvania. The House approv’d the nomination, and provided the goods for the present, and tho’ they did not much like treating out of the provinces; and we met the other commissioners at Albany about the middle of June.

In 1754, with concerns about another war with France, the Lords of Trade ordered a congress of commissioners from the different colonies to gather in Albany. The goal was to discuss with the leaders of the Six Nations how to defend both their land and ours. Governor Hamilton received this order and informed the House, asking them to provide suitable gifts for the Native Americans for this occasion. He nominated the speaker (Mr. Norris) and me to join Mr. Thomas Penn and Mr. Secretary Peters as commissioners representing Pennsylvania. The House approved the nomination and arranged the gifts, although they weren’t too keen on spending resources outside the provinces. We met the other commissioners in Albany around mid-June.

In our way thither, I projected and drew a plan for the union of all the colonies under one government, so far as might be necessary for defense, and other important general purposes. As we pass’d thro’ New York, I had there shown my project to Mr. James Alexander and Mr. Kennedy, two gentlemen of great knowledge in public affairs, and, being fortified by their approbation, I ventur’d to lay it before the Congress. It then appeared that several of the commissioners had form’d plans of the same kind. A previous question was first taken, whether a union should be established, which pass’d in the affirmative unanimously. A committee was then appointed, one member from each colony, to consider the several plans and report. Mine happen’d to be preferr’d, and, with a few amendments, was accordingly reported.

On our way there, I came up with and sketched a plan for uniting all the colonies under one government, as much as needed for defense and other important common purposes. While we were passing through New York, I shared my project with Mr. James Alexander and Mr. Kennedy, two knowledgeable gentlemen in public affairs. With their support, I felt confident enough to present it to Congress. It turned out that several of the commissioners had developed similar plans. The first question they addressed was whether a union should be established, which was approved unanimously. A committee was then formed, with one member from each colony, to review the different plans and report back. Mine ended up being preferred, and with a few amendments, it was reported accordingly.

By this plan the general government was to be administered by a president-general, appointed and supported by the crown, and a grand council was to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the several colonies, met in their respective assemblies. The debates upon it in Congress went on daily, hand in hand with the Indian business. Many objections and difficulties were started, but at length they were all overcome, and the plan was unanimously agreed to, and copies ordered to be transmitted to the Board of Trade and to the assemblies of the several provinces. Its fate was singular: the assemblies did not adopt it, as they all thought there was too much prerogative in it, and in England it was judg’d to have too much of the democratic.

According to this plan, the central government would be run by a president-general appointed and backed by the crown, along with a grand council chosen by representatives from the various colonies who met in their own assemblies. The discussions in Congress about it happened daily, alongside issues concerning the Native Americans. Many concerns and challenges were raised, but eventually, they were all resolved, and the plan was unanimously approved. Copies were then ordered to be sent to the Board of Trade and to the assemblies of the different provinces. Its outcome was unique: the assemblies rejected it, believing it had too much prerogative, while in England it was considered to have too much of the democratic.

The Board of Trade therefore did not approve of it, nor recommend it for the approbation of his majesty; but another scheme was form’d, supposed to answer the same purpose better, whereby the governors of the provinces, with some members of their respective councils, were to meet and order the raising of troops, building of forts, etc., and to draw on the treasury of Great Britain for the expense, which was afterwards to be refunded by an act of Parliament laying a tax on America. My plan, with my reasons in support of it, is to be found among my political papers that are printed.

The Board of Trade did not approve it or recommend it for the king's approval; instead, another plan was created, which was thought to achieve the same goal more effectively. In this new plan, the governors of the provinces, along with some members of their councils, were supposed to get together and organize the raising of troops, building of forts, and so on, and to request funding from the British treasury for the expenses. This money was later meant to be reimbursed through a tax on America established by Parliament. My proposal, along with my supporting arguments, can be found in my published political papers.

Being the winter following in Boston, I had much conversation with Governor Shirley upon both the plans. Part of what passed between us on the occasion may also be seen among those papers. The different and contrary reasons of dislike to my plan makes me suspect that it was really the true medium; and I am still of opinion it would have been happy for both sides the water if it had been adopted. The colonies, so united, would have been sufficiently strong to have defended themselves; there would then have been no need of troops from England; of course, the subsequent pretence for taxing America, and the bloody contest it occasioned, would have been avoided. But such mistakes are not new; history is full of the errors of states and princes.

During the winter in Boston, I had a lot of discussions with Governor Shirley about both plans. Some of what we talked about can also be found among those papers. The various and opposing reasons for disliking my plan make me suspect that it was actually the right solution; I still believe it would have been beneficial for both sides of the water if it had been put into action. The colonies, united like that, would have been strong enough to defend themselves; there wouldn’t have been a need for troops from England, which would have avoided the subsequent justification for taxing America and the bloody conflict that followed. But such mistakes aren't new; history is full of the errors made by states and rulers.

Look round the habitable world, how few

Look around the livable world, how few

Know their own good, or, knowing it, pursue!

Know what's good for them, or if they know it, go after it!

Those who govern, having much business on their hands, do not generally like to take the trouble of considering and carrying into execution new projects. The best public measures are therefore seldom adopted from previous wisdom, but forc’d by the occasion.

Those in charge, burdened with many responsibilities, usually prefer not to bother with considering and implementing new projects. As a result, the best public policies are rarely taken from past knowledge, but rather driven by necessity.

The Governor of Pennsylvania, in sending it down to the Assembly, express’d his approbation of the plan, “as appearing to him to be drawn up with great clearness and strength of judgment, and therefore recommended it as well worthy of their closest and most serious attention.” The House, however, by the management of a certain member, took it up when I happen’d to be absent, which I thought not very fair, and reprobated it without paying any attention to it at all, to my no small mortification.

The Governor of Pennsylvania, when he sent it to the Assembly, expressed his approval of the plan, saying it seemed to him well-drafted with clarity and strong judgment, and he recommended it for their careful and serious consideration. However, the House, through the influence of a particular member, addressed it while I was absent, which I found quite unfair, and dismissed it without giving it any consideration at all, much to my dismay.

In my journey to Boston this year, I met at New York with our new governor, Mr. Morris, just arriv’d there from England, with whom I had been before intimately acquainted. He brought a commission to supersede Mr. Hamilton, who, tir’d with the disputes his proprietary instructions subjected him to, had resign’d. Mr. Morris ask’d me if I thought he must expect as uncomfortable an administration. I said, “No; you may, on the contrary, have a very comfortable one, if you will only take care not to enter into any dispute with the Assembly.” “My dear friend,” says he, pleasantly, “how can you advise my avoiding disputes? You know I love disputing; it is one of my greatest pleasures; however, to show the regard I have for your counsel, I promise you I will, if possible, avoid them.” He had some reason for loving to dispute, being eloquent, an acute sophister, and, therefore, generally successful in argumentative conversation. He had been brought up to it from a boy, his father, as I have heard, accustoming his children to dispute with one another for his diversion, while sitting at table after dinner; but I think the practice was not wise; for, in the course of my observation, these disputing, contradicting, and confuting people are generally unfortunate in their affairs. They get victory sometimes, but they never get good will, which would be of more use to them. We parted, he going to Philadelphia, and I to Boston.

During my trip to Boston this year, I met our new governor, Mr. Morris, in New York, just arrived from England, with whom I had been closely acquainted before. He brought a commission to replace Mr. Hamilton, who, tired of the disputes caused by his proprietary instructions, had resigned. Mr. Morris asked me if he should expect a similarly uncomfortable administration. I replied, “No; on the contrary, you can have a very comfortable one if you just avoid any disputes with the Assembly.” “My dear friend,” he said pleasantly, “how can you suggest that I avoid disputes? You know I love arguing; it’s one of my greatest pleasures. However, to show that I value your advice, I promise I will try to avoid them.” He had good reason to enjoy arguing, as he was eloquent, a sharp debater, and generally successful in argumentative discussions. He had been raised this way from childhood, as I heard his father would entertain himself by having his children debate each other during dinner. But I think that practice wasn’t wise; from what I’ve observed, those who often dispute, contradict, and argue tend to be unfortunate in their affairs. They may win arguments sometimes, but they never gain goodwill, which would be much more beneficial to them. We parted ways, with him heading to Philadelphia and me to Boston.

In returning, I met at New York with the votes of the Assembly, by which it appear’d that, notwithstanding his promise to me, he and the House were already in high contention; and it was a continual battle between them as long as he retain’d the government. I had my share of it; for, as soon as I got back to my seat in the Assembly, I was put on every committee for answering his speeches and messages, and by the committees always desired to make the drafts. Our answers, as well as his messages, were often tart, and sometimes indecently abusive; and, as he knew I wrote for the Assembly, one might have imagined that, when we met, we could hardly avoid cutting throats; but he was so good-natur’d a man that no personal difference between him and me was occasion’d by the contest, and we often din’d together.

Upon my return, I met in New York with the Assembly's votes, which showed that, despite his promise to me, he and the House were already in heated disagreement; it was an ongoing struggle between them for as long as he held the government. I was involved too; as soon as I returned to my seat in the Assembly, I was placed on every committee tasked with responding to his speeches and messages, and the committees always asked me to draft the responses. Our replies, just like his messages, were often pointed, and sometimes downright rude; and since he knew I was writing for the Assembly, one might have thought that when we met, we could hardly avoid going for each other's throats. However, he was such a good-natured man that no personal animosity arose between him and me due to the conflict, and we often dined together.

One afternoon, in the height of this public quarrel, we met in the street. “Franklin,” says he, “you must go home with me and spend the evening; I am to have some company that you will like;” and, taking me by the arm, he led me to his house. In gay conversation over our wine, after supper, he told us, jokingly, that he much admir’d the idea of Sancho Panza, who, when it was proposed to give him a government, requested it might be a government of blacks, as then, if he could not agree with his people, he might sell them. One of his friends, who sat next to me, says, “Franklin, why do you continue to side with these damn’d Quakers? Had not you better sell them? The proprietor would give you a good price.” “The governor,” says I, “has not yet blacked them enough.” He, indeed, had labored hard to blacken the Assembly in all his messages, but they wip’d off his coloring as fast as he laid it on, and plac’d it, in return, thick upon his own face; so that, finding he was likely to be negrofied himself, he, as well as Mr. Hamilton, grew tir’d of the contest, and quitted the government.

One afternoon, during the peak of this public argument, we bumped into each other on the street. “Franklin,” he said, “you have to come home with me and spend the evening; I’m having some guests that you’ll like.” Then, taking my arm, he led me to his house. Over cheerful conversation and wine after dinner, he jokingly told us how much he admired Sancho Panza's idea, which was that when he was offered a government, he requested it be a government of blacks, because then if he couldn’t get along with his people, he could sell them. One of his friends, who was sitting next to me, said, “Franklin, why do you keep siding with these damn Quakers? Wouldn’t it be better to sell them? The owner would pay you a good price.” “The governor,” I replied, “hasn’t blacked them enough yet.” He had indeed worked hard to smear the Assembly in all his messages, but they wiped off his paint as fast as he applied it, and in return, they plastered it thick on his own face. So, realizing he was likely to be smeared himself, he, along with Mr. Hamilton, grew tired of the fight and abandoned the government.

[13] These public quarrels were all at bottom owing to the proprietaries, our hereditary governors, who, when any expense was to be incurred for the defense of their province, with incredible meanness instructed their deputies to pass no act for levying the necessary taxes, unless their vast estates were in the same act expressly excused; and they had even taken bonds of these deputies to observe such instructions. The Assemblies for three years held out against this injustice, tho’ constrained to bend at last. At length Captain Denny, who was Governor Morris’s successor, ventured to disobey those instructions; how that was brought about I shall show hereafter.

[13] These public disputes were ultimately due to the proprietors, our hereditary governors, who, whenever there was a need to spend money on defending their province, showed incredible stinginess by telling their representatives to pass no law for raising the necessary taxes unless their large estates were specifically exempted in the same law; they had even made these representatives sign agreements to follow these orders. The Assemblies resisted this unfairness for three years, although they were eventually forced to give in. Finally, Captain Denny, who succeeded Governor Morris, dared to ignore those instructions; I will explain how that came about later.

But I am got forward too fast with my story: there are still some transactions to be mention’d that happened during the administration of Governor Morris.

But I've gotten ahead of myself with the story: there are still some events to mention that took place during Governor Morris's administration.

War being in a manner commenced with France, the government of Massachusetts Bay projected an attack upon Crown Point, and sent Mr. Quincy to Pennsylvania, and Mr. Pownall, afterward Governor Pownall, to New York, to solicit assistance. As I was in the Assembly, knew its temper, and was Mr. Quincy’s countryman, he appli’d to me for my influence and assistance. I dictated his address to them, which was well receiv’d. They voted an aid of ten thousand pounds, to be laid out in provisions. But the governor refusing his assent to their bill (which included this with other sums granted for the use of the crown), unless a clause were inserted exempting the proprietary estate from bearing any part of the tax that would be necessary, the Assembly, tho’ very desirous of making their grant to New England effectual, were at a loss how to accomplish it. Mr. Quincy labored hard with the governor to obtain his assent, but he was obstinate.

War had essentially begun with France, and the Massachusetts Bay government planned an attack on Crown Point. They sent Mr. Quincy to Pennsylvania and Mr. Pownall, who later became Governor Pownall, to New York to ask for help. Since I was in the Assembly, understood its mindset, and was a fellow countryman of Mr. Quincy, he appealed to me for my influence and support. I helped him draft his request, which was well received. They approved a grant of ten thousand pounds to be spent on food supplies. However, the governor refused to approve their bill, which included this and other amounts allocated for the crown, unless a clause was added to exempt the proprietary estate from paying any part of the necessary tax. The Assembly, despite being very eager to make their contribution to New England effective, was unsure how to proceed. Mr. Quincy worked hard with the governor to get his approval, but he was stubborn.

I then suggested a method of doing the business without the governor, by orders on the trustees of the Loan Office, which, by law, the Assembly had the right of drawing. There was, indeed, little or no money at that time in the office, and therefore I propos’d that the orders should be payable in a year, and to bear an interest of five per cent. With these orders I suppos’d the provisions might easily be purchas’d. The Assembly, with very little hesitation, adopted the proposal. The orders were immediately printed, and I was one of the committee directed to sign and dispose of them. The fund for paying them was the interest of all the paper currency then extant in the province upon loan, together with the revenue arising from the excise, which being known to be more than sufficient, they obtain’d instant credit, and were not only receiv’d in payment for the provisions, but many money’d people, who had cash lying by them, vested it in those orders, which they found advantageous, as they bore interest while upon hand, and might on any occasion be used as money; so that they were eagerly all bought up, and in a few weeks none of them were to be seen. Thus this important affair was by my means compleated. My Quincy return’d thanks to the Assembly in a handsome memorial, went home highly pleas’d with the success of his embassy, and ever after bore for me the most cordial and affectionate friendship.

I then suggested a way to handle the situation without the governor, by issuing orders on the trustees of the Loan Office, which the Assembly had the legal right to draw from. At that time, there was barely any money in the office, so I proposed that the orders be payable in a year and carry an interest rate of five percent. With these orders, I believed we could easily buy the provisions. The Assembly quickly accepted the proposal. The orders were printed right away, and I was appointed to the committee responsible for signing and distributing them. The fund for paying these orders came from the interest on all the paper currency currently on loan in the province, along with revenue from excise taxes. Since this was known to be more than enough, the orders gained immediate credit and were not only accepted as payment for the provisions, but many wealthy individuals, who had cash on hand, invested in these orders because they were beneficial—they earned interest while held and could be used like money when needed. They were eagerly bought up, and within a few weeks, none were left. Thus, this important matter was successfully completed through my efforts. My Quincy expressed gratitude to the Assembly in a lovely memorial, returned home very pleased with the success of his mission, and from then on, he held a warm and affectionate friendship for me.

The British government, not chusing to permit the union of the colonies as propos’d at Albany, and to trust that union with their defense, lest they should thereby grow too military, and feel their own strength, suspicions and jealousies at this time being entertain’d of them, sent over General Braddock with two regiments of regular English troops for that purpose. He landed at Alexandria, in Virginia, and thence march’d to Frederictown, in Maryland, where he halted for carriages. Our Assembly apprehending, from some information, that he had conceived violent prejudices against them, as averse to the service, wish’d me to wait upon him, not as from them, but as postmaster-general, under the guise of proposing to settle with him the mode of conducting with most celerity and certainty the despatches between him and the governors of the several provinces, with whom he must necessarily have continual correspondence, and of which they propos’d to pay the expense. My son accompanied me on this journey.

The British government, not wanting to allow the colonies to unite as proposed in Albany and to rely on that union for their defense, fearing it would make them too military and aware of their own strength—especially since there were suspicions and jealousies about them at the time—sent General Braddock over with two regiments of regular English troops for that purpose. He landed in Alexandria, Virginia, and then marched to Frederictown, Maryland, where he paused to get transport. Our Assembly, suspecting from some information that he had strong biases against them for being opposed to the service, wanted me to meet with him—not as a representative of the Assembly, but as the postmaster-general, under the pretense of proposing how to handle communications between him and the governors of the various provinces efficiently and reliably, for which they agreed to cover the costs. My son joined me on this trip.

We found the general at Frederictown, waiting impatiently for the return of those he had sent thro’ the back parts of Maryland and Virginia to collect waggons. I stayed with him several days, din’d with him daily, and had full opportunity of removing all his prejudices, by the information of what the Assembly had before his arrival actually done, and were still willing to do, to facilitate his operations. When I was about to depart, the returns of waggons to be obtained were brought in, by which it appear’d that they amounted only to twenty-five, and not all of those were in serviceable condition. The general and all the officers were surpris’d, declar’d the expedition was then at an end, being impossible, and exclaim’d against the ministers for ignorantly landing them in a country destitute of the means of conveying their stores, baggage, etc., not less than one hundred and fifty waggons being necessary.

We found the general at Frederictown, waiting anxiously for the return of those he had sent through the backcountry of Maryland and Virginia to gather wagons. I stayed with him for several days, had lunch with him daily, and had plenty of chances to clear up his misconceptions about what the Assembly had done before he arrived and what they were still willing to do to support his efforts. When I was about to leave, the report on the wagons available came in, showing that there were only twenty-five, and not all of them were in good condition. The general and all the officers were shocked and declared that the expedition was over, saying it was impossible, and they complained about the ministers for foolishly sending them to a place lacking the resources to transport their supplies, baggage, etc., noting that at least one hundred and fifty wagons were needed.

I happened to say I thought it was a pity they had not been landed rather in Pennsylvania, as in that country almost every farmer had his waggon. The general eagerly laid hold of my words, and said, “Then you, sir, who are a man of interest there, can probably procure them for us; and I beg you will undertake it.” I ask’d what terms were to be offer’d the owners of the waggons; and I was desir’d to put on paper the terms that appeared to me necessary. This I did, and they were agreed to, and a commission and instructions accordingly prepar’d immediately. What those terms were will appear in the advertisement I publish’d as soon as I arriv’d at Lancaster, which being, from the great and sudden effect it produc’d, a piece of some curiosity, I shall insert it at length, as follows:

I mentioned that I thought it was unfortunate they hadn’t been brought to Pennsylvania, since in that area, almost every farmer had a wagon. The general quickly picked up on what I said and responded, “Then you, sir, who have ties there, can probably arrange this for us; I hope you’ll take it on.” I asked what terms should be offered to the wagon owners, and I was asked to write down the terms that I thought were necessary. I did this, and they were accepted, leading to the immediate preparation of a commission and instructions. The terms will be detailed in the advertisement I published as soon as I arrived in Lancaster, which, due to its significant and sudden impact, is quite interesting, so I’ll include it in full as follows:

“Advertisement.

Ad.

“LANCASTER, April 26, 1755.

“LANCASTER, April 26, 1755.

“Whereas, one hundred and fifty waggons, with four horses to each waggon, and fifteen hundred saddle or pack horses, are wanted for the service of his majesty’s forces now about to rendezvous at Will’s Creek, and his excellency General Braddock having been pleased to empower me to contract for the hire of the same, I hereby give notice that I shall attend for that purpose at Lancaster from this day to next Wednesday evening, and at York from next Thursday morning till Friday evening, where I shall be ready to agree for waggons and teams, or single horses, on the following terms, viz.: 1. That there shall be paid for each waggon, with four good horses and a driver, fifteen shillings per diem; and for each able horse with a pack-saddle, or other saddle and furniture, two shillings per diem; and for each able horse without a saddle, eighteen pence per diem. 2. That the pay commence from the time of their joining the forces at Will’s Creek, which must be on or before the 20th of May ensuing, and that a reasonable allowance be paid over and above for the time necessary for their travelling to Will’s Creek and home again after their discharge. 3. Each waggon and team, and every saddle or pack horse, is to be valued by indifferent persons chosen between me and the owner; and in case of the loss of any waggon, team, or other horse in the service, the price according to such valuation is to be allowed and paid. 4. Seven days’ pay is to be advanced and paid in hand by me to the owner of each waggon and team, or horse, at the time of contracting, if required, and the remainder to be paid by General Braddock, or by the paymaster of the army, at the time of their discharge, or from time to time, as it shall be demanded. 5. No drivers of waggons, or persons taking care of the hired horses, are on any account to be called upon to do the duty of soldiers, or be otherwise employed than in conducting or taking care of their carriages or horses. 6. All oats, Indian corn, or other forage that waggons or horses bring to the camp, more than is necessary for the subsistence of the horses, is to be taken for the use of the army, and a reasonable price paid for the same.

“Whereas, one hundred and fifty wagons, with four horses per wagon, and fifteen hundred saddle or pack horses, are needed for the service of His Majesty’s forces now gathering at Will’s Creek, and His Excellency General Braddock has authorized me to arrange for the hire of these, I hereby announce that I will be available for that purpose in Lancaster from today until next Wednesday evening, and in York from next Thursday morning until Friday evening, where I will be ready to agree on wagons and teams, or individual horses, under the following terms: 1. Payment of fifteen shillings per day for each wagon with four good horses and a driver; for each able horse with a pack saddle or other saddle and equipment, two shillings per day; and for each able horse without a saddle, eighteen pence per day. 2. Payment will begin from the time they join the forces at Will’s Creek, which must be on or before the 20th of May next, and a reasonable allowance will be provided for the travel to Will’s Creek and back home after their discharge. 3. Each wagon and team, and every saddle or pack horse, will be valued by impartial individuals selected by me and the owner; in the event of the loss of any wagon, team, or other horse in service, payment will be made according to that valuation. 4. I will advance and pay seven days’ pay upfront to the owner of each wagon and team, or horse, at the time of contracting, if requested, with the remaining amount to be paid by General Braddock or the army’s paymaster upon discharge, or as it is requested over time. 5. No drivers of wagons, or individuals caring for the hired horses, will be required to perform soldier duties, nor to be employed in any way other than managing their wagons or horses. 6. All oats, corn, or other feed that the wagons or horses bring to camp, beyond what is necessary for the horses’ sustenance, will be taken for the army’s use, and a fair price will be paid for it.”

“Note.—My son, William Franklin, is empowered to enter into like contracts with any person in Cumberland county.

“Note.—My son, William Franklin, is authorized to enter into similar contracts with anyone in Cumberland County.

“B. Franklin.”

“Ben Franklin.”

“To the inhabitants of the Counties of Lancaster, York and Cumberland.

“To the people of the Counties of Lancaster, York, and Cumberland.

“Friends and Countrymen,

"Friends and fellow citizens,"

“Being occasionally at the camp at Frederic a few days since, I found the general and officers extremely exasperated on account of their not being supplied with horses and carriages, which had been expected from this province, as most able to furnish them; but, through the dissensions between our governor and Assembly, money had not been provided, nor any steps taken for that purpose.

“Being at the camp in Frederic a few days ago, I found the general and officers really frustrated because they hadn't been supplied with horses and carriages, which they expected from this province, as it was considered most capable of providing them. However, due to the conflicts between our governor and the Assembly, there was no money allocated, nor any action taken for that purpose.”

“It was proposed to send an armed force immediately into these counties, to seize as many of the best carriages and horses as should be wanted, and compel as many persons into the service as would be necessary to drive and take care of them.

“It was suggested to quickly send a military force into these counties to take as many of the best carriages and horses as needed and to force as many people into service as required to drive and manage them.”

“I apprehended that the progress of British soldiers through these counties on such an occasion, especially considering the temper they are in, and their resentment against us, would be attended with many and great inconveniences to the inhabitants, and therefore more willingly took the trouble of trying first what might be done by fair and equitable means. The people of these back counties have lately complained to the Assembly that a sufficient currency was wanting; you have an opportunity of receiving and dividing among you a very considerable sum; for, if the service of this expedition should continue, as it is more than probable it will, for one hundred and twenty days, the hire of these waggons and horses will amount to upward of thirty thousand pounds, which will be paid you in silver and gold of the king’s money.

“I realized that the movement of British soldiers through these counties on such an occasion, especially considering their current mindset and anger toward us, would cause many significant problems for the residents. Therefore, I was more than willing to put in the effort to explore what could be accomplished through fair and reasonable means. The people in these back counties have recently complained to the Assembly about the lack of sufficient currency; you have a chance to receive and distribute a substantial amount of money among yourselves. If this expedition continues, as it likely will, for one hundred and twenty days, the cost of these wagons and horses will exceed thirty thousand pounds, which will be paid to you in silver and gold from the king’s funds.”

“The service will be light and easy, for the army will scarce march above twelve miles per day, and the waggons and baggage-horses, as they carry those things that are absolutely necessary to the welfare of the army, must march with the army, and no faster; and are, for the army’s sake, always placed where they can be most secure, whether in a march or in a camp.

“The service will be simple and relaxed, since the army will barely march more than twelve miles a day, and the wagons and pack horses, which transport the essentials for the army's well-being, must move with the army at the same pace; they are strategically positioned for the army’s safety, whether on the move or in camp.”

“If you are really, as I believe you are, good and loyal subjects to his majesty, you may now do a most acceptable service, and make it easy to yourselves; for three or four of such as can not separately spare from the business of their plantations a waggon and four horses and a driver, may do it together, one furnishing the waggon, another one or two horses, and another the driver, and divide the pay proportionately between you; but if you do not this service to your king and country voluntarily, when such good pay and reasonable terms are offered to you, your loyalty will be strongly suspected. The king’s business must be done; so many brave troops, come so far for your defense, must not stand idle through your backwardness to do what may be reasonably expected from you; waggons and horses must be had; violent measures will probably be used, and you will be left to seek for a recompense where you can find it, and your case, perhaps, be little pitied or regarded.

"If you're truly as good and loyal to the king as I believe you are, now’s your chance to provide a helpful service and make things easier for yourselves. Three or four of you who can’t individually spare a wagon, four horses, and a driver from your plantation work can team up: one can provide the wagon, another can offer one or two horses, and someone else can supply the driver, splitting the pay fairly among yourselves. However, if you refuse to serve your king and country voluntarily when there’s decent pay and reasonable terms available, it will raise suspicions about your loyalty. The king’s business needs to be addressed; many brave troops have traveled a long way to defend you, and they shouldn’t be left idle because you’re hesitant to meet what’s reasonably expected of you. Wagons and horses are necessary; harsh measures might be taken, and you could be left to fend for yourselves without adequate support, with little sympathy or consideration for your situation."

“I have no particular interest in this affair, as, except the satisfaction of endeavoring to do good, I shall have only my labour for my pains. If this method of obtaining the waggons and horses is not likely to succeed, I am obliged to send word to the general in fourteen days; and I suppose Sir John St. Clair, the hussar, with a body of soldiers, will immediately enter the province for the purpose, which I shall be sorry to hear, because I am very sincerely and truly your friend and well-wisher,

"I don’t really care about this situation, as aside from the satisfaction of trying to do something good, I’ll just be working hard for nothing. If this way of getting the wagons and horses doesn’t seem likely to work, I need to inform the general in fourteen days. I expect Sir John St. Clair, the hussar, will quickly come into the area with a group of soldiers to handle it, which I’ll be disappointed to hear, because I honestly consider you a friend and wish you well."

B. Franklin.”

B. Franklin.

I received of the general about eight hundred pounds, to be disbursed in advance-money to the waggon owners, etc.; but that sum being insufficient, I advanc’d upward of two hundred pounds more, and in two weeks the one hundred and fifty waggons, with two hundred and fifty-nine carrying horses, were on their march for the camp. The advertisement promised payment according to the valuation, in case any waggon or horse should be lost. The owners, however, alleging they did not know General Braddock, or what dependence might be had on his promise, insisted on my bond for the performance, which I accordingly gave them.

I received about eight hundred pounds from the general to be distributed as advance payments to the wagon owners, etc. However, that amount wasn’t enough, so I ended up advancing more than two hundred pounds. Within two weeks, one hundred and fifty wagons and two hundred and fifty-nine horses were on their way to the camp. The advertisement promised payment based on the valuation if any wagon or horse was lost. The owners, however, claimed they didn’t know General Braddock or how reliable his promise was, so they insisted on getting my bond for the performance, which I provided.

While I was at the camp, supping one evening with the officers of Colonel Dunbar’s regiment, he represented to me his concern for the subalterns, who, he said, were generally not in affluence, and could ill afford, in this dear country, to lay in the stores that might be necessary in so long a march, thro’ a wilderness, where nothing was to be purchas’d. I commiserated their case, and resolved to endeavor procuring them some relief. I said nothing, however, to him of my intention, but wrote the next morning to the committee of the Assembly, who had the disposition of some public money, warmly recommending the case of these officers to their consideration, and proposing that a present should be sent them of necessaries and refreshments. My son, who had some experience of a camp life, and of its wants, drew up a list for me, which I enclos’d in my letter. The committee approv’d, and used such diligence that, conducted by my son, the stores arrived at the camp as soon as the waggons. They consisted of twenty parcels, each containing

While I was at the camp, having dinner one evening with the officers of Colonel Dunbar’s regiment, he expressed his worry for the junior officers, who, he said, were generally not well-off and couldn't afford, in this expensive country, to gather the supplies they might need for such a long journey through a wilderness where nothing could be bought. I felt for their situation and decided to try to get them some help. However, I didn't mention my plans to him and instead wrote the next morning to the committee of the Assembly, which managed some public funds, strongly recommending that they consider the situation of these officers and suggesting that they send a shipment of necessities and refreshments. My son, who had some experience with camp life and its needs, prepared a list for me, which I included in my letter. The committee approved and worked quickly so that, led by my son, the supplies arrived at the camp just as the wagons did. They consisted of twenty parcels, each containing

6 lbs. loaf sugar. 1 Gloucester cheese.
6 lbs. good Muscovado do. 1 kegg containing 20 lbs. good butter.
1 lb. good green tea. 2 doz. old Madeira wine.
1 lb. good bohea do. 2 gallons Jamaica spirits.
6 lbs. good ground coffee. 1 bottle flour of mustard.
6 lbs. chocolate. 2 well-cur’d hams.
1-2 cwt. best white biscuit. 1-2 dozen dry’d tongues.
1-2 lb. pepper. 6 lbs. rice.
1 quart best white wine vinegar. 6 lbs. raisins.

These twenty parcels, well pack’d, were placed on as many horses, each parcel, with the horse, being intended as a present for one officer. They were very thankfully receiv’d, and the kindness acknowledg’d by letters to me from the colonels of both regiments, in the most grateful terms. The general, too, was highly satisfied with my conduct in procuring him the waggons, etc., and readily paid my account of disbursements, thanking me repeatedly, and requesting my farther assistance in sending provisions after him. I undertook this also, and was busily employ’d in it till we heard of his defeat, advancing for the service of my own money, upwards of one thousand pounds sterling, of which I sent him an account. It came to his hands, luckily for me, a few days before the battle, and he return’d me immediately an order on the paymaster for the round sum of one thousand pounds, leaving the remainder to the next account. I consider this payment as good luck, having never been able to obtain that remainder, of which more hereafter.

These twenty packages, nicely packed, were placed on as many horses, with each package and horse meant as a gift for an officer. They were received with great appreciation, and the kindness was acknowledged through letters to me from the colonels of both regiments, expressing their gratitude. The general was also very pleased with my efforts in arranging the wagons, etc., and promptly settled my expenses, thanking me repeatedly while asking for my continued help in sending provisions after him. I took this on as well and was actively engaged in it until we heard about his defeat, using my own money to front over one thousand pounds sterling, for which I sent him an account. Fortunately for me, it reached him a few days before the battle, and he quickly sent me an order to the paymaster for the total amount of one thousand pounds, leaving the rest for the next account. I consider this payment a stroke of luck, as I’ve never been able to obtain that remainder, which I’ll explain more about later.

This general was, I think, a brave man, and might probably have made a figure as a good officer in some European war. But he had too much self-confidence, too high an opinion of the validity of regular troops, and too mean a one of both Americans and Indians. George Croghan, our Indian interpreter, join’d him on his march with one hundred of those people, who might have been of great use to his army as guides, scouts, etc., if he had treated them kindly; but he slighted and neglected them, and they gradually left him.

This general was, I think, a brave man and could have been a good officer in some European war. But he had too much self-confidence, too high an opinion of the effectiveness of regular troops, and too low an opinion of both Americans and Indians. George Croghan, our Indian interpreter, joined him on his march with one hundred of those people, who could have been very helpful to his army as guides, scouts, etc., if he had treated them well; but he dismissed and ignored them, and they gradually left him.

In conversation with him one day, he was giving me some account of his intended progress. “After taking Fort Duquesne,” says he, “I am to proceed to Niagara; and, having taken that, to Frontenac, if the season will allow time; and I suppose it will, for Duquesne can hardly detain me above three or four days; and then I see nothing that can obstruct my march to Niagara.” Having before revolv’d in my mind the long line his army must make in their march by a very narrow road, to be cut for them thro’ the woods and bushes, and also what I had read of a former defeat of fifteen hundred French, who invaded the Iroquois country, I had conceiv’d some doubts and some fears for the event of the campaign. But I ventur’d only to say, “To be sure, sir, if you arrive well before Duquesne, with these fine troops, so well provided with artillery, that place not yet compleatly fortified, and as we hear with no very strong garrison, can probably make but a short resistance. The only danger I apprehend of obstruction to your march is from ambuscades of Indians, who, by constant practice, are dexterous in laying and executing them; and the slender line, near four miles long, which your army must make, may expose it to be attack’d by surprise in its flanks, and to be cut like a thread into several pieces, which, from their distance, can not come up in time to support each other.”

One day during our conversation, he was sharing his plans for the upcoming campaign. “After capturing Fort Duquesne,” he said, “I’ll head to Niagara; then, if the season allows, I’ll go to Frontenac. I believe it will, since Duquesne shouldn’t hold me up for more than three or four days. After that, I don’t see anything getting in the way of my march to Niagara.” I had already thought about how long and narrow the path his army would have to take through the woods, and I remembered reading about a previous defeat of fifteen hundred French soldiers who invaded Iroquois territory. So, I had some doubts and concerns about how the campaign would turn out. But I only said, “Of course, sir, if you arrive at Duquesne in good time with these excellent troops, well-equipped with artillery, that place isn’t fully fortified yet, and we hear it has no strong garrison, so it shouldn’t hold out for long. The only danger I see to your march is from Indian ambushes, as they are quite skilled in setting and executing them. The long, slender line, nearly four miles long, that your army will form could be vulnerable to surprise attacks on its flanks, making it easy to be divided into several groups that wouldn’t be able to quickly come to each other’s aid.”

He smil’d at my ignorance, and reply’d, “These savages may, indeed, be a formidable enemy to your raw American militia, but upon the king’s regular and disciplin’d troops, sir, it is impossible they should make any impression.” I was conscious of an impropriety in my disputing with a military man in matters of his profession, and said no more. The enemy, however, did not take the advantage of his army which I apprehended its long line of march expos’d it to, but let it advance without interruption till within nine miles of the place; and then, when more in a body (for it had just passed a river, where the front had halted till all were come over), and in a more open part of the woods than any it had pass’d, attack’d its advanced guard by a heavy fire from behind trees and bushes, which was the first intelligence the general had of an enemy’s being near him. This guard being disordered, the general hurried the troops up to their assistance, which was done in great confusion, thro’ waggons, baggage, and cattle; and presently the fire came upon their flank: the officers, being on horseback, were more easily distinguish’d, pick’d out as marks, and fell very fast; and the soldiers were crowded together in a huddle, having or hearing no orders, and standing to be shot at till two-thirds of them were killed; and then, being seiz’d with a panick, the whole fled with precipitation.

He smiled at my ignorance and replied, “These savages may indeed be a formidable enemy to your inexperienced American militia, but to the king’s regular and well-trained troops, sir, they won’t have any impact.” I felt it was inappropriate to argue with a military man about his field, so I said nothing more. The enemy, however, didn't take advantage of his army like I feared they would after such a long march, allowing it to advance without interruption until it was nine miles from the site. Then, when they were more in formation (having just crossed a river where the front had paused until everyone made it over) and in a more open area of the woods than any they had passed through, they ambushed the advance guard with a heavy fire from behind trees and bushes. This was the first information the general had that an enemy was close. As the guard was thrown into disarray, the general rushed the troops to assist them, which was done in a lot of confusion through wagons, baggage, and cattle. Soon, the fire hit their flank: the officers, being on horseback, were easier to spot, targeted and fell quickly; and the soldiers were tightly packed together, receiving no orders or direction, just standing there to be shot at until two-thirds were killed. Then, in a panic, the entire group fled in a hurry.

The waggoners took each a horse out of his team and scamper’d; their example was immediately followed by others; so that all the waggons, provisions, artillery, and stores were left to the enemy. The general, being wounded, was brought off with difficulty; his secretary, Mr. Shirley, was killed by his side; and out of eighty-six officers, sixty-three were killed or wounded, and seven hundred and fourteen men killed out of eleven hundred. These eleven hundred had been picked men from the whole army; the rest had been left behind with Colonel Dunbar, who was to follow with the heavier part of the stores, provisions, and baggage. The flyers, not being pursu’d, arriv’d at Dunbar’s camp, and the panick they brought with them instantly seiz’d him and all his people; and, tho’ he had now above one thousand men, and the enemy who had beaten Braddock did not at most exceed four hundred Indians and French together, instead of proceeding, and endeavoring to recover some of the lost honour, he ordered all the stores, ammunition, etc., to be destroy’d, that he might have more horses to assist his flight towards the settlements, and less lumber to remove. He was there met with requests from the governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, that he would post his troops on the frontiers, so as to afford some protection to the inhabitants; but he continu’d his hasty march thro’ all the country, not thinking himself safe till he arriv’d at Philadelphia, where the inhabitants could protect him. This whole transaction gave us Americans the first suspicion that our exalted ideas of the prowess of British regulars had not been well founded.

The wagon drivers took a horse out of each team and ran away; their example was quickly followed by others, leaving all the wagons, supplies, artillery, and equipment to the enemy. The general, who was injured, was carried off with difficulty; his secretary, Mr. Shirley, was killed beside him; out of eighty-six officers, sixty-three were killed or wounded, and seven hundred fourteen men were killed out of eleven hundred. These eleven hundred had been selected from the entire army; the rest had stayed behind with Colonel Dunbar, who was set to follow with the heavier supplies, provisions, and baggage. The deserters, not being pursued, arrived at Dunbar's camp, and the panic they brought with them instantly gripped him and his men; despite having over one thousand men now, and with the enemy that had defeated Braddock numbering at most around four hundred Indians and French combined, instead of advancing and trying to regain some lost honor, he ordered all the supplies, ammunition, etc., to be destroyed in order to have more horses to help his escape toward the settlements, and less cargo to carry. He was then met with requests from the governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania to position his troops on the frontiers to provide some protection to the residents; however, he continued his hurried march through the entire region, not feeling safe until he reached Philadelphia, where the residents could guard him. This entire episode gave us Americans the first inkling that our lofty beliefs about the strength of British regulars may not have been well-founded.

In their first march, too, from their landing till they got beyond the settlements, they had plundered and stripped the inhabitants, totally ruining some poor families, besides insulting, abusing, and confining the people if they remonstrated. This was enough to put us out of conceit of such defenders, if we had really wanted any. How different was the conduct of our French friends in 1781, who, during a march thro’ the most inhabited part of our country from Rhode Island to Virginia, near seven hundred miles, occasioned not the smallest complaint for the loss of a pig, a chicken, or even an apple.

In their first march, from the moment they landed until they moved beyond the settlements, they looted and harmed the local people, completely destroying some families' lives. They insulted, abused, and detained anyone who protested. This was enough to make us lose faith in such defenders, if we had actually wanted any. In stark contrast, our French allies in 1781, during their march through the most populated areas of our country from Rhode Island to Virginia, a distance of about seven hundred miles, caused not a single complaint over the loss of a pig, a chicken, or even an apple.

Captain Orme, who was one of the general’s aids-de-camp, and, being grievously wounded, was brought off with him, and continu’d with him to his death, which happen’d in a few days, told me that he was totally silent all the first day, and at night only said, “Who would have thought it?” That he was silent again the following day, saying only at last, “We shall better know how to deal with them another time;” and dy’d in a few minutes after.

Captain Orme, one of the general’s aides-de-camp, was seriously injured and was taken away with him. He stayed by the general’s side until he passed away a few days later. Orme told me that the general was completely quiet on the first day, and at night, he only said, “Who would have thought it?” He remained silent again the next day, finally saying, “We shall better know how to deal with them another time;” and died just a few minutes after that.

The secretary’s papers, with all the general’s orders, instructions, and correspondence, falling into the enemy’s hands, they selected and translated into French a number of the articles, which they printed, to prove the hostile intentions of the British court before the declaration of war. Among these I saw some letters of the general to the ministry, speaking highly of the great service I had rendered the army, and recommending me to their notice. David Hume, too, who was some years after secretary to Lord Hertford, when minister in France, and afterward to General Conway, when secretary of state, told me he had seen among the papers in that office, letters from Braddock highly recommending me. But, the expedition having been unfortunate, my service, it seems, was not thought of much value, for those recommendations were never of any use to me.

The secretary’s papers, which included all the general’s orders, instructions, and correspondence, fell into the enemy’s hands. They picked out and translated several articles into French, which they printed to showcase the British court's hostile intentions before the war was declared. Among these, I found some letters from the general to the ministry, praising the significant service I had provided to the army and recommending me to their attention. David Hume, who became secretary to Lord Hertford a few years later when he was minister in France, and then to General Conway when he was secretary of state, told me he had seen letters from Braddock in that office that strongly recommended me. However, since the expedition was unfortunate, my service was apparently not valued, as those recommendations never helped me.

As to rewards from himself, I ask’d only one, which was, that he would give orders to his officers not to enlist any more of our bought servants, and that he would discharge such as had been already enlisted. This he readily granted, and several were accordingly return’d to their masters, on my application. Dunbar, when the command devolv’d on him, was not so generous. He being at Philadelphia, on his retreat, or rather flight, I apply’d to him for the discharge of the servants of three poor farmers of Lancaster county that he had enlisted, reminding him of the late general’s orders on that head. He promised me that, if the masters would come to him at Trenton, where he should be in a few days on his march to New York, he would there deliver their men to them. They accordingly were at the expense and trouble of going to Trenton, and there he refus’d to perform his promise, to their great loss and disappointment.

Regarding rewards from him, I only asked for one thing: that he would instruct his officers not to recruit any more of our purchased servants and that he would release those who had already been recruited. He readily agreed, and several were returned to their owners at my request. However, when Dunbar took command, he was not as generous. While he was in Philadelphia, during his retreat, or rather escape, I asked him to release the servants of three struggling farmers from Lancaster County that he had enlisted, reminding him of the previous general’s orders on the matter. He promised me that if the owners came to him in Trenton, where he would be in a few days on his way to New York, he would return their men to them. They went through the expense and trouble of traveling to Trenton, and there he refused to keep his promise, causing them great loss and disappointment.

As soon as the loss of the waggons and horses was generally known, all the owners came upon me for the valuation which I had given bond to pay. Their demands gave me a great deal of trouble, my acquainting them that the money was ready in the paymaster’s hands, but that orders for paying it must first be obtained from General Shirley, and my assuring them that I had apply’d to that general by letter; but, he being at a distance, an answer could not soon be receiv’d, and they must have patience, all this was not sufficient to satisfy, and some began to sue me. General Shirley at length relieved me from this terrible situation by appointing commissioners to examine the claims, and ordering payment. They amounted to near twenty thousand pound, which to pay would have ruined me.

As soon as everyone found out about the loss of the wagons and horses, all the owners came to me for the payment I had promised. Their demands caused me a lot of stress, and I tried to explain that the money was available in the paymaster’s hands, but I needed to get authorization from General Shirley first. I assured them that I had written to him, but since he was far away, I couldn’t expect a quick response, and they would have to be patient. Unfortunately, this wasn’t enough to satisfy them, and some even started to sue me. Finally, General Shirley helped me out of this awful situation by assigning commissioners to review the claims and order the payment. The total claims came to about twenty thousand pounds, and paying that would have destroyed me.

Before we had the news of this defeat, the two Doctors Bond came to me with a subscription paper for raising money to defray the expense of a grand firework, which it was intended to exhibit at a rejoicing on receipt of the news of our taking Fort Duquesne. I looked grave, and said it would, I thought, be time enough to prepare for the rejoicing when we knew we should have occasion to rejoice. They seem’d surpris’d that I did not immediately comply with their proposal. “Why the d—l!” says one of them, “you surely don’t suppose that the fort will not be taken?” “I don’t know that it will not be taken, but I know that the events of war are subject to great uncertainty.” I gave them the reasons of my doubting; the subscription was dropt, and the projectors thereby missed the mortification they would have undergone if the firework had been prepared. Dr. Bond, on some other occasion afterward, said that he did not like Franklin’s forebodings.

Before we heard about this defeat, the two Doctors Bond came to me with a petition to raise money for an elaborate fireworks display that was supposed to take place when we got news that we had taken Fort Duquesne. I looked serious and said that I thought it would be better to wait until we actually had a reason to celebrate. They seemed surprised that I didn't immediately agree to their plan. "What the heck!" one of them said, "You can't possibly think the fort won't be taken?" "I don't know that it won't be taken, but I do know that war outcomes are very uncertain." I explained my reasons for doubting, the subscription was dropped, and the planners avoided the disappointment they would have felt if the fireworks had been set up. Dr. Bond, on a different occasion later, mentioned that he didn't like Franklin's pessimism.

Governor Morris, who had continually worried the Assembly with message after message before the defeat of Braddock, to beat them into the making of acts to raise money for the defense of the province, without taxing, among others, the proprietary estates, and had rejected all their bills for not having such an exempting clause, now redoubled his attacks with more hope of success, the danger and necessity being greater. The Assembly, however, continu’d firm, believing they had justice on their side, and that it would be giving up an essential right if they suffered the governor to amend their money-bills. In one of the last, indeed, which was for granting fifty thousand pounds, his propos’d amendment was only of a single word. The bill expressed “that all estates, real and personal, were to be taxed, those of the proprietaries not excepted.” His amendment was, for not read only: a small, but very material alteration. However, when the news of this disaster reached England, our friends there, whom we had taken care to furnish with all the Assembly’s answers to the governor’s messages, rais’d a clamor against the proprietaries for their meanness and injustice in giving their governor such instructions; some going so far as to say that, by obstructing the defense of their province, they forfeited their right to it. They were intimidated by this, and sent orders to their receiver-general to add five thousand pounds of their money to whatever sum might be given by the Assembly for such purpose.

Governor Morris, who had constantly pressured the Assembly with message after message before Braddock's defeat, trying to force them into passing laws to raise money for the defense of the province without taxing, among others, the proprietary estates, and had rejected all their bills for lacking such an exempting clause, now intensified his efforts with more hope of success, as the danger and necessity had increased. However, the Assembly remained firm, believing they had justice on their side, and that it would be surrendering an essential right if they allowed the governor to change their money bills. In one of the last proposals, which was to grant fifty thousand pounds, his suggested amendment was just a single word. The bill stated that “all estates, real and personal, were to be taxed, those of the proprietaries not excepted.” His amendment was to change not to only: a small but significant change. However, when news of this disaster reached England, our friends there, to whom we had provided all the Assembly’s responses to the governor’s messages, raised an outcry against the proprietaries for their meanness and injustice in giving their governor such instructions; some even went so far as to say that by obstructing the defense of their province, they forfeited their right to it. They were intimidated by this and sent orders to their receiver-general to add five thousand pounds of their money to whatever amount might be provided by the Assembly for that purpose.

This, being notified to the House, was accepted in lieu of their share of a general tax, and a new bill was form’d, with an exempting clause, which passed accordingly. By this act I was appointed one of the commissioners for disposing of the money, sixty thousand pounds. I had been active in modelling the bill and procuring its passage, and had, at the same time, drawn a bill for establishing and disciplining of a voluntary militia, which I carried thro’ the House without much difficulty, as care was taken in it to leave the Quakers at their liberty. To promote the association necessary to form the militia, I wrote a dialogue, [14] stating and answering all the objections I could think of to such a militia, which was printed, and had, as I thought, great effect.

This was brought to the attention of the House, and they agreed to it as a substitute for their share of a general tax, resulting in the creation of a new bill with an exemption clause, which passed successfully. Through this act, I was appointed as one of the commissioners to manage the fund of sixty thousand pounds. I had been actively involved in shaping the bill and ensuring its approval, and at the same time, I drafted a bill to establish and organize a voluntary militia, which I managed to push through the House without much trouble, as it was carefully designed to allow the Quakers to remain free of obligation. To encourage the formation of the militia, I wrote a dialogue, [14] addressing and countering all the objections I could think of about such a militia, which was published and, in my opinion, had a significant impact.

While the several companies in the city and country were forming and learning their exercise, the governor prevail’d with me to take charge of our North-western frontier, which was infested by the enemy, and provide for the defense of the inhabitants by raising troops and building a line of forts. I undertook this military business, tho’ I did not conceive myself well qualified for it. He gave me a commission with full powers, and a parcel of blank commissions for officers, to be given to whom I thought fit. I had but little difficulty in raising men, having soon five hundred and sixty under my command. My son, who had in the preceding war been an officer in the army rais’d against Canada, was my aid-de-camp, and of great use to me. The Indians had burned Gnadenhut, a village settled by the Moravians, and massacred the inhabitants; but the place was thought a good situation for one of the forts.

While various companies in the city and countryside were being established and figuring out their operations, the governor urged me to take charge of our northwestern frontier, which was troubled by the enemy, and ensure the safety of the residents by recruiting troops and building a series of forts. I took on this military task, even though I didn’t think I was particularly qualified for it. He gave me a commission with full authority and a stack of blank commissions for officers, which I could hand out to whoever I deemed appropriate. I had little trouble getting people to join, quickly assembling five hundred and sixty under my command. My son, who had been an officer in the army during the previous war against Canada, served as my aide-de-camp and was extremely helpful. The Indians had burned Gnadenhut, a village settled by the Moravians, and massacred its residents; however, the location was considered a good spot for one of the forts.

In order to march thither, I assembled the companies at Bethlehem, the chief establishment of those people. I was surprised to find it in so good a posture of defense; the destruction of Gnadenhut had made them apprehend danger. The principal buildings were defended by a stockade; they had purchased a quantity of arms and ammunition from New York, and had even plac’d quantities of small paving stones between the windows of their high stone houses, for their women to throw down upon the heads of any Indians that should attempt to force into them. The armed brethren, too, kept watch, and reliev’d as methodically as in any garrison town. In conversation with the bishop, Spangenberg, I mention’d this my surprise; for, knowing they had obtained an act of Parliament exempting them from military duties in the colonies, I had suppos’d they were conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms. He answer’d me that it was not one of their established principles, but that, at the time of their obtaining that act, it was thought to be a principle with many of their people. On this occasion, however, they, to their surprise, found it adopted by but a few. It seems they were either deceiv’d in themselves, or deceiv’d the Parliament; but common sense, aided by present danger, will sometimes be too strong for whimsical opinions.

To march there, I gathered the groups in Bethlehem, the main settlement of those people. I was surprised to see it so well-fortified; the destruction of Gnadenhut had made them feel threatened. The key buildings were protected by a stockade; they had bought a lot of arms and ammunition from New York, and even placed small paving stones between the windows of their tall stone houses for their women to drop on the heads of any Indians trying to break in. The armed members were also on guard, taking turns as methodically as in any military town. While talking with Bishop Spangenberg, I mentioned my surprise because I knew they had gotten an act of Parliament that exempted them from military duties in the colonies, so I had assumed they were strictly opposed to bearing arms. He replied that it wasn't one of their core principles, but at the time they received that act, it was believed to be a principle for many of their people. However, on this occasion, they found that only a few actually adopted it. It seems they were either mistaken about themselves or misled Parliament, but common sense, especially in the face of danger, can sometimes override quirky beliefs.

It was the beginning of January when we set out upon this business of building forts. I sent one detachment toward the Minisink, with instructions to erect one for the security of that upper part of the country, and another to the lower part, with similar instructions; and I concluded to go myself with the rest of my force to Gnadenhut, where a fort was tho’t more immediately necessary. The Moravians procur’d me five waggons for our tools, stores, baggage, etc.

It was early January when we started the project of building forts. I sent one group towards the Minisink, with orders to set up a fort for the safety of that upper area, and another group to the lower area, with the same instructions; I decided to go myself with the rest of my team to Gnadenhut, where a fort was thought to be more urgently needed. The Moravians got me five wagons for our tools, supplies, luggage, etc.

Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who had been driven from their plantations by the Indians, came to me requesting a supply of firearms, that they might go back and fetch off their cattle. I gave them each a gun with suitable ammunition. We had not march’d many miles before it began to rain, and it continued raining all day; there were no habitations on the road to shelter us, till we arriv’d near night at the house of a German, where, and in his barn, we were all huddled together, as wet as water could make us. It was well we were not attack’d in our march, for our arms were of the most ordinary sort, and our men could not keep their gun locks dry. The Indians are dextrous in contrivances for that purpose, which we had not. They met that day the eleven poor farmers above mentioned, and killed ten of them. The one who escap’d inform’d that his and his companions’ guns would not go off, the priming being wet with the rain.

Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who had been forced off their land by the Indians, came to me asking for firearms so they could return and retrieve their cattle. I gave each of them a gun with appropriate ammunition. We hadn't walked very far before it started to rain, and it kept raining all day; there were no places along the road to shelter us until we arrived near night at a German's house, where we all huddled together in his barn, as wet as could be. It was lucky we weren't attacked during our march, as our weapons were basic, and our men couldn't keep their gun locks dry. The Indians are clever when it comes to that, which we weren't. That day, they encountered the eleven poor farmers I mentioned and killed ten of them. The one who got away reported that his and his friends' guns wouldn't fire because the priming was wet from the rain.

The next day being fair, we continu’d our march, and arriv’d at the desolated Gnadenhut. There was a saw-mill near, round which were left several piles of boards, with which we soon hutted ourselves; an operation the more necessary at that inclement season, as we had no tents. Our first work was to bury more effectually the dead we found there, who had been half interr’d by the country people.

The next day was clear, so we continued our march and arrived at the abandoned Gnadenhut. There was a sawmill nearby, around which were several stacks of boards that we quickly used to build ourselves shelters; this was especially important during that harsh season since we had no tents. Our first task was to properly bury the dead we found there, who had only been partially buried by the local people.

The next morning our fort was plann’d and mark’d out, the circumference measuring four hundred and fifty-five feet, which would require as many palisades to be made of trees, one with another, of a foot diameter each. Our axes, of which we had seventy, were immediately set to work to cut down trees, and, our men being dextrous in the use of them, great despatch was made. Seeing the trees fall so fast, I had the curiosity to look at my watch when two men began to cut at a pine; in six minutes they had it upon the ground, and I found it of fourteen inches diameter. Each pine made three palisades of eighteen feet long, pointed at one end. While these were preparing, our other men dug a trench all round, of three feet deep, in which the palisades were to be planted; and, our waggons, the bodys being taken off, and the fore and hind wheels separated by taking out the pin which united the two parts of the perch, we had ten carriages, with two horses each, to bring the palisades from the woods to the spot. When they were set up, our carpenters built a stage of boards all round within, about six feet high, for the men to stand on when to fire thro’ the loopholes. We had one swivel gun, which we mounted on one of the angles, and fir’d it as soon as fix’d, to let the Indians know, if any were within hearing, that we had such pieces; and thus our fort, if such a magnificent name may be given to so miserable a stockade, was finish’d in a week, though it rain’d so hard every other day that the men could not work.

The next morning, we mapped out our fort, which measured four hundred and fifty-five feet around, requiring that many palisades made from trees, each about a foot in diameter. We immediately put our seventy axes to work chopping down trees, and since our team was skilled at it, we made quick progress. As I watched the trees fall, I got curious and looked at my watch when two men started cutting a pine tree; in just six minutes, they had it on the ground, and it measured fourteen inches in diameter. Each pine provided three palisades that were eighteen feet long and pointed at one end. While these were being prepared, the other men dug a trench three feet deep all the way around, where the palisades would be planted. We also modified our wagons by removing the bodies, and separating the front and back wheels by taking out the pin that held the two parts of the axle together. This gave us ten carriages, each with two horses, to transport the palisades from the woods to the site. Once they were set up, our carpenters built a platform of boards around the inside, about six feet high, for the men to stand on while firing through the loopholes. We had one swivel gun, which we mounted on one of the corners and fired as soon as it was fixed, to let any Indians within earshot know that we had such weapons. Thus, our fort—if such a grand name can be given to such a simple stockade—was completed in a week, even though it rained so heavily every other day that the men couldn’t work.

This gave me occasion to observe, that, when men are employ’d, they are best content’d; for on the days they worked they were good-natur’d and cheerful, and, with the consciousness of having done a good day’s work, they spent the evening jollily; but on our idle days they were mutinous and quarrelsome, finding fault with their pork, the bread, etc., and in continual ill-humor, which put me in mind of a sea-captain, whose rule it was to keep his men constantly at work; and, when his mate once told him that they had done every thing, and there was nothing further to employ them about, “Oh,” says he, “Make them scour the anchor.

This gave me a chance to notice that when people are busy, they’re much happier. On the days they worked, they were friendly and in good spirits, and after a productive day, they enjoyed their evenings. But on the days when we were idle, they became rebellious and irritable, complaining about their pork, the bread, and everything else, staying in a foul mood. This reminded me of a sea captain who had a rule to keep his crew always busy. One time, when his first mate mentioned that they had finished everything and there was nothing left for them to do, he replied, “Oh,” says he, “Make them scour the anchor.

This kind of fort, however contemptible, is a sufficient defense against Indians, who have no cannon. Finding ourselves now posted securely, and having a place to retreat to on occasion, we ventur’d out in parties to scour the adjacent country. We met with no Indians, but we found the places on the neighboring hills where they had lain to watch our proceedings. There was an art in their contrivance of those places, that seems worth mention. It being winter, a fire was necessary for them; but a common fire on the surface of the ground would by its light have discovered their position at a distance. They had therefore dug holes in the ground about three feet diameter, and somewhat deeper; we saw where they had with their hatchets cut off the charcoal from the sides of burnt logs lying in the woods. With these coals they had made small fires in the bottom of the holes, and we observ’d among the weeds and grass the prints of their bodies, made by their laying all round, with their legs hanging down in the holes to keep their feet warm, which, with them, is an essential point. This kind of fire, so manag’d, could not discover them, either by its light, flame, sparks, or even smoke: it appear’d that their number was not great, and it seems they saw we were too many to be attacked by them with prospect of advantage.

This kind of fort, though it may seem insignificant, is a good defense against Native Americans, who don't have cannons. Now that we were safely positioned and had a place to retreat to when needed, we ventured out in groups to explore the nearby area. We didn’t encounter any Native Americans, but we discovered places on the nearby hills where they had been hiding to observe us. There was a cleverness in how they set up those spots that deserves mention. Since it was winter, they needed a fire, but a regular fire on the ground would have revealed their location from a distance. So, they dug holes about three feet wide and slightly deeper; we saw where they had used their hatchets to chop off charcoal from burnt logs in the woods. With these coals, they made small fires at the bottom of the holes, and we noticed imprints of their bodies in the weeds and grass, showing they had laid around the holes with their legs dangling down to keep their feet warm, which is very important for them. This kind of fire, managed this way, couldn’t give away their position by light, flame, sparks, or even smoke: it seemed their numbers were small, and they realized we were too many for them to attack with any real chance of winning.

We had for our chaplain a zealous Presbyterian minister, Mr. Beatty, who complained to me that the men did not generally attend his prayers and exhortations. When they enlisted, they were promised, besides pay and provisions, a gill of rum a day, which was punctually serv’d out to them, half in the morning, and the other half in the evening; and I observ’d they were as punctual in attending to receive it; upon which I said to Mr. Beatty, “It is, perhaps, below the dignity of your profession to act as steward of the rum, but if you were to deal it out and only just after prayers, you would have them all about you.” He liked the tho’t, undertook the office, and, with the help of a few hands to measure out the liquor, executed it to satisfaction, and never were prayers more generally and more punctually attended; so that I thought this method preferable to the punishment inflicted by some military laws for non-attendance on divine service.

We had a dedicated Presbyterian minister as our chaplain, Mr. Beatty, who told me that the soldiers rarely showed up for his prayers and sermons. When they signed up, they were promised not just pay and food but also a gill of rum a day, which was consistently given to them, half in the morning and the other half in the evening. I noticed they were very reliable in showing up to get their rum, so I said to Mr. Beatty, “It might be beneath your dignity to act as the rum distributor, but if you handed it out right after prayers, you’d have everyone there.” He liked the idea, took on the role, and with a few helpers to measure the liquor, he carried it out successfully. Attendance at prayers improved significantly, and I thought this approach was better than the punishments some military laws imposed for skipping divine services.

I had hardly finish’d this business, and got my fort well stor’d with provisions, when I receiv’d a letter from the governor, acquainting me that he had call’d the Assembly, and wished my attendance there, if the posture of affairs on the frontiers was such that my remaining there was no longer necessary. My friends, too, of the Assembly, pressing me by their letters to be, if possible, at the meeting, and my three intended forts being now compleated, and the inhabitants contented to remain on their farms under that protection, I resolved to return; the more willingly, as a New England officer, Colonel Clapham, experienced in Indian war, being on a visit to our establishment, consented to accept the command. I gave him a commission, and, parading the garrison, had it read before them, and introduc’d him to them as an officer who, from his skill in military affairs, was much more fit to command them than myself; and, giving them a little exhortation, took my leave. I was escorted as far as Bethlehem, where I rested a few days to recover from the fatigue I had undergone. The first night, being in a good bed, I could hardly sleep, it was so different from my hard lodging on the floor of our hut at Gnaden wrapt only in a blanket or two.

I had barely finished this work and stocked my fort with supplies when I got a letter from the governor informing me that he had called the Assembly and wanted me to attend, if the situation on the frontiers was such that my stay there was no longer necessary. My friends in the Assembly were also urging me in their letters to be there for the meeting, and since my three planned forts were now completed and the residents were happy to stay on their farms under that protection, I decided to go back. I was even more willing to do so because a New England officer, Colonel Clapham, who had experience in Indian warfare, was visiting our establishment and agreed to take command. I gave him a commission, and after parading the garrison, I had it read to them and introduced him as an officer who was much better suited to lead them than I was because of his military expertise. After giving them a brief pep talk, I took my leave. I was escorted as far as Bethlehem, where I rested for a few days to recover from my exhaustion. The first night, in a comfortable bed, I could hardly sleep; it was so different from the hard lodging on the floor of our hut at Gnaden, wrapped only in a blanket or two.

While at Bethlehem, I inquir’d a little into the practice of the Moravians: some of them had accompanied me, and all were very kind to me. I found they work’d for a common stock, eat at common tables, and slept in common dormitories, great numbers together. In the dormitories I observed loopholes, at certain distances all along just under the ceiling, which I thought judiciously placed for change of air. I was at their church, where I was entertain’d with good musick, the organ being accompanied with violins, hautboys, flutes, clarinets, etc. I understood that their sermons were not usually preached to mixed congregations of men, women, and children, as is our common practice, but that they assembled sometimes the married men, at other times their wives, then the young men, the young women, and the little children, each division by itself. The sermon I heard was to the latter, who came in and were plac’d in rows on benches; the boys under the conduct of a young man, their tutor, and the girls conducted by a young woman. The discourse seem’d well adapted to their capacities, and was deliver’d in a pleasing, familiar manner, coaxing them, as it were, to be good. They behav’d very orderly, but looked pale and unhealthy, which made me suspect they were kept too much within doors, or not allow’d sufficient exercise.

While I was in Bethlehem, I asked a bit about how the Moravians do things. Some of them had joined me, and they were all very kind. I discovered they worked for a shared pool of resources, ate at communal tables, and slept in shared dormitories, with many people together. In the dorms, I noticed small openings along the ceiling, strategically placed for ventilation. I attended their church, where I enjoyed good music, with the organ backed by violins, oboes, flutes, clarinets, and more. I learned that their sermons aren’t usually given to mixed groups of men, women, and children like we often do, but rather they sometimes gather just the married men, then their wives, followed by young men, young women, and little children, each group separately. The sermon I heard was for the children, who came in and sat in rows on benches; the boys were led by a young man who was their tutor, and the girls were guided by a young woman. The talk seemed well suited to their understanding and was delivered in a friendly, approachable way, encouraging them to be good. They behaved very well but looked pale and unhealthy, which made me think they were kept indoors too much or didn’t get enough exercise.

I inquir’d concerning the Moravian marriages, whether the report was true that they were by lot. I was told that lots were us’d only in particular cases; that generally, when a young man found himself dispos’d to marry, he inform’d the elders of his class, who consulted the elder ladies that govern’d the young women. As these elders of the different sexes were well acquainted with the tempers and dispositions of their respective pupils, they could best judge what matches were suitable, and their judgments were generally acquiesc’d in; but if, for example, it should happen that two or three young women were found to be equally proper for the young man, the lot was then recurred to. I objected, if the matches are not made by the mutual choice of the parties, some of them may chance to be very unhappy. “And so they may,” answer’d my informer, “if you let the parties chuse for themselves;” which, indeed, I could not deny.

I asked about Moravian marriages and whether the rumor that they were done by chance was true. I was told that lots were only used in specific situations; generally, when a young man was ready to marry, he would inform the elders of his group, who would then consult the elder women in charge of the young women. Since these elders were familiar with the personalities and traits of their respective members, they could best determine which matches were suitable, and their decisions were usually accepted. However, if it happened that two or three young women were equally suitable for the young man, then they would resort to drawing lots. I raised the point that if the matches are not made by the mutual choice of the individuals, some may end up very unhappy. “And they might,” my informant replied, “if you let the individuals choose for themselves,” which, I had to admit, was true.

Being returned to Philadelphia, I found the association went on swimmingly, the inhabitants that were not Quakers having pretty generally come into it, formed themselves into companies, and chose their captains, lieutenants, and ensigns, according to the new law. Dr. B. visited me, and gave me an account of the pains he had taken to spread a general good liking to the law, and ascribed much to those endeavors. I had had the vanity to ascribe all to my Dialogue; however, not knowing but that he might be in the right, I let him enjoy his opinion, which I take to be generally the best way in such cases. The officers, meeting, chose me to be colonel of the regiment, which I this time accepted. I forget how many companies we had, but we paraded about twelve hundred well-looking men, with a company of artillery, who had been furnished with six brass field-pieces, which they had become so expert in the use of as to fire twelve times in a minute. The first time I reviewed my regiment they accompanied me to my house, and would salute me with some rounds fired before my door, which shook down and broke several glasses of my electrical apparatus. And my new honour proved not much less brittle; for all our commissions were soon after broken by a repeal of the law in England.

When I returned to Philadelphia, I found that the organization was thriving, with most of the non-Quaker residents joining in. They formed companies and elected their captains, lieutenants, and ensigns according to the new law. Dr. B. visited me and told me about the efforts he made to promote a positive attitude towards the law, claiming that his work was largely responsible for its acceptance. I had been a bit vain, believing my Dialogue was the main factor; however, I wasn't sure he wasn't right, so I let him keep his opinion, which I think is usually the best approach in situations like this. The officers, during their meeting, elected me as colonel of the regiment, which I accepted this time. I can't remember how many companies we had, but we paraded about twelve hundred impressive men, along with an artillery company equipped with six brass field pieces. They had become so skilled that they could fire twelve times a minute. During my first review of the regiment, they came to my house and saluted me with a few rounds fired in front of my door, which knocked down and broke several of my electrical apparatus glasses. And my new honor turned out to be just as fragile; all our commissions were quickly nullified by a repeal of the law in England.

During this short time of my colonelship, being about to set out on a journey to Virginia, the officers of my regiment took it into their heads that it would be proper for them to escort me out of town, as far as the Lower Ferry. Just as I was getting on horseback they came to my door, between thirty and forty, mounted, and all in their uniforms. I had not been previously acquainted with the project, or I should have prevented it, being naturally averse to the assuming of state on any occasion; and I was a good deal chagrin’d at their appearance, as I could not avoid their accompanying me. What made it worse was, that, as soon as we began to move, they drew their swords and rode with them naked all the way. Somebody wrote an account of this to the proprietor, and it gave him great offense. No such honor had been paid him when in the province, nor to any of his governors; and he said it was only proper to princes of the blood royal, which may be true for aught I know, who was, and still am, ignorant of the etiquette in such cases.

During my brief time as a colonel, just before I was about to leave for Virginia, the officers in my regiment decided it would be appropriate to escort me out of town to the Lower Ferry. Just as I was about to mount my horse, they arrived at my door—there were about thirty to forty of them, all dressed in their uniforms. I wasn’t aware of this plan ahead of time, or else I would have stopped it, as I didn’t like the idea of making a big deal out of such occasions. I was quite embarrassed by their presence, but I couldn't stop them from coming along. To make matters worse, as soon as we started moving, they drew their swords and rode with them unsheathed the entire way. Someone wrote about this to the owner of the land, and it upset him greatly. He hadn’t received such an honor during his time in the province, nor had any of his governors, and he said it was only proper for royalty, which may be true; I really don’t know much about the etiquette in these situations.

This silly affair, however, greatly increased his rancour against me, which was before not a little, on account of my conduct in the Assembly respecting the exemption of his estate from taxation, which I had always oppos’d very warmly, and not without severe reflections on his meanness and injustice of contending for it. He accused me to the ministry as being the great obstacle to the king’s service, preventing, by my influence in the House, the proper form of the bills for raising money, and he instanced this parade with my officers as a proof of my having an intention to take the government of the province out of his hands by force. He also applied to Sir Everard Fawkener, the postmaster-general, to deprive me of my office; but it had no other effect than to procure from Sir Everard a gentle admonition.

This ridiculous situation, however, significantly fueled his anger toward me, which was already considerable due to my actions in the Assembly regarding the exemption of his estate from taxes, an issue I had consistently opposed quite passionately, criticizing his greed and unfairness for insisting on it. He reported to the ministry that I was the main barrier to the king’s service, claiming that my influence in the House was preventing the bills for raising funds from being properly structured, and he pointed to my display with my officers as evidence that I intended to forcibly wrest control of the province from him. He also approached Sir Everard Fawkener, the postmaster-general, to have me removed from my position; however, the only outcome was a mild warning from Sir Everard.

Notwithstanding the continual wrangle between the governor and the House, in which I, as a member, had so large a share, there still subsisted a civil intercourse between that gentleman and myself, and we never had any personal difference. I have sometimes since thought that his little or no resentment against me, for the answers it was known I drew up to his messages, might be the effect of professional habit, and that, being bred a lawyer, he might consider us both as merely advocates for contending clients in a suit, he for the proprietaries and I for the Assembly. He would, therefore, sometimes call in a friendly way to advise with me on difficult points, and sometimes, tho’ not often, take my advice.

Despite the ongoing conflict between the governor and the House, in which I played a significant role, there was still a polite interaction between him and me, and we never had any personal disagreements. I have occasionally wondered if his lack of resentment toward me for the responses I prepared to his messages was due to his professional background. Being a lawyer, he might have viewed us both as simply representing opposing clients in a case—him for the proprietors and me for the Assembly. As a result, he would sometimes casually reach out to discuss challenging issues with me and occasionally, though not often, take my advice.

We acted in concert to supply Braddock’s army with provisions; and, when the shocking news arrived of his defeat, the governor sent in haste for me, to consult with him on measures for preventing the desertion of the back counties. I forget now the advice I gave; but I think it was, that Dunbar should be written to, and prevail’d with, if possible, to post his troops on the frontiers for their protection, till, by re-enforcements from the colonies, he might be able to proceed on the expedition. And, after my return from the frontier, he would have had me undertake the conduct of such an expedition with provincial troops, for the reduction of Fort Duquesne, Dunbar and his men being otherwise employed; and he proposed to commission me as general. I had not so good an opinion of my military abilities as he profess’d to have, and I believe his professions must have exceeded his real sentiments; but probably he might think that my popularity would facilitate the raising of the men, and my influence in Assembly, the grant of money to pay them, and that, perhaps, without taxing the proprietary estate. Finding me not so forward to engage as he expected, the project was dropt, and he soon after left the government, being superseded by Captain Denny.

We worked together to supply Braddock’s army with supplies; and when we got the shocking news of his defeat, the governor quickly called for me to discuss ways to prevent the back counties from deserting. I can’t remember exactly what advice I gave, but I think it was that we should contact Dunbar and try to convince him to position his troops on the frontiers for protection until reinforcements from the colonies could help him continue with the mission. After I returned from the frontier, he wanted me to take charge of an expedition with provincial troops to take Fort Duquesne, since Dunbar and his men were otherwise occupied, and he suggested commissioning me as a general. I didn’t have as high an opinion of my military skills as he claimed to have, and I believe his confidence in me was more than his true feelings. However, he might have thought that my popularity would help gather the men, and my influence in the Assembly would lead to funding for their payment, perhaps without taxing the proprietary estate. When I didn’t seem as eager to get involved as he expected, the plan was dropped, and he soon left the government, being replaced by Captain Denny.

Before I proceed in relating the part I had in public affairs under this new governor’s administration, it may not be amiss here to give some account of the rise and progress of my philosophical reputation.

Before I dive into my involvement in public affairs during this new governor’s administration, it’s worth taking a moment to share a bit about how my philosophical reputation developed and grew.

In 1746, being at Boston, I met there with a Dr. Spence, who was lately arrived from Scotland, and show’d me some electric experiments. They were imperfectly perform’d, as he was not very expert; but, being on a subject quite new to me, they equally surpris’d and pleased me. Soon after my return to Philadelphia, our library company receiv’d from Mr. P. Collinson, Fellow of the Royal Society of London, a present of a glass tube, with some account of the use of it in making such experiments. I eagerly seized the opportunity of repeating what I had seen at Boston; and, by much practice, acquir’d great readiness in performing those, also, which we had an account of from England, adding a number of new ones. I say much practice, for my house was continually full, for some time, with people who came to see these new wonders.

In 1746, while I was in Boston, I met Dr. Spence, who had just arrived from Scotland and showed me some electric experiments. They were not performed very well since he wasn’t very skilled, but since the subject was completely new to me, I found them both surprising and enjoyable. Shortly after I got back to Philadelphia, our library company received a glass tube from Mr. P. Collinson, a Fellow of the Royal Society of London, along with some information about how to use it for similar experiments. I quickly took the chance to replicate what I had seen in Boston. After a lot of practice, I became quite skilled at performing those experiments as well as several others that we had details about from England, adding many new ones myself. I mention a lot of practice because my house was constantly filled with people who came to see these new wonders for quite some time.

To divide a little this incumbrance among my friends, I caused a number of similar tubes to be blown at our glass-house, with which they furnish’d themselves, so that we had at length several performers. Among these, the principal was Mr. Kinnersley, an ingenious neighbor, who, being out of business, I encouraged to undertake showing the experiments for money, and drew up for him two lectures, in which the experiments were rang’d in such order, and accompanied with such explanations in such method, as that the foregoing should assist in comprehending the following. He procur’d an elegant apparatus for the purpose, in which all the little machines that I had roughly made for myself were nicely form’d by instrument-makers. His lectures were well attended, and gave great satisfaction; and after some time he went thro’ the colonies, exhibiting them in every capital town, and pick’d up some money. In the West India islands, indeed, it was with difficulty the experiments could be made, from the general moisture of the air.

To share some of this burden with my friends, I had several similar tubes made at our glasshouse for them to use, so eventually we had multiple performers. The main one was Mr. Kinnersley, a clever neighbor who was out of work. I encouraged him to start demonstrating the experiments for money and wrote two lectures for him, organizing the experiments in a way that each one would help to understand the next. He got a nice setup for this purpose, where all the little devices I had roughly made for myself were nicely crafted by instrument makers. His lectures had good attendance and were very well received. After a while, he traveled through the colonies, showing them in every major town and made some money. In the West Indies, however, it was difficult to conduct the experiments due to the general humidity in the air.

Oblig’d as we were to Mr. Collinson for his present of the tube, etc., I thought it right he should be inform’d of our success in using it, and wrote him several letters containing accounts of our experiments. He got them read in the Royal Society, where they were not at first thought worth so much notice as to be printed in their Transactions. One paper, which I wrote for Mr. Kinnersley, on the sameness of lightning with electricity, I sent to Dr. Mitchel, an acquaintance of mine, and one of the members also of that society, who wrote me word that it had been read, but was laughed at by the connoisseurs. The papers, however, being shown to Dr. Fothergill, he thought them of too much value to be stifled, and advis’d the printing of them. Mr. Collinson then gave them to Cave for publication in his Gentleman’s Magazine; but he chose to print them separately in a pamphlet, and Dr. Fothergill wrote the preface. Cave, it seems, judged rightly for his profit, for by the additions that arrived after they swell’d to a quarto volume, which has had five editions, and cost him nothing for copy-money.

Grateful as we were to Mr. Collinson for his gift of the tube and other items, I felt it was appropriate to let him know about our success using it, so I wrote several letters detailing our experiments. He had them read at the Royal Society, where they initially weren’t considered significant enough to be published in their Transactions. One paper I wrote for Mr. Kinnersley about the similarity between lightning and electricity was sent to Dr. Mitchel, a friend of mine and a member of the society, who informed me that it was read but ridiculed by the experts. However, when Dr. Fothergill saw the papers, he believed they were too valuable to be ignored and suggested they be published. Mr. Collinson then passed them to Cave for publication in his Gentleman’s Magazine, but he opted to print them separately as a pamphlet, with Dr. Fothergill writing the preface. Cave apparently made the right choice for his benefit, as the additions eventually expanded it into a quarto volume, which has gone through five editions and cost him nothing for copyright fees.

It was, however, some time before those papers were much taken notice of in England. A copy of them happening to fall into the hands of the Count de Buffon, a philosopher deservedly of great reputation in France, and, indeed, all over Europe, he prevailed with M. Dalibard to translate them into French, and they were printed at Paris. The publication offended the Abbé Nollet, preceptor in Natural Philosophy to the royal family, and an able experimenter, who had form’d and publish’d a theory of electricity, which then had the general vogue. He could not at first believe that such a work came from America, and said it must have been fabricated by his enemies at Paris, to decry his system. Afterwards, having been assur’d that there really existed such a person as Franklin at Philadelphia, which he had doubted, he wrote and published a volume of Letters, chiefly address’d to me, defending his theory, and denying the verity of my experiments, and of the positions deduc’d from them.

It took a while before those papers caught much attention in England. A copy ended up in the hands of Count de Buffon, a well-respected philosopher in France and across Europe, who convinced M. Dalibard to translate them into French, and they were published in Paris. This publication upset Abbé Nollet, the tutor in Natural Philosophy to the royal family and a skilled experimenter, who had developed and published a theory of electricity that was widely accepted at the time. He initially found it hard to believe that such a work could come from America and claimed it must have been cooked up by his rivals in Paris to undermine his system. Later, after being assured that Franklin was indeed a real person in Philadelphia, which he had doubted, he wrote and published a volume of Letters, mostly addressed to me, defending his theory and disputing the validity of my experiments and the conclusions drawn from them.

I once purpos’d answering the abbé, and actually began the answer; but, on consideration that my writings contain’d a description of experiments which any one might repeat and verify, and if not to be verifi’d, could not be defended; or of observations offer’d as conjectures, and not delivered dogmatically, therefore not laying me under any obligation to defend them; and reflecting that a dispute between two persons, writing in different languages, might be lengthened greatly by mistranslations, and thence misconceptions of one another’s meaning, much of one of the abbé’s letters being founded on an error in the translation, I concluded to let my papers shift for themselves, believing it was better to spend what time I could spare from public business in making new experiments, than in disputing about those already made. I therefore never answered M. Nollet, and the event gave me no cause to repent my silence; for my friend M. le Roy, of the Royal Academy of Sciences, took up my cause and refuted him; my book was translated into the Italian, German, and Latin languages; and the doctrine it contain’d was by degrees universally adopted by the philosophers of Europe, in preference to that of the abbé; so that he lived to see himself the last of his sect, except Monsieur B———, of Paris, his élève and immediate disciple.

I once planned to respond to the abbé and even started drafting my answer. However, I realized that my writings included descriptions of experiments that anyone could replicate and confirm, and if they couldn’t be verified, I couldn't defend them. My observations were presented as conjectures and not stated dogmatically, so I didn’t feel obligated to defend them. I also thought about how a disagreement between two people writing in different languages could drag on due to mistranslations and misunderstandings, especially since much of the abbé’s letter was based on an error in translation. I decided to let my papers stand on their own, believing it was better to use my available time on new experiments rather than debating those I had already conducted. So I never responded to M. Nollet, and I had no reason to regret my silence because my friend M. le Roy from the Royal Academy of Sciences took up my case and refuted him. My book was translated into Italian, German, and Latin, and gradually, the ideas it contained were widely accepted by philosophers across Europe over the abbé’s theories. He ended up seeing himself as the last of his group, except for Monsieur B——— from Paris, his student and immediate follower.

What gave my book the more sudden and general celebrity, was the success of one of its proposed experiments, made by Messrs. Dalibard and De Lor at Marly, for drawing lightning from the clouds. This engag’d the public attention every where. M. de Lor, who had an apparatus for experimental philosophy, and lectur’d in that branch of science, undertook to repeat what he called the Philadelphia Experiments; and, after they were performed before the king and court, all the curious of Paris flocked to see them. I will not swell this narrative with an account of that capital experiment, nor of the infinite pleasure I receiv’d in the success of a similar one I made soon after with a kite at Philadelphia, as both are to be found in the histories of electricity.

What really made my book popular was the success of one of its proposed experiments, conducted by Messrs. Dalibard and De Lor at Marly, to draw lightning from the clouds. This captured the public's attention everywhere. M. de Lor, who had equipment for experimental philosophy and lectured on that subject, took it upon himself to repeat what he called the Philadelphia Experiments. After he performed them in front of the king and court, everyone in Paris who was curious came to watch. I won’t expand this narrative with details about that important experiment, nor will I discuss the immense pleasure I felt when I conducted a similar experiment with a kite in Philadelphia shortly after, as both are documented in the histories of electricity.

Dr. Wright, an English physician, when at Paris, wrote to a friend, who was of the Royal Society, an account of the high esteem my experiments were in among the learned abroad, and of their wonder that my writings had been so little noticed in England. The society, on this, resum’d the consideration of the letters that had been read to them; and the celebrated Dr. Watson drew up a summary account of them, and of all I had afterwards sent to England on the subject, which he accompanied with some praise of the writer. This summary was then printed in their Transactions; and some members of the society in London, particularly the very ingenious Mr. Canton, having verified the experiment of procuring lightning from the clouds by a pointed rod, and acquainting them with the success, they soon made me more than amends for the slight with which they had before treated me. Without my having made any application for that honor, they chose me a member, and voted that I should be excus’d the customary payments, which would have amounted to twenty-five guineas; and ever since have given me their Transactions gratis. They also presented me with the gold medal of Sir Godfrey Copley for the year 1753, the delivery of which was accompanied by a very handsome speech of the president, Lord Macclesfield, wherein I was highly honoured.

Dr. Wright, an English doctor, wrote to a friend in the Royal Society while in Paris, sharing how highly regarded my experiments were among the scholars abroad and their surprise that my writings had received so little attention in England. In response, the society revisited the letters they had previously reviewed. The well-known Dr. Watson summarized them along with everything I later sent to England on the topic, adding some praise for me as the writer. This summary was then published in their Transactions. Some members of the society in London, especially the clever Mr. Canton, who confirmed the experiment of generating lightning from clouds using a pointed rod and informed them of his success, soon more than made up for the slight I had previously experienced. Without me applying for that honor, they made me a member and voted to excuse me from the usual fees, which would have totaled twenty-five guineas; since then, they have provided me their Transactions for free. They also awarded me the gold medal of Sir Godfrey Copley for the year 1753, which was presented along with a very flattering speech from the president, Lord Macclesfield, in which I was highly honored.

Our new governor, Captain Denny, brought over for me the before-mentioned medal from the Royal Society, which he presented to me at an entertainment given him by the city. He accompanied it with very polite expressions of his esteem for me, having, as he said, been long acquainted with my character. After dinner, when the company, as was customary at that time, were engag’d in drinking, he took me aside into another room, and acquainted me that he had been advis’d by his friends in England to cultivate a friendship with me, as one who was capable of giving him the best advice, and of contributing most effectually to the making his administration easy; that he therefore desired of all things to have a good understanding with me, and he begg’d me to be assur’d of his readiness on all occasions to render me every service that might be in his power. He said much to me, also, of the proprietor’s good disposition towards the province, and of the advantage it might be to us all, and to me in particular, if the opposition that had been so long continu’d to his measures was dropt, and harmony restor’d between him and the people; in effecting which, it was thought no one could be more serviceable than myself; and I might depend on adequate acknowledgments and recompenses, etc., etc. The drinkers, finding we did not return immediately to the table, sent us a decanter of Madeira, which the governor made liberal use of, and in proportion became more profuse of his solicitations and promises.

Our new governor, Captain Denny, brought me the previously mentioned medal from the Royal Society, which he presented to me at an event hosted by the city. He expressed his high regard for me, stating that he had known about my character for a long time. After dinner, when everyone was drinking, he took me aside to another room and informed me that his friends in England had advised him to build a friendship with me, considering me capable of providing the best advice and helping to make his administration easier. He expressed his desire to have a good relationship with me and assured me that he was ready to assist me in any way possible. He also spoke highly of the proprietor’s positive attitude towards the province and how beneficial it could be for all of us, especially me, if we ended the prolonged opposition to his plans and restored harmony between him and the people. He suggested that no one could be more helpful in achieving this than I could, promising adequate recognition and rewards, and so on. The drinkers, noticing that we hadn’t returned to the table right away, sent us a decanter of Madeira, which the governor happily consumed, making his requests and promises even more abundant.

My answers were to this purpose: that my circumstances, thanks to God, were such as to make proprietary favours unnecessary to me; and that, being a member of the Assembly, I could not possibly accept of any; that, however, I had no personal enmity to the proprietary, and that, whenever the public measures he propos’d should appear to be for the good of the people, no one should espouse and forward them more zealously than myself; my past opposition having been founded on this, that the measures which had been urged were evidently intended to serve the proprietary interest, with great prejudice to that of the people; that I was much obliged to him (the governor) for his professions of regard to me, and that he might rely on every thing in my power to make his administration as easy as possible, hoping at the same time that he had not brought with him the same unfortunate instruction his predecessor had been hamper’d with.

My responses were aimed at this: that my situation, thanks to God, was such that I didn’t need any favors from the proprietors; and that, as a member of the Assembly, I simply couldn't accept any. Nevertheless, I held no personal grudge against the proprietor, and whenever the public measures he suggested seemed beneficial to the people, no one would support and promote them more enthusiastically than I. My previous opposition was based on the fact that the measures being pushed were clearly meant to benefit the proprietary interest, to the great detriment of the people. I expressed my gratitude to him (the governor) for his kind words towards me, and assured him he could count on my full support to make his administration as smooth as possible, while also hoping he hadn’t brought along the same unfortunate instructions that his predecessor was burdened with.

On this he did not then explain himself; but when he afterwards came to do business with the Assembly, they appear’d again, the disputes were renewed, and I was as active as ever in the opposition, being the penman, first, of the request to have a communication of the instructions, and then of the remarks upon them, which may be found in the votes of the time, and in the Historical Review I afterward publish’d. But between us personally no enmity arose; we were often together; he was a man of letters, had seen much of the world, and was very entertaining and pleasing in conversation. He gave me the first information that my old friend Jas. Ralph was still alive; that he was esteem’d one of the best political writers in England; had been employ’d in the dispute between Prince Frederic and the king, and had obtain’d a pension of three hundred a year; that his reputation was indeed small as a poet, Pope having damned his poetry in the Dunciad; but his prose was thought as good as any man’s.

He didn’t explain himself at that time, but when he later came to work with the Assembly, the issues came up again. I was just as active in the opposition, being the one to first draft the request for the instructions to be shared, and then to write the comments on them, which can be found in the votes from that period and in the Historical Review I published later. However, personally, we had no animosity; we spent time together often. He was well-read, had traveled a lot, and was very engaging and enjoyable to talk to. He was the first to tell me that my old friend Jas. Ralph was still alive, that he was regarded as one of the best political writers in England, had been involved in the dispute between Prince Frederic and the king, and had secured a pension of three hundred a year. His reputation as a poet was quite low, since Pope had criticized his poetry in the Dunciad, but his prose was considered as good as anyone's.

[15] The Assembly finally finding the proprietary obstinately persisted in manacling their deputies with instructions inconsistent not only with the privileges of the people, but with the service of the crown, resolv’d to petition the king against them, and appointed me their agent to go over to England, to present and support the petition. The House had sent up a bill to the governor, granting a sum of sixty thousand pounds for the king’s use (ten thousand pounds of which was subjected to the orders of the then general, Lord Loudoun), which the governor absolutely refus’d to pass, in compliance with his instructions.

[15] The Assembly, frustrated because the proprietors stubbornly kept tying the hands of their representatives with orders that went against not only the rights of the people but also the interests of the crown, decided to petition the king about it. They chose me as their representative to travel to England to present and advocate for the petition. The House had sent a bill to the governor, proposing a sum of sixty thousand pounds for the king’s use (of which ten thousand pounds was under the control of the then-general, Lord Loudoun), but the governor flat-out refused to approve it because of his instructions.

I had agreed with Captain Morris, of the paquet at New York, for my passage, and my stores were put on board, when Lord Loudoun arriv’d at Philadelphia, expressly, as he told me, to endeavor an accommodation between the governor and Assembly, that his majesty’s service might not be obstructed by their dissensions. Accordingly, he desir’d the governor and myself to meet him, that he might hear what was to be said on both sides. We met and discuss’d the business. In behalf of the Assembly, I urg’d all the various arguments that may be found in the public papers of that time, which were of my writing, and are printed with the minutes of the Assembly; and the governor pleaded his instructions; the bond he had given to observe them, and his ruin if he disobey’d, yet seemed not unwilling to hazard himself if Lord Loudoun would advise it. This his lordship did not chuse to do, though I once thought I had nearly prevail’d with him to do it; but finally he rather chose to urge the compliance of the Assembly; and he entreated me to use my endeavours with them for that purpose, declaring that he would spare none of the king’s troops for the defense of our frontiers, and that, if we did not continue to provide for that defense ourselves, they must remain expos’d to the enemy.

I had made arrangements with Captain Morris, of the packet in New York, for my passage, and my supplies were loaded on board when Lord Loudoun arrived in Philadelphia. He told me he had come specifically to try to mediate between the governor and the Assembly so that the king’s service wouldn’t be disrupted by their disagreements. He asked both the governor and me to meet with him so he could understand perspectives from both sides. We gathered and discussed the matter. Representing the Assembly, I presented all the different arguments found in the public papers of that time, which I had written and are printed with the Assembly’s minutes. The governor defended his position based on his instructions, the commitment he had made to uphold them, and the consequences he would face if he didn’t comply. Still, he seemed somewhat open to taking risks if Lord Loudoun would advise him to do so. However, Lord Loudoun chose not to do that, even though I thought I was close to convincing him. In the end, he preferred to push for the Assembly's compliance and asked me to work with them on that. He stated that he wouldn’t hold back any of the king’s troops for the defense of our frontiers and warned that if we didn’t continue to provide for that defense ourselves, they would remain vulnerable to the enemy.

I acquainted the House with what had pass’d, and, presenting them with a set of resolutions I had drawn up, declaring our rights, and that we did not relinquish our claim to those rights, but only suspended the exercise of them on this occasion thro’ force, against which we protested, they at length agreed to drop that bill, and frame another conformable to the proprietary instructions. This of course the governor pass’d, and I was then at liberty to proceed on my voyage. But, in the meantime, the paquet had sailed with my sea-stores, which was some loss to me, and my only recompense was his lordship’s thanks for my service, all the credit of obtaining the accommodation falling to his share.

I informed the House about what had happened and presented them with a set of resolutions I had written up, stating our rights and that we were not giving up our claim to those rights, but only suspending their exercise on this occasion due to force, which we protested against. Eventually, they agreed to drop that bill and create another one in line with the proprietary instructions. The governor approved this, and I was then free to continue my voyage. However, in the meantime, the package had already sailed with my supplies, which was a loss for me, and my only compensation was the thanks from his lordship for my service, with all the credit for getting the agreement going going to him.

He set out for New York before me; and, as the time for dispatching the paquet-boats was at his disposition, and there were two then remaining there, one of which, he said, was to sail very soon, I requested to know the precise time, that I might not miss her by any delay of mine. His answer was, “I have given out that she is to sail on Saturday next; but I may let you know, entre nous, that if you are there by Monday morning, you will be in time, but do not delay longer.” By some accidental hinderance at a ferry, it was Monday noon before I arrived, and I was much afraid she might have sailed, as the wind was fair; but I was soon made easy by the information that she was still in the harbor, and would not move till the next day. One would imagine that I was now on the very point of departing for Europe. I thought so; but I was not then so well acquainted with his lordship’s character, of which indecision was one of the strongest features. I shall give some instances. It was about the beginning of April that I came to New York, and I think it was near the end of June before we sail’d. There were then two of the paquet-boats, which had been long in port, but were detained for the general’s letters, which were always to be ready to-morrow. Another paquet arriv’d; she too was detain’d; and, before we sail’d, a fourth was expected. Ours was the first to be dispatch’d, as having been there longest. Passengers were engag’d in all, and some extremely impatient to be gone, and the merchants uneasy about their letters, and the orders they had given for insurance (it being war time) for fall goods! but their anxiety avail’d nothing; his lordship’s letters were not ready; and yet whoever waited on him found him always at his desk, pen in hand, and concluded he must needs write abundantly.

He left for New York before I did; and, since he could decide when the packet boats would leave and there were two still there, one of which he said would set sail very soon, I asked him exactly when so I wouldn’t miss it due to any delay on my part. He replied, “I’ve said she’ll sail next Saturday; but I can privately let you know that if you’re there by Monday morning, you’ll make it in time, but don’t wait any longer.” Due to a delay at a ferry, I arrived by noon on Monday and was worried she might have already left, especially since the wind was good; but I soon relaxed when I learned she was still in the harbor and wouldn’t leave until the next day. You might think I was ready to head off to Europe. I thought so too, but I hadn’t yet realized what a big part indecisiveness played in his lordship's character. I'll give some examples. I came to New York around the beginning of April, and it wasn’t until near the end of June that we finally set sail. At that time, there were two packet boats that had been in port for a while, but they were held up waiting for the general’s letters, which were always “ready tomorrow.” Another packet arrived; it was also delayed, and before we sailed, a fourth one was expected. Ours was the first to be sent off since it had been there the longest. Passengers were booked for all of them, and some were extremely eager to leave, while merchants were anxious about their letters and the orders they had placed for insurance (it was wartime) for upcoming goods! But their anxiety didn’t change anything; his lordship’s letters weren’t ready. Yet anyone who visited him found him always at his desk, pen in hand, and assumed he must have been writing a lot.

Going myself one morning to pay my respects, I found in his antechamber one Innis, a messenger of Philadelphia, who had come from thence express with a paquet from Governor Denny for the General. He delivered to me some letters from my friends there, which occasion’d my inquiring when he was to return, and where he lodg’d, that I might send some letters by him. He told me he was order’d to call to-morrow at nine for the general’s answer to the governor, and should set off immediately. I put my letters into his hands the same day. A fortnight after I met him again in the same place. “So, you are soon return’d, Innis?” “Returned! no, I am not gone yet.” “How so?” “I have called here by order every morning these two weeks past for his lordship’s letter, and it is not yet ready.” “Is it possible, when he is so great a writer? for I see him constantly at his escritoire.” “Yes,” says Innis, “but he is like St. George on the signs, always on horseback, and never rides on.” This observation of the messenger was, it seems, well founded; for, when in England, I understood that Mr. Pitt gave it as one reason for removing this general, and sending Generals Amherst and Wolfe, that the minister never heard from him, and could not know what he was doing.

One morning, when I went to pay my respects, I found a messenger from Philadelphia named Innis waiting in the antechamber. He had come with a package from Governor Denny for the General. He also handed me some letters from my friends there, which made me ask when he was returning and where he was staying so I could send some letters with him. He told me he was scheduled to come back tomorrow at nine for the General’s response to the governor and would leave right after. I handed him my letters the same day. Two weeks later, I saw him again in the same spot. “So, you’re back already, Innis?” “Back? No, I haven’t left yet.” “How come?” “I’ve been coming here every morning for the last two weeks to get his lordship’s letter, and it’s still not ready.” “Is that possible, with him being such a prolific writer? I see him at his desk all the time.” “Yes,” Innis replied, “but he’s like St. George on the signs, always on horseback, but never rides off.” This observation from the messenger turned out to be quite accurate; when I was in England, I learned that Mr. Pitt mentioned as one reason for replacing this General with Generals Amherst and Wolfe, was that the minister never heard from him and couldn’t know what he was doing.

This daily expectation of sailing, and all the three paquets going down to Sandy Hook, to join the fleet there, the passengers thought it best to be on board, lest by a sudden order the ships should sail, and they be left behind. There, if I remember right, we were about six weeks, consuming our sea-stores, and oblig’d to procure more. At length the fleet sail’d, the General and all his army on board, bound to Louisburg, with intent to besiege and take that fortress; all the paquet-boats in company ordered to attend the General’s ship, ready to receive his dispatches when they should be ready. We were out five days before we got a letter with leave to part, and then our ship quitted the fleet and steered for England. The other two paquets he still detained, carried them with him to Halifax, where he stayed some time to exercise the men in sham attacks upon sham forts, then alter’d his mind as to besieging Louisburg, and return’d to New York, with all his troops, together with the two paquets above mentioned, and all their passengers! During his absence the French and savages had taken Fort George, on the frontier of that province, and the savages had massacred many of the garrison after capitulation.

This daily expectation of sailing, along with all three ships going down to Sandy Hook to join the fleet, made the passengers think it was best to be on board, in case the ships suddenly received orders to sail and they got left behind. If I remember correctly, we were there for about six weeks, using up our supplies and having to get more. Finally, the fleet set sail, with the General and his entire army onboard, headed for Louisburg with plans to lay siege to that fortress. All the packet boats were instructed to follow the General's ship, ready to receive his dispatches when he was ready. We were out for five days before we got a letter giving us permission to leave, and then our ship separated from the fleet and headed for England. The other two packet boats stayed with the General, who took them to Halifax, where he spent some time training the troops with mock attacks on fake forts. He eventually changed his mind about besieging Louisburg and returned to New York with all his troops, along with the two packet boats and all their passengers! During his absence, the French and their allies captured Fort George on the frontier of that province, and many of the garrison were massacred by the allies after they surrendered.

I saw afterwards in London Captain Bonnell, who commanded one of those paquets. He told me that, when he had been detain’d a month, he acquainted his lordship that his ship was grown foul, to a degree that must necessarily hinder her fast sailing, a point of consequence for a paquet-boat, and requested an allowance of time to heave her down and clean her bottom. He was asked how long that would require. He answer’d, three days. The general replied, “If you can do it in one day, I give leave; otherwise not; for you must certainly sail the day after to-morrow.” So he never obtain’d leave, though detained afterwards from day to day during full three months.

I later saw Captain Bonnell in London, who was in charge of one of those packet ships. He told me that after being held for a month, he informed his superior that his ship had become so dirty that it would significantly slow her down, which is crucial for a packet boat. He asked for additional time to clean her up. When asked how long it would take, he replied three days. The general said, “If you can do it in one day, I’ll allow it; otherwise, no, because you must definitely set sail the day after tomorrow.” So, he never got permission, even though he was held for an additional three months day after day.

I saw also in London one of Bonnell’s passengers, who was so enrag’d against his lordship for deceiving and detaining him so long at New York, and then carrying him to Halifax and back again, that he swore he would sue for damages. Whether he did or not, I never heard; but, as he represented the injury to his affairs, it was very considerable.

I also saw in London one of Bonnell’s passengers, who was really angry with his lord for misleading and keeping him stuck in New York for so long, and then taking him to Halifax and back again. He swore he would sue for damages. I never found out if he did, but he said the impact on his situation was quite serious.

On the whole, I wonder’d much how such a man came to be intrusted with so important a business as the conduct of a great army; but, having since seen more of the great world, and the means of obtaining, and motives for giving places, my wonder is diminished. General Shirley, on whom the command of the army devolved upon the death of Braddock, would, in my opinion, if continued in place, have made a much better campaign than that of Loudoun in 1757, which was frivolous, expensive, and disgraceful to our nation beyond conception; for, tho’ Shirley was not a bred soldier, he was sensible and sagacious in himself, and attentive to good advice from others, capable of forming judicious plans, and quick and active in carrying them into execution. Loudoun, instead of defending the colonies with his great army, left them totally expos’d while he paraded idly at Halifax, by which means Fort George was lost, besides, he derang’d all our mercantile operations, and distress’d our trade, by a long embargo on the exportation of provisions, on pretence of keeping supplies from being obtain’d by the enemy, but in reality for beating down their price in favor of the contractors, in whose profits, it was said, perhaps from suspicion only, he had a share. And, when at length the embargo was taken off, by neglecting to send notice of it to Charlestown, the Carolina fleet was detain’d near three months longer, whereby their bottoms were so much damaged by the worm that a great part of them foundered in their passage home.

Overall, I was really surprised that someone like him was put in charge of such an important task as leading a large army. But after seeing more of the world and understanding how positions are obtained and the reasons for giving them, my surprise has worn off. General Shirley, who took command of the army after Braddock's death, would have, in my view, conducted a much better campaign than Loudoun did in 1757, which was pointless, costly, and utterly embarrassing for our country. Even though Shirley wasn't a trained soldier, he was smart and insightful and was open to good advice from others. He was capable of making sound plans and was quick and efficient in executing them. Loudoun, instead of protecting the colonies with his large army, left them completely vulnerable while he idly showed off in Halifax. As a result, Fort George was lost. He also messed up all our trading operations and harmed our economy by imposing a long embargo on food exports, claiming it was to prevent the enemy from getting supplies, but in reality, it was to drive down prices for the contractors, who some suspected he profited from. When the embargo was finally lifted, he failed to notify Charlestown, causing the Carolina fleet to be delayed for nearly three more months. As a result, many of their ships were damaged by pests, and a large portion of them sank on the way home.

Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad of being relieved from so burdensome a charge as the conduct of an army must be to a man unacquainted with military business. I was at the entertainment given by the city of New York to Lord Loudoun, on his taking upon him the command. Shirley, tho’ thereby superseded, was present also. There was a great company of officers, citizens, and strangers, and, some chairs having been borrowed in the neighborhood, there was one among them very low, which fell to the lot of Mr. Shirley. Perceiving it as I sat by him, I said, “They have given you, sir, too low a seat.” “No matter,” says he, “Mr. Franklin, I find a low seat the easiest.”

Shirley was, I think, genuinely relieved to be freed from such a heavy responsibility as leading an army must be for someone inexperienced in military affairs. I attended the event the city of New York hosted for Lord Loudoun as he assumed command. Shirley, though replaced, was also there. A large group of officers, citizens, and guests gathered, and some chairs had been borrowed from the neighborhood. One of these chairs was quite low, and it happened to go to Mr. Shirley. Noticing this as I sat next to him, I said, "They gave you too low a seat, sir." "No worries," he replied, "Mr. Franklin, I find a low seat the easiest."

While I was, as afore mention’d, detain’d at New York, I receiv’d all the accounts of the provisions, etc., that I had furnish’d to Braddock, some of which accounts could not sooner be obtain’d from the different persons I had employ’d to assist in the business. I presented them to Lord Loudoun, desiring to be paid the ballance. He caus’d them to be regularly examined by the proper officer, who, after comparing every article with its voucher, certified them to be right; and the balance due for which his lordship promis’d to give me an order on the paymaster. This was, however, put off from time to time; and, tho’ I call’d often for it by appointment, I did not get it. At length, just before my departure, he told me he had, on better consideration, concluded not to mix his accounts with those of his predecessors. “And you,” says he, “when in England, have only to exhibit your accounts at the treasury, and you will be paid immediately.”

While I was, as mentioned earlier, held up in New York, I received all the accounts of the supplies, etc., that I had provided to Braddock. Some of these accounts couldn't be obtained sooner from the various people I had hired to help with the task. I presented them to Lord Loudoun, asking to be paid the balance. He had them thoroughly examined by the appropriate officer, who certified that everything matched its receipt. Lord Loudoun promised to give me an order on the paymaster for the amount owed. However, this was delayed repeatedly, and even though I often asked for it by appointment, I didn’t receive it. Finally, just before I was set to leave, he told me that after further consideration, he decided not to mix his accounts with those of his predecessors. “And you,” he said, “when you’re in England, just need to show your accounts at the treasury, and you’ll be paid right away.”

I mention’d, but without effect, the great and unexpected expense I had been put to by being detain’d so long at New York, as a reason for my desiring to be presently paid; and on my observing that it was not right I should be put to any further trouble or delay in obtaining the money I had advanc’d, as I charged no commission for my service, “O, sir,” says he, “you must not think of persuading us that you are no gainer; we understand better those affairs, and know that every one concerned in supplying the army finds means, in the doing it, to fill his own pockets.” I assur’d him that was not my case, and that I had not pocketed a farthing; but he appear’d clearly not to believe me; and, indeed, I have since learnt that immense fortunes are often made in such employments. As to my ballance, I am not paid it to this day, of which more hereafter.

I mentioned, but to no avail, the huge and unexpected costs I incurred by being stuck in New York for so long as a reason for wanting to be paid right away. When I pointed out that it wasn’t fair for me to face any more trouble or delays in getting the money I had advanced, since I wasn’t charging any commission for my service, he said, “Oh, sir, don’t try to convince us that you aren’t making a profit; we know better about these matters and realize that everyone involved in supporting the army finds ways to line their own pockets.” I assured him that wasn’t the case for me, and that I hadn’t pocketed a single penny; but he clearly didn’t believe me. In fact, I’ve since learned that huge fortunes are often made in such jobs. As for the balance I’m owed, I still haven’t been paid to this day, and I’ll share more about that later.

Our captain of the paquet had boasted much, before we sailed, of the swiftness of his ship; unfortunately, when we came to sea, she proved the dullest of ninety-six sail, to his no small mortification. After many conjectures respecting the cause, when we were near another ship almost as dull as ours, which, however, gain’d upon us, the captain ordered all hands to come aft, and stand as near the ensign staff as possible. We were, passengers included, about forty persons. While we stood there, the ship mended her pace, and soon left her neighbour far behind, which prov’d clearly what our captain suspected, that she was loaded too much by the head. The casks of water, it seems, had been all plac’d forward; these he therefore order’d to be mov’d further aft, on which the ship recover’d her character, and proved the sailer in the fleet.

Our captain of the packet had bragged a lot before we set sail about how fast his ship was; unfortunately, once we hit the sea, she turned out to be the slowest of the ninety-six ships, which was quite embarrassing for him. After many guesses about the reason, when we were near another ship that was almost as slow as ours, which, however, was catching up to us, the captain had everyone come to the back and stand as close to the flagpole as possible. There were about forty of us, including passengers. While we stood there, the ship picked up speed and soon left the other ship far behind, which clearly confirmed what our captain suspected—that she was too heavily loaded in the front. It turns out all the water barrels had been placed at the front, so he ordered them to be moved further back, after which the ship regained her reputation and became the fastest in the fleet.

The captain said she had once gone at the rate of thirteen knots, which is accounted thirteen miles per hour. We had on board, as a passenger, Captain Kennedy, of the Navy, who contended that it was impossible, and that no ship ever sailed so fast, and that there must have been some error in the division of the log-line, or some mistake in heaving the log. A wager ensu’d between the two captains, to be decided when there should be sufficient wind. Kennedy thereupon examin’d rigorously the log-line, and, being satisfi’d with that, he determin’d to throw the log himself. Accordingly some days after, when the wind blew very fair and fresh, and the captain of the paquet, Lutwidge, said he believ’d she then went at the rate of thirteen knots, Kennedy made the experiment, and own’d his wager lost.

The captain said she had once traveled at thirteen knots, which is about thirteen miles per hour. We had on board a passenger, Captain Kennedy from the Navy, who argued that it was impossible and that no ship could sail that fast. He believed there must have been a mistake in measuring the log-line or in dropping the log. A bet ensued between the two captains, which would be settled when the wind was strong enough. Kennedy then carefully examined the log-line, and being satisfied with it, decided to throw the log himself. A few days later, when the wind was fair and blowing strongly, and Captain Lutwidge of the paquet claimed that they were indeed traveling at thirteen knots, Kennedy conducted the experiment and admitted that he lost the bet.

The above fact I give for the sake of the following observation. It has been remark’d, as an imperfection in the art of ship-building, that it can never be known, till she is tried, whether a new ship will or will not be a good sailer; for that the model of a good-sailing ship has been exactly follow’d in a new one, which has prov’d, on the contrary, remarkably dull. I apprehend that this may partly be occasion’d by the different opinions of seamen respecting the modes of lading, rigging, and sailing of a ship; each has his system; and the same vessel, laden by the judgment and orders of one captain, shall sail better or worse than when by the orders of another. Besides, it scarce ever happens that a ship is form’d, fitted for the sea, and sail’d by the same person. One man builds the hull, another rigs her, a third lades and sails her. No one of these has the advantage of knowing all the ideas and experience of the others, and, therefore, can not draw just conclusions from a combination of the whole.

The fact I mentioned above serves to support the following observation. It has been noted that a flaw in shipbuilding is that you can’t really know if a new ship will be a good sailor until it’s actually put to the test; even if the design follows the model of a well-performing ship, it can still end up being surprisingly slow. I believe this may be partly due to the differing opinions among sailors regarding how to load, rig, and sail a ship; each has their own method. The same vessel might sail better or worse depending on who is in charge of loading and sailing it. Additionally, it almost never happens that one person builds, equips, and sails a ship. One person may construct the hull, another rigs it, and a third loads and sails it. None of them has the benefit of understanding all the ideas and experiences of the others, so they can’t draw accurate conclusions from the whole picture.

Even in the simple operation of sailing when at sea, I have often observ’d different judgments in the officers who commanded the successive watches, the wind being the same. One would have the sails trimm’d sharper or flatter than another, so that they seem’d to have no certain rule to govern by. Yet I think a set of experiments might be instituted, first, to determine the most proper form of the hull for swift sailing; next, the best dimensions and properest place for the masts: then the form and quantity of sails, and their position, as the wind may be; and, lastly, the disposition of the lading. This is an age of experiments, and I think a set accurately made and combin’d would be of great use. I am persuaded, therefore, that ere long some ingenious philosopher will undertake it, to whom I wish success.

Even in the straightforward task of sailing at sea, I've often noticed different opinions among the officers in charge of the various watches, even when the wind was the same. One would have the sails adjusted more tightly or loosely than another, making it seem like there was no consistent rule to follow. However, I believe a series of experiments could be conducted, first to find the best hull shape for fast sailing; next, the ideal dimensions and best placement for the masts; then the shape and amount of sails, and their positioning based on the wind; and finally, the arrangement of the cargo. This is an era of experimentation, and I think a well-designed and coordinated set of tests would be incredibly beneficial. I'm convinced that soon, some creative thinker will take on this challenge, and I wish them success.

We were several times chas’d in our passage, but outsail’d every thing, and in thirty days had soundings. We had a good observation, and the captain judg’d himself so near our port, Falmouth, that, if we made a good run in the night, we might be off the mouth of that harbor in the morning, and by running in the night might escape the notice of the enemy’s privateers, who often crus’d near the entrance of the channel. Accordingly, all the sail was set that we could possibly make, and the wind being very fresh and fair, we went right before it, and made great way. The captain, after his observation, shap’d his course, as he thought, so as to pass wide of the Scilly Isles; but it seems there is sometimes a strong indraught setting up St. George’s Channel, which deceives seamen and caused the loss of Sir Cloudesley Shovel’s squadron. This indraught was probably the cause of what happened to us.

We were chased a few times during our journey, but we managed to outrun everything, and after thirty days we finally got soundings. We had a solid reading, and the captain believed we were close to our destination, Falmouth. He figured if we had a good run through the night, we could be off the harbor entrance by morning and potentially avoid the enemy privateers that often patrolled near the channel entrance. So, we set all the sails we could, and with a strong, favorable wind, we flew along and made good progress. After taking his reading, the captain charted a course that he thought would keep us clear of the Scilly Isles. However, there can sometimes be a strong current flowing into St. George’s Channel, which misleads sailors and led to the destruction of Sir Cloudesley Shovel’s squadron. This current was likely what caused our troubles.

We had a watchman plac’d in the bow, to whom they often called, “Look well out before there,” and he as often answered, “Ay ay;” but perhaps had his eyes shut, and was half asleep at the time, they sometimes answering, as is said, mechanically; for he did not see a light just before us, which had been hid by the studdingsails from the man at the helm, and from the rest of the watch, but by an accidental yaw of the ship was discover’d, and occasion’d a great alarm, we being very near it, the light appearing to me as big as a cart-wheel. It was midnight, and our captain fast asleep; but Captain Kennedy, jumping upon deck, and seeing the danger, ordered the ship to wear round, all sails standing; an operation dangerous to the masts, but it carried us clear, and we escaped shipwreck, for we were running right upon the rocks on which the light-house was erected. This deliverance impressed me strongly with the utility of light-houses, and made me resolve to encourage the building more of them in America, if I should live to return there.

We had a lookout positioned at the front, who they often called, “Keep a close watch up there,” and he would frequently reply, “Sure thing,” but he might have had his eyes closed and was half asleep at that moment, sometimes responding, as they say, on autopilot; because he didn’t see a light right in front of us, which was blocked from the helmsman and the rest of the watch by the sails, but by a sudden shift of the ship, it was revealed, causing a huge scare, since we were very close to it, the light looking to me as big as a cartwheel. It was midnight, and our captain was sound asleep; but Captain Kennedy jumped on deck, saw the danger, and ordered the ship to turn around, with all sails up; a move that was risky for the masts, but it got us clear, and we avoided shipwreck, as we were headed straight for the rocks where the lighthouse was built. This escape made me really appreciate the importance of lighthouses and inspired me to support the construction of more of them in America, if I got the chance to return there.

In the morning it was found by the soundings, etc., that we were near our port, but a thick fog hid the land from our sight. About nine o’clock the fog began to rise, and seem’d to be lifted up from the water like the curtain at a play-house, discovering underneath, the town of Falmouth, the vessels in its harbor, and the fields that surrounded it. This was a most pleasing spectacle to those who had been so long without any other prospects than the uniform view of a vacant ocean, and it gave us the more pleasure as we were now free from the anxieties which the state of war occasion’d.

In the morning, our readings showed that we were close to our port, but a thick fog hid the land from view. Around nine o’clock, the fog began to lift, rising from the water like a theater curtain, revealing the town of Falmouth, the ships in its harbor, and the fields around it. This was a delightful sight for those of us who had only seen the endless, empty ocean for so long, and it felt even better since we were now free from the worries brought on by the war.

I set out immediately, with my son, for London, and we only stopt a little by the way to view Stonehenge on Salisbury Plain, and Lord Pembroke’s house and gardens, with his very curious antiquities at Wilton. We arrived in London the 27th of July, 1757. [16]

I set out right away with my son for London, and we only stopped briefly to check out Stonehenge on Salisbury Plain, along with Lord Pembroke’s house and gardens, featuring his interesting collection of antiquities at Wilton. We got to London on July 27, 1757. [16]


As soon as I was settled in a lodging Mr. Charles had provided for me, I went to visit Dr. Fothergill, to whom I was strongly recommended, and whose counsel respecting my proceedings I was advis’d to obtain. He was against an immediate complaint to government, and thought the proprietaries should first be personally appli’d to, who might possibly be induc’d by the interposition and persuasion of some private friends, to accommodate matters amicably. I then waited on my old friend and correspondent, Mr. Peter Collinson, who told me that John Hanbury, the great Virginia merchant, had requested to be informed when I should arrive, that he might carry me to Lord Granville’s, who was then President of the Council and wished to see me as soon as possible. I agreed to go with him the next morning. Accordingly Mr. Hanbury called for me and took me in his carriage to that nobleman’s, who receiv’d me with great civility; and after some questions respecting the present state of affairs in America and discourse thereupon, he said to me: “You Americans have wrong ideas of the nature of your constitution; you contend that the king’s instructions to his governors are not laws, and think yourselves at liberty to regard or disregard them at your own discretion. But those instructions are not like the pocket instructions given to a minister going abroad, for regulating his conduct in some trifling point of ceremony. They are first drawn up by judges learned in the laws; they are then considered, debated, and perhaps amended in Council, after which they are signed by the king. They are then, so far as they relate to you, the law of the land, for the king is the Legislator of the Colonies.” I told his lordship this was new doctrine to me. I had always understood from our charters that our laws were to be made by our Assemblies, to be presented indeed to the king for his royal assent, but that being once given the king could not repeal or alter them. And as the Assemblies could not make permanent laws without his assent, so neither could he make a law for them without theirs. He assur’d me I was totally mistaken. I did not think so, however, and his lordship’s conversation having a little alarm’d me as to what might be the sentiments of the court concerning us, I wrote it down as soon as I return’d to my lodgings. I recollected that about 20 years before, a clause in a bill brought into Parliament by the ministry had propos’d to make the king’s instructions laws in the colonies, but the clause was thrown out by the Commons, for which we adored them as our friends and friends of liberty, till by their conduct towards us in 1765 it seem’d that they had refus’d that point of sovereignty to the king only that they might reserve it for themselves.

As soon as as I got settled into a place Mr. Charles had arranged for me, I went to visit Dr. Fothergill, who had come highly recommended, and whose advice on my next steps I was advised to seek. He suggested against making an immediate complaint to the government and believed that I should first reach out to the proprietors directly, as they might be persuaded by some private friends to resolve things amicably. I then visited my old friend and correspondent, Mr. Peter Collinson, who informed me that John Hanbury, the prominent Virginia merchant, wanted to know when I would arrive so he could take me to see Lord Granville, who was the President of the Council at that time and wanted to meet with me as soon as possible. I agreed to go with him the next morning. So, Mr. Hanbury came to pick me up and took me in his carriage to the nobleman’s residence. Lord Granville welcomed me very graciously, and after asking about the current situation in America and discussing it, he said: “You Americans have a wrong understanding of your constitution; you argue that the king’s instructions to his governors aren't laws and believe you can choose whether to follow them or not. But those instructions are not like the informal guidelines given to a minister going abroad for minor matters. They are initially drafted by judges knowledgeable in the law; they are then reviewed, debated, and possibly revised in Council, and afterward signed by the king. Therefore, as far as they pertain to you, they are the law of the land, as the king is the Colonial Legislator.” I told his lordship that this was a new concept to me. I had always understood from our charters that our laws were to be created by our Assemblies, which were to be presented to the king for his royal approval. Once that approval was given, the king could not repeal or alter them. And since the Assemblies could not create permanent laws without his approval, he likewise could not make a law for them without their consent. He assured me that I was entirely mistaken. However, I didn't think so, and his lordship’s remarks made me a bit uneasy regarding the court's views on us, so I wrote it down as soon as I got back to my lodging. I recalled that about 20 years earlier, a clause in a bill proposed in Parliament by the ministry sought to make the king’s instructions laws in the colonies, but the Commons rejected it. We admired them as our allies and champions of liberty until their actions towards us in 1765 suggested that they refused that aspect of sovereignty for the king just so they could claim it for themselves.

After some days, Dr. Fothergill having spoken to the proprietaries, they agreed to a meeting with me at Mr. T. Penn’s house in Spring Garden. The conversation at first consisted of mutual declarations of disposition to reasonable accommodations, but I suppose each party had its own ideas of what should be meant by reasonable. We then went into consideration of our several points of complaint, which I enumerated. The proprietaries justify’d their conduct as well as they could, and I the Assembly’s. We now appeared very wide, and so far from each other in our opinions as to discourage all hope of agreement. However, it was concluded that I should give them the heads of our complaints in writing, and they promis’d then to consider them. I did so soon after, but they put the paper into the hands of their solicitor, Ferdinand John Paris, who managed for them all their law business in their great suit with the neighbouring proprietary of Maryland, Lord Baltimore, which had subsisted 70 years, and wrote for them all their papers and messages in their dispute with the Assembly. He was a proud, angry man, and as I had occasionally in the answers of the Assembly treated his papers with some severity, they being really weak in point of argument and haughty in expression, he had conceived a mortal enmity to me, which discovering itself whenever we met, I declin’d the proprietary’s proposal that he and I should discuss the heads of complaint between our two selves, and refus’d treating with any one but them. They then by his advice put the paper into the hands of the Attorney and Solicitor-General for their opinion and counsel upon it, where it lay unanswered a year wanting eight days, during which time I made frequent demands of an answer from the proprietaries, but without obtaining any other than that they had not yet received the opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor-General. What it was when they did receive it I never learnt, for they did not communicate it to me, but sent a long message to the Assembly drawn and signed by Paris, reciting my paper, complaining of its want of formality, as a rudeness on my part, and giving a flimsy justification of their conduct, adding that they should be willing to accommodate matters if the Assembly would send out some person of candour to treat with them for that purpose, intimating thereby that I was not such.

After a few days, Dr. Fothergill talked to the proprietors, and they agreed to meet with me at Mr. T. Penn’s house in Spring Garden. The conversation began with both sides expressing a willingness to find reasonable compromises, but I think each side had different ideas about what “reasonable” meant. We then discussed our various complaints, which I listed out. The proprietors defended their actions as best as they could, and I defended the Assembly's stance. It became clear that we were very far apart in our opinions, making any hope for an agreement seem unlikely. However, it was decided that I would send them a written summary of our complaints, and they promised to consider it. I did so shortly afterward, but they handed the document to their lawyer, Ferdinand John Paris, who handled all their legal matters in their long-standing case against the nearby proprietor of Maryland, Lord Baltimore, which had lasted for 70 years, and wrote all their documents and messages for their disputes with the Assembly. He was a proud and angry man, and since I had sometimes responded harshly to his papers in the Assembly's replies, which were indeed weak in argument and arrogant in tone, he developed a deep-seated resentment toward me. This hostility was evident whenever we met, so I refused the proprietors' suggestion that he and I discuss the complaints privately, insisting that I would only negotiate with them. Following his advice, they then submitted the paper to the Attorney and Solicitor-General for their thoughts and guidance, where it remained unanswered for nearly a year. During that time, I repeatedly requested a response from the proprietors, only to receive updates that they were still waiting for the opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor-General. When they finally got it, I never learned what it was, as they didn’t share it with me. Instead, they sent a lengthy message to the Assembly, crafted and signed by Paris, summarizing my document, criticizing its lack of formality as a slight on my part, and offering a flimsy justification of their actions. They added that they would be open to settling matters if the Assembly sent someone "of candor" to negotiate, implying that I was not that person.

The want of formality or rudeness was, probably, my not having address’d the paper to them with their assum’d titles of True and Absolute Proprietaries of the Province of Pennsylvania, which I omitted as not thinking it necessary in a paper, the intention of which was only to reduce to a certainty by writing, what in conversation I had delivered viva voce.

The lack of formality or rudeness was likely due to me not addressing the document to them using their assumed titles of True and Absolute Proprietors of the Province of Pennsylvania. I left that out because I didn’t think it was necessary in a document that was only meant to clarify what I had said verbally.

But during this delay, the Assembly having prevailed with Gov’r Denny to pass an act taxing the proprietary estate in common with the estates of the people, which was the grand point in dispute, they omitted answering the message.

But during this delay, the Assembly convinced Governor Denny to pass a law taxing the proprietary estate alongside the estates of the people, which was the main point of contention, so they didn’t respond to the message.

When this act however came over, the proprietaries, counselled by Paris, determined to oppose its receiving the royal assent. Accordingly they petition’d the king in Council, and a hearing was appointed in which two lawyers were employ’d by them against the act, and two by me in support of it. They alledg’d that the act was intended to load the proprietary estate in order to spare those of the people, and that if it were suffer’d to continue in force, and the proprietaries who were in odium with the people, left to their mercy in proportioning the taxes, they would inevitably be ruined. We reply’d that the act had no such intention, and would have no such effect. That the assessors were honest and discreet men under an oath to assess fairly and equitably, and that any advantage each of them might expect in lessening his own tax by augmenting that of the proprietaries was too trifling to induce them to perjure themselves. This is the purport of what I remember as urged by both sides, except that we insisted strongly on the mischievous consequences that must attend a repeal, for that the money, £100,000, being printed and given to the king’s use, expended in his service, and now spread among the people, the repeal would strike it dead in their hands to the ruin of many, and the total discouragement of future grants, and the selfishness of the proprietors in soliciting such a general catastrophe, merely from a groundless fear of their estate being taxed too highly, was insisted on in the strongest terms. On this, Lord Mansfield, one of the counsel rose, and beckoning me took me into the clerk’s chamber, while the lawyers were pleading, and asked me if I was really of opinion that no injury would be done the proprietary estate in the execution of the act. I said certainly. “Then,” says he, “you can have little objection to enter into an engagement to assure that point.” I answer’d, “None at all.” He then call’d in Paris, and after some discourse, his lordship’s proposition was accepted on both sides; a paper to the purpose was drawn up by the Clerk of the Council, which I sign’d with Mr. Charles, who was also an Agent of the Province for their ordinary affairs, when Lord Mansfield returned to the Council Chamber, where finally the law was allowed to pass. Some changes were however recommended and we also engaged they should be made by a subsequent law, but the Assembly did not think them necessary; for one year’s tax having been levied by the act before the order of Council arrived, they appointed a committee to examine the proceedings of the assessors, and on this committee they put several particular friends of the proprietaries. After a full enquiry, they unanimously sign’d a report that they found the tax had been assess’d with perfect equity.

When this act came up, the proprietors, advised by Paris, decided to oppose it getting royal approval. They petitioned the king in Council, and a hearing was set up where two lawyers represented them against the act, and two were hired by me to support it. They claimed that the act was meant to burden the proprietary estate to protect the people’s estates, and that if it were allowed to stay in effect, the proprietors, who were unpopular with the people, would be at their mercy regarding taxes, which would inevitably ruin them. We responded that the act had no such intention and would not have that effect. The assessors were honest and responsible individuals under an oath to assess fairly and equitably, and any benefit they might gain by reducing their own taxes while increasing those of the proprietors was too small to make them commit perjury. This is essentially what I remember both sides argued, except we strongly pointed out the harmful consequences that would follow if it were repealed. Since the money, £100,000, had been printed and allocated for the king’s use, spent in his service, and was now circulating among the people, the repeal would take it away from them, ruining many and seriously discouraging future grants. We emphasized that the proprietors' selfishness in seeking such a widespread disaster out of unfounded fear of their estate being overtaxed was unacceptable. Lord Mansfield, one of the lawyers, called me into the clerk’s chamber while the lawyers were debating and asked if I truly believed that the proprietary estate wouldn’t suffer any harm from the act being executed. I replied that I absolutely did. “Then,” he said, “you won’t have any problem agreeing to a commitment to ensure that point.” I responded, “Not at all.” He then brought in Paris, and after some discussion, both sides accepted his lordship’s proposal; a document to this effect was prepared by the Clerk of the Council, which I signed along with Mr. Charles, who was also an Agent of the Province for their regular affairs. When Lord Mansfield returned to the Council Chamber, the law was ultimately allowed to pass. Some amendments were suggested, and we also agreed they would be addressed by a subsequent law, but the Assembly deemed them unnecessary since one year's tax had already been collected under the act before the Council's order arrived. They formed a committee to review the assessors’ actions, which included several close friends of the proprietors. After a thorough investigation, they unanimously signed a report stating that they found the tax had been assessed with complete fairness.

The Assembly looked into my entering into the first part of the engagement, as an essential service to the Province, since it secured the credit of the paper money then spread over all the country. They gave me their thanks in form when I return’d. But the proprietaries were enraged at Governor Denny for having pass’d the act, and turn’d him out with threats of suing him for breach of instructions which he had given bond to observe. He, however, having done it at the instance of the General, and for His Majesty’s service, and having some powerful interests at court, despis’d the threats and they were never put in execution.… [Unfinished].

The Assembly considered my involvement in the initial part of the engagement as a vital service to the Province since it helped secure the value of the paper money that was circulating across the country. They expressed their gratitude when I returned. However, the proprietors were furious with Governor Denny for approving the act and threatened to sue him for violating the instructions he had agreed to follow. He, however, acted on the request of the General and for the sake of His Majesty, and with some strong connections at court, dismissed their threats, which were never carried out.… [Unfinished]


CHIEF EVENTS IN FRANKLIN’S LIFE.

[Ending, as it does, with the year 1757, the autobiography leaves important facts unrecorded. It has seemed advisable, therefore, to detail the chief events in Franklin’s life, from the beginning, in the following list:

[Ending, as it does, with the year 1757, the autobiography leaves important facts unrecorded. It has seemed advisable, therefore, to detail the main events in Franklin’s life, from the beginning, in the following list:]

1706 He is born, in Boston, and baptized in the Old South Church.
1714 At the age of eight, enters the Grammar School.
1716 Becomes his father’s assistant in the tallow-chandlery business.
1718 Apprenticed to his brother James, printer.
1721 Writes ballads and peddles them, in printed form, in the streets; contributes, anonymously, to the “New England Courant,” and temporarily edits that paper; becomes a free-thinker, and a vegetarian.
1723 Breaks his indenture and removes to Philadelphia; obtains employment in Keimer’s printing-office; abandons vegetarianism.
1724 Is persuaded by Governor Keith to establish himself independently, and goes to London to buy type; works at his trade there, and publishes “Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain.”
1726 Returns to Philadelphia; after serving as clerk in a dry-goods store, becomes manager of Keimer’s printing-house.
1727 Founds the Junto, or “Leathern Apron” Club.
1728 With Hugh Meredith, opens a printing-office.
1729 Becomes proprietor and editor of the “Pennsylvania Gazette”; prints, anonymously, “Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency”; opens a stationer’s shop.
1730 Marries Deborah Read.
1731 Founds the Philadelphia Library.
1732 Publishes the first number of “Poor Richard’s Almanac” under the pseudonym of “Richard Saunders.” The Almanac, which continued for twenty-five years to contain his witty, worldly-wise sayings, played a very large part in bringing together and molding the American character which was at that time made up of so many diverse and scattered types.
1733 Begins to study French, Italian, Spanish, and Latin.
1736 Chosen clerk of the General Assembly; forms the Union Fire Company of Philadelphia.
1737 Elected to the Assembly; appointed Deputy Postmaster-General; plans a city police.
1742 Invents the open, or “Franklin,” stove.
1743 Proposes a plan for an Academy, which is adopted 1749 and develops into the University of Pennsylvania.
1744 Establishes the American Philosophical Society.
1746 Publishes a pamphlet, “Plain Truth,” on the necessity for disciplined defense, and forms a military company; begins electrical experiments.
1748 Sells out his printing business; is appointed on the Commission of the Peace, chosen to the Common Council, and to the Assembly.
1749 Appointed a Commissioner to trade with the Indians.
1751 Aids in founding a hospital.
1752 Experiments with a kite and discovers that lightning is an electrical discharge.
1753 Awarded the Copley medal for this discovery, and elected a member of the Royal Society; receives the degree of M.A. from Yale and Harvard. Appointed joint Postmaster-General.
1754 Appointed one of the Commissioners from Pennsylvania to the Colonial Congress at Albany; proposes a plan for the union of the colonies.
1755 Pledges his personal property in order that supplies may be raised for Braddock’s army; obtains a grant from the Assembly in aid of the Crown Point expedition; carries through a bill establishing a voluntary militia; is appointed Colonel, and takes the field.
1757 Introduces a bill in the Assembly for paving the streets of Philadelphia; publishes his famous “Way to Wealth”; goes to England to plead the cause of the Assembly against the Proprietaries; remains as agent for Pennsylvania; enjoys the friendship of the scientific and literary men of the kingdom.
[HERE THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY BREAKS OFF]
1760 Secures from the Privy Council, by a compromise, a decision obliging the Proprietary estates to contribute to the public revenue.
1762 Receives the degree of LL.D. from Oxford and Edinburgh; returns to America.
1763 Makes a five months’ tour of the northern colonies for the purpose of inspecting the post-offices.
1764 Defeated by the Penn faction for reelection to the Assembly; sent to England as agent for Pennsylvania.
1765 Endeavors to prevent the passage of the Stamp Act.
1766 Examined before the House of Commons relative to the passage of the Stamp Act; appointed agent of Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Georgia; visits Göttingen University.
1767 Travels in France and is presented at court.
1769 Procures a telescope for Harvard College.
1772 Elected Associé Etranger of the French Academy.
1774 Dismissed from the office of Postmaster-General; influences Thomas Paine to emigrate to America.
1775 Returns to America; chosen a delegate to the Second Continental Congress; placed on the committee of secret correspondence; appointed one of the commissioners to secure the cooperation of Canada.
1776 Placed on the committee to draft a Declaration of Independence; chosen president of the Constitutional Committee of Pennsylvania; sent to France as agent of the colonies.
1778 Concludes treaties of defensive alliance, and of amity and commerce; is received at court.
1779 Appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to France.
1780 Appoints Paul Jones commander of the “Alliance.”
1782 Signs the preliminary articles of peace.
1783 Signs the definite treaty of peace.
1785 Returns to America; is chosen President of Pennsylvania; reelected 1786.
1787 Reelected President; sent as delegate to the convention for framing a Federal Constitution.
1788 Retires from public life.
1790 April 17, dies. His grave is in the churchyard at Fifth and Arch streets, Philadelphia.
Editor.]

On Franklin’s Autobiography

And yet the surprising and delightful thing about this book (the Autobiography) is that, take it all in all, it has not the low tone of conceit, but is a staunch man’s sober and unaffected assessment of himself and the circumstances of his career.

Surprisingly, the great thing about this book (the Autobiography) is that it has a humble tone; it offers a clear and honest assessment of himself and the circumstances in his life.

Woodrow Wilson

Woodrow Wilson

Such, for example, was Benjamin Franklin, whose charming autobiography, in addition to being an American classic, is a fine record of self-education.

One great example is Benjamin Franklin, whose enjoyable autobiography is not only an American classic but also a fantastic story about self-education.

Charles A. Beard & Mary Ritter Beard

Charles A. Beard & Mary Ritter Beard

For understanding the temper and ideals of America in the eighteenth century, no writings are of equal importance with those of John Adams and Benjamin Franklin, especially the Diary of the former (Works of John Adams, 10 vols. Boston, 1856) and the Autobiography of the latter, in his collected works and separately printed in many editions.

To grasp the mood and values of America in the 1700s, the writings of John Adams and Benjamin Franklin are incredibly important, especially Adams's Diary (Works of John Adams, 10 vols. Boston, 1856) and Franklin's Autobiography, which appears in his collected works and has been published separately in various editions.

Carl Lotus Becker

Carl Lotus Becker

No man has shed such copious good influence on America; none added so much new truth to the popular knowledge; none has so skillfully organized its ideas into institutions; none has so powerfully and wisely directed the nation’s conduct, and advanced its welfare in so many respects. No man now has so strong a hold on the habits and manners of the people. Franklin comes home to the individual business of practical men in their daily life.

No one has had such a profound positive impact on America; no one has added as much new knowledge to the public understanding; no one has organized ideas into institutions as effectively; and no one has guided the nation’s actions and enhanced its well-being as strongly and wisely in so many ways. No one today influences the habits and behaviors of people as much. Franklin tackles the everyday issues that practical individuals face in their daily lives.

Theodore Parker

Theodore Parker

The Autobiography is also a uniquely American book. After a life like Franklin’s had become possible and could be described matter-of-factly, the Declaration of Independence seems understandable and much less revolutionary.… There was in America a society which valued the things Franklin could do well: work hard, write effectively, plan improvements, conciliate differences, and conduct public affairs with popular needs and interests in view. His Autobiography records these achievements and values and habits which made them possible, and tells how a remarkable human being used his heritage and created a life on a new, revolutionary model.

The Autobiography is a truly American book. Once a life like Franklin's became possible and could be discussed openly, the Declaration of Independence seems understandable and much less revolutionary. In America, there was a society that valued the skills Franklin excelled at: hard work, clear writing, planning improvements, resolving conflicts, and managing public affairs with the people's needs and interests in mind. His Autobiography highlights these achievements, the values, and the habits that made them possible, and demonstrates how an extraordinary individual used his background to create a life based on a new, innovative model.

Leonard W. Labaree, Ralph L. Ketcham, Helen C. Boatfield, and Helene H. Fineman

Leonard W. Labaree, Ralph L. Ketcham, Helen C. Boatfield, and Helene H. Fineman

[T]hose who know Franklin only in his Autobiography, charming as that classic production is, have made but an imperfect acquaintance with the range, the vitality, the vigor of this admirable craftsman who chose a style “smooth, clear, and short,” and made it serve every purpose of his versatile and beneficent mind.

People who only know Franklin from his Autobiography, no matter how delightful that classic book is, have only scratched the surface of the depth, energy, and strength of this extraordinary creator. He chose a style that is “smooth, clear, and short,” using it to meet every demand of his inventive and generous mind.

Bliss Perry

Bliss Perry


Transcriber’s Notes



Introduction:

This version of the Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin was part of The Harvard Classics edition published by G. P. Putnam & Sons in 1909. The physical book also included the Journal of John Woolman and Fruits of Solitude by William Penn. This document only contains the Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin. A scanned version of the physical book owned by the Library of Congress is available through Hathitrust.

This version of the Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin was part of The Harvard Classics edition published by G. P. Putnam & Sons in 1909. The physical book also included the Journal of John Woolman and Fruits of Solitude by William Penn. This document only contains the Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin. A scanned version of the physical book owned by the Library of Congress is available through Hathitrust.

Scores of different editions of Franklin’s Autobiography exist. has the Pine edition, published by Henry Holt and Company in 1916. Frank Woodworth Pine edited the Holt book and F. Boyd Smith illustrated the edition. Also available through PG is the Eclectic English Classics version published in 1910. All three editions of Franklin’s Autobiography in the PG collection are based on the Bigelow edition. See the section About the Autobiography in the Introduction of the Pine edition for more background about the Bigelow edition.

There are many different editions of Franklin’s Autobiography. The Pine edition, published by Henry Holt and Company in 1916, is one of them. Frank Woodworth Pine edited this edition, and F. Boyd Smith supplied the illustrations. You can also find the Eclectic English Classics version published in 1910 available through PG. All three versions of Franklin’s Autobiography in the PG collection are based on the Bigelow edition. For more details about the Bigelow edition, check out the section About the Autobiography in the Introduction of the Pine edition.

We have retained the original punctuation and spelling in the book, but there are a few exceptions. See the Detailed Notes Section of these notes for a list of changes. There are many misspelled words in this Autobiography, but we made three changes, which we believe were made by the editor or publisher. After the three changes that we made, those sentences match the same sentence from the other two transcriptions of the book in . The Detailed Notes Section also includes issues that have come up during transcription.

We kept the original punctuation and spelling in the book, but there are a few exceptions. Check the Detailed Notes Section of these notes for a list of changes. There are a lot of misspelled words in this Autobiography, but we made three changes that we believe were made by the editor or publisher. After the three changes we made, those sentences match the same sentence from the other two transcriptions of the book. The Detailed Notes Section also includes issues that arose during transcription.



Production Notes Section:

This book contained no chapters and no table of contents.

This book had no chapters and no table of contents.

The navigation tools on page 2 of this book were added by the transcriber, in the hope of providing a better reading experience. The four parts of this book correspond to the four parts of the Autobiography described in Wikipedia. Luckily, those four parts were the same breaks that Mr. Eliot added in The Harvard Classics Edition.

The navigation tools on page 2 of this book were added by the transcriber to improve the reading experience. The four sections of this book match the four sections of the Autobiography as described on Wikipedia. Fortunately, those four sections were also the same breaks that Mr. Eliot included in The Harvard Classics Edition.

The quotations of On Franklin’s Autobiography were added by the transcriber.

The quotes from On Franklin’s Autobiography were added by the person who transcribed it.


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