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NOTES AND QUERIES:
A MEDIUM OF INTER-COMMUNICATION FOR LITERARY MEN, ARTISTS, ANTIQUARIES, GENEALOGISTS, ETC.
"When found, make a note of."—CAPTAIN CUTTLE.
No. 56. | SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 23. 1850. |
Price Threepence. Stamped Edition 4d. |
CONTENTS.
NOTES:— | |
The Oldenburg Horn | 417 |
Greek Particles Illustrated by the Eastern Languages | 418 |
Samuel Rowlands, and his Claim to the Authorship of "The Choise of Change," by Dr. E.F. Rimbault | 419 |
Etymology of "Apricot," "Peach," and "Nectarine" | 420 |
Minor Notes:—Chaucer's Monument Robert Herrick—Epitaph of a Wine Merchant—Father Blackhal—The Nonjurors—Booksellers' Catalogues—Bailie Nicol Jarvie—Camels in Gaul | 420 |
QUERIES:— | |
Bibliographical Queries | 421 |
Dryden's "Essay upon Satire" | 422 |
Minor Queries:—Ænius Silvius (Pope Pius II.)—"Please the Pigs"—To save one's Bacon—Arabic Numerals—Cardinal—"By the bye"—Poisons—Cabalistic Author—Brandon the Juggler—Jacobus Præfectus Siculus—The Word "after" in the Rubric—Hard by—Thomas Rogers of Horminger—Armorial Bearings—Lady Compton's Letter to her Husband—Romagnasi's Works—Christopher Barker's Device | 423 |
REPLIES:— | |
Licensing of Books, by C.H. Cooper | 425 |
Remains of James II., by Dr. J.R. Wreford | 427 |
Judge Cradock, by H.T. Ellacombe | 427 |
Replies to Minor Queries:—Replies by George Stephens: On a Passage in the "Tempest;" Legend of a Saint; Cupid and Psyche; Kongs Skuggsia—Disputed Passage in the "Tempest"—Viscount Castlecomer—Steele's Burial-place—Cure for Warts—Etymology of "Parse" | 429 |
MISCELLANEOUS:— | |
Notes on Books, Sales, Catalogues, &c. | 430 |
Books and Odd Volumes Wanted | 431 |
Notice to Correspondents | 431 |
Advertisements | 431 |
NOTES.
THE OLDENBURG HORN.
The highly interesting collection of pictures at Combe Abbey, the seat of the Earl of Craven, in Warwickshire, was, for the most part, bequeathed by Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, the daughter of James I., to her faithful attendant, William, Earl of Craven. The collection has remained, entire and undisturbed, up to the present time. Near the upper end of the long gallery is a picture which doubtless formed a part of the bequest of the Queen of Bohemia, and of which the following is a description:—
The fascinating collection of pictures at Combe Abbey, the home of the Earl of Craven in Warwickshire, was mostly left behind by Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, the daughter of James I., to her loyal servant, William, Earl of Craven. The collection has remained intact and undisturbed until now. Near the far end of the long gallery, there’s a painting that likely came from the bequest of the Queen of Bohemia, and here’s a description of it:—
Three quarters length: a female figure, standing, with long curling light hair, and a wreath of flowers round the head. She wears a white satin gown, with a yellow edge; gold chain on the stomacher, and pearl buttons down the front. She has a pearl necklace and earrings, with a high plaited chemisette up to the necklace; and four rows of pearls, with a yellow bow, round the sleeve. She holds in her hands a large highly ornamented gold horn. The back-ground consists of mountains. Underneath the picture is this inscription:
Three-quarters length: a female figure standing, with long, curly light hair and a flower crown. She wears a white satin gown with a yellow trim; a gold chain on the bodice and pearl buttons down the front. She has a pearl necklace and earrings, with a high pleated chemisette up to the necklace; and four rows of pearls, tied with a yellow bow, around the sleeve. She holds a large, intricately decorated gold horn in her hands. The background features mountains. Below the picture is this inscription:
"Anno post natum Christum 939. Ottoni comiti Oldenburgico in venatione vehementer sitibundo virgo elegantissima ex monte Osen prodiens cornu argenteum deauratum plenum liquore ut biberet obtulit. Inspecto is liquore adhorruit, ac eundum bibere recusavit. Quo facto, subito Comes a virgine discedens liquorem retro super equum quem mox depilavit effudit, cornuque hic depictum secum Oldenburgum in perpetuam illius memoriam reportavit. Lucretio de Sainct Simon pinxit."
"In the year 939 AD, Count Otto of Oldenburg was hunting when he became extremely thirsty. He was approached by a beautiful young woman from Mount Osen, who offered him a golden silver horn filled with a drink. When he looked at the drink, he recoiled and refused to consume it. After that, the Count abruptly left the young woman, poured the drink back over his horse, which he then quickly stripped of its coat, and took the horn back to Oldenburg as a keepsake of her. Painted by Lucretio de Sainct Simon."
The painting is apparently of the first part of the seventeenth century. The ordinary books of reference do not contain the painter's name.
The painting is apparently from the early seventeenth century. The usual reference books do not include the painter's name.
The same legend as that contained in this inscription, though with fuller details, is given by the brothers Grimm, in their collection of Deutsche Sagen, No. 541. vol. ii. p. 317., from two Oldenburg chronicles. According to this version Otto was Count of Oldenburg in the year 990 or 967. [The chronicles appear to differ as to his date: the inscription of the Combe Abbey picture furnishes a third date.] Being a good hunter, and fond of hunting, he went, on the 20th of July, in this year, attended by his nobles and servants, to hunt in the forest of Bernefeuer. Here he found a deer, and chased it alone from this wood to Mount Osen: but in the pursuit he left his companions and even his dogs behind; and he stood alone, on his white horse, in the middle of the mountain. Being now exhausted by the great heat, he exclaimed: "Would to God that some one had a draught of cold water!" As soon as the count had uttered these words, the mountain opened, and from the {418} chasm there came a beautiful damsel, dressed in fine clothes, with her hair divided over her shoulders, and a wreath of flowers on her head. In her hand she held a precious silver-gilt hunting-horn, filled with some liquid; which she offered to the count, in order that he might drink. The count took the horn, and examined the liquid, but declined to drink it. Whereupon the damsel said: "My dear lord, drink it upon my assurance; for it will do you no harm, but will tend to your good." She added that, if he would drink, he and his family, and all his descendants, and the whole territory of Oldenburg, would prosper: but that, if he refused, there would be discord in the race of the Counts of Oldenburg. The count, as was natural, mistrusted her assurances, and feared to drink out of the horn: however, he retained it in his hand, and swung it behind his back. While it was in this position some of the liquid escaped; and where it fell on the back of the white horse, it took off the hair. When the damsel saw this, she asked him to restore the horn; but the count, with the horn in his hand, hastened away from the mountain, and, on looking back, observed that the damsel had returned into the earth. The count, terrified at the sight, spurred on his horse, and speedily rejoined his attendants: he then recounted to them his adventure, and showed them the silver-gilt horn, which he took with him to Oldenburg. And because this horn was obtained in so wonderful a manner, it was kept as a precious relic by him and all his successors in the reigning house of Oldenburg.
The same legend found in this inscription, but with more details, is recounted by the brothers Grimm in their collection Deutsche Sagen, No. 541, vol. ii, p. 317, from two Oldenburg chronicles. According to this version, Otto was Count of Oldenburg in the year 990 or 967. [The chronicles seem to disagree about the exact date: the inscription of the Combe Abbey picture provides a third date.] Being a passionate hunter, he went on July 20th that year, accompanied by his nobles and servants, to hunt in the Bernefeuer forest. Here, he spotted a deer and chased it alone from the woods to Mount Osen, leaving his companions and even his dogs behind; he ended up isolated, on his white horse, in the middle of the mountain. Exhausted from the heat, he exclaimed, "I wish someone had a drink of cold water!" As soon as the count said these words, the mountain opened up, and from the chasm appeared a beautiful woman, dressed elegantly, with her hair flowing over her shoulders and a flower crown on her head. In her hand, she held a precious silver-gilt hunting horn filled with liquid, which she offered to the count so he could drink. The count took the horn, examined the liquid but chose not to drink it. The woman then said, "My lord, drink it; I assure you it won't harm you, but it will be good for you." She added that if he drank, he, his family, all his descendants, and the entire territory of Oldenburg would thrive; but if he refused, there would be conflict among the Counts of Oldenburg. Naturally, the count didn't trust her assurances and was afraid to drink from the horn; however, he held it in his hand and swung it behind his back. While it was in this position, some of the liquid spilled, and where it touched the back of his white horse, it caused the hair to fall off. When the woman saw this, she asked him to return the horn, but the count, with the horn still in hand, hurried away from the mountain. Looking back, he saw that the woman had disappeared into the earth. Alarmed by this sight, he urged his horse faster and quickly rejoined his attendants. He then told them about his encounter and showed them the silver-gilt horn, which he took back with him to Oldenburg. Because of the remarkable way he acquired this horn, it was kept as a treasured relic by him and all his descendants in the ruling house of Oldenburg.
The editors state that richly decorated drinking-horn was formerly preserved, with great care, in the family of Oldenburg; but that, at the present time [1818], it is at Copenhagen.
The editors say that the beautifully decorated drinking horn was once carefully kept in the Oldenburg family; however, now, in 1818, it is in Copenhagen.
The same story is related from Hamelmann's Oldenburg Chronicle, by Büsching, in his Volksagen (Leips. 1820), p. 380., who states that there is a representation of the horn in p. 20. of the Chronicle, as well as in the title-page of the first volume of the Wunderhorn.
The same story is told in Hamelmann's Oldenburg Chronicle, by Büsching in his Volksagen (Leips. 1820), p. 380., who mentions that there’s an image of the horn on p. 20 of the Chronicle, as well as on the title page of the first volume of the Wunderhorn.
Those who are accustomed to the interpretation of mythological fictions will at once recognise in this story an explanatory legend, invented for the purpose of giving an interest to a valuable drinking-horn, of ancient work, which belonged to the Counts of Oldenburg. Had the story not started from a basis of real fact, but had been pure fiction, the mountain-spirit would probably have left, not silver gilt, but a gold horn, with the count. Moreover, the manner in which she suffers herself to be outwitted, and her acquiescence in the loss of her horn, without exacting some vengeance from the incredulous count, are not in the spirit of such fictions, nor do they suit the malignant character which the legend itself gives her. If the Oldenburg horn is still preserved at Copenhagen, its date might doubtless be determined by the style of the work.
Those familiar with mythological stories will immediately recognize this tale as an explanatory legend created to add intrigue to a valuable ancient drinking horn that belonged to the Counts of Oldenburg. If the story had been entirely fictional, the mountain spirit would likely have left a horn made of gold, not silver gilt, with the count. Furthermore, the way she allows herself to be tricked and accepts the loss of her horn without seeking revenge on the skeptical count doesn't align with the typical nature of such stories, nor does it match the sinister character the legend attributes to her. If the Oldenburg horn is still on display in Copenhagen, its age could probably be ascertained by its design.
Mount Osen seems to have been a place which abounded in supernatural beings. Some elves who came from this mountain to take fresh-brewed beer, and left good, though unknown money, to pay for it, are mentioned in another story in the Deutsche Sagen, (No.43. vol. i. p. 55.)
Mount Osen appears to have been a location filled with supernatural beings. Some elves who came from this mountain to enjoy freshly brewed beer and left behind valuable, though unrecognized, coins to pay for it are mentioned in another tale in the Deutsche Sagen, (No.43. vol. i. p. 55.)
[Having had an opportunity of inspecting a copy of Hamelmann's Chronicle, at present belonging to Mr. Quaritch, in which there is a very interesting engraving of the horn in question (which may possibly have been a Charter Horn), we are not disposed to pronounce it older than the latter end of the fifteenth century. If, however, it is still preserved at Copenhagen, some correspondent there will perhaps do us the favour to furnish us with a precise description of it, and with the various legends which are inscribed upon it.—ED.]
[After reviewing a copy of Hamelmann's Chronicle, currently possessed by Mr. Quaritch, which features a fascinating engraving of the horn in question (possibly a Charter Horn), we are hesitant to label it as older than the late fifteenth century. If it is still housed in Copenhagen, we would appreciate if someone there could provide us with a detailed description and the different inscriptions on it.—ED.]
GREEK PARTICLES ILLUSTRATED BY THE EASTERN LANGUAGES.
The affinity which exists between such of the vernacular languages of India as are offshoots of the Sanscrit, as the Hindostanee, Mahratta, Guzeratee, &c., and the Greek, Latin, German, and English languages, is now well known to European scholars, more especially since the publication of the researches of Vans Kennedy, Professor Bopp of Berlin, &c. Indeed, scarcely a day passes in which the European resident in India may not recognise, in his intercourse with the natives, many familiar words in all those languages, clothed in an oriental dress. I am inclined also to think that new light may be thrown upon some of the impracticable Greek particles by a reference to the languages of the East; and without wishing to be understood as laying down anything dogmatically in the present communication, I hope, through the medium of your valuable publication, to attract attention to this subject, and invite discussion on it. Taking, as an illustration, the 233d line of the first book of the Iliad, where the hero of the poem is violently abusing Agamemnon for depriving him of his prize, the fair maid Briseis, he says,
The connection between some of the vernacular languages of India that derive from Sanskrit, such as Hindostanee, Mahratta, Guzeratee, etc., and the Greek, Latin, German, and English languages is now well recognized by European scholars, especially since the publication of research by Vans Kennedy, Professor Bopp from Berlin, etc. In fact, hardly a day goes by when a European residing in India doesn't come across many familiar words from these languages, dressed in an oriental style, during interactions with the locals. I also believe that we can gain new insights into some of the complex Greek particles by looking at the languages of the East; and while I don't want to come across as stating anything definitively in this communication, I hope to raise awareness of this topic through your esteemed publication and encourage discussion about it. For example, in the 233rd line of the first book of the Iliad, where the poem’s hero is angrily confronting Agamemnon for taking away his prize, the beautiful maid Briseis, he says,
"Αλλ' εκ τοι ερεω, και επι μεγαν ‛ορκον ‛ομουμαι."
"But from this I will speak, and I swear by the great oath."
What is the meaning of εκ in the above line? It is commonly construed with ερεω, and translated, "I plainly tell thee—I declare to thee;" εξερεω, "I speak out—proclaim." But may it not be identical with the Sanscrit ek, "one," a word, as most of your readers are doubtless aware, in universal use throughout India, Persia, &c; the rendering literally running thus:
What does εκ mean in the line above? It is often understood with ερεω, translated as "I clearly tell you—I declare to you;" εξερεω, "I speak out—proclaim." But could it be the same as the Sanskrit ek, meaning "one," a term that, as most of your readers likely know, is commonly used across India, Persia, etc.; the literal translation would go like this:
"But one thing I tell thee," &c.
"But one thing I tell you," &c.
"Αλλο δε τοι ερεω, συ δ' ενε φρεσι βαλλεο σησι."
"I will say something else, but you keep it in your mind."
"And another thing I tell thee."
"And another thing I tell you."
This rendering receives additional confirmation by a comparison with the following:
This interpretation is further supported by a comparison with the following:
"Τουτο δε τοι ερεω."
"This I will tell you."
Il. iii. 177., and Od. vii. 243.
Il. iii. 177., and Od. vii. 243.
"Παντα δε τοι ερεω."
"I'll say everything."
Od. iv. 410., and x. 289.
Od. iv. 410., and x. 289.
In the last three lines Αλλο, Τουτο, and Παντα stand precisely in the same relation to ερεω that εκ does in the first, Αλλ' merely taking the place of δε, for the sake of versification.
In the last three lines, Άλλο, This, and Always are positioned in the same way to ερεω as εκ is in the first. But simply replaces δε for the sake of rhythm.
"But one thing I tell thee.
"But one thing I tell you."
And another thing I tell thee.
And another thing I tell you.
But this thing I tell thee.
But this thing I'm telling you.
And all things I tell thee."
"And all the things I tell you."
It is not impossible that εξερεω may be a compound of εκ, "one," and ερεω, "I speak." There is in the Hindostanee an analogous form of expression, Ek bat bolo, "one word speak." This is constantly used to denote, speaking plainly; to speak decidedly; one word only; no display of unnecessary verbiage to conceal thought; no humbug; I tell thee plainly; I speak solemnly—once for all; which is precisely the meaning of εξερεω in all the passages where it occurs in Homer: e.g. Il. i. 212. (where it is employed by Minerva in her solemn address to Achilles); Il. viii. 286., Od. ix. 365. (where it is very characteristically used), &c.
It's not impossible that εξερεω could be a combination of εκ, "one," and ερεω, "I speak." In Hindostanee, there's a similar phrase, Ek bat bolo, meaning "one word speak." This is commonly used to indicate speaking plainly; to speak clearly; one word only; no unnecessary words to hide the meaning; no nonsense; I’m telling you straightforwardly; I speak seriously—once for all; which is exactly the meaning of εξερεω in all the instances where it appears in Homer: e.g. Il. i. 212. (where it is used by Minerva in her serious talk to Achilles); Il. viii. 286., Od. ix. 365. (where it is very distinctively used), &c.
The word ace (ace of spades, &c.) I suppose you will have no difficulty in identifying with the Sanscrit ek and the Greek εις, the c sometimes pronounced hard and sometimes soft. The Sanscrit das, the Greek δεκ-α, and the Latin dec-em, all signifying ten, on the same principle, have been long identified.
The word ace (like in ace of spades, etc.) I believe you can easily connect to the Sanskrit ek and the Greek εις, with the c being pronounced hard sometimes and soft at other times. The Sanskrit das, the Greek δεκ-α, and the Latin dec-em, all meaning ten, have also been recognized for a long time based on the same idea.
Bombay.
Mumbai.
SAMUEL ROWLANDS, AND HIS CLAIM TO THE AUTHORSHIP OF "THE CHOISE OF CHANGE."
Mr. T. Jones in "NOTES AND QUERIES" (Vol. i., p. 39.), describing a copy of The Choise of Change in the Chetham Library, unhesitatingly ascribes its authorship to the well-known satirist, Samuel Rowlands, whom he says, "appears to have been a Welshman from his love of Triads." Mr. JONES'S dictum, that the letters "S.R.," on the title-page "are the well-known initials of Samuel Rowlands," may well, I think, be questioned. Great caution should be used in these matters. Bibliographers and catalogue-makers are constantly making confusion by assigning works, which bear the initials only, to wrong authors.
Mr. T. Jones in "NOTES AND QUERIES" (Vol. i., p. 39) discusses a copy of The Choise of Change in the Chetham Library and confidently attributes it to the well-known satirist, Samuel Rowlands, noting that he "seems to have been a Welshman because of his fondness for Triads." However, I believe Mr. JONES'S assertion that the initials "S.R." on the title page "are the well-known initials of Samuel Rowlands" should be questioned. It's important to be very careful in these matters. Bibliographers and cataloguers often create confusion by incorrectly assigning works that only have initials to the wrong authors.
The Choise of Change may with much more probability be given to a very different author. I have a copy of the edition of 1598 now before me, in which the name is filled up, in a cotemporary hand, S[imon], R[obson]. And I find in Lowndes' Bibliographer's Manual, that the work in question is entered under the latter name. The compiler adds,—"This piece is by some attributed to Dr. Simon Robson, Dean of Bristol in 1598; by others, most probably erroneously, to Samuel Rowland." An examination of the biography of Dr. Robson, who died in 1617, might tend to elucidate some particulars concerning his claim to the authorship of this and several other works of similar character.
The Choice of Change is likely attributed to a very different author. I have a copy of the 1598 edition in front of me, where the name is filled in, in contemporary handwriting, S[imon], R[obson]. I also found in Lowndes' Bibliographer's Manual that this work is listed under the latter name. The compiler adds, "This piece is attributed by some to Dr. Simon Robson, Dean of Bristol in 1598; by others, probably incorrectly, to Samuel Rowland." Looking into the biography of Dr. Robson, who died in 1617, could help clarify some details regarding his claim to the authorship of this and several other similar works.
Samuel Rowland's earliest publication is supposed to have been The Betraying of Christ, &c., printed in 1598. If it can be proved that he has any claim to The Choise of Change (first printed in 1585), we make him an author thirteen years earlier. In the title-page of the latter, the writer, whoever he was, is styled "Gent and Student in the Universitie of Cambridge." This is a fact of some importance towards the elucidation of authorship and has, I believe, escaped the notice of those writers who have touched upon Samuel Rowland's scanty biography. But I can hardly conceive that either of the publications above alluded to came from the same pen as Humours Ordinarie, Martin Mark-all, The Four Knaves, and many others of the same class, which are known to have been the productions of Samuel Rowlands.
Samuel Rowland's earliest publication is believed to be The Betraying of Christ, printed in 1598. If it can be demonstrated that he has any connection to The Choise of Change (first printed in 1585), we can date him as an author thirteen years earlier. In the title page of the latter, the writer, whoever he was, is referred to as "Gent and Student in the Universitie of Cambridge." This is an important fact for determining authorship and has, I believe, been overlooked by those writers who have mentioned Samuel Rowland's limited biography. However, I can hardly believe that either of the publications mentioned above were written by the same person who created Humours Ordinarie, Martin Mark-all, The Four Knaves, and many other works of the same type that are known to be by Samuel Rowlands.
Respecting Samuel Rowlands it may be regarded as extraordinary that no account has been discovered; and though his pamphlets almost rival in number those of Greene, Taylor, and Prynne, their prefaces—those fruitful sources of information—throw no light upon the life or circumstances of their author. The late Mr. Octavius Gilchrist considered that "Rowlands was an ecclesiastic [?] by profession;" and, inferring his zeal in the pulpit from his labours through the press, adds, "it should seem that he was an active servant of the church." (See Fry's Bibliographical Memoranda, p. 257.) Sir Walter Scott (Preface to his reprint of The Letting of Humours Blood in the Head Vaine) gives us a very different idea of the nature of his calling. His words are:
Respecting Samuel Rowlands, it's quite remarkable that no account has been found; and although his pamphlets are nearly as numerous as those of Greene, Taylor, and Prynne, their prefaces—those valuable sources of information—offer no insight into the life or circumstances of their author. The late Mr. Octavius Gilchrist believed that "Rowlands was a clergyman [?] by profession;" and, inferring his enthusiasm in the pulpit from his work in print, adds, "it would appear that he was an active member of the church." (See Fry's Bibliographical Memoranda, p. 257.) Sir Walter Scott (in the Preface to his reprint of The Letting of Humours Blood in the Head Vaine) presents a very different view of his profession. His words are:
"Excepting that he lived and wrote, none of those industrious antiquaries have pointed out any particulars respecting Rowland[s]. It has been remarked that his muse is seldom found in the best company; and to have become so well acquainted with the bullies, drunkards, gamesters, and cheats, whom he describes, he must have frequented the haunts of dissipation in which such characters are to be found. But the humorous descriptions of low-life exhibited in his satires are more precious to antiquaries than more grave works, and those who make the manners of Shakspeare's {420} age the subject their study may better spare a better author than Samuel Rowlands."
"Other than the fact that he lived and wrote, none of those dedicated historians have pointed out any details about Rowlands. It's noted that his inspiration rarely comes from the best company; to know the bullies, drunks, gamblers, and con artists he describes so well, he must have spent time in places where such characters hang out. However, the clever portrayals of the lower class in his satirical works are more valuable to historians than his more serious writings, and those studying the customs of Shakespeare's time might find there’s no better author than Samuel Rowlands."
The opinions of both these writers are entitled to some respect, but they certainly looked upon two very different sides of the question. Gilchrist's conjecture that he was an ecclesiastic is quite untenable, and I am fully inclined to agree with Sir Walter Scott, that Rowlands' company was not of the most select order, and that he must often have frequented those "haunts of dissipation" which he so well describes in those works which are the known production of his muse.
exclusive, and he likely often visited those "places of indulgence" that he describes so vividly in the works that are the recognized results of his creativity.
"APRICOT," "PEACH," AND "NECTARINE," ETYMOLOGY OF.
There is something curious in the etymology of the words "apricot," "peach," and "nectarine," and in their equivalents in several languages, which may amuse your readers.
There’s something interesting in the origins of the words "apricot," "peach," and "nectarine," and in their counterparts in different languages, which might entertain your readers.
The apricot is an Armenian or Persian fruit, and was known to the Romans later than the peach. It is spoken of by Pliny and by Martial.
The apricot is a fruit from Armenia or Persia and was recognized by the Romans later than the peach. It is mentioned by Pliny and Martial.
Plin. N.H., lib. xv. c. 12.:
Plin. N.H., book 15, chapter 12.:
"Post autumnum maturescunt Persica, æstate præcocia, intra xxx annos reperta."
"After autumn, peaches ripen in the summer, discovered over a span of 30 years."
Martial, lib. xiii. Epig. 46.:
Martial, book 13, Epigram 46:
"Vilia maternis fueramus præcoqua ramis,
"Vilia maternis fueramus præcoqua branches,"
Nunc in adaptivis Persica care sumus."
Nunc in adaptivis Persica care sumus.
Its only name was given from its ripening earlier than the peach.
Its only name comes from the fact that it ripens earlier than the peach.
The words used in Galen for the same fruit (evidently Græcised Latin), are προκοκκια and πρεκοκκια. Elsewhere he says of this fruit, ταυτης εκλελειφθαι το παλαιον ονομα. Dioscorides, with a nearer approach to the Latin, calls apricots πραικοκια.
The words Galen used for the same fruit (clearly influenced by Greek Latin) are προκοκκια and πρεκοκκια. Elsewhere, he mentions this fruit as ταυτης εκλελειφθαι το παλαιον ονομα. Dioscorides, using a term closer to Latin, refers to apricots as πραικοκια.
From præcox, though not immediately, apricot seems to be derived.
From præcox, though not immediately, apricot seems to be derived.
Johnson, unable to account for the initial a, derives it from apricus. The American lexicographer Webster gives, strangely enough albus coccus as its derivation.
Johnson, unable to explain the initial a, traces it back to apricus. The American lexicographer Webster oddly cites albus coccus as its origin.
The progress of the word from west to east, and then from east to south-west, and from thence northwards, and its various changes in that progress, are rather strange.
The movement of the word from west to east, then from east to south-west, and from there northwards, along with its different variations during that journey, is quite unusual.
One would have supposed that the Arabs, living near the region of which the fruit was a native, might have either had a name of their own for it, or at least have borrowed one from Armenia. But they apparently adopted a slight variation of the Latin, το παλαιον ονομα, as Galen says, εξελελειπτω.
One might think that the Arabs, living close to the area where the fruit originated, would have had their own name for it or at least borrowed one from Armenia. However, they seemingly chose a slight variation of the Latin term, the old name, as Galen mentions, εξελελειπτω.
The Arabs called it برقوق or, with the article, البرقوق.
The Arabs referred to it as برقوق or, with the article, البرقوق.
The Spaniards must have had the fruit in Martial's time, but they do not take the name immediately from the Latin, but through the Arabic, and call it albaricoque. The Italians, again, copy the Spanish, not the Latin, and call it albicocco. The French, from them, have abricot. The English, though they take their word from the French, at first called it abricock, then apricock (restoring the p), and lastly, with the French termination, apricot.
The Spaniards must have had the fruit in Martial's time, but they don't take the name directly from Latin; instead, they get it through Arabic and call it albaricoque. The Italians, in turn, follow the Spanish, not the Latin, and call it albicocco. The French, taking from them, have abricot. The English, although they derive their word from the French, initially called it abricock, then apricock (restoring the p), and finally, with the French ending, apricot.
From malum persicum was derived the German Pfirsiche, and Pfirsche, whence come the French pêche, and our peach. But in this instance also, the Spaniards follow the Arabic بريشان, or, with the article البريشان, in their word alberchigo. The Arabic seems to be derived from the Latin, and the Persians, though the fruit was their own, give it the same name.
From malum persicum came the German words Pfirsiche and Pfirsche, which led to the French pêche and our peach. However, in this case, the Spaniards use the Arabic بريشان, or with the article البريشان, in their word alberchigo. The Arabic seems to come from Latin, and the Persians, even though the fruit originated with them, use the same name.
Johnson says that nectarine is French, but gives no authority. It certainly is unknown to the French, who call the fruit either pêche lisse, or brugnon. The Germans also call it glatte Pfirsche.
Johnson claims that "nectarine" is French, but provides no source for this. It’s definitely not recognized by the French, who refer to the fruit as either pêche lisse or brugnon. The Germans also call it glatte Pfirsiche.
Can any of your readers inform me what is the Armenian word for apricot, and whether there is any reason to believe that the Arabic words for apricot and peach, are of Armenian and Persian origin? If it is so, the resemblance of the one to præcox, and of the other to persicum, will be a curious coincidence, but hardly more curious than the resemblance of πασχα with πασχω which led some of the earlier fathers, who were not Hebraists, to derive πασχα from πασχω.
Can any of your readers tell me what the Armenian word for apricot is, and if there's any reason to think that the Arabic words for apricot and peach come from Armenian and Persian? If that's the case, the similarity of one to præcox and the other to persicum would be an interesting coincidence, but not much more surprising than the similarity between Easter and I'm suffering., which led some of the early church fathers who weren't experts in Hebrew to connect Easter with suffer.
MINOR NOTES.
Chaucer's Monument.—It may interest those of your readers who are busying themselves in the praiseworthy endeavour to procure the means of repairing Chaucer's Monument, especially Mr. Payne Collier, who has furnished, in the November Number of the Gentleman's Magazine (p. 486.), so curious an allusion from Warner's Albion's England, to
Chaucer's Monument.—It may interest those of your readers who are actively working to raise funds for the restoration of Chaucer's Monument, particularly Mr. Payne Collier, who provided such an intriguing reference from Warner's Albion's England in the November issue of the Gentleman's Magazine (p. 486.) to
"—— venerable Chaucer, lost
"—— esteemed Chaucer, lost"
Had not kind Brigham reared him cost,"
Had not kind Brigham raised him cost,
to know that there is evidence in Smith's Life of Nollekens, vol. i. p. 79., that remains of the painted figure of Chaucer were to be seen in Nolleken's times. Smith reports a conversation between the artist and Catlin, so many years the principal verger of the abbey, in which Catlin inquires,
to know that there is evidence in Smith's Life of Nollekens, vol. i. p. 79., that remains of the painted figure of Chaucer were to be seen in Nollekens' time. Smith reports a conversation between the artist and Catlin, who was the main verger of the abbey for many years, in which Catlin asks,
"Did you ever notice the remaining colours of the curious little figure which was painted on the tomb of Chaucer?"
"Have you ever noticed the leftover colors of the intriguing little figure that was painted on Chaucer's tomb?"
Robert Herrick (Vol. i., p. 291.)—There is a little volume entitled Selections from the Hesperides and Works of the Rev. Robert Herrick. (Antient) Vicar of Dean-Prior, Devon. By the late Charles Short, Esq., F.R.S. and F.S.A., published by Murray in 1839. I believe it was recalled or suppressed, and that copies are rare.
Robert Herrick (Vol. i., p. 291.)—There is a small book called Selections from the Hesperides and Works of the Rev. Robert Herrick. (Antient) Vicar of Dean-Prior, Devon. By the late Charles Short, Esq., F.R.S. and F.S.A., published by Murray in 1839. I believe it was recalled or suppressed, and that copies are hard to find.
Epitaph of a Wine Merchant.—The following is very beautiful, and well deserves a Note. It is copied from an inscription in All Saints Church, Cambridge.
Epitaph of a Wine Merchant.—The following is very beautiful and definitely deserves a note. It is taken from an inscription in All Saints Church, Cambridge.
"In Obitum Mri. Johannis Hammond Oenopolae Epitaphium.
"In Memory of Mr. John Hammond, Oenophile Epitaph."
Spiritus ascendit generosi Nectaris astra,
Nectar's spirit ascends to the stars,
Juxta Altare Calix hic jacet ecce sacrum,
Juxta Altare Calix here lies, behold the sacred,
Corporū αναστασει cū fit Communia magna
Corporū αναστασει to make great Community
Unio tunc fuerit Nectaris et Calicis."
Unio then was of Nectar and Chalice.
Father Blackhal.—In the Brief Narration of Services done to Three noble Ladies by Gilbert Blackhal (Aberdeen, Spalding Club, 1844), the autobiographer states (p. 43.) that, while at Brussels, he provided for his necessities by saying mass "at Notre Dame de bonne successe, a chapel of great devotion, so called from a statue of Our Lady, which was brought from Aberdeen to Ostend," &c. It may be interesting to such of your readers as are acquainted with this very amusing volume, to know that the statue is still held in honour. A friend of mine (who had never heard of Blackhal) told me, that being at Brussels on the eve of the Assumption (Aug. 14), 1847, he saw announcements that the Aberdeen image would be carried in procession on the approaching festival. He was obliged, however, to leave Brussels without witnessing the exhibition.
Father Blackhal.—In the Brief Narration of Services done to Three Noble Ladies by Gilbert Blackhal (Aberdeen, Spalding Club, 1844), the autobiographer mentions (p. 43) that while he was in Brussels, he supported himself by saying mass "at Notre Dame de bonne successe, a chapel of significant devotion, named after a statue of Our Lady, which was brought from Aberdeen to Ostend," etc. It might be interesting for your readers who are familiar with this entertaining book to know that the statue is still revered. A friend of mine (who had never heard of Blackhal) told me that while he was in Brussels on the eve of the Assumption (Aug. 14), 1847, he saw announcements that the Aberdeen statue would be carried in a procession for the upcoming festival. However, he had to leave Brussels before he could see the event.
As to Blackhal himself, The Catholic Annual Register for the present year (p. 207.) supplies two facts which were not known to his editor—that he was at last principal of the Scots College at Paris, and that he died July 1. 1671.
As for Blackhal himself, The Catholic Annual Register for this year (p. 207.) provides two pieces of information that were previously unknown to his editor—that he was finally the principal of the Scots College in Paris, and that he passed away on July 1, 1671.
The Nonjurors (Vol. ii., p. 354.).—May I take the liberty of suggesting to MR. YEOWELL that his interesting paper on "The Oratories of the Nonjurors," would have been far more valuable if he had given the authorities for his statements.
The Nonjurors (Vol. ii., p. 354.).—May I suggest to MR. YEOWELL that his interesting paper on "The Oratories of the Nonjurors" would have been much more valuable if he had included the sources for his statements?
Booksellers' Catalogues.—Allow me to suggest the propriety and utility of stating the weight or cost of postage to second-hand and other books. It would be a great convenience to many country book-buyers to know the entire cost, carriage-free, of the volumes they require, but have never seen.
Booksellers' Catalogues.—I’d like to recommend the importance and usefulness of indicating the weight or postage cost for second-hand and other books. It would be really helpful for many book buyers in rural areas to know the total cost, including shipping, of the books they need but have never seen.
Bailie Nicol Jarvie.—Lockhart, in his Life of Scott, speaking of the first representation of Rob Roy on the Edinburgh boards, observes—
Bailie Nicol Jarvie.—Lockhart, in his Life of Scott, talking about the first performance of Rob Roy on the Edinburgh stage, notes—
"The great and unrivalled attraction was the personification of Bailie Jarvie by Charles Mackay, who, being himself a native of Glasgow, entered into the minutest peculiarities of the character with high gusto, and gave the west country dialect in its most racy perfection."
"The incredible and unique charm came from Charles Mackay's performance as Bailie Jarvie, who, being from Glasgow, truly embraced every detail of the character with great enthusiasm, delivering the west country dialect in its most genuine form."
But in the sweetest cup of praise, there is generally one small drop of bitterness. The drop, in honest Mackay's case, is that by calling him a "native of Glasgow," and, therefore, "to the manner born," he is, by implication, deprived of the credit of speaking the "foreign tongue" like a native. So after wearing his laurels for a quarter of a century with this one withered leaf in them, he has plucked it off, and by a formal affidavit sworn before an Edinburgh bailie, the Glasgow bailie has put it on record that he is really by birth "one of the same class whom King Jamie denominated a real Edinburgh Gutter-Bluid." If there is something droll in the notion of such an affidavit, there is, assuredly, something to move our respect in the earnestness and love of truth which led the bailie to make it, and to prove him a good honest man, as we have no doubt, "his father, the deacon, was before him."
But even in the sweetest praise, there's usually a tiny bit of bitterness. In honest Mackay's case, that bitterness comes from being called a "native of Glasgow," which implies he was "born to it," meaning he doesn't get full credit for speaking the "foreign tongue" like a local. So, after wearing his accolades for twenty-five years with this one faded leaf among them, he decided to remove it, and through a formal affidavit sworn before an Edinburgh magistrate, the Glasgow magistrate officially recorded that he was actually "one of the same class whom King Jamie called a real Edinburgh Gutter-Blood." While the idea of such an affidavit is somewhat amusing, there's definitely something respectable about the sincerity and love for truth that motivated the magistrate to make it, proving him to be a genuinely good man, just like we’re sure “his father, the deacon, was before him.”
Camels in Gaul.—The use of camels by the Franks in Gaul is more than once referred to by the chroniclers. In the year 585, the treasures of Mummolus and the friends of Gondovald were carried from Bordeaux to Convennes on camels. The troops of Gontran who were pursuing them—
Camels in Gaul.—The chroniclers mention the use of camels by the Franks in Gaul more than once. In 585, the treasures of Mummolus and Gondovald’s allies were transported from Bordeaux to Convennes on camels. Gontran’s troops, who were pursuing them—
"invenerunt camelos cum ingenti pondere auri atque argenti, sive equos quos fessos per vias reliquerat"—Greg. Turon., l. vii. c. 35.
"They discovered camels loaded with a massive amount of gold and silver, or horses that they had abandoned, worn out along the roads."—Greg. Turon., l. vii. c. 35.
And after Brunichild had fallen into the hands of Chlotair, she was, before her death, conducted through the army on a camel:—
And after Brunichild was captured by Chlotair, she was, before her death, paraded through the army on a camel:—
"Jubetque eam camelum per omnem exercitum sedentem perducere."—Fredegarius, c. 42.
"He ordered her to lead the camel through the entire seated army."—Fredegarius, c. 42.
By what people were camels first brought into Gaul? By the Romans; by the Visigoths; or by the Franks themselves?
By whom were camels first brought into Gaul? The Romans, the Visigoths, or the Franks themselves?
QUERIES.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL QUERIES.
(Continued from page 325.)
(Continued from page 325.)
(13.) Is it not a grievous and calumnious charge against the principal libraries of England, Germany, and France, that not one of them contains a copy of the Florentine Pandects, in three folio {422} volumes, "magnifice, ac pereleganter, perque accurate impressis," as Fabricius speaks? (Bibl. Græc. xii: 363.) This statement, which may be but a libel, is found in Tilgner (Nov. lib. rar. Collect. Fascic. iv. 710.), Schelhorn (Amæn. Lit. iii. 428.), Vogt (Catal. p. 562. Hamb. 1738), and Solger (Biblioth. i 163.). According to the last writer, the edition in question, Florent. 1553, (for a fac-simile of the letters of the original MS. see Mabillon's Iter Italicum, p. 183.) is,—"splendidissima, et stupendæ raritatis, quæ in tanta est apud Eruditos æstimatione ut pro 100 Imperialibus sæpius divendita fuerit." Would that the race of such purchasers was not extinct! In Gibbon's notice of this impression (Decline and Fall, iv. 197. ed. Milman), there are two mistakes. He calls the editor "Taurellus" instead of Taurellius; and makes the date "1551", when it should have been 1553. These errors, however, are scarcely surprising in a sentence in which Antonius Augustinus is named "Antoninus." The Archbishop of Tarragona had received a still more exalted title in p. 193., for there he was styled "Antoninus Augustus." Are these the author's faults, or are they merely editorial embellishments?
(13.) Isn’t it a serious and false accusation against the major libraries of England, Germany, and France that none of them has a copy of the Florentine Pandects, in three folio volumes, "magnificently and elegantly, and very accurately printed," as Fabricius says? (Bibl. Græc. xii: 363.) This claim, which might just be slander, can be found in Tilgner (Nov. lib. rar. Collect. Fascic. iv. 710.), Schelhorn (Amæn. Lit. iii. 428.), Vogt (Catal. p. 562. Hamb. 1738), and Solger (Biblioth. i 163.). According to the last author, the edition in question, Florent. 1553, (for a facsimile of the letters of the original manuscript, see Mabillon's Iter Italicum, p. 183.) is—"the most splendid and of astonishing rarity, which is so valued among scholars that it has often been sold for 100 Imperial units." I wish the generation of such buyers wasn’t gone! In Gibbon's mention of this edition (Decline and Fall, iv. 197. ed. Milman), there are two mistakes. He refers to the editor as "Taurellus" instead of Taurellius; and he states the date as "1551," when it should have been 1553. However, these errors are hardly surprising in a sentence where Antonius Augustinus is referred to as "Antoninus." The Archbishop of Tarragona was given an even more elevated title on p. 193, where he was called "Antoninus Augustus." Are these the author's mistakes, or just editorial enhancements?
(14.) In what year was the improved woodcut of the Prelum Ascensianum used for the first time? And has it been observed that the small and separated figures incised on the legs of this insigne of Jodocus Badius may sometimes be taken as a safe guide with reference to the exact date of the works in which this mark appears? As an argument serving to justify the occasional adoption of this criterion I would adduce the fact, that the earliest edition of Budæus De Contemptu Rerum fortuitarum is believed to have been printed in 1520 (Greswell's Parisian Greek Press, i. 39.), and this year is accordingly visible in the title-page on the print of the Prelum Ascensianum. That recourse must, however, be had with caution to this method of discovering a date, is manifest; from the circumstance, that 1521, or perhaps I should say an injured 1520, appears on the Badian Device in the third impression of the same treatise (the second with the expositio), though it was set forth "postridie Cal. April 1528."
(14.) In what year was the revised woodcut of the Prelum Ascensianum first used? And has it been noted that the small, distinct figures engraved on the legs of this insigne of Jodocus Badius can sometimes serve as a reliable guide for pinpointing the exact date of the works where this mark appears? To support the occasional use of this method, I would point out that the earliest edition of Budæus' De Contemptu Rerum fortuitarum is thought to have been printed in 1520 (Greswell's Parisian Greek Press, i. 39.), and this year is accordingly visible on the title page of the print from the Prelum Ascensianum. However, it's clear that one must exercise caution when using this method to determine a date; for instance, 1521, or perhaps more accurately an altered 1520, appears on the Badian Device in the third impression of the same treatise (the second with the expositio), even though it was published "the day after the last day of March 1528."
(15.) Is it owing to the extreme rarity of copies of the first edition of the Pagninian version of the Scriptures that so many writers are perplexed and ignorant concerning it? One might have expected that such a very remarkable impression in all respects would have been so well known to Bishop Walton, that he could not have asserted (Proleg. v.) that it was published in 1523; and the same hallucination is perceptible in the Elenchus Scriptorum by Crowe (p. 4.) It is certain that Pope Leo X. directed that Pagnini's translation should be printed at his expense (Roscoe, ii. 282.), and the Diploma of Adrian VI. is dated "die, xj. Maij. M.D.XXIII.," but the labours of the eminent Dominican were not put forth until the 29th of January, 1527. This is the date in the colophon; and though "1528" is obvious on the title-page, the apparent variation may be accounted for by remembering the several ways of marking the commencement of the year. (Le Long, by Masch, ii. 475.; Chronol. of Hist., by Sir H. Nicolas, p. 40.) Chevillier informs us (Orig. de l'Imp. p. 143.) that the earliest Latin Bible, in which he had seen the verses distinguished by ciphers, was that of Robert Stephens in 1557. Clement (Biblioth. iv. 147.) takes notice of an impression issued two years previously; and these bibliographers have been followed by Greswell (Paris. G. P. i. 342. 390.). Were they all unacquainted with the antecedent exertions of Sante Pagnini (See Pettigrew's Bibl. Sussex. p. 388.)
(15.) Is the confusion and ignorance about the first edition of the Pagninian version of the Scriptures due to how rare copies of it are? One would have thought that such a notable release would have been so well-known to Bishop Walton that he wouldn’t have claimed (Proleg. v.) that it was published in 1523; the same misunderstanding is seen in Crowe's Elenchus Scriptorum (p. 4.). It's clear that Pope Leo X. ordered Pagnini’s translation to be printed at his expense (Roscoe, ii. 282.), and the Diploma of Adrian VI. is dated "die, xj. Maij. M.D.XXIII.," but the work of the distinguished Dominican wasn't published until January 29, 1527. This date appears in the colophon, and although "1528" is clearly on the title page, the discrepancy can be explained by considering the different ways of marking the start of the year. (Le Long, by Masch, ii. 475.; Chronol. of Hist., by Sir H. Nicolas, p. 40.) Chevillier tells us (Orig. de l'Imp. p. 143.) that the earliest Latin Bible in which he saw verses marked with ciphers was Robert Stephens’ version from 1557. Clement (Biblioth. iv. 147.) mentions an edition released two years earlier; these bibliographers have been referenced by Greswell (Paris. G. P. i. 342. 390.). Were they all unaware of Sante Pagnini's earlier efforts? (See Pettigrew's Bibl. Sussex. p. 388.)
(16.) Why should Panzer have thought that the true date of the editio princeps of Gregorius Turonensis and Ado Viennensis, comprised in the same small folio volume, was 1516? (Greswell, i. 35.) If he had said 1522, he might have had the assistance of a misprint in the colophon, in which "M.D.XXII." was inserted instead of M.D.XII.; but the royal privilege for the book is dated, "le douziesme iour de mars lan milcinqcens et onze," and the dedication of the works by Badius to Guil. Parvus ends with "Ad. XII Kalendas Decemb. Anni huius M.D.XII."
(16.) Why did Panzer believe that the actual date of the editio princeps of Gregorius Turonensis and Ado Viennensis, contained in the same small folio volume, was 1516? (Greswell, i. 35.) If he had claimed it was 1522, he might have been helped by a typo in the colophon, where "M.D.XXII." was mistakenly used instead of M.D.XII.; however, the royal privilege for the book is dated, "the twelfth day of March in the year fifteen hundred and eleven," and the dedication of the works by Badius to Guil. Parvus concludes with "On the 12th Kalends of December of this year M.D.XII."
(17.) Who was the author of Peniteas cito? And is it not evident that the impression at Cologne by Martinus de Werdena, in 1511, is considerably later than that which is adorned on the title-page with a different woodcut, and which exhibits the following words proceeding from the teacher: "Accipies tanti doctoris dogmata sancta?"
(17.) Who wrote Peniteas cito? And isn’t it clear that the print in Cologne by Martinus de Werdena, in 1511, is much later than the one decorated on the title page with a different woodcut, which shows the following words from the teacher: "Accipies tanti doctoris dogmata sancta?"
DRYDEN'S "ESSAY UPON SATIRE."
Dryden's "Essay on Satire."
On what evidence does the statement rest, that the Earl of Mulgrave was the author of the Essay upon Satire, and that Dryden merely corrected and polished it? As at present advised, I have considerable doubt upon the point: and although, in modern editions of Dryden's Works, I find it headed An Essay upon Satire, written by Mr. Dryden and the Earl of Mulgrave, yet in the State Poems, vol. i. p. 179., originally printed in the lifetime of Dryden, it is attributed solely to him—"An Essay upon Satyr. By J. Dryden, Esq." This gets rid of the assertion in the note of "D.," in the Aldine edition of Dryden (i. 105.), that "the Earl of Mulgrave's name has been always joined with Dryden's, as concerned in the composition." Was it not first published without notice that any other person was concerned in it but Dryden?
On what evidence does the claim rely that the Earl of Mulgrave was the author of the Essay upon Satire, and that Dryden merely revised and refined it? As I see it now, I have serious doubts about this issue: and even though, in modern editions of Dryden's Works, it's titled An Essay upon Satire, written by Mr. Dryden and the Earl of Mulgrave, in the State Poems, vol. i. p. 179., which was originally printed during Dryden's lifetime, it is credited solely to him—"An Essay upon Satyr. By J. Dryden, Esq." This counters the claim in the note by "D." in the Aldine edition of Dryden (i. 105.), that "the Earl of Mulgrave's name has been always associated with Dryden's in the creation." Was it not first published without any indication that anyone else was involved besides Dryden?
The internal evidence, too, is strong that Dryden was the author of it. I do not here refer to the {423} free, flexible, and idiomatic character of the versification, so exactly like that of Dryden; but principally to the description the Essay upon Satire contains of the Earl of Mulgrave himself, beginning,
The internal evidence is also strong that Dryden wrote it. I'm not just talking about the free, flexible, and natural style of the verses, which is so similar to Dryden's; I'm mainly referring to the description in the Essay upon Satire of the Earl of Mulgrave himself, starting with,
"Mulgrave had much ado to scape the snare,
"Mulgrave had a hard time escaping the trap,
Though learn'd in those ill arts that cheat the fair;
Though skilled in those unethical tricks that deceive the innocent;
For, after all, his vulgar marriage mocks,
For, after all, his trashy marriage mocks,
With beauty dazzled Numps was in the stocks;"
With beauty, Numps was stuck in the stocks;
And ending:
And a conclusion:
"Him no soft thoughts, no gratitude could move;
"Him no gentle thoughts, no gratitude could sway;
To gold he fled, from beauty and from love," &c.
To gold he ran, away from beauty and love," &c.
Could Mulgrave have so written of himself; or could he have allowed Dryden to interpolate the character. Earlier in the poem we meet with a description of Shaftesbury, which cannot fail to call to mind Dryden's character of him in Absalom and Achitophel; which, as we know, did not make its appearance, even in its first shape, until two years after Dryden was cudgelled in Rose Street as the author of the Essay upon Satire. Everybody bears in mind the triplet,
Could Mulgrave have written about himself like that; or could he have let Dryden add to the character? Earlier in the poem, there's a description of Shaftesbury that definitely reminds us of Dryden's portrayal of him in Absalom and Achitophel; which, as we know, didn't come out, even in its first form, until two years after Dryden was beaten in Rose Street as the author of the Essay upon Satire. Everyone remembers the triplet,
"A fiery soul, which working out its way,
"A fiery soul that is carving its path,
Fretted his pigmy body to decay,
Fretted his tiny body to decay,
And o'er-inform'd the tenement of clay;"
And overly informed the house of clay;
And what does Dryden (for it must be he who writes) say of Shaftesbury in the Essay upon Satire?
And what does Dryden (it has to be him who writes) say about Shaftesbury in the Essay upon Satire?
"As by our little Machiavel we find,
"As our little Machiavel shows us,
That nimblest creature of the busy kind:
That quickest creature of the active sort:
His limbs are crippled, and his body shakes,
His limbs are disabled, and his body trembles,
Yet his hard mind, which all this bustle makes,
Yet his tough mind, shaped by all this commotion,
No pity on its poor companion takes."
No pity is shown for its poor companion.
If Mulgrave wrote these lines, and Dryden only corrected them, Dryden was at all events indebted to Mulgrave for the thought of the inequality, and disproportion between the mind and body of Shaftesbury. Moreover, we know that Pope expunged the assertion subsequently made, that Dryden had been "punished" (not beaten, as "D." quotes the passage) "for another's rhimes," when he was bastinadoed, in 1679, at the instigation of Rochester, for the character of him in the Essay upon Satire.
If Mulgrave wrote these lines and Dryden just edited them, Dryden was still indebted to Mulgrave for the idea of the imbalance and disparity between Shaftesbury's mind and body. Furthermore, we know that Pope later removed the claim that Dryden had been "punished" (not beaten, as "D." cites the passage) "for another's rhymes," when he was caned in 1679 at Rochester's prompting for the portrayal of him in the Essay upon Satire.
It might suit Mulgrave's purpose afterwards to claim a share in this production; but the evidence, as far as I am acquainted with it, seems all against it. There may be much evidence on the point with which I am not acquainted, and perhaps some of your readers will be so good as to point it out to me. The question is one that I am, at this moment, especially interested in.
It might serve Mulgrave's interests later to claim a part in this production, but the evidence, as far as I know, appears to be entirely against it. There may be a lot of evidence on this issue that I'm not aware of, and maybe some of your readers will kindly point it out to me. This is a question that I'm particularly interested in right now.
MINOR QUERIES.
Æneas Silvius (Pope Pius II.).—A broadsheet was published in 1461, containing the excommunication and dethronement of the Archbishop and Elector Dietrich of Mayence, issued and styled in the most formidable terms by Pius II. This broadsheet, consisting of eighteen lines, and printed on one side only, appears from the uniformity of its type with the Rationale of 1459, to be the product of Fust and Schöffer.
Æneas Silvius (Pope Pius II.).—In 1461, a broadsheet was released announcing the excommunication and removal from power of Archbishop and Elector Dietrich of Mayence, written in the most severe terms by Pius II. This broadsheet, which has eighteen lines and is printed on one side only, seems to be the work of Fust and Schöffer, based on the consistency of its type with the Rationale from 1459.
No mention whatever is made of this typographical curiosity in any of the standard bibliographical manuals, from which it seems, that this broadsheet is UNIQUE. Can any information, throwing light upon this subject, be given?
No mention of this typographical oddity is made in any of the standard bibliographical manuals, which suggests that this broadsheet is UNIQUE. Can any information shedding light on this subject be provided?
November, 1850.
November 1850.
"Please the Pigs" is a phrase too vulgarly common not to be well known to your readers. But whence has it arisen? Either in "NOTES AND QUERIES," or elsewhere, it has been explained as a corruption of "Please the pix." Will you allow another suggestion? I think it possible that the pigs of the Gergesenes (Matthew viii. 28. et seq.) may be those appealed to, and that the invocation may be of somewhat impious meaning. John Bradford, the martyr of 1555, has within a few consecutive pages of his writings the following expressions:
"Please the Pigs" is a phrase so commonly used that it’s likely familiar to your readers. But where did it come from? In "NOTES AND QUERIES," or elsewhere, it has been described as a mispronunciation of "Please the pix." May I offer another idea? It’s possible that the pigs of the Gergesenes (Matthew viii. 28. et seq.) are the ones being referred to, and that the phrase might have a rather irreverent connotation. John Bradford, the martyr of 1555, includes the following expressions in just a few pages of his writings:
"And so by this means, as they save their pigs, which they would not lose, (I mean their worldly pelf), so they would please the Protestants, and be counted with them for gospellers, yea, marry, would they."—Writings of Bradford, Parker Society ed., p.390.
"By doing this, just like they safeguard their pigs, which they don’t want to lose (referring to their money and possessions), they also aim to satisfy the Protestants and be regarded as one of them, indeed, they do."—Writings of Bradford, Parker Society ed., p.390.
Again:
Again
"Now are they willing to drink of God's cup of afflictions, which He offereth common with His son Christ our Lord, lest they should love their pigs with the Gergenites." p. 409.
"Now they are prepared to drink from God's cup of suffering, which He offers alongside His son Christ our Lord, so that they won’t love their pigs with the Gergesenes." p. 409.
Again:
Again:
"This is a hard sermon: 'Who is able to abide it?' Therefore, Christ must be prayed to depart, lest all their pigs be drowned. The devil shall have his dwelling again in themselves, rather than in their pigs." p. 409.
"This is a difficult message: 'Who can deal with it?' Therefore, they need to pray to Christ for help, or their pigs will all drown. The devil will remain in them instead of in their pigs." p. 409.
These, and similar expressions in the same writer, without reference to any text upon the subject, seem to show, that men loving their pigs more than God, was a theological phrase of the day, descriptive of their too great worldliness. Hence, just as St. Paul said, "if the Lord will," or as we say, "please God," or, as it is sometimes written, "D.V.," worldly men would exclaim, "please the pigs," and thereby mean that, provided it suited their present interest, they would do this or that thing.
These and similar expressions from the same author, without referencing any specific text on the topic, seem to indicate that men who loved their pigs more than God was a common theological phrase of the time, describing their excessive focus on worldly matters. So, just as St. Paul said, "if the Lord wills," or as we say, "please God," or sometimes written as "D.V.," worldly people would say, "please the pigs," meaning that as long as it benefited their immediate interests, they would do this or that thing.
Ecclesfield.
Ecclesfield.
[We subjoin the following Query, as one so closely connected with the foregoing, that the explanation of the one will probably clear up the obscurity in which the other is involved.]
[We're adding this question because it's closely related to the one before, and explaining it will likely clear up the confusion surrounding the other.]
To save One's Bacon.—Can you or any of your correspondents inform me of the origin of the common saying, "He's just saved his bacon?" It has puzzled me considerably, and I really can form no conjecture why "bacon" should be the article "saved."
To save One's Bacon.—Can you or any of your contacts tell me where the saying "He's just saved his bacon" comes from? It has really puzzled me, and I can't figure out why "bacon" is the thing that gets "saved."
Arabic Numerals.—I should be glad to know something about the projected work of Brugsh, Berlin, referred to in Vol. ii., p. 294.,—its size and price.
Arabic Numerals.—I would like to know more about the planned work of Brugsh, Berlin, mentioned in Vol. ii., p. 294.,—its dimensions and cost.
Cardinal.—"Never did Cardinal bring good to England."—We read in Dr. Ligard's History (vol. iv. p. 527.), on the authority of Cavendish, that when the Cardinals Campeggio and Wolsey adjourned the inquiry into the legality of Henry VIII.'s marriage with Catharine of Arragon, "the Duke of Suffolk, striking the table, exclaimed with vehemence, that the 'old saw' was now verified,—'Never did Cardinal bring good to England.'" I should be glad to know if this saying is to be met with elsewhere, and what gave rise to it?
Cardinal.—"Never did Cardinal bring good to England."—We read in Dr. Ligard's History (vol. iv. p. 527) that, according to Cavendish, when Cardinals Campeggio and Wolsey postponed the investigation into the legality of Henry VIII's marriage to Catherine of Aragon, "the Duke of Suffolk slammed his hand on the table and passionately declared that the 'old saying' was now proven true—'Never did Cardinal bring good to England.'" I would like to know if this saying appears elsewhere and what its origins are.
"By the bye," &c.—What is the etymology of the phrases "by the bye," "by and by," and such like?
"By the bye," &c.—What is the origin of the phrases "by the bye," "by and by," and similar expressions?"
Poisons.—Our ancestors believed in the existence of poisons made so artfully that they did not operate till several years after they were administered. I should be greatly obliged by any information on this subject obtained from English books published previously to 1600.
Poison.—Our ancestors thought there were poisons that were crafted so cleverly that they wouldn’t take effect until many years after they were given. I would greatly appreciate any information on this topic sourced from English books published before 1600.
Cabalistic Author.—Who was the author of a chemical and cabalistical work, not noticed by Lowndes, entitled:
Cabalistic Author.—Who wrote a chemical and mystical work that Lowndes didn’t mention, titled:
"A philosophicall epitaph in hierogliphicall figures. A briefe of the golden calf (the world's idol). The golden ass well managed, and Midas restored to reason. Written by J. Rod, Glauber, and Jehior, the three principles or originall of all things. Published by W.C., Esquire, 8vo. Lond. Printed for William Cooper, at the Pellican, in Little Britain, 1673."
"A philosophical epitaph in hieroglyphic symbols. A short overview of the golden calf (the world's idol). The golden donkey skillfully managed, and Midas returned to his senses. Written by J. Rod, Glauber, and Jehior, the three principles or origins of everything. Published by W.C., Esquire, 8vo. Lond. Printed for William Cooper, at the Pelican, in Little Britain, 1673."
With a long catalogue of chemical books, in three parts, at the end. My copy has two titles, the first being an engraved one, with ten small circles round it, containing hieroglyphical figures, and an engraved frontispiece, which is repeated in the volume, with some other cuts. There are two dedications, one to Robert Boyle, Esq., and the other to Elias Ashmole, Esq.; both signed "W.C. or twice five hundred," which signature is repeated in other parts of the book. What is the meaning of "W.C. or twice five hundred"?
With a long list of chemistry books, in three parts, at the end. My copy has two titles; the first is an engraved one with ten small circles around it, featuring hieroglyphic figures, and an engraved frontispiece, which is also included in the volume, along with some other illustrations. There are two dedications, one to Robert Boyle, Esq., and the other to Elias Ashmole, Esq.; both signed "W.C. or twice five hundred," and this signature appears in other sections of the book. What does "W.C. or twice five hundred" mean?
Brandon the Juggler.—Where is any information to be obtained of Brandon the Juggler, who lived in the reign of King Henry VIII.?
Brandon the Juggler.—Where can I find any information about Brandon the Juggler, who lived during the reign of King Henry VIII?
Jacobus Præfectus Siculus.—I have a beautiful copy of a poem by this person, entitled De Verbo DEI Cantica. The binding expresses its date: "Neapoli, 1537." It is not, I believe, the work which suggested to Milton his greater songs, though it is a pretty complete outline of the Paradise Lost and Regained/ What is known about the author, or any other works of his?
Jacobus Præfectus Siculus.—I have a lovely copy of a poem by this guy, titled De Verbo DEI Cantica. The binding shows its date: "Neapoli, 1537." I don’t think it’s the work that inspired Milton’s greater poems, although it does offer a pretty complete outline of Paradise Lost and Paradise Regained. What else do we know about the author, or any other works he has?
The Word "after" in the Rubric—Canons of 1604.—
The Word "after" in the Rubric—Canons of 1604.—
1. Can any of your correspondents who may have in their possession any old Greek, or Latin, or other versions, of the Book of Common Prayer, kindly inform me how the word after is rendered in the rubrics of the General Confession, the Lord's Prayer in the Post Communion, and the last prayer of the Commination Service? Is it in the sense of post or secundum?
1. Can any of your correspondents who might have any old Greek, Latin, or other versions of the Book of Common Prayer, please let me know how the word after is translated in the rubrics of the General Confession, the Lord's Prayer in the Post Communion, and the last prayer of the Commination Service? Is it used in the sense of post or secundum?
2. Where can any account of the translation of the Canons of 1604 into English be found? It is apprehended the question is one more difficult to answer than might be supposed.
2. Where can an account of the translation of the Canons of 1604 into English be found? It seems this question is harder to answer than one might think.
Hard by.—Is not hard by a corruption of the German hierbei? I know no other similar instance of the word hard, that is to say, as signifying proximity, without the conjoint idea of pressure or pursuit.
Hard by.—Isn’t hard by a corruption of the German hierbei? I can’t think of any other example where the word hard means close or near, without also implying pressure or chasing.
Thomas Rogers of Horninger.—Can any of the readers of your valuable publication give me, or put me in the way of obtaining, any information about one Thomas Rogers, who was in some way connected with the village of Horninger or Horringer, near Bury St. Edmunds, was author of a work on the Thirty-nine Articles, and died in the year 1616?
Thomas Rogers of Horninger.—Can any of your readers help me find information about Thomas Rogers, who was connected to the village of Horninger or Horringer, near Bury St. Edmunds? He wrote a book on the Thirty-nine Articles and died in 1616.
Corpus Christi Col., Cambridge.
Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.
Armorial Bearings.—Three barrulets charged with six church bells, three, two, and one, is a shield occurring in the Speke Chauntry, in Exeter Cathedral. Can this coat be assigned?
Armorial Bearings.—Three horizontal bars with six church bells, arranged three, two, and one, is a shield found in the Speke Chauntry at Exeter Cathedral. Can we assign this coat of arms?
Lady Compton's Letter to her Husband.—In Bishop Goodman's Court of King James I., edited by John S. Brewer, M.A. (vol. ii. p. 127..), is a letter from Lady Compton to her husband, William Lord Compton, afterwards Earl of Northampton, written upon occasion of his coming into possession of a large fortune. This letter, with some important variations, is also given in Knight's London (vol. i. p. 324.), and, if my memory does not deceive me, in Hewitt's Visits to Remarkable Places. This letter is very curious, but I can hardly think it genuine. Can any of your correspondents throw any light on the matter? Was it printed before 1839, when Mr. Brewer's work appeared? Where is the original, or supposed original, to be seen? Above all, is it authentic? If not, is it known when, and by {425} whom, and under what circumstances it was written?
Lady Compton's Letter to her Husband.—In Bishop Goodman's Court of King James I., edited by John S. Brewer, M.A. (vol. ii. p. 127..), is a letter from Lady Compton to her husband, William Lord Compton, who later became Earl of Northampton, written on the occasion of his coming into a large fortune. This letter, with some important differences, is also found in Knight's London (vol. i. p. 324.), and, if I recall correctly, in Hewitt's Visits to Remarkable Places. This letter is quite interesting, but I can hardly believe it's authentic. Can any of your readers shed some light on this? Was it published before 1839, when Mr. Brewer's work came out? Where can the original, or what is thought to be the original, be found? Most importantly, is it genuine? If not, is there any information on when, by {425} whom, and under what circumstances it was written?
Cambridge, November 15. 1850.
Cambridge, November 15, 1850.
Romagnasi's Works.—In a "Life of G.D. Romagnasi," in vol. xviii. Law Mag., p. 340., after enumerating several of his works, it is added, "All these are comprised in a single volume, Florentine edit. of 1835." I have in vain endeavoured to procure the work, and have recently received an answer from the first book establishment in Florence, to the effect that no such edition ever appeared either at Florence or elsewhere.
Romagnasi's Works.—In a "Life of G.D. Romagnasi," in vol. xviii. Law Mag., p. 340., after listing several of his works, it mentions, "All these are included in a single volume, Florentine edition of 1835." I have unsuccessfully tried to obtain the work, and I recently got a reply from the leading bookstore in Florence, stating that no such edition ever existed either in Florence or elsewhere.
This is strange after the explicit statement in the Law Mag., and I shall be obliged to receive through the medium of your useful pages any information regarding the work in question.
This is odd after the clear statement in the Law Mag., and I would appreciate any information about the work in question that you could share through your helpful pages.
Christopher Barker's Device.—I have often been puzzled to understand the precise meaning of the inscription on Christopher Barker's device. Whether this arises from my own ignorance, or from any essential difficulty in it, I cannot tell; but I should be glad of an explanation. I copy from a folio edition of the Geneva Bible, "imprinted at London by Christopher Barker, printer to the Queene's Majesty, 1578."
Christopher Barker's Device.—I have often been confused about the exact meaning of the inscription on Christopher Barker's device. I’m not sure if this is due to my own lack of knowledge or if there’s something inherently difficult about it, but I would appreciate an explanation. I’m quoting from a folio edition of the Geneva Bible, "printed in London by Christopher Barker, printer to the Queen's Majesty, 1578."
The device consists of a boar's head rising from a mural crown, with a scroll proceeding from its mouth, and embracing a lamb in the lowest fold. The inscription on this scroll is as follows:—
The device features a boar's head emerging from a mural crown, with a scroll coming out of its mouth and wrapping around a lamb in the bottom fold. The inscription on this scroll reads as follows:—
"Tigre . Reo.
Tigre. Reo.
Animale . Del.
Animal Del.
Adam . Vecchio.
Adam Vecchio.
Figliuolo . Merce.
Figlio. Goods.
L'Evangelio . Fatto.
The Gospel. Done.
N'Estat . Agnello."
N'Estat . Agnello.
I venture my own solution:—The tiger, the wicked animal, of the old Adam, being made, thanks to the Gospel, a son, is hence become a lamb."
I propose my own solution:—The tiger, the wicked creature of the old Adam, has been transformed into a lamb, thanks to the Gospel.
I presume N'Estat to be an abbreviation of "ne è stato." Any correction or illustration of this will oblige.
I assume N'Estat stands for "ne è stato." Any corrections or explanations regarding this would be appreciated.
Bingham's Melcombe, Blandford.
Bingham's Melcombe, Blandford.
REPLIES.
LICENSING OF BOOKS.
(Vol. ii., p.359.)
(Vol. 2, p. 359.)
On the 12th November, 5 & 6 Philip and Mary, 1558, a bill "That no man shall print any book or ballad, &c., unless he be authorized thereunto by the king and queen's majesties licence, under the Great Seal of Englande," was read for the first time in the House of Lords, where it was read again a second time on the 14th. On the 16th it was read for the third time, but it did not pass, and probably never reached the Commons; for Queen Mary died on the following day, and thereby the Parliament was dissolved. (Lords' Journal, i. 539, 540.) Queen Elizabeth, however did by her high prerogative what her sister had sought to effect by legislative sanction. In the first year of her reign, 1559, she issued injunctions concerning both the clergy and the laity: the 51st Injunction was in the following terms:—
On November 12, 1558, during the reign of Philip and Mary, a bill stating "No one shall print any book or ballad, etc., unless authorized by the king and queen’s license, under the Great Seal of England," was introduced for the first time in the House of Lords. It was read again on the 14th. On the 16th, it was read for the third time, but it did not pass and likely never reached the Commons; Queen Mary died the next day, which led to the dissolution of Parliament. (Lords' Journal, i. 539, 540.) However, Queen Elizabeth, using her royal authority, accomplished what her sister had tried to achieve through legislation. In the first year of her reign, 1559, she issued directives for both clergy and laity: the 51st Injunction was as follows:—
"Item, because there is great abuse in the printers of books, which for covetousness chiefly regard not what they print, so they may have gain, whereby ariseth the great disorder by publication of unfruitful, vain, and infamous books and papers; the queen's majesty straitly chargeth and commandeth, that no manner of person shall print any manner of book or paper, of what sort, nature, or in what language soever it be, except the same be first licensed by Her Majesty by express words in writing, or by six of her privy council; or be perused and licensed by the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, the Bishop of London, the chancellors of both universities, the bishop being ordinary, and the archdeacon also of the place, where any such shall be printed, or by two of them, whereof the ordinary of the place to be always one. And that the names of such, as shall allow the same, to be added in the end of every such work, for a testimony of the allowance thereof. And because many pamphlets, plays, and ballads be oftentimes printed, wherein regard would be had that nothing therein should be either heretical, seditious, or unseemly for Christian ears; Her Majesty likewise commandeth that no manner of person shall enterprise to print any such, except the same be to him licensed by such Her Majesty's commissioners, or three of them, as be appointed in the city of London to hear and determine divers clauses ecclesiastical, tending to the execution of certain statutes made the last parliament for uniformity of order in religion. And if any shall sell or utter any manner of books or papers, being not licensed as is abovesaid, that the same party shall be punished by order of the said commissioners, as to the quality of the fault shall be thought meet. And touching all other books of matters of religion, or policy, or governance, that have been printed, either on this side the seas, or on the other side, because the diversity of them is great, and that there needeth good consideration to be had of the particularities thereof, Her Majesty referreth the prohibition or permission thereof to the order, which her said commissioners within the city of London shall take and notify. According to the which, Her Majesty straitly chargeth and commandeth all manner her subjects, and especially the wardens and company of stationers, to be obedient.
"Due to the widespread abuse happening among book printers, who, motivated by greed, often ignore the content they create just for profit, leading to significant chaos from the release of unhelpful, trivial, and disreputable books and papers; the queen commands that no one shall print any book or paper, regardless of its type, nature, or language, unless it has first been licensed by Her Majesty in explicit written form, or by six members of her privy council; or has been reviewed and approved by the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, the Bishop of London, the chancellors of both universities, the local bishop, and the archdeacon of the area where any such material is to be printed, or by two of them, ensuring that the local ordinary is always one. Additionally, the names of those who approve the work must be included at the end of every publication to serve as a record of its approval. Also, since many pamphlets, plays, and ballads are often printed, it is crucial that nothing within them should be heretical, seditious, or inappropriate for Christian audiences; Her Majesty also commands that no one shall attempt to print any such material without explicit permission from the commissioners appointed by Her Majesty, or at least three of them, who are responsible in the city of London for hearing and deciding various ecclesiastical issues related to enforcing certain laws established in the last parliament for maintaining consistency in religious practices. If anyone sells or distributes any books or papers that have not been properly licensed as required, that individual will face punishment as ordered by the aforementioned commissioners, depending on the severity of the offense. Regarding all other books on matters of religion, policy, or governance that have been printed either in this country or abroad, given the significant variety among them, careful consideration must be given to their specific details; therefore, Her Majesty leaves the decision to prohibit or allow such works to the judgment of her commissioners in the city of London, who will take appropriate action and inform the public. Hence, Her Majesty strictly instructs all her subjects, especially the wardens and the company of stationers, to comply."
"Provided that these orders do not extend to any profane authors and works in any language, that have been heretofore commonly received or allowed in any of the universities or schools, but the same may be printed, and used as by good order they were accustomed."—Cardswell's Documentary Annals, i. 229.
"These orders do not apply to any secular authors or works in any language that have previously been commonly accepted or allowed in any universities or schools; those can still be printed and used as they typically were."—Cardswell's Documentary Annals, i. 229.
This injunction was, I take it, the origin of the licensing of the press of this country. On the 23d June, 28 Eliz. 1586 (not 1585, as in Strype), {426} Archbishop Whitgift and the Lords of the Privy Council in the Star Chamber made rules and ordinances for redressing abuses in printing. No printing-press was to be allowed elsewhere than in London (except one in each University); and no book was to be printed until first seen and perused by the Archbishop of Canterbury or Bishop of London; with an exception in favour of the queen's printer, and books of the common law, which were to be allowed by the Chief Justices and Chief Baron, or one of them. Extensive and arbitrary powers of search for unlicensed books and presses were also given to the wardens of the Stationers' Company. (Strype's Life of Archbishop Whitgift, 222.; Records, No.XXIV.) On the 1st July, 1637, another decree of a similar character was made by the Court of Star Chamber. (Rushworth's Historical Collections, Part ii. p.450.) The Long Parliament, although it dissolved the Star Chamber, seems to have had no more enlightened views as respects the freedom of the press than Queen Elizabeth or the Archbishops Whitgift and Laud; for on the 14th June, 1643, the two Houses made an ordinance prohibiting the printing of any order or declaration of either House, without order of one or both Houses; or the printing or sale of any book, pamphlet, or paper, unless the same were approved and licensed under the hands of such persons as both or either House should appoint for licensing the same. (Parliamentary History, xii. 298.) The names of the licensers appointed are given in Neal's History of the Puritans (ed. 1837, ii. 205.). It was this ordinance which occasioned the publication, in or about 1644, of Milton's most noble defence of the liberty of the press, entitled Areopagitica; a Speech for the Liberty of unlicensed Printing, To the Parliament of England. After setting out certain Italian imprimaturs, he remarks:
This order was, I believe, the start of press licensing in this country. On June 23, 1586 (not 1585, as noted by Strype), {426} Archbishop Whitgift and the Lords of the Privy Council in the Star Chamber established rules to address issues in printing. No printing press was to be allowed outside of London (except one at each University), and no book could be printed without first being reviewed by the Archbishop of Canterbury or the Bishop of London; the only exceptions were for the queen's printer and common law books, which needed approval from the Chief Justices and Chief Baron, or one of them. The wardens of the Stationers' Company were also given wide-ranging powers to search for unlicensed books and presses. (Strype's Life of Archbishop Whitgift, 222.; Records, No.XXIV.) On July 1, 1637, another similar decree was issued by the Court of Star Chamber. (Rushworth's Historical Collections, Part ii. p.450.) Although the Long Parliament dissolved the Star Chamber, it didn’t seem to have a more progressive view on press freedom than Queen Elizabeth or Archbishops Whitgift and Laud; on June 14, 1643, both Houses made an ordinance prohibiting the printing of any order or declaration from either House without permission from one or both Houses; or the printing or sale of any book, pamphlet, or paper unless it was approved and licensed by people appointed for that purpose by either or both Houses. (Parliamentary History, xii. 298.) The names of the appointed licensers are listed in Neal's History of the Puritans (ed. 1837, ii. 205.). It was this ordinance that led to the publication, around 1644, of Milton's powerful defense of press freedom, titled Areopagitica; a Speech for the Liberty of unlicensed Printing, To the Parliament of England. After presenting various Italian imprimaturs, he notes:
"These are the pretty responsories, these are the dear antiphonies that so bewitched of late our prelates and their chaplains with the godly echo they made and besotted, as to the gay imitation of a lordly imprimatur, one from Lambeth House, another from the west end of Paul's; so apishly romanising, that the word of command still was set down in Latin, as if the learned grammatical pen that wrote it would cast no ink without Latin; or, perhaps, as they thought, because no vulgar tongue was worthy to express the pure conceit of an imprimatur; but rather, as I hope, for that our English, the language of men ever famous and foremost in the achievements of liberty, will not easily find servile letters enow to spell such a dictatory presumption englished."
"These are the beautiful responses, these are the cherished antiphons that recently enchanted our church leaders and their priests with the divine resonance they created. They were so impressed that they sought flashy endorsements, one from Lambeth Palace and another from the west end of St. Paul's; they absurdly tried to imitate Roman style, so much so that the directive was still recorded in Latin, as if the educated hand that wrote it could only produce ink in Latin. Or perhaps, as they thought, because no common language was worthy enough to express the pure idea of an endorsement; but rather, as I hope, because our English, the language of people long celebrated for their achievements in freedom, will not easily find enough servile words to convey such an arrogant command in English."
On the 28th September, 1647, the Lords and Commons passed a still more severe ordinance, which imposed pains and penalties on all persons printing, publishing, selling, or uttering any book, pamphlet, treatise, ballad, libel, or sheet of news, without the licence of both, or either House of Parliament, or such persons as should be thereunto authorised by one or both Houses. Offending hawkers, pedlars, and ballad-chappers were to be whipped as common rogues. (Parliamentary History, xvi. 309.) We get some insight into the probable cause of this ordinance from a letter of Sir Thomas Fairfax to the Earl of Manchester, dated "Putney, 20th Sept., 1647." He complains of some printed pamphlets, very scandalous and abusive, to the army in particular, and the whole kingdom in general; and expresses his desire that these, and all of the like nature, might be suppressed for the future. In order, however, to satisfy the kingdom's expectation for intelligence, he advises that, till a firm peace be settled, two or three sheets might be permitted to come out weekly, which might be licensed; and as Mr. Mabbott had approved himself faithful in that service of licensing, and likewise in the service of the House and the army, he requested that he might be continued in the said place of licenser. (Lords' Journals, ix. 457.) Gilbert Mabbott was accordingly appointed licenser of such weekly papers as should be printed, but resigned the situation 22nd May, 1649. (Commons' Journals, vi. 214.) It seems he had conscientious objections to the service, for elsewhere it is recorded, under the same date, "Upon Mr. Mabbott's desire and reasons against licensing of books to be printed, he was discharged of that imployment." (Whitelock's Memorials, 389.) On the 20th September, 1649, was passed a parliamentary ordinance prohibiting printing elsewhere than in London, the two Universities, York, and Finsbury, without the licence of the Council of State (Scobell's Ordinances, Part ii. 90.); and on the 7th January, 1652-3, the Parliament passed another ordinance for the suppression of unlicensed and scandalous books. (Scobell's Ordinances, Part ii. 231.) In 1661 a bill for the regulation of printing passed the Lords, but was rejected by the Commons on account of the peers having inserted a clause exempting their own houses from search; but in 1662 was passed the statute 13 & 14 Car. II. c. 33., which required all books to be licensed as follows:—Law books by the Lord Chancellor, or one of the Chief Justices, or Chief Baron; books of history and state, by one of the Secretaries of State; of heraldry, by the Earl Marshal, or the King-at-Arms; of divinity, physic, philosophy, or whatsoever other science or art, by the Archbishop of Canterbury or the Bishop of London: or if printed at either University, by the chancellor thereof. The number of master printers (exclusive of the king's printers and the printers of the Universities) was to be reduced to twenty, and then vacancies were to be filled up by the Archbishop of Canterbury and Bishop of London, and printing was not to be allowed elsewhere than in London, York (where the Archbishop of York was to license all books), {427} and the two Universities. This Act was to continue for two years, from 10th June, 1662. It was renewed by the 16 Car. II. c. 8.; 16 & 17 Car. II. c. 7.; and 17 Car. II. c. 4., and expired on the 26th May, 1679,—a day rendered ever memorable by the passing of the Habeas Corpus Act: but in less than a year afterwards the judges unanimously advised the king that he might by law prohibit the printing and publishing of all news-books and pamphlets of news not licensed by His Majesty's authority; and accordingly on the 17th May, 1680, appeared in the Gazette a proclamation restraining the printing of such books and pamphlets without license. The Act of 1662 was revived for seven years, from 24th June, 1685, by 1 Jac. II. c. 17. s. 15., and, even after the Revolution, was continued for a year longer by 4 & 5 Wm. and Mary, c. 24. s. 14. When that year expired, the press of England became free; but on the 1st of April, 1697, the House of Commons, after passing a vote against John Salusbury, printer of the Flying Post, for a paragraph inserted in that journal tending to destroy the credit and currency of Exchequer Bills, ordered that leave should be given to bring in a bill to prevent the writing, printing, and publishing any news without licence. Mr. Poultney accordingly presented such a bill on the 3rd of April. It was read a first time; but a motion to read it a second time was negatived. (Commons' Journals, xi. 765. 767.) This attempt again to shackle the press seems to have occasioned
On September 28, 1647, the Lords and Commons enacted an even stricter ordinance that imposed penalties on anyone printing, publishing, selling, or distributing any book, pamphlet, treatise, ballad, libel, or news sheet without the license from one or both Houses of Parliament or from those authorized by them. Offending hawkers, peddlers, and ballad sellers were to be whipped as common thieves. (Parliamentary History, xvi. 309.) We gain some insight into the likely reason for this ordinance from a letter written by Sir Thomas Fairfax to the Earl of Manchester, dated “Putney, September 20, 1647.” He complains about some printed pamphlets that were very scandalous and abusive, particularly towards the army and the entire kingdom, and expresses his wish that these and similar materials should be suppressed in the future. However, to meet the kingdom’s need for information, he suggests that until a solid peace is established, two or three sheets could be allowed to be published weekly, which would be licensed. Since Mr. Mabbott had shown himself reliable in that task of licensing as well as in serving the House and the army, he requested that Mabbott be kept in that licensing role. (Lords' Journals, ix. 457.) Gilbert Mabbott was then appointed as the licenser for such weekly papers, but he resigned from the position on May 22, 1649. (Commons' Journals, vi. 214.) It seems he had moral objections to the job, as it is recorded elsewhere on the same date, “Upon Mr. Mabbott's request and reasons against licensing books for printing, he was relieved from that duty.” (Whitelock's Memorials, 389.) On September 20, 1649, a parliamentary ordinance was passed that prohibited printing outside of London, the two Universities, York, and Finsbury without the license of the Council of State (Scobell's Ordinances, Part ii. 90.); and on January 7, 1652-3, Parliament passed another ordinance to suppress unlicensed and scandalous books. (Scobell's Ordinances, Part ii. 231.) In 1661, a bill to regulate printing passed the Lords but was rejected by the Commons due to the peers adding a clause to exempt their own houses from searches; however, in 1662, the statute 13 & 14 Car. II. c. 33 was enacted, which mandated that all books be licensed in the following manner: Law books by the Lord Chancellor or a Chief Justice or Chief Baron; history and state books by one of the Secretaries of State; heraldry by the Earl Marshal or the King-at-Arms; and books on divinity, medicine, philosophy, or any other science or art by the Archbishop of Canterbury or the Bishop of London: if printed at either University, by their chancellor. The number of master printers (excluding the king's printers and the printers of the Universities) was to be limited to twenty, with vacancies filled by the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London, and printing was only allowed in London, York (where the Archbishop of York would license all books), {427} and the two Universities. This Act was to be in effect for two years, starting June 10, 1662. It was renewed by the 16 Car. II. c. 8.; 16 & 17 Car. II. c. 7.; and 17 Car. II. c. 4., and expired on May 26, 1679—a day made memorable by the passing of the Habeas Corpus Act: but less than a year later, judges unanimously advised the king that he could legally prohibit the printing and publishing of all newsbooks and news pamphlets not licensed by His Majesty's authority; and thus on May 17, 1680, a proclamation appeared in the Gazette restricting the printing of such books and pamphlets without a license. The Act of 1662 was revived for seven years, starting June 24, 1685, by 1 Jac. II. c. 17. s. 15., and remained in effect for a year longer even after the Revolution by 4 & 5 Wm. and Mary, c. 24. s. 14. Once that year concluded, the press in England became free; but on April 1, 1697, the House of Commons, after passing a vote against John Salusbury, the printer of the Flying Post, for a paragraph in that journal that undermined the credibility and currency of Exchequer Bills, ordered that a bill be introduced to prevent writing, printing, and publishing any news without a license. Mr. Poultney then presented such a bill on April 3. It was read for the first time; however, a motion to read it a second time was rejected. (Commons' Journals, xi. 765. 767.) This attempt to restrict the press seems to have sparked
"A Letter to a Member of Parliament showing that a restraint on the Press is inconsistent with the Protestant Religion and dangerous to the Liberties of the Nation." Printed 1697, and reprinted in Cobbett's Parliamentary History, v. App. p. cxxx.
"A Letter to a Member of Parliament demonstrating that limiting the Press goes against the Protestant Religion and threatens the freedoms of the Nation." Printed in 1697, and reprinted in Cobbett's Parliamentary History, v. App. p. cxxx.
Cambridge, October 29. 1850.
Cambridge, October 29, 1850.
REMAINS OF JAMES II.
(Vol. ii., pp. 243. 281.)
(Vol. 2, pp. 243-281.)
To the information which has recently been furnished in your pages respecting the remains of James II., it may be not uninteresting to add the inscription which is on his monument in the church of St. Germain-en-Laye, and which I copied, on occasion of my last visit to France.
To the information that has recently been provided in your pages about the remains of James II, it might be interesting to add the inscription on his monument in the church of St. Germain-en-Laye, which I copied during my last visit to France.
The body of the king, or a considerable portion of it, which had remained unburied, was, I believe, interred at St. Germain soon after the termination of the war in 1814; but it being necessary to rebuild the church, the remains were exhumed and re-interred in 1824. Vicissitudes as strange in death as in life seem to have attended this unhappy king.
The body of the king, or a significant part of it, which had not been buried, was, I think, laid to rest at St. Germain shortly after the war ended in 1814; however, since the church needed to be rebuilt, the remains were dug up and reburied in 1824. Odd twists of fate in death as well as in life appear to have followed this unfortunate king.
The following is the inscription now on his monument in the parish church of St. Germain:
The following is the inscription now on his monument in the parish church of St. Germain:
"REGIO CINERI PIETAS REGIA.
"REGIO CINERI PIETAS REGIA."
"Ferale quisquis hoc monumentum suspicis
"Whoever you are that sees this monument"
Rerum humanarum vices meditare
Contemplate the flaws of humanity.
Magnus in prosperis in adversis major
Magnus in good times is greater in bad times.
Jacobus 2. Anglorum Rex.
King James II of England.
Insignes ærumnas dolendaque nimium fata
Insignia of great distress and fate
Pio placidoque obitu exsolvit
Pio peacefully passed away
in hac urbe
in this city
Die 16. Septemb. anni 1701.
September 16, 1701.
Et nobiliores quædam corporis ejus partes
Et nobiliores quædam corporis ejus partes
Hic reconditæ asservantur."
Hic reconditæ asservantur.
Qui prius augustâ gestabat fronte coronam
Qui prius augustâ gestabat fronte coronam
Exiguâ nunc pulvereus requiescit in urnâ
Exiguâ nunc pulvereus requiescit in urnâ
Quid solium—quid et alta juvant! terit omnia lethum,
Quid solium—quid et alta juvant! terit omnia lethum,
Verum laus fidei ac morum haud peritura manebit
Verum, the praise of faith and morals will never perish.
Tu quoque summe Deus regem quem regius hospes
Tu quoque, O supreme God, you are the king whom the royal guest honors.
Infaustum excepit tecum regnare jubebis."
You will command misfortune to reign with you.
But a different inscription formerly was placed over the king's remains in this church, which has now disappeared; at all events, I could not discover it; and I suppose that the foregoing was preferred and substituted for that, a copy of which I subjoin:
But a different inscription used to be placed over the king's remains in this church, which has now disappeared; I couldn't find it anywhere, and I think the one above was chosen and replaced it, a copy of which I’m including:
"D.O.M. Jussu Georgii IV. Magnæ Britanniæ &c., Regis, et curante Equite exc. Carolo Stuart Regis Britanniæ Legato, cæteris antea rite peractis et quo decet honore in stirpem Regiam hic nuper effossæ reconditæ sunt Reliquiæ Jacobi II., qui in secundo civitatis gradu clarus triumphis in primo infelicior, post varios fortunæ casus in spem melioris vitæ et beatæ resurrectionis hic quievit in Domino, anno MDCCI, v. idus Septemb., MDCCCXXIV."
"D.O.M. By the order of George IV, King of Great Britain, etc., and with the care of Sir Charles Stuart, British Ambassador, following all the necessary procedures and with the proper honor, the remains of James II, who held a prominent position in the city, known for his achievements yet unfortunate in his beginnings, after various changes in fortune, lie here in hope of a better life and a blessed resurrection, in the year 1711, on the 5th of September, 1824."
At the foot of the monument were the words—
At the base of the monument were the words—
"Depouilles mortelles de Jacques 2. Roi d'Angleterre."
"Deathly remains of Jacques 2. King of England."
A third monumental inscription to the memory of James II., in Latin, is to be seen in the chapel of the Scotch College in Paris. This memorial was erected in 1703, by James, Duke of Perth. An urn, containing the brains of the king, formerly stood on the top of it. A copy of this inscription is preserved in the Collectanea Topographica et Genealogica, vol. vii.
A third major inscription honoring James II, in Latin, can be found in the chapel of the Scottish College in Paris. This memorial was put up in 1703 by James, Duke of Perth. An urn that held the king's brain used to be on top of it. A copy of this inscription is kept in the Collectanea Topographica et Genealogica, vol. vii.
Bristol, November 8. 1850.
Bristol, November 8, 1850.
JUDGE CRADOCK.
My transplantation from Gloucester to Devonshire, and the consequent unapproachable state of my books, prevents my referring to authorities at the moment in support of what I have said about the arms of Judge Cradock alias Newton: still I wish to notice the subject at once that I may not appear to shrink from the Query of S.A.Y. (Vol. ii., p. 371.)
My move from Gloucester to Devonshire, and the resulting inaccessibility of my books, stops me from checking references right now to back up what I’ve said about the arms of Judge Cradock alias Newton. Still, I want to address the topic right away so I don’t seem to avoid the question from S.A.Y. (Vol. ii., p. 371.)
I happen to have at hand a copy of the Grant {428} of Arms to Sir John of East Harptree, Somerset, in 1567 in which, on the authority of the heralds of the day, arg. on a chevron az. 3 garbs or, are granted to him in the first quarter as the arms of Robert Cradock alias Newton. The Judge seems to have been the first of the family who dropped the name of Cradock. His forefathers, for several generations (from Howel ap Grononye, who was Lord of Newton, in Rouse or Trenewith, in Poursland), went by the name of Cradog Dom. de Newton.
I happen to have a copy of the Grant {428} of Arms to Sir John of East Harptree, Somerset, from 1567. It states, based on the heralds of that time, that he was granted arms featuring a silver field with a blue chevron and three gold sheaves of wheat in the first quarter, representing the arms of Robert Cradock, also known as Newton. The Judge seems to be the first in the family to drop the Cradock surname. His ancestors, for several generations (starting from Howel ap Grononye, who was Lord of Newton, in Rouse or Trenewith, in Poursland), were known as Cradog Dom. de Newton.
Robert Cradock, mentioned in the Grant I have quoted, married Margaret Sherborne. He was the Judge's great-great-grandfather. Sir John Newton, to whom the grant was made, lies buried at East Harptree; and on his tomb may be seen (besides his effigies as large as life) the twelve quarterings in their original (?) blazoning, impaled with those of his wife, one of the Pointz family. The same arms (of Newton) are still discernible on a beautifully wrought, though now much mutilated shield, over one of the doors of Barres Court, at East Hanham, in Bitton, Gloucestershire, where Newton also had a residence, where John Leland on his itinerary visited him, and says (Itin. vol. vii. p. 87.) "his very propre name is Caradoc," &c. This property Newton inherited as a descendant from the De Bittons or Button (through Hampton), a family of great note in their day, and residents on the site of Barres Court, a "fayr manner place of stone," which evidently took its name from Sir John Barre, who married Joan, the relict of Robert Greyndon, and daughter of Thomas Roug by Catherine, who was the last heiress of that branch of De Bittons—(she died 1485, and is buried with her first husband at Newlond). Of the same family were the three bishops of that name, in the reigns of the early Edwards; one of which, Thomas, Bishop of Exeter in 1299, was the pious founder of a chantry chapel adjoining Bitton Church, over the bodies of his father and another, who were buried there; the building itself is quite an architectural gem. The said bishop must also have resided there, for in 1287, when Dean of Wells, the Lord of the Manor of that part of Bitton where his estate lay, impounded some of his cattle, and had a trial thereon at Gloucester, as appears by a Placite Roll of that date.
Robert Cradock, mentioned in the grant I quoted, married Margaret Sherborne. He was the Judge's great-great-grandfather. Sir John Newton, to whom the grant was given, is buried at East Harptree, and on his tomb you can see (along with his life-sized effigy) the twelve quarterings in their original(? ) heraldry, combined with those of his wife, who belonged to the Pointz family. The same arms (of Newton) are still visible on a beautifully crafted, though now somewhat damaged shield, over one of the doors of Barres Court, at East Hanham, in Bitton, Gloucestershire, where Newton also had a residence. John Leland visited him in his itinerary and noted (Itin. vol. vii. p. 87.) "his very proper name is Caradoc," etc. Newton inherited this property as a descendant of the De Bittons or Button (through Hampton), a prominent family in their time, who lived on the site of Barres Court, a "fair manor house of stone," which evidently got its name from Sir John Barre, who married Joan, the widow of Robert Greyndon, and daughter of Thomas Roug by Catherine, who was the last heiress of that branch of De Bittons (she died in 1485 and is buried with her first husband at Newlond). The same family produced three bishops of that name during the reigns of the early Edwards; one of them, Thomas, Bishop of Exeter in 1299, was the devout founder of a chantry chapel next to Bitton Church, over the bodies of his father and another who were buried there; the chapel itself is quite an architectural gem. The bishop must have lived there as well, for in 1287, when he was Dean of Wells, the Lord of the Manor of that section of Bitton where his estate was located impounded some of his cattle, and had a trial related to it in Gloucester, as shown by a Plea Roll from that time.
I send you a copy of the Grant of Arms, as it may be interesting, to publish—besides, it is a reply to the latter part of S.A.Y.'s Query. It is copied from the Ashmol. MSS. No. 834. p. 34.
I’m sending you a copy of the Grant of Arms, as it might be interesting for you to publish—plus, it answers the second part of S.A.Y.'s Query. It’s taken from the Ashmol. MSS. No. 834. p. 34.
Of the Newtons of Yorkshire I know nothing; but if S.A.Y. wishes to question me further, I shall be happy to receive his communication under his own proper sign-manual.
Of the Newtons of Yorkshire, I know nothing; but if S.A.Y. wants to ask me more questions, I’ll be glad to receive his message with his own signature.
In Nichols' Leicestershire, vol. iv. pt. 2. p. 807., is a pedigree of Cradock bearing the same arms, and it is there laid down that Howel ap Gronow was slain by the French in 1096, and buried at Llandilo Vawr; also that the Judge was called Newton from his birth-place. (It is in Montgomeryshire, I believe.) Matthew Cradock, who lies in Swansea Church, bore different arms.
In Nichols' Leicestershire, vol. iv. pt. 2. p. 807., there's a family tree of Cradock showing the same coat of arms, and it mentions that Howel ap Gronow was killed by the French in 1096 and buried at Llandilo Vawr; it also states that the Judge was named Newton after his birthplace. (I believe it’s in Montgomeryshire.) Matthew Cradock, who is buried in Swansea Church, had a different coat of arms.
"To all and singular as well nobles and gentills as others to whom these presents shall come, we, Sir Gilbert Dethicke, knight, alias Garter, principall kinge of armes for the Order of the Garter, Robte. Cooke, alias Clarenciault, kinge of armes of the south, William Flower alias Norroy, kinge of armes of the northe, and all others the hereauldes of armes send humble commendacion and gretinge: that whereas we being required by Sir John Newton, of Richmond Castill, in the countie of Somersett, knight, to make serche for the ancient armes descendinge to him from his ancetors [sic], at whose requeste we, the said kinges and hereauldes of armes have not only made diligent serche in our regesters, but also therewithall perused diverse of his ancient evidence and other monumentes, whereuppon we doe fynd that the said Sir John Newton, knight, maye beare twelve severall cotes, that is to say, the armes of Robte. Cradocke alias Newton, the armes of Robte. Sherborne, the arms of Steven Angle, the armes of Steven Pirot, the armes of John Harvie, the armes of Sir John Sheder, knight, the armes of Richard Hampton, the armes of Sir John Bitton, knight, the armes of Sir Matthewe Ffurneault, knight, the armes of Walter Cawdecot, the armes of Sir Aunsell Corney, knight, and the armes of Sir Henry Harterie, knight. All which armes doth plainlie appere depicted in the Margent; and for that the said Sir John Newton is yncertaine of any creaste which he ought to beare by his owne proper name, he therefore hath also required vs, the said kings and hereauldes of armes, to assigne and confirme vnto him and his posteritie for ever, the creaste of Sir Auncell Corney, knight, which Sir Auncell Corney, as it doth appere by divers ancient evidence and other monuments of the said Sir John Newton, was at the winnynge of Acom with Kinge Richard the First, where he toke prisoner a kinge of the Mores: and farther, the said Sir John Newton, knight, hath made goode proofe for the bearinge of the same creaste, that the heires male of the said Sir Auncell Corney is extingueshed, and the heires generall do only remaine in him. In consideracion whereof wee, the said kinges and herehauldes of arms, do give, confirme, and grant vnto the said Sir John Newton and his posteritie for ever, the said creaste of Sir Auncell Corney, knight, that is to say, vppon his helme on a torce silver and asure, a kinge of the Mores armed in male, crowned gold, knelinge vpon his left knee rendring vppe his sworde, as more plainly aperith depicted in this Margent, to have and to horold the said creast to him and his posteretie, with there due difference to vse, beare, and show in shelde, cote armour, or otherwise, for ever, at his or their libertie and pleasure, without impediment, let, or interruption of any parson or parsons. In witnesse whereof we, the said hinges and hereauldes of arms, have caused these letters to be made patentes, and set herevnto our common seale of corporation, given at the office of arms in London, the twelvethe of December, and in the tenthe yeare of the reigne of our sovereign {429} ladie Elizabeth, by the grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faithe," &c.
"To all nobles, gentlemen, and everyone else who receives this document, we, Sir Gilbert Dethicke, knight, known as Garter, principal king of arms for the Order of the Garter, Robte. Cooke, known as Clarenciault, king of arms of the South, William Flower, known as Norroy, king of arms of the North, and all other heralds of arms, send our respectful greetings: whereas we have been requested by Sir John Newton of Richmond Castle, in Somerset, knight, to search for the ancient arms passed down from his ancestors, we the aforementioned kings and heralds of arms have made a careful search in our records and reviewed various pieces of his historical evidence and other documents. Based on this, we find that Sir John Newton, knight, may bear twelve different coats of arms, specifically the arms of Robte. Cradocke alias Newton, the arms of Robte. Sherborne, the arms of Steven Angle, the arms of Steven Pirot, the arms of John Harvie, the arms of Sir John Sheder, knight, the arms of Richard Hampton, the arms of Sir John Bitton, knight, the arms of Sir Matthewe Ffurneault, knight, the arms of Walter Cawdecot, the arms of Sir Aunsell Corney, knight, and the arms of Sir Henry Harterie, knight. All these arms are clearly illustrated in the margin; and since Sir John Newton is uncertain about which crest he should bear in his own name, he has also requested us, the kings and heralds of arms, to assign and confirm to him and his descendants forever, the crest of Sir Auncell Corney, knight. Sir Auncell Corney, as shown by various ancient documents related to Sir John Newton, was present during the capture of Acom with King Richard the First, where he captured a king of the Moors; furthermore, Sir John Newton, knight, has provided solid evidence for bearing that crest, as the male descendants of Sir Auncell Corney have died out, leaving only the general heirs. In light of this, we, the kings and heralds of arms, do grant, confirm, and award to Sir John Newton and his descendants forever, the crest of Sir Auncell Corney, knight, to be displayed upon his helmet on a torse of silver and blue, featuring a king of the Moors in mail armor, crowned in gold, kneeling on his left knee, presenting his sword, as illustrated more clearly in this margin. He shall have and hold the crest for himself and his descendants, with appropriate differences to use, bear, and display on shields, coats of arms, or otherwise, forever, at his or their discretion, without any hindrance, let, or interruption from any person or persons. In witness whereof, we, the kings and heralds of arms, have caused these letters to be made public and have affixed our common seal hereunto, given at the office of arms in London, on the twelfth of December, in the tenth year of the reign of our sovereign lady Elizabeth, by the grace of God, Queen of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith," &c.
Clyst St George, Nov. 4. 1850.
Clyst St George, Nov. 4, 1850.
Cradock—I should like to know whether the MSS. of Randle Holme, of Chester, 1670, which afterwards were penes Dr. Latham, are still accessible? Nichols refers to them as his authority for Cradock's pedigree, as laid down in his Leicestershire (vol. iv. part ii. p. 807.).
Cradock—I would like to know if the manuscripts of Randle Holme from Chester, 1670, which were later with Dr. Latham, are still available? Nichols mentions them as his source for Cradock's family history in his Leicestershire (vol. iv. part ii. p. 807.).
REPLIES TO MINOR QUERIES.
REPLIES BY GEORGE STEPHENS.
Replies by George Stephens.
I beg to encloze ðe following scraps, purposely written on slips, ðat ðe one may be destroyed and not ðe oðer if you should þink fit so to do, and for eaze ov printing.
I kindly enclose the following notes, specially written on slips, so that one can be discarded without losing the other if you choose to do so, and for ease of printing.
Pleaze to respect my orþography—a beginning to a better system—if you can and will. Ðe types required will only be ðe Ð, ð, and Þ, þ, ov our noble Anglo-Saxon moðer-tongue, letterz in common use almost down to ðe time ov Shakspeare!
Please respect my spelling—a beginning to a better system—if you can and will. The types needed will only be the D, d, and Þ, þ, of our noble Anglo-Saxon mother tongue, letters that were commonly used almost up to the time of Shakespeare!
If you will not be charmed, ov course you are at liberty to change it.
If you don't want to be charmed, of course you can change it.
I have a large work in ðe press (translationz from ðe A.-Saxon) printed entirely in ðis orþography.
I have a large work in the press (translations from the A.-Saxon) printed entirely in this orthography.
Stockholm.
Stockholm.
[Even our respect for Mr. Stephens' well-known scholarship, fails to remove our prejudices in favour of the ordinary system of orthography.]
[Even our admiration for Mr. Stephens' well-known expertise doesn't change our preferences for the traditional spelling system.]
On a Passage in "The Tempest" (Vol. ii., pp. 259. 299. 337.).—Will you allow me to suggest that the reading of the original edition is perfectly correct as it stands, as will be seen by simply italicising the emphatic words:—
On a Passage in "The Tempest" (Vol. ii., pp. 259. 299. 337.).—Would you let me propose that the reading of the original edition is completely accurate as it is, as can be demonstrated by just italicizing the important words:—
"Most busie least, when I doe it."
"Most busy least, when I do it."
The construction is thus merely an instance of a common ellipsis (here of the word busy), and requires the comma after least. This is another proof of the advantage of being slow to abandon primitive texts.
The construction is just an example of a common ellipsis (in this case, the word busy), and it needs a comma after least. This is more evidence of the benefit of being slow to let go of original texts.
Saint, Legend of a (Vol. ii., pp. 267.).—The circumstance alluded to is perhaps that in the legend of St. Patrick. It was included by Voragine in his life of that saint. See the "Golden Legend" in init.
Saint, Legend of a (Vol. ii., pp. 267.).—The situation mentioned may refer to the legend of St. Patrick. It was included by Voragine in his account of that saint. See the "Golden Legend" at the beginning.
Cupid and Psyche (Vol. ii., pp. 247.).—This is probably an old Folk-tale, originally perhaps an antique philosophical temple-allegory. Apuleius appears only to have dressed it up in a new shape. The tale is still current, but in a form not derived from him, among the Swedes, Norwegians, Danes, Scots, Germans, French, Wallachians, Italians, and Hindoos. See Svenska Folk-sagor och Afventyr, efter muntlig Ofverlemning samlade och utgifna of G.O.H. Cavallius och G. Stephens, vol. i. (Stockholm, 1844-9), p. 323.
Cupid and Psyche (Vol. ii., pp. 247.).—This is likely an old folk tale, possibly an ancient philosophical allegory related to a temple. Apuleius seems to have just given it a new twist. The story is still popular, but in a version not derived from him, among the Swedes, Norwegians, Danes, Scots, Germans, French, Wallachians, Italians, and Hindus. See Svenska Folk-sagor och Afventyr, efter muntlig Ofverlemning samlade och utgifna of G.O.H. Cavallius och G. Stephens, vol. i. (Stockholm, 1844-9), p. 323.
Kongs Skuggsia (Vol. ii., pp 296. 335.).—This noble monument of Old Norse literature was written at the close of the twelfth century by a Norwegian of high rank, but who expresses his resolution to remain unknown, in which he has perfectly succeeded. He probably resided near Trondhjem. See, for other information, the preface to the last excellent edition lately published by Keyser, Munch, and Unger, as follows:—
Kongs Skuggsia (Vol. ii., pp 296. 335.).—This remarkable piece of Old Norse literature was written at the end of the twelfth century by a high-ranking Norwegian who chose to stay anonymous, which he has successfully done. He likely lived near Trondhjem. For more information, see the preface to the latest excellent edition published by Keyser, Munch, and Unger, as follows:—
"Speculum Regale Konungs-Skuggsjá Konge-Speilet et philosophisk-didaktisk Skrift, forfattet i Norge mod slutningen af det tolfte aarhundrede. Tilligemed et samtidigt Skrift om den norske kirkes Stilling til Statem. Med to lithographerede Blade Facsimile-Aftryck."—Christiana, 1848. 8vo.
"Speculum Regale Konungs-Skuggsjá Konge-Speilet is a philosophical and educational work written in Norway near the end of the 12th century. It complements a contemporary text discussing the role of the Norwegian church in relation to the state. Includes two lithographed pages as a facsimile print." —Christiania, 1848. 8vo.
Stockholm.
Stockholm.
The disputed Passage in the "Tempest" (Vol. ii., pp. 259. 299. 337.).—I am the "COMMA" which MR. COLLIER claims the merit of having removed, and I humbly protest against the removal. I adhere to the reading of the folio of 1632, except that I would strike out the final s in labours. The passage would then read:
The disputed Passage in the "Tempest" (Vol. ii., pp. 259. 299. 337.).—I am the "COMMA" that MR. COLLIER claims to have successfully removed, and I strongly object to this removal. I stand by the reading of the folio from 1632, except that I would eliminate the final s in labours. The passage would then read:
"But these sweet thoughts so refresh my labour
"But these sweet thoughts refresh my work so much"
Most busy least, when I do it."
Most busy, at least when I do it.
That is, the thoughts so refresh my labour, that I am "most busy least" (an emphatic way of saying least busy), "when I do it," to wit, the labour. MR. HICKSON is ingenious, but he takes no notice of—
That is, the ideas energize my work so much that I am "most busy least" (which means I'm least busy), "when I do it," referring to the work. MR. HICKSON is clever, but he doesn’t acknowledge—
Viscount Castlecomer (Vol. ii., p. 376.).—S.A.Y. asks whether Lord Deputy Wandesford (not Wanderforde) "ever took up this title, and what became of it afterwards?" He never did; for on the receipt of the patent, in the summer of 1640, Wandesford exclaimed, "Is this a time for a faithful subject to be exalted, when his king, the fountain of honours, is likely to be reduced lower than ever." A few months afterwards he died of a broken heart. We are told that he concealed the patent, and his grandson was the first of the family—apparently by a fresh creation in 1706—who assumed the title. The neglect of sixty-six years, perhaps, rendered this necessary: Beatson does not notice the first creation. The life of this active and useful statesman, the friend and relative of Strafford, was compiled from his daughter's papers, by his descendant, Thomas Comber, LL.D. Of this work Dr. Whitaker availed himself in the very interesting memoir which he has given of the Lord Deputy, in his History of Richmondshire, written, as we may suppose it would be by so devoted {430} an admirer of Charles I., with the warmest feelings of respect and admiration.
Viscount Castlecomer (Vol. ii., p. 376.).—S.A.Y. asks whether Lord Deputy Wandesford (not Wanderforde) "ever took on this title, and what happened to it afterward?" He never did; when he received the patent in the summer of 1640, Wandesford exclaimed, "Is this really the right time for a loyal subject to be honored when his king, the source of all titles, is likely to be brought lower than ever?" A few months later, he passed away from a broken heart. We learn that he kept the patent hidden, and his grandson was the first from the family—apparently due to a new creation in 1706—to take on the title. The neglect for sixty-six years may have made this necessary: Beatson does not mention the first creation. The life of this active and valuable statesman, a friend and relative of Strafford, was put together from his daughter's papers by his descendant, Thomas Comber, LL.D. Dr. Whitaker drew on this work for the very interesting biography he wrote about the Lord Deputy in his History of Richmondshire, which we can assume was penned by someone with such deep admiration for Charles I., with warm feelings of respect and appreciation. {430}
"The death of my cousin Wandesford," said Lord Strafford, "more affects me than the prospect of my own; for in him is lost the richest magazine of learning, wisdom, and piety that these times could boast."
"The death of my cousin Wandesford," said Lord Strafford, "impacts me more than thinking about my own death; because in him, we've lost the greatest source of knowledge, wisdom, and faith that these times could have."
Bath.
Bathroom.
Steele's Burial-place (Vol. ii., pp. 375, 441.).—I have been able to get the following particulars respecting Steele's burial-place. Steele was buried in the chancel of St. Peter's church, Caermarthen. The entry stands thus in the Register:—
Steele's Burial-place (Vol. ii., pp. 375, 441.).—I have gathered the following details about Steele's burial place. Steele was buried in the chancel of St. Peter's Church, Caermarthen. The entry reads as follows in the Register:—
"1729.
1729.
"Sep. 4. Sr Richard Steel."
"Sept. 4. Sir Richard Steel."
There is no monument to his memory in St. Peter's Church; but in Llangunnor church, about two miles from Caermarthen, there is a plain monumental tablet with the following inscription:—
There is no memorial for him in St. Peter's Church; however, in Llangunnor church, about two miles from Carmarthen, there is a simple memorial tablet with the following inscription:—
"This stone was erected at the instance of William Williams, of Ivy Tower, owner of Penddaylwn Vawr, in Llangunnor; part of the estate there once belonging to the deservedly celebrated Sir Richard Steele, knight, chief author of the essays named Tatlers, Guardians, and Spectators; and he wrote The Christian Hero, The Englishman, and The Crisis, The Conscious Lovers, and other fine plays. He represented several places in parliament; was a staunch and able patriot; finally, an incomparable writer on morality and Christianity. Hence the ensuing lines in a poem, called The Head of the Rock:—
"This stone was erected by William Williams of Ivy Tower, who owns Penddaylwn Vawr in Llangunnor; part of the estate that once belonged to the famous Sir Richard Steele, knight, the main author of the essays known as Tatlers, Guardians, and Spectators; he also wrote The Christian Hero, The Englishman, The Crisis, The Conscious Lovers, and other great plays. He represented various constituencies in parliament, was a dedicated and skilled patriot, and ultimately an exceptional writer on morality and Christianity. Thus, the following lines from a poem called The Head of the Rock:—
'Behold Llangunnor, leering o'er the vale,
'Look at Llangunnor, overlooking the valley,
Pourtrays a scene t' adorn romantic tale;
Presents a scene to enhance a romantic story;
But more than all the beauties of its site,
But more than all the beauty of its setting,
Its former owner gives the mind delight.
Its former owner brings joy to the mind.
Is there a heart that can't affection feel
Is there a heart that can't feel love?
For lands so rich as once to boast a Steele?
For lands so rich that they once had a Steele?
Who warm for freedom, and with virtue fraught,
Who longs for freedom and is filled with virtue,
His country dearly lov'd, and greatly taught;
His country was deeply cherished and greatly valued;
Whose morals pure, the purest style conveys,
Whose morals are pure, the purest style conveys,
T' instruct his Britain to the last of days.'"
To guide his Britain to the end of days.
Steele resided at White House (Ty Gwyn, as it is called in Welsh), a clean farm-house half way between Caermarthen and Llangunnor church, which is situate on a hill commanding extensive views of one of the prettiest values in Wales. A field near the house is pointed out as the site of Steele's garden, in the bower of which he is said to have written his "Conscious Lovers." The Ivy Bush, formerly a private house, and said to be the house where Steele died, is now the principal inn in Caermarthen.
Steele lived at White House (known as Ty Gwyn in Welsh), a tidy farmhouse located halfway between Caermarthen and Llangunnor church, which sits on a hill offering sweeping views of one of the most beautiful valleys in Wales. A nearby field is identified as the location of Steele's garden, where he supposedly wrote his "Conscious Lovers." The Ivy Bush, once a private home and believed to be where Steele passed away, is now the main inn in Caermarthen.
Caermarthen.
Carmarthen.
Cure for Warts (Vol. i., p. 482.)— In Buckinghamshire I have heard of the charming away of warts by touching each wart with a separate green pea. Each pea being wrapped in paper by itself, and buried, the wart will vanish as the pea decays.
Cure for Warts (Vol. i., p. 482.)— In Buckinghamshire, I've heard about the magical way to get rid of warts by touching each wart with a separate green pea. Each pea is wrapped in its own paper and buried; the wart will disappear as the pea rots.
Etymology of "Parse" (Vol. ii., p. 118.).—Surely to parse is to take by itself each pars, or part of speech. The word does not seem to have been known in 1611 when Brinsley published his Posing of the Parts: or, a most plain and easie Way of examining the Accidence and Grammar. This work appears to have been very popular, as I have by me the twelfth edition, London, 1669. In 1612, the same author issued his Ludus Literarius: or the Grammar Schoole. Both these works interest me in him. Can any of your readers communicate any particulars of his history?
Etymology of "Parse" (Vol. ii., p. 118.).—Surely to parse means to take each pars, or part of speech separately. The word doesn’t seem to have been used in 1611 when Brinsley published his Posing of the Parts: or, a most plain and easy Way of examining the Accidence and Grammar. This work seems to have been quite popular, as I have the twelfth edition, London, 1669. In 1612, the same author released his Ludus Literarius: or the Grammar School. Both of these works intrigue me about him. Can any of your readers share any details about his history?
MISCELLANEOUS.
NOTES ON BOOKS, SALES, CATALOGUES, ETC.
Admiration of the works of Holbein in Germany, as in this country, seems to increase with increasing years. We have received from Messrs. Williams and Norgate a copy of a new edition of his Bible Cuts lately published at Leipsic, under the title Hans Holbein's Altes Testament in funfzig Holzschnitten getreu nach den Originalen copirt. Herausgegeben von Hugo Burkner, mit einer Einleitung von D.F. Sotymann, to which we direct the attention of our readers, no less on account of the beauty and fidelity with which these admirable specimens of Holbein's genius have been copied, than of the interesting account of them prefixed by their new editor.
Admiration for Holbein's works in Germany, like here, seems to grow with time. We've received from Messrs. Williams and Norgate a copy of a new edition of his Bible Cuts recently published in Leipzig, titled Hans Holbein's Altes Testament in fünfzig Holzschnitten getreu nach den Originalen copiert. Herausgegeben von Hugo Burkner, mit einer Einleitung von D.F. Sotymann. We encourage our readers to check it out, not only because of the beauty and accuracy with which these remarkable examples of Holbein's talent have been reproduced, but also due to the fascinating introduction provided by the new editor.
We beg to call the attention of such of our antiquaries as are interested in the history of the Orkneys to a valuable contribution to our knowledge of them, lately published by our accomplished friend, Professor Munch, of the Christiana, under the title of Symbolæ ad Historiam Antiquiorem Rerum Norwegicarum, which contains, I. A short Chronicle of Norway; II. Genealogy of the Earls of Orkney; III. Catalogue of the Kings of Norway—from a MS., for the most part hitherto inedited, and which appears to have been written in Orkney about the middle of the fifteenth century.
We want to bring to the attention of those interested in the history of the Orkneys a valuable addition to our knowledge of the region, recently published by our talented friend, Professor Munch from Christiana, titled Symbolæ ad Historiam Antiquiorem Rerum Norwegicarum. This work includes: I. A brief Chronicle of Norway; II. A genealogy of the Earls of Orkney; III. A list of the Kings of Norway—derived from a manuscript, mostly unpublished until now, which seems to have been written in Orkney around the middle of the fifteenth century.
While on the subject of foreign works of interest to English readers, we may mention two or three others which we have been for some time intending to bring under the notice of those who know how much light may be thrown upon our early language and literature by a study of the contemporary literature of the Low Countries. The first is, Denkmaeler Niederdeutscher Sprache und Literatur von Dr. Albert Hoefer, Erstes Banchen, which contains the highly curious Low German Whitson play called Claws Bur. The next is a larger, more elaborately edited, and from its introduction and extensive notes and various illustrations, a yet more interesting work to English philologists. It is entitled Leven van Sinte Christina de Wonderbare, an old Dutch poem, now first edited from a MS. of the fourteenth or fifteenth century, by Professor Bormans.
While we’re talking about foreign works that might interest English readers, we should mention a few others that we've been meaning to highlight for those who understand how much insight can be gained about our early language and literature from studying contemporary literature from the Low Countries. The first is Denkmaeler Niederdeutscher Sprache und Literatur von Dr. Albert Hoefer, Erstes Banchen, which features the very intriguing Low German Whitsun play titled Claws Bur. Next, we have a larger and more thoroughly edited work that is even more captivating for English philologists due to its introduction, extensive notes, and various illustrations. It’s called Leven van Sinte Christina de Wonderbare, an old Dutch poem, now published for the first time from a manuscript dating back to the fourteenth or fifteenth century, by Professor Bormans.
We have received the following Catalogues:—Thomas Kerslake's (3. Park Street, Bristol) Books, including valuable late Purchases; John Wheldon's {431} (4. Paternoster Row) Catalogue of valuable Collection of Scentific Books; W.H. McKeay's (11. Vinegar Yard, Covent Garden) Catalogue of a Portion of Stock.
We have received the following catalogs:—Thomas Kerslake's (3 Park Street, Bristol) books, including valuable recent purchases; John Wheldon's {431} (4 Paternoster Row) catalog of a valuable collection of scientific books; W.H. McKeay's (11 Vinegar Yard, Covent Garden) catalog of a portion of stock.
BOOKS AND ODD VOLUMES WANTED TO PURCHASE.
EPISTOLAE OBSCURORUM VIRORUM.
Letters of Obscure Men.
CHOIX D'ANECDOTES ORIENTALES. Vol. 11. Paris, 1775.
CHOIX D'ANECDOTES ORIENTALES. Vol. 11. Paris, 1775.
*** Letters, stating particulars and lowest price, carriage free to be sent to MR. BELL, Publisher of "NOTES AND QUERIES," 186. Fleet Street.
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Notices to Correspondents.
We venture to call attention to the communications from Bombay and Stockholm, which appear in our present Number, as evidences of the extending circulation, and consequently, we trust, of the increasing utility of NOTES AND QUERIES.
We’d like to highlight the messages from Bombay and Stockholm that are featured in this issue as signs of our growing readership, and we hope, of the increasing usefulness of NOTES AND QUERIES.
W.S. (Oxford) who inquires respecting Tempora Mutantur, is referred to our First Volume, pp. 215. 234. and 419.
W.S. (Oxford) who asks about Tempora Mutantur , is referred to our First Volume, pp. 215, 234, and 419.
CONTINUATION OF HUME AND SMOLLETT'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND, TO THE PRESENT REIGN.
CONTINUATION OF HUME AND SMOLLETT'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND, TO THE PRESENT REIGN.
NEW ENLARGED EDITION OF HUGHES'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND, IN 8vo.
NEW ENLARGED EDITION OF HUGHES'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND, IN 8vo.
In Seven Volumes, 8vo., price 3l. 13s. 6d. boards.
In Seven Volumes, 8vo., price £3 13s. 6d. boards.
HISTORY OF ENGLAND, FROM THE ACCESSION OF GEORGE III., TO THE ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA, BY THE REV. T.S. HUGHES, B.D., CANON OF PETERBOROUGH.
HISTORY OF ENGLAND, FROM THE ACCESSION OF GEORGE III TO THE ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA, BY REV. T.S. HUGHES, B.D., CANON OF PETERBOROUGH.
"To produce a Literary Work, justly deserving the name of National, is a rare contribution to our Literature. This MR. HUGHES has done in a conscientious and able manner."—Literary Gazette.
"Creating a literary work that truly deserves to be called national is a rare addition to our literature. Mr. Hughes has accomplished this in a thoughtful and skillful way."—Literary Gazette.
London: GEORGE BELL, 186. Fleet Street.
London: GEORGE BELL, 186 Fleet Street.
CHRONICLES OF THE ANCIENT BRITISH CHURCH, prior to the Arrival of St. Augustine, A.D. 596. Second Edition. Post 8to. Price 5s. cloth.
CHRONICLES OF THE ANCIENT BRITISH CHURCH, before the Arrival of St. Augustine, A.D. 596. Second Edition. Post 8vo. Price 5s. cloth.
"The Ancient British Church was a stranger to the Bishop of Rome, and his pretended authority."—Judge Blackstone.
"The Ancient British Church was unfamiliar with the Bishop of Rome and his claimed authority."—Judge Blackstone.
WERTHEIM & MACINTOSH, 24. Paternoster Row.
WERTHEIM & MACINTOSH, 24. Paternoster Row.
PERRANZABULOE.—FIFTH EDITION.
Perranporth.—Fifth Edition.
In small 8vo. price 8s. (with Illustrations), the Fifth Edition of PERRANZABULOE, the LOST CHURCH FOUND; or, the Church of England not a New Church, but ancient, Apostolical, and Independent, and a Protesting Church Nine Hundred Years before the Reformaton. By the Rev. T. COLLINS TRELAWNY, M.A., Rector of Timsbury, Somerset, and late Fellow of Balliol College.
In small 8vo, priced at 8s. (with illustrations), the fifth edition of PERRANZABULOE, the LOST CHURCH FOUND; or, the Church of England is not a new church, but ancient, apostolic, and independent, and a protesting church nine hundred years before the Reformation. By Rev. T. COLLINS TRELAWNY, M.A., Rector of Timsbury, Somerset, and former Fellow of Balliol College.
The Volume contains an interesting Account of the Hstory and recent Recovery of the ancient Church of Perranzabuloe, in Cornwall, after being buried in the Sand for Seven Hundred Years.
The Volume includes an intriguing account of the history and recent recovery of the ancient Church of Perranzabuloe in Cornwall, after being buried in the sand for seven hundred years.
RIVINGTONS, St. Pauls Church Yard, and Waterloo Place.
RIVINGTONS, St. Paul's Church Yard, and Waterloo Place.
ANTI-POPERY.—A Large Examination taken at Lambeth, according to His Majesties Direction, point by point, of M. GEO. BLACKWELL made Archpriest of England, by Pope Clement VIII. &c., 4to., half bound (rare), 1l. 1s. 1607.—History (the) of the Damnable Popish Plot, 8vo., 14s. 6d., 1680.—Foxes and Fire-brandes, or, A Specimen of the Dangers and Harmony of Popery and Seperation, 4to., half bound, 10s. 6d., 1680.—Plot (the) in a Dream, or, The Discoverer in Masquerade, 18mo., plates, calf, neat, (rare), 1l. 1s.—Steel's Romish Ecclesiastical History, 12mo., calf, neat, 5s., 1714.—Gabr. de Emilianne's Fraudes of the Romish Monks and Priests, 2 vols., 8vo., 14s. 6d., 1691—William's (Gr. Bishop of Ossory), Looking Glass for Rebels, 4to., 16s. 6d., 1643.—Histoire de la Papesse Jeanne, 2 vols., 12mo., plates, calf, neat, 16s., 6d., 1720.—Owen's (L.) Jesuites Looking-glass, 4to., half bound, 14s. 6d., 1629.—A Piece of Ordanance invented by a Jesuit for Cowards that fight by Whisperings, &c.; and Six other Curious Tracts in the Vol., 4to., 1l. 1s.—Smith's (Jno.) Narrative of the late Horrid and Popish Plot, &c.; and Nine other Curious Tracts in the Vol., folio, 1l. 11s. 6d.—Marvel's on the Growth of Popery, and various other Tracts, folio, 16s. 6d., 1671-81.—Foxe's Acts and Monuments by BRIGHT, (black letter), 4to., neat, 1l. 11s. 6d., 1589.—Carleton's (Bishop of Chichester) Thankfull Remembrancer of God's Mercie, 4to., calf, neat, 1l. 5s., 1630.—With other Rare and Curious Books on Sale at
ANTI-POPERY.—A Comprehensive Examination conducted at Lambeth, as per His Majesty's Direction, point by point, of M. GEO. BLACKWELL who was made Archpriest of England by Pope Clement VIII, etc., 4to., half bound (rare), £1 1s. 1607.—History of the Damnable Popish Plot, 8vo., 14s. 6d., 1680.—Foxes and Firebrands, or, A Look into the Dangers and Harmony of Popery and Separation, 4to., half bound, 10s. 6d., 1680.—The Plot in a Dream, or, The Discoverer in Masquerade, 18mo., plates, calf, neat, (rare), £1 1s.—Steel's Romish Ecclesiastical History, 12mo., calf, neat, 5s., 1714.—Gabr. de Emilianne's Frauds of the Romish Monks and Priests, 2 vols., 8vo., 14s. 6d., 1691—William's (Gr. Bishop of Ossory) Looking Glass for Rebels, 4to., 16s. 6d., 1643.—Histoire de la Papesse Jeanne, 2 vols., 12mo., plates, calf, neat, 16s. 6d., 1720.—Owen's (L.) Jesuits Looking-glass, 4to., half bound, 14s. 6d., 1629.—A Piece of Ordnance invented by a Jesuit for Cowards that fight by Whisperings, etc.; and Six other Interesting Tracts in the Volume, 4to., £1 1s.—Smith's (Jno.) Narrative of the recent Horrid and Popish Plot, etc.; and Nine other Interesting Tracts in the Volume, folio, £1 11s. 6d.—Marvel's on the Growth of Popery, and various other Tracts, folio, 16s. 6d., 1671-81.—Foxe's Acts and Monuments by BRIGHT, (black letter), 4to., neat, £1 11s. 6d., 1589.—Carleton's (Bishop of Chichester) Thankful Remembrancer of God's Mercy, 4to., calf, neat, £1 5s., 1630.—With other Rare and Curious Books on Sale at
W.H. ELKINS, 47. Lombard Street, City.
W.H. ELKINS, 47 Lombard Street, City.
On the 27th instant, fcp. 8vo. price 7s. 6d., a Third Series of PLAIN SERMONS addressed to a COUNTRY CONGREGATION.
On the 27th of this month, in fcp. 8vo. priced at 7s. 6d., a Third Series of PLAIN SERMONS aimed at a COUNTRY CONGREGATION.
By the late Rev. EDWARD BLENCOWE, Curate of Teversal, Notts; and formerly Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. Also, A NEW EDITION of the FIRST SERIES, and a SECOND EDITION of the SECOND SERIES, price 7s. 6d. each.
By the late Rev. EDWARD BLENCOWE, Curate of Teversal, Notts; and formerly a Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. Also, A NEW EDITION of the FIRST SERIES, and a SECOND EDITION of the SECOND SERIES, price 7s. 6d. each.
"Their style is simple; the sentences are not artfully constructed; and there is an utter absence of all attempt at rhetoric. The language is plain Saxton language, from which 'the men on the wall' can easily gather what it most concerns them to know.
"Their style is straightforward; the sentences aren’t creatively crafted; and there’s a complete lack of any effort at using rhetoric. The language is plain Saxon, from which 'the men on the wall' can easily understand what matters most to them."
"Again, the range of thought is not high and difficult, but level and easy for the wayfaring man to follow. It is quite evident that the author's mind was able and cultivated; yet as a teacher to men of low estate, he makes no displays of eloquence or argument.
"Once again, the level of thought isn't complex or challenging, but straightforward and easy for the average person to understand. It's clear that the author's mind is capable and educated; however, as a guide for those of modest means, he doesn't show off with elaborate language or reasoning."
"In the statements of Christian doctrine the reality of Mr. Blencowe's mind is very striking. There is a strength, and a warmth, and a life, in his mention of the great truths of the Gospel, which show that he spoke from the heart, and that, like the Apostle of old, he could say—'I believe, and therefore have I spoken.'
"In the expressions of Christian doctrine, the depth of Mr. Blencowe's mind is quite remarkable. There is a strength, warmth, and vitality in how he talks about the essential truths of the Gospel that clearly indicate he spoke from the heart, and that, like the Apostle of old, he could say—'I believe, and therefore have I spoken.'"
"His affectionateness too is no less conspicuous; this is shown in the gentle, earnest, kind-hearted tone of every Sermon in the book. There is no scolding, no asperity of language, no irritation of manner about them. At the same time there is no over-strained tenderness, nor affectation of endearment; but there is a considerate, serious concern, about the peculiar sins and temptations of the people committed to his charge, and a hearty desire and determined effort for their salvation."—Theologian.
"His kindness is just as noticeable; that's clear from the gentle, sincere, and warm tone of every sermon in the book. There’s no yelling, no harsh words, and no annoyance in how they’re delivered. At the same time, there’s no forced sentimentality or false affection; instead, there’s a thoughtful and serious concern for the specific sins and struggles of the people in his care, along with a genuine desire and strong commitment to their salvation."—Theologian.
"Simple, intelligible, and affectionate."—Church and State Gazette.
"Simple, clear, and caring."—Church and State Gazette.
"Very stirring and practical."—Christian Remembrancer.
"Very inspiring and practical."—Christian Remembrancer.
"The discourses are plain, interesting, and pre-eminently practical."—English Churchman.
"The discussions are straightforward, engaging, and highly practical."—English Churchman.
"Plain, short, and affectionate discourses."—English Review.
"Simple, brief, and heartfelt discussions."—English Review.
Also, 2 vols. 12mo., sold separately, 8s. each.
Also, 2 volumes, 12mo, sold separately, 8shillings each.
SERMONS. By the Rev. ALFRED GATTY, M.A., Vicar of Ecclesfield.
SERMONS. By Rev. ALFRED GATTY, M.A., Vicar of Ecclesfield.
"Sermons of a high and solid character—earnest and affectionate."—Theologian.
"Sermons that are deep and meaningful—sincere and caring."—Theologian.
"Plain and practical, but close and scholarly discourses."—Spectator.
"Simple and practical, yet detailed and academic discussions."—Spectator.
GEORGE BELL, 186. Fleet Street.
GEORGE BELL, 186 Fleet Street.
BOOKS OF REFERENCE
Reference Books
NECESSARY TO CORRESPONDENTS AND READERS OF NOTES AND QUERIES.
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WATT'S (R., M.D., and his Son) BIBLIOTHECA BRITANNICA, a General Index to the Literature of Great Britain and Ireland, and of Foreign Nations, in Two Divisions, 1st, the Authors (Alphabetically Arranged, with Biographical Notices, Full Chronological Lists of their Works, their Editions, Sizes, &c.), 2nd, Subjects (and Anonymous Works, Arranged Alphabetically, with Constant References to their Authors in the 1st Division), Glasg. and Edinb., 1819-24, 4to. 4 vols. scarce, cloth, 5l. 6s. (cost 11l. 11s.)
WATT'S (R., M.D., and his Son) BIBLIOTHECA BRITANNICA, a General Index to the Literature of Great Britain and Ireland, and of Foreign Nations, in Two Parts: 1st, the Authors (Alphabetically Organized, with Biographical Notes, Comprehensive Chronological Lists of their Works, their Editions, Sizes, etc.), 2nd, Subjects (and Anonymous Works, Organized Alphabetically, with Continuous References to their Authors in the 1st Part), Glasgow and Edinburgh, 1819-24, 4to. 4 vols. rare, cloth, £5. 6s. (cost £11. 11s.)
LOWNDES'S (W.T.) BIBLIOGRAPHER'S MANUAL of English Literature, 1834, 8vo. 4 vols. in 2, half morocco, neat, 3l. 12s. (cost 4l. 11s.) Ditto, another copy, uncut, 3l. 12s.
LOWNDES'S (W.T.) BIBLIOGRAPHER'S MANUAL of English Literature, 1834, 8vo. 4 vols. in 2, half morocco, neat, £3 12s. (cost £4 11s.) Another copy, uncut, £3 12s.
NICHOLS'S (Jo.) LITERARY ANECDOTES of the 18th Century, with a very copious Index; and the ILLUSTRATIONS of the Literary History of the 18th Century, 1812-48, numerous portraits, 8vo., 17 bound in 16 thick vols., newly bound, calf extra, gilt, very beautiful set, with edges uncut, 13l. 13s.
NICHOLS'S (Jo.) LITERARY ANECDOTES of the 18th Century, featuring a comprehensive Index; and the ILLUSTRATIONS of the Literary History of the 18th Century, 1812-48, includes numerous portraits, 8vo., 17 volumes bound into 16 thick books, newly bound in extra calf, gilt, a stunning set with uncut edges, priced at 13l. 13s.
MORERI'S (Louis) GREAT HISTORICAL DICTIONARY of the Gods and Heroes, the Lives of the Patriarchs, Emperors, Princes, Popes, Saints, Fathers, Cardinals, Heresiarchs, the History of Sects, Councils, General and Particular Authors, Orders, Genealogies of Families, &c., (in French), Paris, 1752, best edition, folio, 10 vols. calf, gilt, 4l. 14s.
MORERI'S (Louis) GREAT HISTORICAL DICTIONARY of the Gods and Heroes, the Lives of the Patriarchs, Emperors, Princes, Popes, Saints, Fathers, Cardinals, Heresiarchs, the History of Sects, Councils, General and Particular Authors, Orders, Genealogies of Families, etc., (in French), Paris, 1752, best edition, folio, 10 vols. calf, gilt, 4l. 14s.
NARES'S (Rob.) GLOSSARY of Words, Phrases, Names, Customs, Proverbs, &c., in the Works of English Authors, particularly Shakspeare and his Contemporaries, 1822, 4to., very scarce, handsomely bound in russia, gilt, gilt edges, 2l. 18s.
NARES'S (Rob.) GLOSSARY of Words, Phrases, Names, Customs, Proverbs, &c., in the Works of English Authors, especially Shakespeare and his Contemporaries, 1822, 4to., very rare, beautifully bound in leather, gold lettering, gilt edges, 2l. 18s.
TODD'S JOHNSON'S DICTIONARY, 1818, portrait, 4to. 4 vols. half cloth, 3l. 12s. (pub. at 11l. 11s.)
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Bp. TANNER'S NOTITIA MONASTICA, an Account of all the Abbies, Priories, and Houses of Friers formerly in England and Wales, with many Additions by NASMITH, Camb. 1787, port. and large additional portrait and two plates inserted, fol. best edition, half russia, uncut, 6l. 16s.
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CHALMERS'S (Alex.) GENERAL BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY, 1812-17, 8vo. 32 vols. half russia very neat, 6l. 15s.
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GRAFF'S (Dr. E.G.) ALTHOCHDEUTSCHER SPRACHSCHATZ oder Wörterbuch der Althochdeutschen Sprache, mit völlstand. Alphabetisch. Index von H.F. MASSMANN, Berlin, 1834-46, 4to. 7 vols. half calf, very neat, 4l. 12s. (cost 10l 10s)
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LYE (Edv.) DICTIONARIUM SAXONICO et Gothico-Latinum, accedunt Fragmenta Vers. Ulphilanæ, Chartæ, Sermo, &c., Anglo-Saxonice, 1772, folio, 2 vols. with MS. Additions and Notes in the autograph of the Rev. T.D. FOSBROKE, the Antiquary, newly bound in half calf, gilt, elegant, uncut, 3l. 8s.
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DUCANGE ET CARPENTARII GLOSSARIUM Manuale ad Scriptores Mediæ et Infimæ Latinitatis, in Compendium redactum, multisque Verbis auctum, Halæ, 1772-87, 8vo, 6 vols. half calf, very neat, 3l. 3s.
DUCANGE AND CARPENTIER'S GLOSSARY A Handbook for Writers of Medieval and Late Latin, condensed into a summary, enriched with many words, Halle, 1772-87, 8vo, 6 volumes, half calf, very tidy, 3l. 3s.
ROBSON'S (Thos.) BRITISH HERALD, or Cabinet of ARMORIAL BEARINGS of the Nobility and Gentry of Great Britain and Ireland, &c., 1830, with a volume of plates, 4to, 3 vols. half calf, gilt, 2l. 18s. (cost 11l.)
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TIRABOSCHI (Girol.) STORIA DELLA LITERATURA ITALIANA, Roma, 1782-85, (best edition, with the notes of P. MAMACHI,) large 4to. 12 vols. vellum, gilt, neat, fine set, 3l. 10s.
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BAYLE (P.) DICTIONNAIRE Historique et Critique, nouv. edn., augmentée de Notes de CHAUPEPIÉ, JOLY, LA MONNOIE, L.J. LECLERC, LE DU CHAT, PROSPER MARCHAND, &c., &c., Paris, 1820-24, 8vo. 16 thick and full printed volumes, half calf, neat, 3l. 18s.
BAYLE (P.) HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL DICTIONARY, new edition, expanded with notes by CHAUPEPIÉ, JOLY, LA MONNOIE, L.J. LECLERC, LE DU CHAT, PROSPER MARCHAND, etc., Paris, 1820-24, 8vo. 16 thick and complete printed volumes, half calf, neat, 3l. 18s.
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PUGIN'S (A.W.) GLOSSARY OF ECCLESIASTICAL ORNAMENT AND COSTUME, with Extracts from DURANDUS, GEORGIUS, BONA, CATALANI, GERBERT, MARTENE, MOLANUS, THIERS, MABILLON, DUCANGE, &c., translated by the Rev. BERNARD SMITH, of Oscott, 1844, 70 Illuminations, sumptuously printed in gold and colours, and other Engravings, royal 4to. half morocco, gilt, elegant, 4l. 18s.
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DIBDIN'S (T.F.) TYPOGRAPHICAL ANTIQUITIES, or the History of Printing in England, Scotland, and Ireland, including a History of English Literature and the Development of Engraving, 1810-19, features portraits and many facsimiles of old wood engravings, the types used by various early printers, etc., etc., royal 4to. 4 vols. boards, uncut, 4l. 8s. (originally cost 14l. 14s.)
ROYAL ACADEMY.—A Collection of all the Catalogues of the Exhibitions of the Royal Academy from the 1st, 1769, to the 63rd, 1831, very scarce, 4to. 3 vols. half cloth, neat, uncut, 4l. 18s.
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JUST PUBLISHED, A CATALOGUE OF VALUABLE BOOKS,
JUST PUBLISHED, A CATALOG OF VALUABLE BOOKS,
Containing selections from the Libraries at Conishead Priory, Lancashire; Sir Geo. Goold, Old Court, Co. Cork; Coleby Hall, Lincolnshire; Prof. Elrington, T.C., Dublin; G.H. Ward, Esq., Northwood Park, Isle of Wight; J.B. Swete, Esq., Oxton House, Devon; and other late Purchases. Franked by a single stamp.
Containing selections from the Libraries at Conishead Priory, Lancashire; Sir Geo. Goold, Old Court, Co. Cork; Coleby Hall, Lincolnshire; Prof. Elrington, T.C., Dublin; G.H. Ward, Esq., Northwood Park, Isle of Wight; J.B. Swete, Esq., Oxton House, Devon; and other recent Purchases. Sent free with a single stamp.
Printed by THOMAS CLARK SHAW, of No. 8. New Street Square, at No. 5. New Street Square, in the Parish of St. Bride in the City of London; and published by GEORGE BELL, of No. 186. Fleet Street, in the Parish of St. Dunstan in the West, in the City of London, Publisher, at No. 186. Fleet Street aforesaid.—Saturday, November 23. 1850.
Printed by THOMAS CLARK SHAW, at No. 8 New Street Square, and at No. 5 New Street Square, in the Parish of St. Bride in the City of London; and published by GEORGE BELL, at No. 186 Fleet Street, in the Parish of St. Dunstan in the West, in the City of London, Publisher, at No. 186 Fleet Street as mentioned above.—Saturday, November 23, 1850.
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