This is a modern-English version of Discovery of Witches: The Wonderfull Discoverie of Witches in the Countie of Lancaster, originally written by Potts, Thomas, active 1612-1618.
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REMAINS
HISTORICAL & LITERARY
CONNECTED WITH THE PALATINE COUNTIES OF
LANCASTER AND CHESTER
PUBLISHED BY
THE CHETHAM SOCIETY.
VOL. VI.
PRINTED FOR THE CHETHAM SOCIETY.
M.DCCC.XLV.
PRINTED FOR THE CHETHAM SOCIETY.
1845.
Council.
EDWARD HOLME, Esq., M.D., President.
REV. RICHARD PARKINSON, B.D., Canon of Manchester, Vice-President.
THE HON. & VERY REV. WILLIAM HERBERT, Dean of Manchester.
GEORGE ORMEROD, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.G.S., Sedbury Park.
SAMUEL HIBBERT WARE, Esq., M.D., F.R.S.E., Edinburgh.
REV. THOMAS CORSER, M.A.
REV. GEORGE DUGARD, M.A.
REV. C.G. HULTON, M.A.
REV. J. PICCOPE, M.A.
REV. F.R. RAINES, M.A., F.S.A., Milnrow Parsonage, near Rochdale.
JAMES CROSSLEY, Esq.
JAMES HEYWOOD, Esq., F.R.S.
WILLIAM LANGTON, Esq., Treasurer.
WILLIAM FLEMING, Esq., M.D., Hon. Secretary.
EDWARD HOLME, Esquire, Doctor, President.
REV. RICHARD PARKINSON, B.D., Canon of Manchester, VP.
THE HON. & VERY REV. WILLIAM HERBERT, Manchester Dean.
GEORGE ORMEROD, Esquire, Doctor of Civil Law, Fellow of the Royal Society, Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries, Fellow of the Geological Society, Sedbury Park.
SAMUEL HIBBERT WARE, Esquire, Doctor of Medicine, Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh.
REV. THOMAS CORSER, M.A.
REV. GEORGE DUGARD, M.A.
REV. C.G. HULTON, M.A.
REV. J. PICCOPE, M.A.
REV. F.R. RAINES, M.A., F.S.A., Milnrow Parsonage, close to Rochdale.
JAMES CROSSLEY, Esquire.
JAMES HEYWOOD, Esquire., F.R.S.
WILLIAM LANGTON, Esquire, Treasurer.
WILLIAM FLEMING, Esquire, Doctor of Medicine, Honorable Secretary.
POTTS'S
DISCOVERY OF WITCHES
In the County of Lancaster,
REPRINTED FROM THE ORIGINAL EDITION OF
1613.
WITH AN
INTRODUCTION AND NOTES,
BY
JAMES CROSSLEY, Esquire.
PRINTED FOR THE CHETHAM SOCIETY.
M.DCC.XLV.
PRINTED FOR THE CHETHAM SOCIETY.
1745.
Manchester:
Printed by Charles Simms and Co.
Manchester:
Printed by Charles Simms and Co.
[Transcriber's Note: This Table of Contents was not present in the original.]
[Transcriber's Note: This Table of Contents was not present in the original.]
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION.
Were not every chapter of the history of the human mind too precious an inheritance to be willingly relinquished,—for appalling as its contents may be, the value of the materials it may furnish may be inestimable,—we might otherwise be tempted to wish that the miserable record in which the excesses occasioned by the witch mania are narrated, could be struck out of its pages, and for ever cancelled. Most assuredly, he, who is content to take the fine exaggeration of the author of Hydriotaphia as a serious and literal truth, and who believes with him that "man is a glorious animal," must not go to the chapter which contains that record for his evidences and proofs. If he should be in search of materials for humiliation and abasement, he will find in the history of witchcraft in this country, from the beginning to the end of the seventeenth century, large and abundant materials, whether it affects the species or the individual. In truth, human nature is never seen in worse colours than in that dark and dismal review. Childhood, without any of its engaging properties, appears prematurely artful, wicked and cruel[1]; woman, the victim of a wretched[iv] and debasing bigotry, has yet so little of the feminine adjuncts, that the fountains of our sympathies are almost closed; and man, tyrannizing over the sex he was bound to protect, in its helpless destitution and enfeebled decline, seems lost in prejudice and superstition and only strong in oppression. If we turn from the common herd to the luminaries of the age, to those whose works are the landmarks of literature and science, the reference is equally disappointing;—
Were every chapter of human history not too valuable to just let go of—no matter how horrifying its contents might be, the insights it could provide are priceless—we might wish to erase the tragic account of the witch mania from our records forever. Certainly, anyone who chooses to accept the grand exaggeration of the author of Hydriotaphia as serious and literal truth, and who believes along with him that "man is a glorious animal," should not look to that account for evidence and proof. If someone is looking for material for shame and humiliation, they’ll find plenty in the history of witchcraft in this country, from the start to the end of the seventeenth century, affecting both humanity as a whole and individuals. In fact, human nature is never portrayed in a worse light than in that bleak and gloomy examination. Childhood, devoid of its charming traits, comes across as prematurely cunning, evil, and cruel[1]; women, victims of a miserable[iv] and degrading bigotry, have so little of feminine qualities that our sympathetic feelings are nearly stifled; and men, who should protect the vulnerable, seem lost in bias and superstition, only displaying strength through oppression. When we look away from the masses to the great minds of the time, to those whose works are landmarks in literature and science, the references remain equally disappointing;—
And quiet as the moon
Hiding in her empty cave between the moons.
We find the illustrious author of the Novum Organon sacrificing to courtly suppleness his philosophic truth, and gravely prescribing the ingredients for a witches' ointment;[2]—Raleigh, adopting miserable fallacies at second hand, without subjecting them to the crucible of his acute and vigorous understanding;[3]—Selden, maintaining that crimes of the imagination may be punished with death;[4]—The detector of Vulgar Errors, and the most humane of physicians,[5] giving the casting weight to the vacillating bigotry of Sir Matthew Hale;[6]—Hobbes, ever sceptical, penetrating and sagacious,[vi] yet here paralyzed, and shrinking from the subject as if afraid to touch it;[7]—The adventurous explorer, who sounded the depths and channels of the "Intellectual System" along all the "wide watered" shores of antiquity, running after witches to hear them recite the Common Prayer and the Creed, as a rational test of guilt or innocence;[8]—The gentle spirit of Dr. Henry More, girding on the armour of persecution, and rousing itself from a Platonic reverie on the Divine Life, to assume the hood and cloak of a familiar of the Inquisition;[9]—and the patient and enquiring Boyle, putting[vii] aside for a while his searches for the grand Magisterium, and listening, as if spell-bound, with gratified attention to stories of witches at Oxford, and devils at Mascon.[10] Nor is it from a retrospect of our own intellectual progress only that we find how capricious, how intermitting, and how little privileged to great names or high intellects, or even to those minds which seemed to possess the very qualifications which would operate as conductors, are those illuminating gleams of common sense which shoot athwart the gloom, and aid a nation on its tardy progress to wisdom, humanity, and justice. If on the Continent there were, in the sixteenth[viii] century, two men from whom an exposure of the absurdities of the system of witchcraft might have been naturally and rationally expected, and who seem to stand out prominently from the crowd as predestined to that honourable and salutary office, those two men were John Bodin[11] and Thomas Erastus.[12] The former a lawyer—much exercised in the affairs of men—whose learning was not merely umbratic—whose knowledge of history was most philosophic and exact—of piercing penetration and sagacity—tolerant—liberal[ix] minded—disposed to take no proposition upon trust, but to canvass and examine every thing for himself, and who had large views of human nature and society—in fact, the Montesquieu of the seventeenth century. The other, a physician and professor, sage, judicious, incredulous,
We see the famous author of the Novum Organon sacrificing his philosophical truth for social finesse, seriously outlining the components of a witches' ointment;[2]—Raleigh, relying on flawed arguments from others without putting them through the test of his sharp and powerful mind;[3]—Selden, arguing that imaginative crimes can be punished by death;[4]—The investigator of Common Errors, and the kindest of doctors,[5] endorsing the uncertain prejudice of Sir Matthew Hale;[6]—Hobbes, always skeptical, insightful, and wise,[vi] yet here immobilized and reluctant to address the topic as if afraid to engage with it;[7]—The daring explorer who ventured into the depths and channels of the "Intellectual System" along the "wide watered" coasts of antiquity, chasing after witches to hear them recite the Common Prayer and the Creed as rational proof of guilt or innocence;[8]—The gentle soul of Dr. Henry More, putting on the armor of persecution and pulling himself from a Platonic daydream about Divine Life to don the hood and cloak of an Inquisition associate;[9]—and the patient and inquisitive Boyle, temporarily setting aside his quest for the grand Magisterium and listening, almost enchanted, with keen interest to stories of witches at Oxford and devils at Mascon.[10] It’s not just from looking back at our own intellectual growth that we see how unpredictable, intermittent, and scarcely linked to great names or brilliant minds those illuminating flashes of common sense are, which pierce through the darkness and help a nation slowly progress toward wisdom, humanity, and justice. If in the sixteenth[viii] century on the Continent, there were two individuals from whom we could expect a rational critique of the absurdities of witchcraft, those two were John Bodin[11] and Thomas Erastus.[12] The former was a lawyer deeply involved in human affairs, whose knowledge was not just superficial—his grasp of history was profoundly philosophical and accurate—he had sharp insight and wisdom—he was tolerant and open-minded—he never accepted propositions at face value but instead scrutinized and studied everything for himself, holding broad views on human nature and society—in essence, the Montesquieu of the seventeenth century. The latter, a physician and professor, wise and discerning, deeply skeptical,
"The scourge of impostors, the terror of quacks,"
"The plague of impostors, the nightmare of frauds,"
who had routed irrecoverably empiricism in almost every shape—Paracelsians—Astrologers—Alchemists—Rosicrucians—and who weighed and scrutinized and analyzed every conclusion, from excommunication and the power of the keys to the revolutions of comets and their supposed effects on empires, and all with perfect fearlessness and intuitive insight into the weak points of an argument. Yet, alas! for human infirmity. Bodin threw all the weight of his reasoning and learning and vivacity into the scale of the witch supporters, and made the "hell-broth boil and bubble" anew, and increased the witch furor to downright fanaticism, by the publication of his Demo-manie,[13] a work in which
who had irrevocably defeated empiricism in nearly every form—Paracelsians—Astrologers—Alchemists—Rosicrucians—who scrutinized, weighed, and analyzed every conclusion, from excommunication and the power of the keys to the orbits of comets and their supposed effects on empires, all with complete fearlessness and an intuitive grasp of the weaknesses in an argument. Yet, sadly, for human frailty. Bodin poured all his reasoning, knowledge, and energy into supporting witchcraft, making the "hell-broth boil and bubble" again, and ramping up the witch craze to full-blown fanaticism with the publication of his Demo-manie,[13] a work in which
Looks as dark as ignorance, as wild as frenzy;
but which it is impossible to read without being carried[x] along by the force of mind and power of combination which the author manifests, and without feeling how much ingenious sophistry can perform to mitigate and soften the most startling absurdity. His contemporary, Erastus, after all his victories on the field of imposition, was foiled by the subject of witchcraft at last. This was his pet delusion—almost the only one he cared not to discard—like the dying miser's last reserve:—
but it's impossible to read it without being swept away[x] by the author's sharp intellect and skillful blending of ideas, and without realizing how much clever reasoning can do to soften the most shocking nonsense. His peer, Erastus, despite all his triumphs in deception, was ultimately defeated by the topic of witchcraft. This was his favorite obsession—almost the only one he refused to let go of—like a dying miser's final treasure:—
In his treatise De Lamiis, published in 1577, 8vo., he defends nearly all the absurdities of the system with a blind zealotry which in such a man is very remarkable. His book has accordingly taken its place on the same shelf with Sprenger, Remigius, Delrio, and De Lancre, and deserves insertion only in a list which has yet to be made out, and which if accurately compiled would be a literary curiosity, of the singularly illogical books of singularly able reasoners. What was left unaccomplished by the centurions of literature came ultimately from the strangest of all possible quarters; from the study of an humble pupil of the transmuter of metals and prince of mountebanks and quacks—the expounder of Reuchlin de verbo mirifico, and lecturer in the unknown tongues—the follower of Trismegistus—cursed with bell, book and candle, by every decorous Church in Christendom—the redoubted Cornelius Agrippa; who, if he left not to his pupil Wierus the secret of the philosopher's stone or grand elixir, seems to have communicated a treasure perhaps equally[xi] rare and not less precious, the faculty of seeing a truth which should open the eyes of bigotry and dispel the mists of superstition, which should stop the persecution of the helpless and stay the call for blood. If, in working out this virgin ore from the mine, he has produced it mixed up with the scoria of his master's Occult Philosophy; if he gives us catalogues of devils and spirits, with whose acquaintance we could have dispensed; if he pleads the great truth faintly, inconsistently, imperfectly, and is evidently unaware of the strength of the weapons he wields; these deductions do not the less entitle Wierus to take his place in the first rank of Humanity's honoured professors, the true philanthropists and noble benefactors of mankind.
In his book De Lamiis, published in 1577, he defends nearly all the ridiculous points of the system with a blind zeal that is quite notable for someone like him. His work has therefore been placed alongside Sprenger, Remigius, Delrio, and De Lancre, and only deserves to be included in a list yet to be created, which, if compiled accurately, would be a literary curiosity of illogical books written by very capable thinkers. What was left undone by the literary centurions ultimately came from the strangest source possible; from the studies of an unassuming pupil of the metal transmuter and prince of charlatans—the author of Reuchlin's de verbo mirifico, and lecturer in unknown languages—the follower of Trismegistus—cursed with bell, book, and candle by every respectable Church in Christendom—the renowned Cornelius Agrippa. While he may not have passed on the secret of the philosopher's stone or grand elixir to his student Wierus, he seems to have given him a treasure just as rare and valuable: the ability to recognize a truth that would open the eyes of prejudice and clear away the fog of superstition, halting the persecution of the vulnerable and stopping the cry for blood. Even if, in extracting this pure ore from the mine, he presented it mixed with the scoria of his master's Occult Philosophy; even if he gives us lists of demons and spirits that we could have done without; even if he only vaguely, inconsistently, and imperfectly advocates for the great truth, and seems unaware of the power of the tools he is using; these shortcomings do not diminish Wierus's right to stand among the foremost ranks of Humanity's respected scholars, the true philanthropists and honorable benefactors of mankind.
In our own country, it may be curious and edifying to observe to whom we mainly owe those enlightened views on this subject, which might have been expected to proceed in their natural channel, but for which we look in vain, from the "triumphant heirs of universal praise," the recognized guides of public opinion, whose fame sheds such a lustre on our annals,—the Bacons, the Raleighs, the Seldens, the Cudworths, and the Boyles.
In our own country, it might be interesting and informative to see who we primarily credit for those progressive ideas on this topic, which could have developed naturally, but instead we find ourselves disappointed when we search for them among the "triumphant heirs of universal praise," the well-known leaders of public opinion, whose reputation brings such brilliance to our history—the Bacons, the Raleighs, the Seldens, the Cudworths, and the Boyles.
The strangely assorted and rather grotesque band to whom we are principally indebted for a vindication of outraged common sense and insulted humanity in this instance, and whose vigorous exposition of the absurdities of the prevailing system, in combination with other lights and sources of intelligence, led at last to its being universally abandoned, consists of four individuals—on any of whom a literary Pharisee would look down with supercilious scorn:—a[xii] country gentleman, devoted to husbandry, and deep in platforms of hop gardens,[14]—a baronet, whose name for upwards of a century has been used as a synonyme for incurable political bigotry,[15]—a little, crooked, and now forgotten man, who died, as his biographer tells us, "distracted, occasioned by a deep conceit of his own parts, and by a continual bibbing of strong and high tasted liquors,"[16]—and last, but not least assuredly, of one who was by turns a fanatical preacher and an obscure practitioner of physic, and who passed his old age at Clitheroe in Lancashire in attempting to transmute metals and discover the philosopher's stone.[17] So strange a band of Apostles of reason may occasion a smile; it deserves, at all events, a little more particular consideration before we address ourselves to the short narration which may be deemed necessary as an introduction to the republication which follows.
The oddly matched and pretty bizarre group we're mainly thankful to for clearing up the chaos of common sense and restoring dignity to humanity in this situation, and whose strong criticism of the ridiculousness of the current system, along with other perspectives and sources of info, eventually led to its complete abandonment, consists of four individuals—each of whom a literary elitist would look down on with arrogant disdain:—a[xii] country gentleman, dedicated to farming and deep into hop garden setups,[14]—a baronet, whose name has been synonymous with stubborn political narrow-mindedness for over a century,[15]—a small, crooked, and now forgotten man, who died, as his biographer notes, "insane, due to a deep belief in his own abilities and from constantly drinking strong, robust liquor,"[16]—and last, but certainly not least, someone who was at different times a zealous preacher and a little-known doctor, who spent his old age in Clitheroe, Lancashire, trying to turn base metals into gold and find the philosopher's stone.[17] This strange group of champions of reason might make you smile; it definitely deserves a bit more detailed consideration before we dive into the brief account that will serve as an introduction to the upcoming reprint.
Of the first of the number, Reginald or Reynold Scot, it is to be regretted that more particulars are not known. Nearly the whole are contained in the following information afforded by Anthony à Wood, Athenæ., vol. i. p. 297; from which it appears that he took to "solid reading" at a crisis of life when it is generally thrown aside. "Reynolde Scot, a younger son of Sir John Scot, of Scot's Hall, near to Smeeth, in Kent, by his wife, daughter of Reynolde Pimp, of Pimp's Court, Knight, was born in that county, and at about 17 years of age was sent to Oxon, particularly as it seems to Hart Hall, where several of his countrymen and name studied in[xiii] the latter end of K. Henry VIII. and the reign of Edward VI., &c. Afterwards he retired to his native country, without the honour of a Degree, and settled at Smeeth, where he found great encouragement in his studies from his kinsman, Sir Thomas Scot. About which time, taking to him a wife, he gave himself up solely to solid reading, to the perusing of obscure authors that had, by the generality of scholars, been neglected, and at times of leisure to husbandry and gardening. He died in September or October in 1599, and was buried among his ancestors, in the church at Smeeth before mentioned." Retired as his life and obscure as his death might be, he is one whose name will be remembered as long as vigorous sense, flowing from the "wells of English undefiled," hearty and radiant humour, and sterling patriotism, are considered as deserving of commemoration. His Discoverie of Witchcraft, first published in 1584, is indeed a treat to him who wishes to study the idioms, manners, opinions, and superstitions of the reign of Elizabeth. Its entire title deserves to be given:—
Of the first group, Reginald or Reynold Scot, it's unfortunate that more details aren't known. Almost all the information comes from Anthony à Wood, Athenæ., vol. i. p. 297; which shows that he began "serious reading" at a point in life when most people usually abandon it. "Reynold Scot, a younger son of Sir John Scot of Scot's Hall, near Smeeth in Kent, by his wife, the daughter of Reynolde Pimp of Pimp's Court, Knight, was born in that county, and at around 17 years old was sent to Oxford, especially to Hart Hall, where several of his fellow countrymen and namesakes studied in[xiii] the latter part of King Henry VIII's reign and the reign of Edward VI, etc. Later, he returned to his home without the honor of a degree and settled in Smeeth, where he received strong support in his studies from his relative, Sir Thomas Scot. Around that time, after marrying, he dedicated himself entirely to serious reading, exploring obscure authors that most scholars had overlooked, and during his leisure, he engaged in farming and gardening. He died in September or October in 1599 and was buried among his ancestors in the church at Smeeth mentioned earlier." Though his life was quiet and his death unremarkable, his name will be remembered as long as robust intellect, flowing from the "wells of English undefiled," hearty humor, and genuine patriotism are seen as worthy of remembrance. His Discoverie of Witchcraft, first published in 1584, is truly a delight for anyone looking to study the language, customs, beliefs, and superstitions of Elizabeth's reign. Its full title deserves to be shared:—
"The discouerie of witchcraft, wherein the lewde dealing of witches and witchmongers is notablie detected, the knauerie of coniurors, the impietie of inchantors, the follie of soothsaiers, the impudent falshood of cousenors, the infidelitie of atheists, the pestilent practises of Pythonists, the curiositie of figurecasters, the vanitie of dreamers, the beggerlie art of Alcumystrie, the abhomination of idolatrie, the horrible art of poisoning, the vertue and power of naturall magike, and all the conueiances of Legierdemaine and iuggling are deciphered: and many other things opened, which haue long lien hidden,[xiv] howbeit verie necessarie to be knowne. Heerevnto is added a treatise vpon the nature and substance of spirits and diuels, &c: all latelie written by Reginald Scot Esquire. 1 John, 4, 1. Beleeue not euerie spirit but trie the spirits, whether they are of God; for many false prophets are gone out into the world, &c. 1584."
"The discovery of witchcraft, where the deceptive actions of witches and those who profit from them are notably exposed, the trickery of conjurers, the wickedness of enchanters, the foolishness of fortune tellers, the brazen lies of con artists, the disbelief of atheists, the harmful practices of psychics, the curiosity of astrologers, the vanity of dreamers, the petty art of alchemy, the abomination of idolatry, the horrific art of poisoning, the virtue and power of natural magic, and all the tricks of sleight of hand and juggling are revealed: along with many other things that have long been hidden,[xiv] which are very necessary to know. Added to this is a treatise on the nature and essence of spirits and demons, etc.: all recently written by Reginald Scot, Esquire. 1 John, 4, 1. Do not believe every spirit, but test the spirits to see whether they are from God; for many false prophets have gone out into the world, etc. 1584."
This title is sufficient to show that he gives no quarter to the delusion he undertakes to expose, and though he does not deny that there may be witches in the abstract, (to have done so would have left him a preacher without an audience,) yet he guards so cautiously against any practical application of that principle, and battles so vigorously against the error which assimilated the witches of modern times to the witches of Scripture, and, denying the validity of the confessions of those convicted, throws such discredit and ridicule upon the whole system, that the popular belief cannot but have received a severe shock from the publication of his work.[18] By an extraordinary elevation of[xv-xvi] good sense, he managed, not only to see through the absurdities of witchcraft, but likewise of other errors which long maintained their hold upon the learned as well as the vulgar. Indeed, if not generally more enlightened, he was,[xvii] in some respects, more emancipated from delusion than even his great successor, the learned and sagacious Webster, who, a century after, clung still to alchemy which Reginald Scot had ridiculed and exposed. Yet with all its strong points and broad humour, it is undeniable that The Discoverie of Witchcraft only scotched the snake instead of killing it; and that its effect was any thing but final and complete. Inveterate error is seldom prostrated by a blow from one hand, and truth seems to be a tree which cannot be forced by planting it before its time. There was something, too, in the book itself which militated against its entire acceptance by the public. It is intended to form a little Encyclopædia of the different arts of imposition practised in Scot's[xviii] time; and in order to illustrate the various tricks and modes of cozenage, he gives us so many charms and diagrams and conjurations, to say nothing of an inventory of seventy-nine devils and spirits, and their several seignories and degrees, that the Occult Philosophy of Cornelius Agrippa himself looks scarcely less appalling, at first sight, than the Discoverie. This gave some colour to the declamation of the author's opponents, who held him up as Wierus had been represented before him, as if he were as deeply dipped in diabolical practises as any of those whom he defended. Atheist and Sadducee, if not very wizard himself, were the terms in which his name was generally mentioned, and as such, the royal author of the Demonology anathematizes him with great unction and very edifying horror. Against the papists, the satire of Scot had been almost as much directed as against what he calls the "witch-mongers," so that that very powerful party were to a man opposed to him. Vigorous, therefore, as was his onslaught, its effect soon passed by; and when on the accession of James, the statute which so long disgraced our penal code was enacted, as the adulatory tribute of all parties, against which no honest voice was raised, to the known opinions of the monarch, Scot became too unfashionable to be seen on the tables of the great or in the libraries of the learned. If he were noticed, it was only to be traduced as a sciolist, (imperitus dialecticæ et aliarum bonarum artium, says Dr. Reynolds,) and to be exposed for imagined lapses in scholarship in an age when for a writer not to be a scholar, was like a traveller journeying without a passport. Meric Casaubon,[xix] who carried all the prejudices of the time of James the first into the reign of Charles the second, but who, though overshadowed by the fame of his father, was no unworthy scion of that incomparable stock, at the same time that he denounces Scot as illiterate, will only acknowledge to having met with him "at friends houses" and "booksellers shops," as if his work were one which would bring contamination to a scholar's library. Scot was certainly not a scholar in the sense in which the term is applied to the Scaligers, Casaubons, and Vossius's, though he would have been considered a prodigy of reading in these days of superficial acquisition. But he had original gifts far transcending scholarship. He had a manly, straightforward, vigorous understanding, which, united with an honest integrity of purpose, kept him right when greater men went wrong. How invaluable a phalanx would the battalion of folios which the reign of James the first produced now afford us, if the admirable mother-wit and single-minded sincerity of Reginald Scot could only have vivified and informed them.[19][xx]
This title clearly shows that he spares no mercy to the illusion he aims to challenge. While he doesn’t outright deny the existence of witches in theory—doing so would leave him without an audience—he carefully avoids any real-world implications of that idea. He fiercely opposes the mistake of equating modern witches with those in Scripture and dismisses the validity of the confessions of those found guilty. This discredits the entire system so much that public belief must have taken a serious hit from the release of his work.[18] With remarkable insight, he was able not only to see through the ridiculousness of witchcraft but also to other beliefs that had long captivated both the educated and the common people. If he wasn't necessarily more enlightened overall, he was—in certain aspects—more free from delusion than even his notable successor, the wise and learned Webster, who, a century later, still held on to ideas about alchemy that Reginald Scot had mocked and exposed. However, despite its strong arguments and broad humor, it’s undeniable that The Discoverie of Witchcraft only partially tackled the issue instead of completely resolving it. Deeply rooted errors are rarely destroyed by a single blow, and truth seems to be like a tree that can’t be planted before its time. There was also something in the book that worked against it being fully embraced by the public. It was meant to be a small encyclopedia of various tricks and deceptions practiced in Scot’s[xviii] time; to illustrate the different types of deceit, he provides numerous charms, diagrams, and spells, not to mention a list of seventy-nine devils and spirits and their respective realms and ranks, making even Cornelius Agrippa's Occult Philosophy appear almost as daunting as the Discoverie at first glance. This allowed his opponents to argue—just as they had against Wierus—that he was just as deeply involved in demonic practices as those he defended. Terms like 'atheist' and 'Sadducee' were often used when mentioning his name, and the royal author of Demonology condemned him with much fervor and righteous horror. Scot's satire was almost equally aimed at Catholics as it was at what he called the “witch-mongers,” which meant that this powerful faction was entirely opposed to him. Therefore, despite his vigorous attack, its impact soon faded. When James ascended the throne, the law that long sullied our penal code was enacted as a flattering acknowledgment of the monarch's views, which no honest voice opposed, making Scot too unpopular to be seen on the tables of the elite or in learned libraries. If he was mentioned at all, it was mainly to be disparaged as a less competent scholar, (as Dr. Reynolds puts it, imperitus dialecticæ et aliarum bonarum artium) and for supposed mistakes in scholarship in a time when being an author meant being a scholar, much like a traveler needing a passport. Meric Casaubon,[xix] who carried the biases of James the First's era into Charles the Second's reign, though overshadowed by his father's reputation, still recognized Scot as unlearned yet only noted having encountered his work "at friends’ houses" and "booksellers’ shops," implying that it was something that could contaminate a scholar's library. Scot was certainly not a scholar in the way we think of Scaligers, Casaubons, and Vossius’s, but he would be considered exceptionally well-read in today’s age of superficial knowledge. Nevertheless, he had original talents far beyond mere scholarship. He possessed a strong, straightforward, and vigorous understanding, which, along with his honest integrity, kept him on the right path when greater minds went astray. How invaluable would the collection of extensive works produced during James the First's reign be if only the admirable common sense and straightforward sincerity of Reginald Scot could have brought them to life.[19][xx]
After the lapse of another half century, and at the very period when the persecution against witches waxed hotter,[xxi] and the public prejudice had become only more inveterate, from the ingredient of fanaticism having been largely thrown[xxii] in as a stimulant, another ally to the cause of compassion and common sense started up, in the person of one whose[xxiii] name has rounded many a period and given point to many an invective. To find the proscribed author of the Patriarcha purging with "euphrasy and rue" the eyes of the dispensers of justice, and shouldering the crowd to obtain for reason a fair and impartial hearing, is indeed like meeting with Saul among the prophets. If there be one name which has been doomed to run the gauntlet, and against which every pert and insolent political declaimer has had his fling, it is that of this unfortunate writer; yet in his short but masterly and unanswerable "Advertisement to the Jurymen of England, touching Witches, together with a difference between an English and Hebrew Witch," first published in 1653, 4to., he has addressed himself so cogently and decisively to the main fallacy of the arguments in favour of witchcraft which rested their force on Scripture misunderstood, and has so pertinently and popularly urged the points to be considered, that his tract must have had the greatest weight on the class to whom his reasoning was principally addressed, and on whose fiat the fates of his unhappy clients may be said to have hung. For this good service, reason and common sense owe Sir Robert Filmer a debt which does not yet appear to have been paid. The verdict of[xxiv] proscription against him was pronounced by the most incompetent and superficial æra of our literature, and no friendly appellant has yet moved the court of posterity for its reversal. Yet without entering upon the theory of the patriarchal scheme, which after all, perhaps, was not so irrational as may be supposed, or discussing on an occasion like the present the conflicting theories of government, it may be allowable to express a doubt whether even the famous author of the "Essay on the Human Understanding," to whose culminating star the decadence of the rival intelligence is attributable, can be shewn to have been as much in advance of his generation in the time of king William, as from the tract on witchcraft, and another written on a different subject, but with equally enlightened views,[20] Sir Robert Filmer manifestly appears to have outrun his at the period of the usurpation.[21]
After another fifty years, and at a time when the persecution of witches intensified, and public prejudice grew even more entrenched, fueled by a heavy dose of fanaticism, another champion for compassion and common sense emerged. This was an individual whose name has become a significant reference point and has been the target of many criticisms. To see the banned author of the *Patriarcha* working to clear the vision of those in power and advocating for reason to get a fair chance is like encountering Saul among the prophets. If there’s one name that has faced relentless criticism, it’s this unfortunate writer; yet, in his concise but powerful "Advertisement to the Jurymen of England, touching Witches, together with a difference between an English and Hebrew Witch," published in 1653, he systematically dismantled the flawed arguments supporting witchcraft, which relied on misunderstood Scripture. He raised relevant and accessible points that likely had a significant impact on the audience for whom his reasoning was primarily intended, and whose decisions determined the fates of his unfortunate clients. For this important contribution, reason and common sense owe Sir Robert Filmer a debt that remains unpaid. The ruling against him came from one of the least competent and most superficial periods in our literary history, and no one has yet petitioned for its reevaluation in the court of history. However, without delving into the patriarchal theory, which might not be as irrational as it seems, or debating the conflicting theories of governance at this time, it’s worth questioning whether the esteemed author of the "Essay on the Human Understanding," who so overshadowed his contemporaries, was truly as far ahead of his time during King William's reign as Sir Robert Filmer was evident in his writings on witchcraft and other topics, all demonstrating equally progressive views.
The next champion in this unpopular cause, John Wagstaffe, who published "The Question of Witchcraft Debated," 1669, 12mo,[22] was, as A. à Wood informs us, "the son of John Wagstaffe, citizen of London, descended from those of his name of Hasland Hall, in Derbyshire, was born in Cheapside, within the city of London, became a commoner of Oriel College in the latter end of 1649, took the degrees in Arts, and applied himself to the study of politics and other learning. At length, being raised from an academical life to the inheritance of Hasland, by the death of an uncle,[xxvi] who died without male issue, he spent his life afterwards in single estate." His death took place in 1677. The Oxford historian, who had little reverence for new lights, and never loses an opportunity of girding at those whose weights and measures were not according to the current and only authentic standard, has left no very flattering account of his person. "He was a little crooked man, and of a despicable presence. He was laughed at by the boys of this University, because, as they said, he himself looked like a little wizard." Small as might be his stature, and questionable the shape in which he appeared, he might still have taken up the boast of the author of the Religio Medici: "Men that look upon my outside do err in my altitude, for I am above Atlas's shoulders." None but a large-souled and kindly-affectioned man, whose intellect was as comprehensive as his feelings were benevolent, could have produced the excellent little treatise which claims him as its author. The following is the lofty and memorable peroration in which he sums up the strength of his cause:—
The next champion in this unpopular cause, John Wagstaffe, who published "The Question of Witchcraft Debated," in 1669, was, as A. à Wood tells us, "the son of John Wagstaffe, a citizen of London, descended from the Wagstaffe family of Hasland Hall in Derbyshire. He was born in Cheapside, within the city of London, became a student at Oriel College towards the end of 1649, earned degrees in Arts, and dedicated himself to the study of politics and other subjects. Eventually, after being elevated from academic life to inherit Hasland due to his uncle's death, who had no male heirs, he spent the rest of his life as a single man." He passed away in 1677. The Oxford historian, who had little respect for new ideas and always took the chance to criticize those whose standards didn't align with the accepted norms, didn’t leave a very flattering description of him. "He was a small, crooked man, and his appearance was rather contemptible. The boys at this University laughed at him, claiming he looked like a little wizard." Despite his small stature and questionable appearance, he could have adopted the boast of the author of the Religio Medici: "People who judge me by my looks misunderstand my height, for I stand above Atlas's shoulders." Only a big-hearted and kind person, with an intellect as broad as his caring nature, could have produced the excellent little treatise that bears his name. The following is the powerful and memorable conclusion in which he highlights the strength of his cause:—
"I cannot think without trembling and horror on the vast numbers of people that in several ages and several countries have been sacrificed unto this idol, Opinion. Thousands, ten thousands, are upon record to have been slain, and many of them not with simple deaths, but horrid, exquisite tortures. And yet, how many are there more who have undergone the same fate, of whom we have no memorial extant. Since, therefore, the opinion of witchcraft is a mere stranger unto Scripture, and wholly alien from true religion; since it is ridiculous by asserting fables and impossibilities; since it[xxvii] appears, when duly considered, to be all bloody and full of dangerous consequence unto the lives and safety of men; I hope that with this my Discourse, opposing an absurd and pernicious error, I can not at all disoblige any sober, unbiassed person; especially if he be of such ingenuity as to have freed himself from a slavish subjection unto those prejudicial opinions which custom and education do with too much tyranny impose.—If the doctrine of witchcraft should be carried up to a height, and the inquisition after it should be intrusted in the hands of ambitious, covetous and malicious men, it would prove of far more fatal consequence unto the lives and safety of mankind, than that ancient, heathenish custom of sacrificing men unto idol gods; insomuch that we stand in need of another Hercules Liberator, who, as the former freed the world from human sacrifice, should, in like manner, travel from country to country, and by his all-commanding authority, free it from this euil and base custom of torturing people to confess themselves witches, and burning them after extorted confessions. Surely the blood of men ought not to be so cheap, nor so easily to be shed by those who, under the name of God, do gratifie exorbitant passions and selfish ends; for without question, under this side heaven, there is nothing so sacred as the life of man; for the preservation whereof all policies and forms of government, all laws and magistrates are most especially ordained. Wherefore I presume that this Discourse of mine, attempting to prove the vanity and impossibility of witchcraft, is so far from any deserved censure and blame, that it rather deserves commendation and praise, if I can[xxviii] in the least measure contribute to the saving of the lives of men."
"I can't help but feel a sense of fear and horror when I think about the countless people throughout history in various countries who have been sacrificed to the idol of Opinion. Thousands, tens of thousands, are recorded as having been killed, and many not just by simple means, but through horrific and detailed tortures. And yet, how many more have suffered the same fate, of whom we have no memorial? Since the belief in witchcraft is completely foreign to Scripture and entirely separate from true religion; since it is absurd in its claims of fables and impossibilities; since it[xxvii] becomes evident upon reflection that it is bloody and fraught with dangerous consequences for people's lives and safety; I hope that my essay, opposing this ridiculous and harmful error, won't offend any reasonable, unbiased person, especially if they're someone who has managed to free themselves from the oppressive beliefs imposed by custom and education. If the doctrine of witchcraft were taken to extremes, and the search for witches were put in the hands of ambitious, greedy, and malicious individuals, it would be far more deadly to human life and safety than the ancient practice of sacrificing humans to idol gods. In fact, we would need another Hercules Liberator, who, just as the original freed the world from human sacrifice, would travel from place to place and, by his powerful authority, deliver us from this evil and base custom of torturing people to make them confess to witchcraft, and burning them after extorted confessions. Surely, human life shouldn't be so cheap or so easily taken by those who, under the guise of God, indulge in excessive passions and selfish goals; because, without a doubt, nothing is more sacred than a person's life, for which all forms of government, laws, and authority are especially created. Therefore, I believe that my essay, which aims to prove the futility and impossibility of witchcraft, deserves not condemnation but commendation and praise, if I can[xxviii] contribute even a little to saving lives."
Wagstaffe was answered by Meric Casaubon in his treatise "Of Credulity and Incredulity in Things Divine and Spiritual," 1670, 12mo; and if his reply be altogether inconclusive, it cannot be denied to be, as indeed every thing of Meric Casaubon's writing was, learned, discursive and entertaining. He observes of Wagstaffe:—
Wagstaffe was responded to by Meric Casaubon in his book "Of Credulity and Incredulity in Things Divine and Spiritual," 1670, 12mo; and while his reply may not be entirely convincing, it must be acknowledged that, like all of Meric Casaubon's writings, it was knowledgeable, thoughtful, and engaging. He comments on Wagstaffe:—
"He doth make some show of a scholar and a man of some learning, but whether he doth acquit himself as a gentleman (which I hear he is) in it, I shall leave to others to judge." This is surely the first time that a belief in witchcraft was ever made a test of gentlemanly propriety.
"He puts on a bit of a show as a scholar and a man of some knowledge, but whether he carries himself like a gentleman (which I hear he is) is something I'll let others decide." This is definitely the first time that a belief in witchcraft was considered a measure of gentlemanly conduct.
Two years before the trial, which is the subject of the following republication, took place, the hamlet of Thornton, in the parish of Coxwold, in the adjoining county of York, gave birth to one who was destined so utterly to demolish the unstable and already shaken and tottering structure which Bodin, Delrio, and their followers had set up, as not to leave one stone of that unhallowed edifice remaining upon another. Of the various course of life of John Webster, the author of "The Displaying of supposed Witchcraft," his travels, troubles, and persecutions; of the experience he had had in restless youth and in unsettled manhood of religion under various forms, amongst religionists of almost every denomination; and of those profound and wide-ranging researches in every art and science in which his vigorous intellect delighted, and by which it was in declining age enlightened, sobered and composed; it is[xxix] much to be regretted that we have not his own narrative, written in the calm evening of his days, when he walked the slopes of Pendle, from where,
Two years before the trial, which is the focus of the following republication, the village of Thornton, in the parish of Coxwold, in the nearby county of York, produced someone who was destined to completely dismantle the weak and already unstable structure that Bodin, Delrio, and their supporters had built, leaving not a single stone of that unholy edifice standing. Regarding the various paths of life of John Webster, the author of "The Displaying of Supposed Witchcraft," his travels, struggles, and persecutions; his experiences in a restless youth and an unsettled adulthood in relation to religion in its many forms, among practitioners of nearly every denomination; and those deep and extensive investigations in every art and science that energized his sharp mind and brought him clarity, maturity, and peace in his later years; it is[xxix] truly regrettable that we do not have his own account, written in the peaceful twilight of his life, when he walked the slopes of Pendle, from where,
Rose Clid'row's grey castle;"[23]
when, to use his own expressions, he lived a "solitary and sedentary life, mihi et musis, having more converse with the dead than the living, that is, more with books than with men." The facts for his biography are scanty and meagre, and are rather collected by inference from his works, than from any other source. He was born at Thornton on the 3rd of February, 1610. From a passing notice of A. à Wood, and an incidental allusion in his own works, he may be presumed to have passed some time at Cambridge, though with what views, or at what period of his life, is uncertain. He was ordained Presbyter by Dr. Morton, when Bishop of Durham, who was, it will be recollected, the sagacious prelate by whom the frauds of the boy of Bilson were detected. In the year 1634, Webster was curate of Kildwick in Craven, and while in that cure the scene occurred which he has so vividly sketched in the passage after quoted, and which supplied the hint, and laid the foundation, for the work[xxx] which has perpetuated his fame. How long he continued in this cure we know not: but, if one authority may be relied on, he was Master of the Free Grammar School at Clitheroe in 1643. To this foundation he may be considered as a great benefactor, for, from information supplied from a manuscript source, I find that he recovered for its use, with considerable trouble and no small personal charge, an income of about £60. per annum, which had been given to the school, but was illegally diverted and withheld. From this period there is a blank in his biography for about ten years. Most probably his life was rambling and desultory. He speaks of himself as having been about that time a chaplain in the army. His first two works, published in 1653 and 1654, "The Saints' Guide," and "The Judgment Set and the Books Opened,"[24][xxxi] show that in the interval he had deserted the Established Church, and, probably, after some of those restless fluctuations of belief to which men of his ardent temperament are subject, settled at last in a wilder sort of Independency, which he eulogizes as "unmanacling the simple and pure light of the Gospel from the chains and fetters of cold and dead formality, and of restrictive and compulsory power." His language in these two works is more assimilated to that of the Seekers or Quakers, which it resembles in the cloudy mysteriousness of its phraseology, than that of the more rational and sober writers of the Independent school. Amongst the dregs of fanaticism of which they consist, the reader will look in vain for any germ or promise of future excellence or distinction as an author. It would seem that he preached the sermons contained in "The Judgment Set and Books Opened" at the church of All-Hallows, Lombard-street, at which he must have been for some time the officiating minister, and where the amusing incident, in which Webster was concerned, narrated by Wood, which had many a parallel in those times, no doubt occurred. "On the 12th of Oct., 1653," says the author of the Athenæ.,[25] "he (i.e. William[xxxii] Erbury) with John Webster, sometimes a Cambridge scholar, endeavoured to knock down learning and the ministry both together, in a disputation that they then had against two ministers in a church in Lombard-street, in London. Erbury then declared that the wisest ministers and purest churches were at that time befool'd, confounded, and defil'd, by reason of learning. Another while he said, that the ministry were monsters, beasts, asses, greedy dogs, false prophets; and that they are the Beast with seven heads and ten horns. The same person also spoke out and said that Babylon is the Church in her ministers, and that the Great Whore is the Church in her worship, &c.; so that with him there was an end of ministers and churches and ordinations altogether. While these things were babbled to and fro, the multitude being of various opinions, began to mutter, and many to cry out, and immediately it came to a meeting or tumult, (call it which you please,) wherein the women bore away the Bell, but lost some of them their kerchiefs: and the dispute being hot, there was more danger of pulling down the church than the ministry."[26]
when, to use his own words, he lived a "solitary and sedentary life, mihi et musis, having more conversations with the dead than the living, that is, more with books than with men." The details of his biography are sparse and limited, mainly inferred from his works rather than from any other source. He was born in Thornton on February 3, 1610. From a brief mention by A. à Wood and a reference in his own writings, it's assumed that he spent some time at Cambridge, although the reasons and when during his life is uncertain. He was ordained as a Presbyter by Dr. Morton, then Bishop of Durham, who is known for uncovering the frauds of the boy of Bilson. In 1634, Webster was the curate of Kildwick in Craven, and during his time there, he experienced the event that he vividly described in the previously quoted passage, which inspired and laid the groundwork for the work[xxx] that ensured his legacy. We don’t know how long he stayed in this position, but if one source is reliable, he was the Master of the Free Grammar School at Clitheroe in 1643. He can be considered a significant benefactor to this school, as, according to a manuscript source, he recovered an income of about £60 per year for it, which had been illegally diverted and withheld, at considerable personal cost and effort. After this period, there’s a gap in his biography for about ten years. It's likely that his life was wandering and inconsistent. He mentions that he was a chaplain in the army around that time. His first two published works in 1653 and 1654, "The Saints' Guide" and "The Judgment Set and the Books Opened,"[24][xxxi] indicate that during this interval, he had left the Established Church and, after experiencing some of the restless changes of belief common to his passionate temperament, ultimately settled into a more radical form of Independency, which he praised for "freeing the pure and simple light of the Gospel from the chains and restrictions of cold and dead formality and coercive power." His language in these two works aligns more with the Seekers or Quakers, noted for their ambiguous and mysterious expression, than with the more rational and sober authors of the Independent movement. Among the remnants of fanaticism that characterize these works, readers will find little indication of future excellence or recognition as a writer. It seems he delivered the sermons included in "The Judgment Set and Books Opened" at All-Hallows church on Lombard Street, where he must have served as the minister for some time. This is also where a humorous event involving Webster, as recounted by Wood, likely occurred, which had many similar instances at that time. "On October 12, 1653," says the author of the Athenæ.,[25] "he (i.e. William[xxxii] Erbury) along with John Webster, a former Cambridge scholar, attempted to challenge both learning and the ministry in a debate against two ministers in a church on Lombard Street in London. Erbury claimed that the wisest ministers and the purest churches were at that time deceived, confused, and corrupted by learning. At another moment, he said that ministers were monsters, beasts, donkeys, greedy dogs, and false prophets; asserting that they represented the Beast with seven heads and ten horns. He also stated that Babylon referred to the Church in its ministers and that the Great Whore was the Church in its worship, etc.; thus, for him, ministers, churches, and ordinations altogether were no more. As these discussions were tossed around, the crowd, with various opinions, began to murmur, and many shouted out, eventually resulting in a meeting or disturbance, (whichever you prefer to call it), where the women took the bell but some lost their kerchiefs: and as the debate heated up, there was more danger of the church being pulled down than the ministry being overthrown."[26]
Of Erbury who, being originally in holy orders and a beneficed clergyman, deserted the Established Church and ran into all the excesses of Antinomianism, Webster was a great admirer, and has in a preface, hitherto unnoticed, prefixed to a scarce tract of Erbury's, entitled "The great Earthquake, or Fall of all the Churches," published in 1654, 4to, left a sketch of his opinions and character, in which[xxxiii] his defence is undertaken with great zeal and no small ingenuity. One of his apologist's conclusions most of Erbury's readers will find no difficulty in assenting to, "the world is not ripe for such discoveries as our author held forth." The verses which are appended to this sketch, characterizing Erbury—
Of Erbury, who was originally a clergyman and served in the church, but left the Established Church to embrace the extremes of Antinomianism, Webster was a big fan. In a preface, which has previously gone unnoticed, attached to a rare pamphlet by Erbury called "The Great Earthquake, or Fall of All the Churches," published in 1654, 4to, he provides an outline of Erbury's beliefs and character, where his defense is made with great enthusiasm and plenty of creativity. Most readers of Erbury will likely agree with one of his defender's conclusions: "the world is not ready for the kinds of insights our author presented." The verses that follow this outline, describing Erbury—
are, also, evidently Webster's, and their quality is not such as to make us unreasonably impatient for any further manifestations of his poetical skill. In the year 1654 he published another tract of singular interest and curiosity, in which he attacks the Universities and the received system of education there, always with vigour and various learning, and frequently with success. It is entitled "Academiarum Examen, or the Examination of Academies; wherein is discussed and examined the matter, method, and customes of academick and scholastic learning, and the insufficiency thereof discovered and laid open; as also some expedients proposed for the reforming of schools, and the perfecting and promoting of all kind of science; offered to the judgment of all those that love the proficiencie of arts and sciences and the advancement of learning. By Jo. Webster. In moribus et institutis academiarum, collegiorum et similium conventium quo ad doctorum hominum sedes et operas mutuas destinata sunt, omnia progressui scientiarum[xxxiv] in ulterius adversa inveniri. Franc. Bacon de Verulamio lib. de cogitat. et vis. pag. mihi. 14. London: Printed for Giles Calvert, and are to be sold at the sign of the Black Spread-Eagle, at the west end of Paul's. 1654." 4to. In this tract, which, like some other attacks upon the seats of learning, displays more power in objection than in substitution, in pulling down than in building up again, he shews the same fondness for the philosophers of the Hermetic school, for Paracelsus, Dee, Fludd and Van Helmont, and the same adhesion to planetary sigils, astrology, and the doctrine of sympathies and primæval signatures, which is perceptible in the deliberate performance of his old age. Of himself he observes: "I owe little to the advantages of those things called the goods of fortune, but most (next under the goodness of God) to industry: however, I am a free born Englishman, a citizen of the world and a seeker of knowledge, and am willing to teach what I know, and learn what I know not." No one can read the Academiarum Examen without feeling that it is the production of a vigorous and powerful mind, which had "tasted," and that not scantily, of the "sweet fruit of far fetched and dear bought science." Yet it still remains a literary problem rather difficult of solution, how a performance so clear, well digested, and rational, could proceed, and that contemporaneously, from the same author as the cloudy and fanatical "Judgment Set and Books Opened." On behalf of the Universities, answerers started up in the persons of Ward and Wilkins, both afterwards bishops, and the part taken by the first of them in the controversy was considered of sufficient[xxxv] importance to form matter of commemoration in his monumental inscription. Two opponents so famous, might almost seem to threaten extinction to one, of whom it could only be said, that he had been an obscure country schoolmaster, and whose acquirements, whatever they were, were mainly the result of his own unassisted study. In the joint answer, the title of which is "Vindiciæ Academiarum, containing some briefe animadversions upon Mr. Webster's book entitled the 'Examination of Academies,' together with an appendix concerning what Mr. Hobbes and Mr. Dell have published in this argument, Oxford, 1654," 4to., there is no want of bitterness nor of controversial skill, but though, particularly in the limited arena of the prescribed course of academical study, the knowledge displayed in it is more exact, there is neither visible in it the same power of mind, nor the same breadth of views, nor even the same variety of learning, as is conspicuous in the original tract. This, with the two fanatical pieces which Webster published contemporaneously with it, were entirely unknown to his biographer, Dr. Whitaker, who has ceded him a place amongst the distinguished natives and residents of the parish of Whalley, in the full confidence "that there is no puritanical taint in his writings, and that his taste had evidently been formed upon better models.[27]" Had these[xxxvi] early theological and literary delinquencies of the physician of Clitheroe been communicated to his historian, it may be questioned whether the portals of his provincial temple of fame would have opened to receive so heinous a transgressor. But Dr. Whitaker's deduction would have been perhaps perfectly warrantable, had Webster left no remains but his History of Metals, and Displaying of Witchcraft—so little do an author's latest works afford a clue to the character of his earliest. From 1654 to 1671, when he published his History of Metals, little is known of Webster's course of life. He appears to have retired into the country and devoted himself to medical practice and study, and to have taken up his residence in or near Clitheroe. He complains,[xxxvii] that in the year 1658 all his books and papers were taken from him, an abstraction which, so far as his manuscripts are concerned, posterity is not called upon to lament, if they all resembled his Judgment Set and Books Opened. But his capacious and acute understanding was gradually unfolding new resources, supplying the defects, and overcoming the disadvantages of his imperfect education and desultory and irregular studies, while his matured and enlightened judgment had abandoned and discarded the fanatical pravities and erroneous tenets, which his ardent enthusiasm had too hastily imbibed. When he again became a candidate for the honours of authorship, it was evident that he knew well how to apply those quarries of learning into which, during his long recess, he had been digging so indefatigably, to furnish materials for solid and durable structures, rising in honourable and gratifying contrast to the fabrics which had preceded them. In 1671 came forth his "Metallographia, or History of Metals,"[28] in which all[xxxviii] that recondite learning and extensive observation could bring together, on a subject which experiment had scarcely yet placed upon a rational basis, is collected. He styles himself on the Title page, "Practitioner in Physic and Chirurgery." In 1677, he published his great work. Its Title is "The Displaying of supposed Witchcraft. Wherein is affirmed that there are many sorts of Deceivers and Impostors. And Divers persons under a passive Delusion of Melancholy and Fancy. But that there is a Corporeal League made betwixt the Devil and the Witch, Or that he sucks on the Witches Body, has Carnal Copulation, or that Witches are turned into Cats, Dogs, raise Tempests, or the like, is utterly denied and disproved. Wherein also is handled, the Existence of Angels and Spirits, the truth of Apparitions, the Nature of Astral and Sydereal Spirits, the force of Charms and Philters; with other abstruse matters. By John Webster, Practitioner in Physic. Falsæ etenim opiniones Hominum præoccupantes, non solum surdos, sed et cæcos faciunt, ita ut videre nequeant, quæ aliis perspicua apparent. Galen, lib. 8. de Comp. Med. London, Printed by J.M. and are to be sold by the Booksellers in London. 1677," (fol.) In this memorable book he exhausts the subject, as far as it is[xxxix] possible to do so, by powerful ridicule, cogent arguments, and the most various and well applied learning, leaving to Hutchinson, and others who have since followed in his track, little further necessary than to reproduce his facts and reasonings in a more popular, it can scarcely be said, in a more effective, form.[29] Those who love literary parallels may compare Webster, as he appears in this his last[xl] and most characteristic performance, with two famous medical contemporaries, Sir Thomas Browne, and Thomas Bartholinus the Dane, whom he strongly resembled in the character of his mind, in the complexion and variety of his studies, in grave simplicity, in exactness of observation, in general philosophical incredulity with some startling reserves, in elaborate and massive ratiocination, and in the enthusiasm, subdued but not extinguished, which gives zest to his speculations and poignancy and colouring to his style. He who seeks to measure great men in their strength and in their weakness, and what operation of literary analysis is more instructive or delightful, will find ample employment[xli] for collation and comparison in this extraordinary book, in which, keen as is the penetration displayed on almost every subject of imposition and delusion, he appears still to cling, with the obstinacy of a veteran, to some of the darling Dalilahs of his youth, "to the admirable and soul-ravishing knowledge of the three great Hypostatical principles of nature, salt, sulphur, and mercury," and, proh pudor! to alchemy and astrology—and those seraphic doctors and professors, Crollius, Libavius, and Van Helmont. He closed his literary performances with this noble fabric of logic and learning, not the less striking, and scarcely less useful, because it is chequered by some of the mosaic work of human imperfection,—a performance which may be said to have grown up under the umbrage of Pendle, and which he might have bequeathed to its future Demdikes and Chattox's as an amulet of irresistible power.[30][xlii]
are, also, clearly Webster's, and their quality doesn’t make us unreasonably eager for any further displays of his poetic talent. In 1654, he published another work of unique interest and curiosity, in which he critiques the Universities and the established system of education there, always with vigor and diverse intellect, and often with success. It is titled "Academiarum Examen, or the Examination of Academies; which discusses and evaluates the content, methods, and customs of academic and scholastic learning, exposing its inadequacies and revealing solutions for the reform of schools, and aims to enhance and promote all kinds of science; presented for the consideration of all who value the progress of arts and sciences and the advancement of learning. By Jo. Webster. In the morals and institutions of academies, colleges and similar assemblies destined for the seats and mutual labor of learned individuals, everything adverse to the progress of science[xxxiv] is to be found. Franc. Bacon de Verulamio in his work on thoughts and visions, page me. 14. London: Printed for Giles Calvert, sold at the sign of the Black Spread-Eagle, at the west end of Paul's. 1654." 4to. In this work, which, like some other criticisms directed at centers of learning, shows more strength in critique than in solutions, in tearing down rather than in rebuilding, he demonstrates the same fondness for the philosophers of the Hermetic tradition, such as Paracelsus, Dee, Fludd, and Van Helmont, and maintains his interest in planetary signs, astrology, and the theory of sympathies and primal signatures, which is evident in the thoughtful output of his later years. He notes about himself: "I owe little to what are called the goods of fortune, but mostly (after the goodness of God) to hard work: still, I am a free-born Englishman, a citizen of the world, and a seeker of knowledge, willing to teach what I know and learn what I don’t." Anyone reading the Academiarum Examen can't help but feel it comes from a robust and powerful mind that has "experienced," and not in small measure, the "sweet fruit of hard-earned and costly knowledge." Yet, it remains a rather challenging literary puzzle to explain how such a clear, well-structured, and rational piece could emerge, at the same time, from the same author as the obscure and fanatical "Judgment Set and Books Opened." In defense of the Universities, responses arose from Ward and Wilkins, both of whom later became bishops, and the role of the first in the debate was deemed significant enough to be noted in his memorial inscription. Two such renowned opponents might seem to threaten to overshadow someone who can only be described as an obscure country schoolmaster, whose knowledge, whatever it was, primarily stemmed from his self-directed study. In the joint response titled "Vindiciæ Academiarum, containing some brief remarks on Mr. Webster's book entitled the 'Examination of Academies,' along with an appendix regarding what Mr. Hobbes and Mr. Dell have published on this subject, Oxford, 1654," 4to., there is no lack of bitterness or polemical skill, but although their knowledge is more precise, especially within the narrow field of the prescribed academic curriculum, it lacks the same intellectual strength, breadth of vision, or even the variety of learning that is evident in the original work. This, along with two extreme pieces that Webster published simultaneously, were entirely unknown to his biographer, Dr. Whitaker, who granted him a place among the notable natives and residents of the parish of Whalley, fully confident "that there is no puritanical influence in his writings, and that his taste has clearly been shaped by superior models.[27]" Had these[xxxvi] early theological and literary missteps of the physician of Clitheroe been revealed to his historian, one might question whether the gates of his local hall of fame would have opened to receive such a serious offender. However, Dr. Whitaker's conclusion might have been quite justifiable had Webster left behind nothing but his History of Metals and Displaying of Witchcraft—for an author’s later works often provide little insight into the character of their earlier efforts. From 1654 until 1671, when he published his History of Metals, little is known about Webster’s life. He seems to have retreated to the countryside and immersed himself in medical practice and study, making his home in or near Clitheroe. He complained,[xxxvii] that in 1658, all his books and papers were taken from him, a loss which, regarding his manuscripts, posterity may not regret, if they all resembled his Judgment Set and Books Opened. Yet his keen and insightful mind was gradually revealing new resources, addressing the shortcomings and overcoming the disadvantages of his imperfect education and sporadic studies, while his developed and enlightened judgment had cast aside the fanatical follies and mistaken beliefs that his fervent enthusiasm had too quickly adopted. When he returned as a candidate for the accolades of authorship, it was clear he had learned how to apply those vast stores of knowledge he had tirelessly explored during his long hiatus to create solid and lasting works, standing in admirable contrast to the structures that had come before. In 1671, he released his "Metallographia, or History of Metals,"[28] which gathers everything that profound learning and extensive observation could offer on a subject that experimentation had hardly yet established on a rational foundation. He describes himself on the title page as "Practitioner in Physic and Chirurgery." In 1677, he published his major work titled "The Displaying of supposed Witchcraft. Wherein it is asserted that there are many types of deceivers and impostors. And various people under a passive delusion of melancholy and imagination. However, that there is a physical bond between the Devil and the Witch, or that he physically feeds on the Witch’s body, engages in sexual relations, or that Witches transform into cats, dogs, cause storms, or similar things, is utterly denied and disproved. It also discusses the existence of Angels and Spirits, the reality of Apparitions, the nature of Astral and Sidereal Spirits, the power of Charms and Potions; along with other complex matters. By John Webster, Practitioner in Physic. False opinions preoccupying people's minds not only make the deaf but also blind, so they cannot see what is evident to others. Galen, lib. 8. de Comp. Med. London, Printed by J.M. and sold by the Booksellers in London. 1677," (fol.) In this significant book, he thoroughly examines the subject as far as is[xxxix] possible to do so, employing powerful satire, compelling arguments, and a wide variety of well-applied learning, leaving little more for Hutchinson and others who followed his path than to restate his facts and reasoning in a more popular, though it's hard to say more effective, manner.[29] Literary enthusiasts may compare Webster, as he appears in this last[xl] and most characteristic performance, with two renowned medical contemporaries, Sir Thomas Browne, and the Dane Thomas Bartholinus, to whom he bears a strong resemblance in the nature of his intellect, the range and diversity of his studies, in serious simplicity, in precise observation, in general philosophical skepticism with some surprising exceptions, in thoughtful and substantial reasoning, and in subdued yet vibrant enthusiasm that enlivens his speculations and adds depth and color to his writing. Anyone looking to assess great individuals in their strengths and weaknesses, and which operation of literary analysis can be both educational and enjoyable, will find plenty to analyze[xli] and compare in this extraordinary book, in which, despite the sharp insight displayed on almost every subject of deception and delusion, he still seems to cling, with the stubbornness of a veteran, to some of the cherished illusions from his youth, "to the admirable and soul-stirring knowledge of the three major substances of nature, salt, sulfur, and mercury," and, for shame! to alchemy and astrology—and to those illustrious scholars and practitioners, Crollius, Libavius, and Van Helmont. He concluded his literary endeavors with this remarkable structure of logic and learning, which, while striking, is not less valuable for being interspersed with the flaws of human imperfection—an accomplishment that might be considered to have emerged under the shadow of Pendle, and which he could have passed down to its future Demdikes and Chattox's as a powerful talisman.[30][xlii]
But it is necessary to proceed from the authors on witchcraft to that extraordinary case which forms the subject of[xliii] the present republication, and which first gave to Pendle its title to be considered as the Hartz Forest of England.
But we need to move from the authors on witchcraft to the extraordinary case that is the focus of[xliii] this current republication, which initially earned Pendle the title of the Hartz Forest of England.
The Forest of Pendle is a portion of the greater one of Blackburnshire, and is so called from the celebrated mountain of that name, over the declivity of which it extends and stretches in a long but interrupted descent of five miles, to the water of Pendle, a barren and dreary tract. Dr. Whitaker observes of this and the neighbouring forests, and the remark even yet holds good, "that they still bear the marks of original barrenness, and recent cultivation; that they are still distinguished from the ancient freehold tracts around them, by want of old houses, old woods, high fences; (for these were forbidden by the forest laws;) by peculiarities of dialect and manners in their inhabitants; and lastly, by a general air of poverty which all the opulence of manufactures cannot remove." He considers that "at an uncertain period during the occupancy of the Lacies, the first principle of population" (in these forests) commenced; it was found that these wilds, bleak and barren as they were, might be occupied to some advantage in breeding young and depasturing lean "cattle, which were afterwards fattened in the lower domains. Vaccaries, or great upland pastures, were laid out for this purpose; booths or mansions erected[xliv] upon them for the residence of herdsmen; and at the same time that herds of deer were permitted to range at large as heretofore, lawnds, by which are meant parks within a forest, were inclosed, in order to chase them with greater facility, or, by confinement, to produce fatter venison. Of these lawnds Pendle had new and old lawnd, with the contiguous park of Ightenhill."
The Forest of Pendle is part of the larger Blackburnshire and is named after the famous mountain of the same name, stretching over its slope in a long but uneven descent of five miles down to the water of Pendle, which is a barren and bleak area. Dr. Whitaker points out that this and the nearby forests still show signs of original barrenness and recent farming; they are clearly different from the old freehold areas around them, lacking old houses, ancient woods, and high fences (which were banned by the forest laws); they also have unique dialects and customs among their residents; and finally, they carry a general sense of poverty that even the wealth from manufacturing can't change. He believes that "at an uncertain time during the Lacies' rule, the first principle of population" in these forests began; it turned out that these wild, harsh, and barren lands could be used to some extent for raising young and grazing lean cattle, which were later fattened in the lower areas. Large upland pastures called vaccaries were established for this purpose, and booths or houses were built[xliv] for the herdsmen's residence; while herds of deer were allowed to roam freely as before, lawnds, meaning parks within a forest, were enclosed to hunt them more easily or to produce fatter venison through confinement. Pendle had both new and old lawnds, along with the nearby park of Ightenhill.
In the early part of the seventeenth century, the inhabitants of this district must have been, with few exceptions, a wretchedly poor and uncultivated race, having little communication with the occupants of the more fertile regions around them, and in whose minds superstition, even yet unextinguished, must have had absolute and uncontrollable domination. Under the disenchanting influence of steam, manufactures, and projected rail-roads, still much of the old character of its population remains. Hodie manent vestigia ruris. The "parting genius" of superstition still clings to the hoary hill tops and rugged slopes and mossy water sides, along which the old forest stretched its length, and the voices of ancestral tradition are still heard to speak from the depth of its quiet hollows, and along the course of its gurgling streams. He who visits Pendle[31] will yet find that charms are generally[xlv] resorted to amongst the lower classes; that there are hares which, in their persuasion, never can be caught, and which survive only to baffle and confound the huntsman; that each small hamlet has its peculiar and gifted personage, whom it is dangerous to offend; that the wise man and wise woman (the white witches of our ancestors) still continue their investigations of truth, undisturbed by the rural police or the progress of the schoolmaster; that each locality has its haunted house; that apparitions still walk their ghostly rounds—and little would his reputation for piety avail that clergyman in the eyes of his parishioners who should refuse to lay those "extravagant and erring spirits," when requested, by those due liturgic ceremonies which the orthodoxy of tradition requires.
In the early seventeenth century, the people living in this area were mostly poor and uneducated, with only a few exceptions, and had little contact with those in more fertile regions nearby. Superstition, even then, completely controlled their minds. Despite the transformative effects of steam power, manufacturing, and planned railroads, much of the old character of the population still remains. Hodie manent vestigia ruris. The lingering spirit of superstition still hangs around the ancient hilltops and rugged slopes, as well as the mossy riverbanks, where the old forest once stretched. The echoes of ancestral traditions can still be heard in the quiet hollows and along the bubbling streams. Anyone who visits Pendle[31] will find that charms are still commonly used among the lower classes; that there are hares that, according to their belief, can never be caught, existing only to confuse and frustrate hunters; that each small village has its unique and special person who should not be offended; that wise men and women (our ancestors' white witches) continue their truth-seeking without interference from local law enforcement or the encroachment of formal education; that every area has its haunted house; that ghosts still make their spectral appearances—and it would do little for a clergyman’s reputation for piety among his congregation if he refused to exorcise those "extravagant and erring spirits" when asked, following the traditional liturgical practices that orthodoxy requires.
In the early part of the reign of James the first, and at the period when his execrable statute against witchcraft might have been sharpening its appetite by a temporary fast for the full meal of blood by which it was eventually glutted,—for as yet it could count no recorded victims,—two wretched old[xlvi] women with their families resided in the Forest of Pendle. Their names were Elizabeth Southernes and Ann Whittle, better known, perhaps, in the chronicles of witchcraft, by the appellations of Old Demdike and Old Chattox.[32] Both had attained, or had reached the verge of the advanced age of eighty, were evidently in a state of extreme poverty, subsisting with their families by occasional employment, by mendicancy, but principally, perhaps, by the assumption of that unlawful power, which commerce with spirits of evil was supposed to procure, and of which their sex, life, appearance, and peculiarities, might seem to the prejudiced neighbourhood in the Forest to render them not unsuitable depositaries. In both, perhaps, some vindictive wish, which appeared to have been gratified nearly as soon as uttered, or some one of those curious coincidences which no individual's life is without, led to an impression which time, habit, and general recognition would gradually deepen into full conviction, that each really possessed the powers which witchcraft was believed to confer. Whether it be with witches as it is said to be with a much maligned branch of a certain profession, that it needs two of its members in a district to make its exercise profitable, it is not for me to say; but it is seldom found that competition is accompanied by any very amicable feeling in the competitors, or by a disposition to underrate the value of the merchandize which each has to offer for sale. Accordingly, great was the rivalry, constant[xlvii] the feuds, and unintermitting the respective criminations of the Erictho and Canidia of Pendle,[33] who had opened shops for the vending of similar contraband commodities, and were called upon to decry each other's stock, as well as to magnify their own. Each "gave her little senate laws," and had her own party (or tail, according to modern phraseology) in the Forest. Some looked up to and patronized one, and some the other. If old Demdike could boast that she had Tibb as a familiar, old Chattox was not without her Fancy. If the former had skill in waxen images, the latter could dig up the scalps of the dead, and make their teeth serviceable to her unhallowed purposes. In the anxiety which each felt to outvie the other, and to secure the greater share of the general custom of a not very extended or very lucrative market, each would wish to be represented as more death-dealing, destructive, and powerful than her neighbour; and she who could number up the most goodly assortment of damage done to man and beast, whether real or not was quite immaterial, as long as the draught was spiced and flavoured to suit the general taste, stood the best chance of obtaining a monopoly. It is a curious fact, that the son-in-law of one of these two individuals, and whose wife was herself executed as a witch, paid to the other a yearly rent,[34] on an express covenant that she[xlviii] should exempt him from her charms and witchcrafts. Where the possession of a commission from the powers of darkness was thus eagerly and ostentatiously paraded, every death, the cause of which was not perfectly obvious, whether it ended in a sudden termination or a slow and gradual decline, would be placed to the general account of one of the two (to use Master Potts's description,) "agents for the devil in those parts," as the party responsible for these unclaimed dividends of mortality. Did a cow go mad, or was a horse unaccountably afflicted with the staggers, the same solution was always at hand to clear negligence and save the trouble of inquiry; and so far from modestly disclaiming these atrocities, the only struggle on the parts of Mothers Demdike and Chattox would be which should first appropriate them. And in all this it must not be forgotten that their own credulity was at least as great as the credulity of their neighbours, and that each had the power in question was so much an admitted point, that she had long ceased, in all probability, to entertain any doubts on the subject. With this general conviction on one hand, and a sincere persuasion on the other, it would be surprising if, in the course of a few years, the scandalous chronicle of Pendle had not accumulated a corpus delicti[xlix] against them, which only required that "one of his Majesties Justices in these parts, a very religious honest gentleman, painful in the service of his country," should work the materials into shape, and make "the gruel thick and slab."
In the early years of James I's reign, when his terrible law against witchcraft was probably gearing up for the bloodshed it would eventually cause—having not yet claimed any recorded victims—two unfortunate old women and their families lived in the Forest of Pendle. Their names were Elizabeth Southernes and Ann Whittle, better known in the chronicles of witchcraft as Old Demdike and Old Chattox. Both women were nearing eighty, clearly living in severe poverty, getting by with occasional work, begging, but mostly, it seems, through engaging in the supposed powers that dealing with evil spirits was believed to provide, and their age, appearance, and quirks likely made them seem suitable candidates to their prejudiced neighbors in the Forest. Each of them might have also fostered a vindictive wish that seemed to manifest almost as soon as it was declared, or maybe there were those odd coincidences that everyone experiences. Over time, habit, and repeated acknowledgment, the general belief deepened into a conviction that both truly possessed the powers thought to come with witchcraft. Whether it’s true what they say about witches needing two in a region to thrive, I won’t say; it’s rare to find competition marked by friendly feelings or a willingness to undervalue what each has to sell. Thus, great rivalry, ongoing feuds, and constant accusations marked the relationship between Pendle's own Erictho and Canidia, who both ran shops selling similar illicit goods and felt the need to denigrate each other’s wares while promoting their own. Each "set her little laws" and had her own supporters in the Forest. Some admired one, and others favored the other. While Old Demdike could claim Tibb as a familiar, Old Chattox wasn’t without her own spirit. If Demdike excelled in crafting wax figures, Chattox could dig up dead bodies and use their bones for her wicked purposes. As each woman tried to outdo the other and attract more of the limited custom from a not-so-lucrative market, each sought to appear deadlier, more destructive, and more powerful than her rival. The one who could list the most extensive record of damage done to humans and animals—real or imagined, as long as the tale was told in an appealing way—had the best chance of monopolizing the market. Interestingly, the son-in-law of one of these women, whose wife was also executed as a witch, paid the other a yearly rent under a promise that she would keep him safe from her spells and witchcraft. In an environment where a deal with dark forces was flaunted so openly, any ambiguous death—whether sudden or a slow decline—was likely attributed to one of the two (as Master Potts put it), "agents of the devil in those parts," as the source of these unexplained deaths. If a cow went mad or a horse suffered from some unforeseen illness, the same explanation always sufficed to evade blame and spare the trouble of investigation; rather than downplaying these horrors, all that Mothers Demdike and Chattox cared about was who would claim them first. We must also remember that their own credulity was probably just as strong as that of their neighbors, and that they both accepted they had the powers in question so fully that they likely didn’t entertain any doubts. With this widespread belief on one side and genuine conviction on the other, it wouldn’t be surprising if, over the years, the scandalous history of Pendle didn’t pile up a body of evidence against them that needed just "one of his Majesty's Justices in these parts, a very religious honest gentleman, diligent in serving his country" to shape it into a case and make "the gruel thick and slab."
Such a man was soon found in the representative of the old family of the Nowels of Read, who, desirous of signalizing himself as an active and stirring justice, took up the case of these self-accusing culprits, for both made confessions when examined before him, with a vigour worthy of a better cause. On the 2nd April, 1612, he committed old Demdike, old Chattox, Alizon Device, and Anne Redfern to Lancaster, to take their trial at the next assizes for various murders and witchcrafts. "Here," says the faithful chronicler, Master Potts, "they had not stayed a weeke, when their children and friendes being abroad at libertie, laboured a speciall meeting at Malking Tower[35] in the[l] Forrest of Pendle, vpon Good-fryday, within a weeke after they were committed, of all the most dangerous, wicked, and damnable witches in the county farre and neere. Vpon Good-fryday they met, according to solemne appoyntment, solemnized this great festiuall day according to their former order, with great cheare, merry company, and much conference. In the end, in this great assemblie it was decreed that M. Covell, [he was the gaoler of Lancaster Castle,] by reason of his Office, shall be slaine before the next Assises, the Castle at Lancaster to be blown up," &c., &c. This witches' convention, so historically famous, we unquestionably owe to the "painful justice" whose scent after witches and plots entitled him to a promotion which he did not obtain. An overt act so alarming and so indisputable, at once threw the country, far and near, into the greatest ferment—furiis surrexit Etruria justis—while it supplied an admirable locus in quo for tracing those whose retiring habits had prevented their propensities to witchcraft from being generally known to their intimate friends[li] and connexions. The witness by whose evidence this legend was principally supported, was Jennet Device, a child about nine years old, and grand-daughter of old Demdike. A more dangerous tool in the hands of an unscrupulous evidence-compeller, being at once intelligent, cunning and pliant, than the child proved herself, it would not have been easy to have discovered. A foundation being now laid capable of embracing any body of confederates, the indefatigable justice proceeded in his inquiries, and in the end, Elizabeth Device the daughter of old Demdike, James Device her son, Alice Nutter, Katherine Hewitt, John Bulcock, Jane Bulcock, with some others, were committed for trial at Lancaster. The very curious report of that trial is contained in the work now republished, which was compiled under the superintendence of the judges who presided, by Master Thomas Potts, clerk in court, and present at the trial. His report, notwithstanding its prolixity and its many repetitions, it has been thought advisable to publish entire, and the reprint which follows is as near a fac-simile as possible of the original tract.
Such a man was quickly found in the representative of the old Nowel family of Read, who, eager to make a name for himself as an active and assertive justice, took on the case of these self-incriminating culprits. Both confessed vigorously when questioned by him, which was deserving of a better cause. On April 2nd, 1612, he sent old Demdike, old Chattox, Alizon Device, and Anne Redfern to Lancaster to stand trial at the next assizes for various murders and witchcrafts. "Here," says the diligent chronicler, Master Potts, "they hadn’t been there a week when their children and friends, free and at liberty, arranged a special meeting at Malking Tower[35] in the[l] Forest of Pendle, on Good Friday, within a week after they were committed, consisting of all the most dangerous, wicked, and shameful witches in the county, near and far. On Good Friday, they met as planned, celebrated this important festival day as they usually did, with great cheer, merry company, and much discussion. Ultimately, in this large gathering, it was determined that Mr. Covell, [the jailer of Lancaster Castle] due to his office, should be killed before the next Assizes, and the Castle at Lancaster should be blown up," etc., etc. This infamous witches' gathering, which is so historically significant, is undoubtedly attributed to the "painful justice" whose pursuit of witches and plots earned him a promotion he never received. Such a shocking and undeniable act threw the entire region into turmoil—furiis surrexit Etruria justis—while it provided an ideal locus in quo for uncovering those whose reclusive nature had kept their tendencies for witchcraft hidden from intimate friends[li] and connections. The chief witness supporting this tale was Jennet Device, a girl about nine years old and the granddaughter of old Demdike. It would have been hard to find a more dangerous tool in the hands of a ruthless evidence manipulator than this child, who proved to be both intelligent and cunning, as well as compliant. With a foundation now established that could encompass any group of conspirators, the tireless justice continued his inquiries, ultimately leading to the commitment of Elizabeth Device, the daughter of old Demdike, James Device, her son, Alice Nutter, Katherine Hewitt, John Bulcock, Jane Bulcock, and several others for trial at Lancaster. The very interesting report of that trial is contained in the work now republished, which was compiled under the supervision of the judges who presided by Master Thomas Potts, clerk in court, who was present at the trial. Despite its length and numerous repetitions, it was deemed appropriate to publish his report in full, and the reprint that follows is as close to a facsimile as possible of the original tract.
It is rather strange that Dr. Whitaker, to whom local superstitions were always matters of the strongest interest, and welcome as manna to the sojourners in the wilderness,[36][lii] should have been ignorant, not merely of Master Potts's discovery, but even of the fact of this trial of the witches in 1612. It is equally singular that Sir Walter Scott should have forgotten, when writing his letters on Demonology and Witchcraft, that he had republished this tract, somewhat inaccurately, but with rather a long introduction and notes, in the third volume of his edition of the Somers Tracts, which appeared in 1810. He mentions Potts's Discoverie, in the amusing but very inaccurate and imperfect historical sketch referred to,[37] as a curious and rare book, which he had then for the first time obtained a sight of. What could have been his meaning in referring his readers, for an account of Mother Demdike and a description of Malking Tower, to "Mr. Roby's Antiquities of Lancaster," that apocryphal historian having given no such account or description, and having published no such work, it is rather difficult to conjecture.
It's quite odd that Dr. Whitaker, who always had a strong interest in local superstitions and welcomed them like a gift to travelers in the wilderness,[36][lii] would be unaware, not only of Master Potts's discovery but also of the witch trial in 1612. It's also unusual that Sir Walter Scott forgot, while writing his letters on Demonology and Witchcraft, that he had republished this tract, somewhat inaccurately but with a lengthy introduction and notes, in the third volume of his edition of the Somers Tracts released in 1810. He refers to Potts's Discoverie in a humorous but very flawed and incomplete historical account mentioned,[37] calling it a curious and rare book, which he had just seen for the first time. What he meant by directing his readers to "Mr. Roby's Antiquities of Lancaster" for a description of Mother Demdike and Malking Tower, given that that questionable historian provided no such account or description and published no such work, is quite difficult to guess.
With all his habitual tautology and grave absurdity,[liii] Master Potts is, nevertheless, a faithful and accurate chronicler, and we owe his memory somewhat for furnishing us with so elaborate a report of what took place on this trial, and giving us, "in their own country terms," the examinations of the witnesses, which contain much which throws light on the manners and language of the times, and nearly all that is necessary to enable us to form a judgment on the proceedings. It will be observed that he follows with great exactness the course pursued in court, in opening the case and recapitulating the evidence separately against each prisoner, so as most graphically to place before us the whole scene as it occurred. The part in which he is felt to be most deficient, is in the want of some further account of the prisoners convicted, from the trial up to the time of their execution. To Master Potts, a man of legal forms and ceremonies, the entire interest in the case seems to have come in and gone out with the judge's trumpets.
With all his usual repetition and serious nonsense,[liii] Master Potts is, however, a reliable and precise recorder, and we owe him some gratitude for providing such a detailed account of what happened during this trial, giving us, "in their own country terms," the witness testimonies, which include a lot of information that sheds light on the customs and language of the era, and nearly everything needed for us to form an opinion on the proceedings. It's noticeable that he follows closely the path taken in court, starting the case and summarizing the evidence against each defendant separately, so as to vividly present the entire scene as it unfolded. The area where he falls short is in not providing further details about the convicted prisoners, from the trial until their execution. For Master Potts, a man of legal rituals and formalities, the entire focus of the case seems to begin and end with the judge's gavel.
As most of the points in the trial which appeared to require observation, have been adverted to in the notes which follow the reprint, it is not considered necessary to enter into any analysis or review of the evidence adduced at the trial, which presents such a miserable mockery of justice. Mother Demdike, it will be seen, died in prison before the trial came on. Of the Pendle witches four, namely Old Chattox, Elizabeth Device, James Device, and Alizon Device, had all made confessions, and had little chance, therefore, of escaping condemnation. They were all found guilty; and with them were convicted, Anne Redfern, Alice Nutter, Katherine Hewitt, John Bulcock,[liv] and Jane Bulcock, who were all of Pendle or its neighbourhood, and who maintained their innocence and refused to make any confession. They were executed, along with the first-mentioned four and Isabel Robey, who was of Windle, in the parish of Prescot, and had been found guilty of similar practises, the day after the trial, viz. on the 18th of August, 1612, "at the common place of execution near to Lancaster."
As most of the points in the trial that seemed to need attention have been mentioned in the notes that follow the reprint, there's no need to analyze or review the evidence presented at the trial, which shows a pathetic mockery of justice. Mother Demdike, as we will see, died in prison before the trial took place. Of the Pendle witches, four—Old Chattox, Elizabeth Device, James Device, and Alizon Device—had all confessed, so they had little chance of escaping conviction. They were all found guilty; along with them, Anne Redfern, Alice Nutter, Katherine Hewitt, John Bulcock,[liv] and Jane Bulcock, all from Pendle or nearby, maintained their innocence and refused to confess. They were executed, along with the first four and Isabel Robey, who was from Windle in the parish of Prescot and had been found guilty of similar practices, the day after the trial, on August 18, 1612, "at the common place of execution near Lancaster."
The main interest in reviewing this miserable band of victims will be felt to centre in Alice Nutter.[38] Wealthy, well conducted, well connected, and placed probably on an equality with most of the neighbouring families and the magistrate before whom she was brought, and by whom she was committed, she deserves to be distinguished from[lv] the companions with whom she suffered, and to attract an attention which has never yet been directed towards her.[39] That Jennet Device, on whose evidence she was convicted, was instructed to accuse her by her own nearest relatives, to whom "superfluous lagged the veteran on the stage," and that the magistrate, Roger Nowell, entered actively as a confederate into the conspiracy from a grudge entertained against her on account of a long disputed boundary, are allegations which tradition has preserved, but the truth or falsehood of which, at this distance of time, it is scarcely possible satisfactorily to examine. With such a witness,[lvi] however, as Jennet Device, and such an admirable engine as the meeting at Malking-Tower, the guests at which she could multiply ad libitum, doling out the plaat, as Titus Oates would call it, by such instalments, and in such fragmentary portions, as would conduce to an easy digestion of the whole, the wonder seems not to be, that one unfortunate victim of a higher class should have perished in the meshes of artful and complicated villainy, but that its ramifications were not more extensive, and still more fatal and destructive. From one so capable of taking a hint as the little precocious prodigy of wickedness, in whose examination, Potts tells us, "Mr. Nowell took such great paines," a very summary deliverance might be expected from troublesome neighbours, or still more troublesome relatives; and if, by a leading question, she could only be induced to marshal them in their allotted places at the witches' imaginary banquet, there was little doubt of their taking their station at a place of meeting where the sad realities of life were only to be encountered, "the common place of execution near to Lancaster."
The main interest in looking back at this unfortunate group of victims will be focused on Alice Nutter.[38] Wealthy, well-behaved, well-connected, and probably on equal footing with most of the neighboring families and the magistrate who judged her, she deserves to stand out from[lv] the friends she suffered alongside, drawing attention that has never yet been directed toward her.[39] The fact that Jennet Device, whose testimony led to her conviction, was told to accuse her by her own close relatives, who had "grown tired of the old veteran on stage," and that the magistrate, Roger Nowell, actively conspired against her out of resentment stemming from a long-standing boundary dispute, are claims that history has kept alive, but it’s almost impossible to determine their truth or falsehood after all this time. However, with a witness like Jennet Device and such a clever setup as the gathering at Malking-Tower, where she could easily multiply attendees ad libitum, distributing the plaat, as Titus Oates would call it, in such small portions that made it easier to digest the whole situation, it’s not surprising that one unfortunate victim of a higher class fell prey to this intricate and devious scheme; what’s more surprising is that its reach wasn’t broader, and even more deadly and destructive. Given the capabilities of such a clever little prodigy of wickedness, in whose questioning Potts tells us, "Mr. Nowell took such great paines," a quick resolution could have been anticipated from troublesome neighbors or even more bothersome relatives; and if, through a leading question, she could be prompted to lineup their assigned roles at the witches' imaginary feast, there was little doubt they would find their place at a gathering where the harsh realities of life awaited, "the usual place of execution near Lancaster."
The trial of the Samlesbury witches, Jennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley, and Jane Southworth, forms a curious episode in Potts's Discoverie. A Priest or Jesuit, of the name of Thomson, alias Southworth, had tutored the principal evidence, Grace Sowerbuts, a girl of the age of fourteen, but who had not the same instinctive genius for perjury as Jennet Device, to accuse the three persons above mentioned of having bewitched her; "so that," as the indictment[lvii] runs, "by means thereof her body wasted and consumed." "The chief object," says Sir Walter Scott, "in this imposture, was doubtless the advantage and promotion of the Catholic cause, as the patient would have been in due time exorcised and the fiend dispossessed, by the same priest who had taught her to counterfeit the fits. Revenge against the women, who had become proselytes to the Church of England, was probably an additional motive." But the imposture broke down, from the inability of the principal witness to support the scheme of deception. Unsuccessful, however, as it proved, the time was well chosen, the groundwork excellently laid, the evidence industriously got up, and it must ever deserve a prominent place in the history—a history, how delightful when it shall be written in the spirit of philosophy and with due application of research—of human fraud and imposture.
The trial of the Samlesbury witches, Jennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley, and Jane Southworth, is an intriguing part of Potts's Discoverie. A priest or Jesuit named Thomson, alias Southworth, had coached the main witness, Grace Sowerbuts, a fourteen-year-old girl, who didn’t have the same knack for lying as Jennet Device, to accuse the three women of bewitching her; "so that," as the indictment[lvii] states, "her body wasted and consumed." "The main goal," says Sir Walter Scott, "in this deception was likely the benefit and advancement of the Catholic cause, since the patient would eventually be exorcised and the demon expelled by the same priest who had taught her to fake the fits. Revenge against the women who had joined the Church of England was probably another motive." However, the deception fell apart due to the main witness's inability to support the scheme. Although it turned out unsuccessful, the timing was well chosen, the groundwork laid out carefully, the evidence gathered diligently, and it should always be remembered in the history—a history that will be so fascinating when written with a philosophical approach and thorough research—of human deceit and trickery.
We can only speculate, of course, on such an occasion, but perhaps no trial is recorded as having taken place, with the results of which every body, the parties convicted only excepted, was, in all probability, better pleased or satisfied, than at this witch trial at Lancaster in 1612. The mob would be delighted with a pageant, always acceptable, in the execution of ten witches; and still more, that one of them was of a rank superior to their own;—the judge had no doubt, in his opinion, avoided each horn of the dilemma—the abomination mentioned in Scripture—punishing the innocent or letting the guilty go free—by tracking guilt with well breathed sagacity, and unravelling imposture[lviii] with unerring skill;—a Jesuit had been unkennelled, a spectacle as gratifying to a serious Protestant in those days, as running down a fox to a thorough sportsman;—a plot had been discovered which might have made Lancaster Castle "to topple on its warders" and "slope its head to its foundations," and Master Cowell, who had held so many inquests, to vanish without leaving anything in his own person whereon an inquest could be holden;—a pestilent nest of incorrigible witches had been dug out and rooted up, and Pendle Hill placed under sanatory regulations;—and last, and not least, as affording matter of pride and exultation to every loyal subject, a commentary had at last been collected for two texts, which had long called for some such support without finding it, King James's Demonology, and his statute against witchcraft. When the Discoverie of Master Potts, with its rich treasury of illustrative evidence, came to hand, would not the monarch be the happiest man in his dominions!
We can only guess, of course, about such an event, but it seems there’s no trial recorded where most people, except for those convicted, were probably happier or more satisfied than at this witch trial in Lancaster in 1612. The crowd would be thrilled by the spectacle of executing ten witches; even more so since one of them was from a higher social class than their own. The judge undoubtedly thought he had avoided each side of the dilemma—the horrible act mentioned in Scripture—either punishing the innocent or letting the guilty go free—by cleverly uncovering guilt and skillfully unraveling deceit. A Jesuit had been revealed, a sight as satisfying to a devout Protestant back then as chasing down a fox to a true sportsman. A plot had been uncovered that could have caused Lancaster Castle "to topple on its warders" and "lean its head to its foundations," and Master Cowell, who had conducted so many inquests, would disappear without leaving anything behind for another inquest. A dangerous group of unrepentant witches had been found and eliminated, and Pendle Hill was put under health regulations. Lastly, and just as importantly, giving pride and joy to every loyal subject, a commentary had finally been gathered for two texts that had long needed such support without receiving it—King James's Demonology and his law against witchcraft. When Master Potts's Discoverie, with its rich collection of supporting evidence, became available, wouldn't the king be the happiest man in his kingdom!
Twenty years after the publication of the tract now reprinted, Pendle Forest again became the scene of pretended witchcrafts; and from various circumstances, the trial which took place then (in 1633) has acquired even greater notoriety than the one which preceded it, though no Master Potts could be found to transmit a report of the proceedings in the second case, a deficiency which is greatly to be lamented. The particulars are substantially comprised in the following examination, which is given from the copy in Whitaker's Whalley, p. 213, which, on comparison, is unquestionably[lix] more accurate than the other two versions, in Webster, p. 347, and Baines's Lancashire, vol. i. p. 604:[40]—
Twenty years after the publication of the tract now reprinted, Pendle Forest became the site of fake witchcraft once again; and due to various factors, the trial that took place then (in 1633) gained even more notoriety than the previous one, although no Master Potts could be found to record the proceedings in this second case, a loss that is greatly to be lamented. The details are mainly included in the following examination, which is taken from the copy in Whitaker's Whalley, p. 213, which, upon comparison, is undoubtedly[lix] more accurate than the other two versions, in Webster, p. 347, and Baines's Lancashire, vol. i. p. 604:[40]—
"The Examination of Edmund Robinson,
The Examination of Edmund Robinson
"Who informeth upon oath, (beeinge examined concerninge the greate meetings of the witches) and saith, that upon All-saints day last past, hee, this informer, beeinge with one Henry Parker, a neare doore neighbor to him in Wheatley-lane,[44] desyred the said Parker to give him leave to get some bulloes,[45] which hee did. In which tyme of gettinge bulloes, hee sawe two greyhounds, viz. a blacke and a browne one, came runninge over the next field towards him, he verily thinkinge the one of them to bee Mr. Nutters,[46] and[lxi] the other to bee Mr. Robinsons,[47] the said Mr. Nutter and Mr. Robinson havinge then such like. And the said greyhounds came to him and fawned on him, they havinge about theire necks either of them a coller, and to either of which collers was tyed a stringe, which collers as this informer affirmeth did shine like gould, and hee thinkinge that some either of Mr. Nutter's or Mr. Robinson's family should have followed them: but seeinge noe body to followe them, he tooke the said greyhounds thinkinge to hunt with them, and presently a hare did rise very neare before him, at the sight whereof he cryed, loo, loo, but the dogges would not run. Whereupon beeinge very angry, he tooke them, and with the strings that were at theire collers tyed either of them to a little bush on the next hedge, and with a rod that hee had in his hand, hee bett them. And in stede of the blacke greyhound, one Dickonson wife stoode up (a neighbr.) whom this informer knoweth, and in steade of the browne greyhound a little boy whom this informer knoweth not. At which sight this informer beeinge affraid indevoured to run away: but beeinge stayed by the woman, viz. by Dickonson's wife, shee put her hand into her pocket, and pulled out a peace of silver much like to a faire shillinge, and offered to give him to hould his[lxii] tongue, and not to tell, whiche hee refused, sayinge, nay thou art a witch; Whereupon shee put her hand into her pocket againe, and pulled out a stringe like unto a bridle[48] that gingled, which shee put upon the litle boyes heade that stood up in the browne greyhounds steade; whereupon the said boy stood up a white horse. Then immediately the said Dickonson wife tooke this informer before her upon the said horse, and carried him to a new house called Hoarestones,[49] beinge about a quarter of a mile off, whither, when they were comme, there were divers persons about the doore, and hee sawe divers others cominge rideinge upon horses of severall colours towards the said house, which tyed theire horses to a hedge neare to the sed house; and which persons went into the sed house, to the number of threescore or thereabouts, as this informer thinketh, where they had a fyer and meate roastinge, and some other meate stirringe in the house, whereof a yonge woman whom hee this informer knoweth not, gave him flesh and breade upon a trencher, and drinke in a glasse, which, after the first taste, hee refused, and would have noe more, and said it was nought. And presently after, seeinge diverse of the company goinge to a barn neare adioyneinge,[50] hee followed[lxiii] after, and there he sawe sixe of them kneelinge, and pullinge at sixe severall roapes which were fastened or tyed to ye toppe of the house; at or with which pullinge came then in this informers sight flesh smoakeinge, butter in lumps, and milke as it were syleinge[51] from the said roapes, all which fell into basons whiche were placed under the saide roapes. And after that these sixe had done, there came other sixe which did likewise, and duringe all the tyme of theire so pullinge, they made such foule faces that feared[52] this informer, soe as hee was glad to steale out and run home, whom, when they wanted, some of theire company came runninge after him neare to a place in a high way, called Boggard-hole,[53] where this informer met two horsemen, at the sight whereof the sed persons left followinge him, and the foremost of which persons yt followed him, hee knoweth to bee one Loynd wife, which said wife, together with one Dickonson wife, and one Jenet Davies[54] he hath seene at severall tymes in a croft or close adioninge to his fathers[lxiv] house, whiche put him in a greate feare. And further, this informer saith, upon Thursday after New Yeares day last past, he sawe the sed Loynd wife sittinge upon a crosse peece of wood, beeinge within the chimney of his father's dwellinge house, and hee callinge to her, said, come downe thou Loynd wife, and immediately the sed Loynd wife went up out of his sight. And further, this informer saith, yt after hee was comme from ye company aforesed to his father's house, beeinge towards eveninge, his father bad him goe fetch home two kyne to seale,[55] and in the way, in a field called the Ollers, hee chanced to hap upon a boy, who began to quarrell with him, and they fought soe together till this informer had his eares made very bloody by fightinge, and lookinge downe, hee sawe the boy had a cloven foote, at which sight hee was affraid, and ran away from him to seeke the kyne. And in the way hee sawe a light like a lanthorne, towards which he made hast, supposinge it to bee carried by some of Mr. Robinson's people: But when hee came to the place, hee onley found a woman standinge on a bridge, whom, when hee sawe her, he knewe to bee Loynd wife, and knowinge her, he turned backe againe, and immediatly hee met with ye aforesed boy, from whom he offered to run, which boy gave him a blow on the back which caus'd him to cry. And hee farther saith, yt when hee was in the barne, he sawe three women take three pictures from[lxv] off the beame, in the which pictures many thornes, or such like things sticked, and yt Loynd wife tooke one of the said pictures downe, but thother two women yt tooke thother two pictures downe hee knoweth not.[56][lxvi] And beeinge further asked, what persons were at ye meeteinge aforesed, hee nominated these persons hereafter[lxvii] mentioned, viz. Dickonson wife, Henry Priestley wife and her sone, Alice Hargreaves widdowe, Jennet Davies, Wm.[lxviii] Davies, uxor. Hen. Jacks and her sone John, James Hargreaves of Marsden, Miles wife of Dicks, James wife,[lxix] Saunders sicut credit, Lawrence wife of Saunders, Loynd wife, Buys wife of Barrowford, one Holgate and his[lxx] wife sicut credit, Little Robin wife of Leonard's, of the West Cloase.[57]
"Who testifies under oath, being questioned about the large gatherings of witches, says that on All Saints' Day last year, he, the informant, was with one Henry Parker, a close neighbor in Wheatley Lane,[44] and asked the said Parker for permission to get some bullocks,[45] which he was granted. While getting the bullocks, he saw two greyhounds, a black one and a brown one, running across the next field toward him, thinking one of them belonged to Mr. Nutter,[46] and the other to Mr. Robinson,[47] since they had similar dogs then. The greyhounds approached him and were friendly, both wearing collars with strings attached that the informant asserts shone like gold. He thought that someone from either Mr. Nutter's or Mr. Robinson's family should be following them. But when he saw no one coming, he decided to take the greyhounds, thinking to hunt with them, and suddenly a hare sprang up very close to him. He called out, "Loo, loo!" but the dogs wouldn’t chase it. Frustrated, he tied both dogs to a small bush on the next hedge with the strings from their collars and hit them with a stick that he had in his hand. Instead of the black greyhound, Dickonson's wife appeared (a neighbor), whom the informant recognized, and instead of the brown greyhound, a little boy he did not know. At this sight, the informant became frightened and tried to run away. But being stopped by the woman, Dickonson's wife, she reached into her pocket and pulled out a piece of silver that looked like a nice shilling, offering it to him to keep quiet and not tell anyone, which he refused, saying, "No, you are a witch." Then she reached back into her pocket and pulled out a jingling string that looked like a bridle[48] and placed it on the head of the little boy who had appeared in place of the brown greyhound; at which point the boy transformed into a white horse. Immediately, Dickonson's wife took this informant onto the horse and brought him to a new house called Hoarestones,[49] about a quarter of a mile away. When they arrived, he saw several people around the door, and he noticed many others approaching on horses of different colors toward the house, tying their horses to a hedge nearby. These individuals entered the house, numbering around sixty, as the informant estimated, where they had a fire and meat roasting and some other food cooking inside. A young woman he did not know gave him meat and bread on a platter, and drink in a glass, which, after the first sip, he rejected, saying it was bad. Shortly after, noticing several members of the group heading to a nearby barn,[50] he followed[l63] them and saw six of them kneeling and pulling on six different ropes tied to the top of the house. From this pulling, he witnessed flesh steaming, butter in lumps, and milk seemingly pouring[51] from the ropes, all of which fell into basins placed beneath them. After the first six finished, another six came and did the same, and during the entire time of their pulling, they made such hideous faces that scared[52] the informant, making him glad to sneak away and run home. When they realized he was missing, some of the group chased after him to a spot in the road called Boggard-hole,[53] where he encountered two horsemen. Upon seeing them, the pursuers stopped following him, and the closest of those who had been chasing him, he recognized as one Loynd's wife, who, along with Dickonson's wife and one Jenet Davies[54], he had seen at different times in a field adjacent to his father's house, which terrified him greatly. Furthermore, the informant states that on the Thursday after New Year's Day last year, he saw the said Loynd's wife sitting on a cross piece of wood inside the chimney of his father's house, and he called to her, saying, "Come down, you Loynd's wife," and she immediately disappeared from his sight. Additionally, he said that after returning from the aforementioned gathering to his father's house in the evening, his father instructed him to go fetch home two cows to seal,[55] and on the way, in a field called the Ollers, he happened upon a boy who started to quarrel with him, and they fought until this informant's ears were very bloody. While looking down, he saw that the boy had a cloven foot, which frightened him, so he ran away to find the cows. Along the way, he saw a light like a lantern, toward which he rushed, thinking it was carried by some of Mr. Robinson's people. But when he arrived at the spot, he only found a woman standing on a bridge, whom, upon seeing, he recognized as Loynd's wife, and knowing her, he turned back. Immediately after, he encountered the aforementioned boy again, from whom he tried to run away, but the boy struck him on the back, causing him to cry out. He further states that when he was in the barn, he saw three women take three pictures down from[l65] the beam, in which pictures many thorns or similar items were stuck, and that Loynd's wife took one of the pictures down, but he does not know the other two women who took the other two pictures down.[56][l66] And when further asked about the people who were at the aforementioned gathering, he named the following persons:[l67] namely, Dickonson's wife, Henry Priestley's wife and her son, Alice Hargreaves widow, Jennet Davies, Wm.[l68] Davies, wife of Hen. Jacks and her son John, James Hargreaves of Marsden, Miles' wife of Dicks, James's wife,[l69] Saunders as believed, Lawrence's wife of Saunders, Loynd's wife, Buys' wife of Barrowford, one Holgate and his[l70] wife as believed, Little Robin's wife of Leonard's, from the West Close.[57]
"Edmund Robinson of Pendle, father of ye sd Edmunde Robinson, the aforesaid informer, upon oath saith, that upon All Saints' Day, he sent his sone, the aforesed informer, to fetch home two kyne to seale, and saith yt hee thought his sone stayed longer than he should have done, went to seeke him, and in seekinge him, heard him cry very pittifully, and found him soe afraid and distracted, yt hee neither knew his father, nor did know where he was, and so continued very neare a quarter of an hower before he came to himselfe,[58][lxxii] and he tould this informer, his father, all the particular passages yt are before declared in the said Edmund Robinson, his sone's information."
"Edmund Robinson of Pendle, father of the aforementioned Edmunde Robinson, the informer, under oath states that on All Saints' Day, he sent his son, the aforementioned informer, to bring home two cows to seal. He said that he thought his son was gone longer than he should have been, so he went to look for him. While searching, he heard his son crying very pitifully and found him so scared and confused that he didn’t recognize his father or know where he was. This state of distress lasted for nearly a quarter of an hour before he came to his senses,[58][lxxii] and he told his father, the informer, all the specific details that are already mentioned in the said Edmund Robinson, his son's statement."
The name of Margaret Johnson does not appear in Edmund Robinson's examination. Whether accused or not, the opportunity was too alluring to be lost by a personage full of matter, being like old Mause Headrigg, "as a bottle that lacketh vent," and too desirous of notoriety, to let slip such an occasion. She made, on the 2nd of March following, before the same justices who had taken Robinson's examination, the following confession, which must have been considered a most instructive one by those who were in search of some short vade mecum of the statistics of witchcraft in Pendle:—
The name Margaret Johnson doesn't show up in Edmund Robinson's examination. Whether she was accused or not, the chance was too tempting for someone like her, full of energy and like old Mause Headrigg, "like a bottle that needs a cork," and too eager for fame to let such an opportunity pass. On March 2nd, she made a confession before the same justices who had taken Robinson's examination, which must have been seen as very helpful for those looking for a quick reference on the statistics of witchcraft in Pendle:—
"The Confession of Margaret Johnson.
"The Confession of Margaret Johnson."
"That betwixt seaven and eight yeares since, shee beeinge in her owne house in Marsden, in a greate passion of anger[lxxiii] and discontent, and withall pressed with some want, there appeared unto her a spirit or devill in ye proportion or similitude of a man, apparrelled in a suite of blacke, tyed about with silk points, who offered yt if shee would give him her soule hee would supply all her wants, and bringe to her whatsoever shee did neede. And at her appointment would in revenge either kill or hurt whom or what shee desyred, weare it man or beast. And saith, yt after a solicitation or two shee contracted and covenanted with ye said devill for her soule. And yt ye said devill or spirit badde her call him by the name of Mamilian. And when shee would have him to doe any thinge for her, call in Mamilian, and hee would bee ready to doe her will. And saith, yt in all her talke or conference shee calleth her said devill, Mamil my God. Shee further saith, yt ye said Mamilian, her devill, (by her consent) did abuse and defile her body by comittinge wicked uncleannesse together. And saith, yt shee was not at the greate meetings at Hoarestones, at the forest of Pendle, upon All-Saints Day, where ——. But saith yt shee was at a second meetinge ye Sunday next after All-Saints Day, at the place aforesaid; where there was at yt tyme between 30 and 40 witches, who did all ride to the said meetinge, and the end of theire said meeting was to consult for the killinge and hurtinge of men and beasts. And yt besides theire particular familiars or spirits, there was one greate or grand devill or spirit more eminent than the rest. And if any desyre to have a greate and more wonderfull devill, whereby they may have more power to[lxxiv] hurt, they may have one such. And sayth, yt such witches as have sharp bones given them by the devill to pricke them, have no pappes or dugges whereon theire devill may sucke, but theire devill receiveth bloud from the place, pricked with the bone. And they are more grand witches than any yt have marks. Shee allsoe saith, yt if a witch have but one marke, shee hath but one spirit, if two then two spirits, if three yet but two spirits. And saith, yt theire spirits usually have knowledge of theire bodies. And being desyred to name such as shee knewe to be witches, shee named, &c.[59] And if they would torment a man, they bid theire spirit goe and tormt. him in any particular place. And yt Good-Friday is one constant day for a yearely generall meetinge of witches. And yt on Good-Friday last, they had a meetinge neare Pendle water syde. Shee alsoe saith, that men witches usually have women spirits, and women witches men spirits. And theire devill or spirit gives them notice of theire meetinge, and tells them the place where it must bee. And saith, if they desyre to be in any place upon a sodaine, theire devill or spirit will upon a rodde, dogge, or any thinge els, presently convey them[lxxv] thither: yea, into any roome of a man's house. But shee saith it is not the substance of theire bodies, but theire spirit assumeth such form and shape as goe into such roomes. Shee alsoe saith, yt ye devill (after he begins to sucke) will make a pappe or dugge in a short tyme, and the matter which hee sucks is blood. And saith yt theire devills can cause foule weather and storms, and soe did at theire meetings. Shee alsoe saith yt when her devill did come to sucke her pappe, hee usually came to her in ye liknes of a cat, sometymes of one colour and sometymes of an other. And yt since this trouble befell her, her spirit hath left her, and shee never sawe him since."
"About seven or eight years ago, while she was at her home in Marsden, feeling extremely angry and upset, and also facing some needs, a spirit or devil appeared to her in the form of a man, dressed in a black suit with silk ties. He offered to fulfill all her needs and desires if she would give him her soul. He also promised that he would take revenge by either killing or harming anyone she wanted, whether it be a man or an animal. After a couple of solicitations, she made a deal with the devil for her soul. He told her to call him Mamilian, and whenever she wanted him to do something for her, she would call for Mamilian, and he would be ready to obey her. She refers to him as Mamil, my God, in all her conversations about him. She also says that Mamilian, her devil, (with her consent) sexually abused her, leading to wicked acts together. She states that she did not attend the large gatherings at Hoarestones in the Pendle forest on All-Saints Day, but she did go to a second meeting the Sunday after, at the same place, where there were about 30 to 40 witches who all rode to the gathering, which aimed to plot the harming and killing of people and animals. At the meeting, there was one greater or more powerful devil or spirit among the rest. If anyone desired a more formidable devil to gain more power to cause harm, they could have one like that. She mentions that witches who have sharp bones given to them by the devil to prick themselves do not have breasts or nipples for the devil to suck on; instead, the devil draws blood from the pierced spot. These witches hold more power than those with marks. She also says that if a witch has only one mark, she has only one spirit; if two marks, then two spirits; if three marks, still only two spirits. She states that their spirits often know their bodies. When asked to name those she knew to be witches, she named several. If they wanted to torment someone, they instructed their spirit to go and torment that person in a specific place. She says that Good Friday is a regular day for an annual meeting of witches. During the last Good Friday, they met near the Pendle riverside. She adds that male witches typically have female spirits, and female witches have male spirits. Their devil or spirit alerts them to the time and place of their meetings. She claims that when they want to be somewhere suddenly, their devil or spirit can transport them there instantly using a rod, dog, or anything else, even into any room of a man's house. However, she clarifies that it is not their physical bodies, but their spirit assumes shapes to enter those rooms. She also mentions that when the devil comes to draw blood, he quickly forms a nipple, and the substance he takes in is blood. She claims their devils can create bad weather and storms, which happened during their gatherings. She also states that when her devil would come to draw blood, he usually appeared to her as a cat, sometimes of one color and sometimes another. Since this trouble started for her, her spirit has left, and she has not seen him since."
On the evidence contained in these examinations several persons were committed for trial at Lancaster, and seventeen, on being tried at the ensuing assizes, were found guilty by the jury. The judge before whom the trial took place was, however, more sagacious and enlightened than his predecessors, Bromley and Altham. He respited the execution of the prisoners; and on the case being reported to the king in council, the Bishop of Chester, Dr. Bridgman, was required to investigate the circumstances. The inquiry was instituted at Chester, and four of the convicted witches, namely, Margaret Johnson, Frances Dickonson, Mary Spencer, and the wife of one of the Hargreaves's, were sent to London, and examined, first by the king's physicians and surgeons, and afterwards by Charles the first in person.
Based on the evidence from these examinations, several people were sent for trial in Lancaster, and seventeen, when tried at the next assizes, were found guilty by the jury. However, the judge presiding over the trial was wiser and more progressive than his predecessors, Bromley and Altham. He delayed the execution of the prisoners, and when the case was brought to the attention of the king in council, the Bishop of Chester, Dr. Bridgman, was asked to look into the situation. The investigation took place in Chester, and four of the convicted witches—Margaret Johnson, Frances Dickonson, Mary Spencer, and the wife of one of the Hargreaves—were sent to London, where they were examined first by the king's physicians and surgeons, and later by Charles the First himself.
"A stranger scene" to quote Dr. Whitaker's concluding paragraph "can scarcely be conceived; and it is not easy to[lxxvi] imagine whether the untaught manners, rude dialect, and uncouth appearance of these poor foresters, would more astonish the king; or his dignity of person and manners, together with the splendid scene with which they were surrounded, would overwhelm them. The end, however, of the business was, that strong presumptions appeared of the boy having been suborned to accuse them falsely, and they were accordingly dismissed. The boy afterwards confessed that he was suborned."[60]
"A stranger scene," to quote Dr. Whitaker's concluding paragraph, "can hardly be imagined; and it's not easy to[lxxvi] say whether the uncivilized behavior, rough speech, and awkward appearance of these poor foresters would shock the king more, or if his dignified presence and the magnificent setting they were in would overwhelm them. Ultimately, though, strong evidence emerged suggesting that the boy had been coached to make false accusations against them, so they were let go. The boy later admitted that he had been coerced." [60]
In Dr. Whitaker's astonishment that Margaret Johnson should make the confession she appears to have done, in a clear case of imposture, few of his readers will be disposed[lxxvii] to participate, who are at all conversant with the trials of reputed witches in this country. Confessions were so common on those occasions, that there is, I believe, not a single instance of any great number of persons being convicted of witchcraft at one time, some of whom did not make a confession of guilt. Nor is there anything extraordinary in that circumstance, when it is remembered that many of them sincerely believed in the existence of the powers attributed to them; and others, aged and of weak understanding, were, in a measure, coerced by the strong persuasion of their guilt, which all around them manifested, into an acquiescence in the truth of the accusation. In many cases the confessions were made in the hope, and no doubt with the promise, seldom performed, that a respite from punishment would be eventually granted. In other instances, there is as little doubt, that they were the final results of irritation, agony, and despair.[61] The confessions are generally composed of "such stuff as dreams are made of," and what they report to have occurred, might either proceed, when there was no intention to fabricate, from intertwining the fantastic threads which sometimes stream upon the waking senses from the land of shadows, or be caused by those ocular hallucinations of which medical science has supplied full and satisfactory solution. There is no argument which so long maintained its ground in support of[lxxviii] witchcraft as that which was founded on the confessions referred to. It was the last plank clung to by many a witch-believing lawyer and divine. And yet there is none which will less bear critical scrutiny and examination, or the fallacy of which can more easily be shown, if any particular reported confession is taken as a test and subjected to a searching analysis and inquiry.
In Dr. Whitaker's surprise that Margaret Johnson would make the confession she seems to have made, in what is a clear case of deception, few of his readers will want to agree, especially those familiar with the trials of accused witches in this country. Confessions were so common back then that, to my knowledge, there isn't a single instance where a significant number of people were convicted of witchcraft at the same time without some of them confessing their guilt. It's not that surprising when you consider that many of them genuinely believed in the powers attributed to them; some older individuals, who were not very sharp, were somewhat pressured by the strong belief in their guilt that everyone around them showed, leading them to accept the truth of the accusation. In many cases, the confessions were made in the hope, and likely with the promise—though rarely kept—that they would receive a break from punishment. In other cases, it’s pretty clear that the confessions came as a result of irritation, agony, and despair. [61] The confessions generally contain "such stuff as dreams are made of," and what they claim to have happened could either stem from intertwining the bizarre threads that sometimes cross our waking senses from the realm of shadows, or be due to those visual hallucinations that medical science has thoroughly explained. There’s no argument that has held its ground in support of witchcraft longer than the one based on these confessions. It was the last hope clung to by many a witch-believing lawyer and theologian. Yet, this argument is the one that can withstand the least critical scrutiny and examination, and the fallacy of which can be most easily demonstrated if any particular confession is taken as a test and subjected to thorough analysis and inquiry.
It is said that we owe to the grave and saturnine Monarch, who extended his pardon to the seventeen convicted in 1633, that happy generalisation of the term, which appropriates honourably to the sex in Lancashire the designation denoting the fancied crime of a few miserable victims of superstition. That gentle sex will never repudiate a title bestowed by one, little given to the playful sports of fancy, whose sorrows and unhappy fate have never wanted their commiseration, and who distinguished himself on this memorable occasion, at a period when
It is said that we owe to the serious and somber king, who pardoned the seventeen people convicted in 1633, that positive generalization of the term that respectfully associates the label, which was unjustly applied to a few unfortunate victims of superstition, with women in Lancashire. That gentle sex will never reject a title given by someone who is not easily swayed by frivolous imagination, whose troubles and sad fate have always drawn sympathy, and who stood out on this significant occasion during a time when
—in days when philosophy stumbled and murder arrayed itself in the robes of justice—by an enlightened exercise of the kingly prerogative of mercy. Proceeding from such a fountain of honour, and purified by such an appropriation, the title of witch has long lost its original opprobrium in the County Palatine, and survives only to call forth the gayest and most delightful associations. In process of time[lxxix] even the term witchfinder may lose the stains which have adhered to it from the atrocities of Hopkins, and may be adopted by general usage, as a sort of companion phrase, to signify the fortunate individual, who, by an union with a Lancashire witch, has just asserted his indefeasible title to be considered as the happiest of men.
—in times when philosophy faltered and murder cloaked itself in the guise of justice—through a thoughtful use of the king's right to show mercy. Coming from such a source of honor, and cleansed by such a recognition, the title of witch has long shed its original stigma in the County Palatine, and now only brings to mind the most joyful and pleasant associations. Over time[lxxix] even the term witchfinder may lose the negative connotations it has carried from the horrors of Hopkins and could be adopted in common language, as a sort of friendly expression, to refer to the lucky individual who, through a union with a Lancashire witch, has just claimed his undeniable right to be regarded as the happiest of men.
J.C.
J.C.
THE
W O N D E R F V L L
D I S C O V E R I E O F
WITCHES IN THE COVNTIE
OF LANCASTER.
THE
W O N D E R F U L
D I S C O V E R Y O F
County Witches
LANCASTER.
With the Arraignement and Triall of
Nineteene notorious Witches, at the Assizes and
generall Gaole deliuerie, holden at the Castle of
Lancaster, vpon Munday, the seuenteenth
of August last,
1612.
With the Arraignment and Trial of __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Nineteen notorious Witchcraft, at the Assizes and
general Jail delivery, held at the Castle of
Lancaster, on Monday, the seventeenth
of August last,
1612.
Before Sir I a m e s A l t h a m, and
Sir Edward Bromley, Knights; Barons of his
Maiesties Court of Excheqver: And Iustices
of Assize, Oyer and Terminor, and generall
Gaole deliuerie in the circuit of the
North Parts.
Before Sir I a m e s A l t h a m and
Sir Edward Bromley, Knights; Lords of His
Majesty's Court of Treasury: And Justices
of Assize, Oyer and Terminer, and general
Gaol delivery in the circuit of the
North Parts.
Together with the Arraignement and Triall of Iennet
Preston, at the Assizes holden at the Castle of Yorke,
the seuen and twentieth day of Iulie last past,
with her Execution for the murther
of Master Lister
by Witchcraft.
Together with the Arraignment and Trial of Iennet
Preston, at the Assizes held at the Castle of York,
on the twenty-seventh day of July last year,
with her Execution for the murder
of Master Lister
by Witchcraft.
Published and set forth by commandement of his Maiesties
Iustices of Assize in the North Parts.
Published and issued under the authority of His Majesty's
Justices of Assize in the Northern Regions.
By Thomas Potts Esquier.
By Thomas Potts Esquire.
LONDON,
Printed by W. Stansby for John Barnes, dwelling neare
Holborne Conduit. 1613.
LONDON,
Printed by W. Stansby for John Barnes, living near
Holborne Conduit. 1613.
T O T H E R I G H T H O N O R A B L E,
THOMAS, LORD KNYVET, BARON OF ESCRICK
in the Countie of Yorke, my very honorable
good Lord and Master.[A1]
Dear Honorable,
Thomas, Lord Knyvet, Baron of Escrick
in the County of York, my very honorable
good Lord and Master.[A1]
And
T O T H E R I G H T H O N O R A B L E
AND VERTVOVS LADIE, THE
Ladie Elizabeth Knyvet his Wife, my
honorable good Ladie and
Mistris.
And
TO THE HONORABLE
AND VIRTUOUS WOMAN, THE
Lady Elizabeth Knyvet his wife, my
esteemed good lady and
Ma'am.
Right Honorable,
Right Honorable
ET it stand (I beseech you) with your fauours whom profession of the same true Religion towards God, and so great loue hath vnited together in one, Jointly to accept the Protection and Patronage of these my labours, which not their owne worth hath encouraged, but your Worthinesse hath enforced me to consecrate vnto your Honours.
Let it be so (I ask you) that your support, which the shared belief in the true Religion towards God and our deep love have brought together, jointly accepts the protection and support of my efforts. It's not their own value that inspires me, but your deserving nature that has compelled me to dedicate them to your Honors.
To you (Right Honourable my very good Lord) of Right doe they belong: for to whom shall I rather present their first fruits of my learning then to your Lordship: who nourished then both mee and them, when there was scarce any being to mee or them? And whose iust and vpright carriage of causes, whose zeale to Justice and Honourable curtesie to all men, have purchased you a Reuerend and worthie Respect of all men in all partes of this Kingdome, where you are knowne. And to your good Ladiship they doe of great right belong likewise; Whose Religion, Iustice, and Honourable admittance of my Vnworthie Seruice to your Ladiship do challenge at my handes the vttermost of what euer I may bee able to performe.
To you (My Right Honorable Lord) they truly belong: Who better to present the first fruits of my learning to than your Lordship, who nurtured both me and them when there was hardly any existence for either of us? Your fair and just handling of matters, your dedication to justice, and your honorable kindness to everyone have earned you deep respect from all parts of this Kingdom where you are known. And they rightly belong to your good Ladyship as well; your faith, justice, and honorable acceptance of my unworthy service to you demand that I give my very best in return.
Here is nothing of my own act worthie to bee commended to your Honours, it is the worke, of those Reuerend Magistrates, His Maiesties Iustices of Assizes in the North partes, and no more then a Particular Declaration of the proceedings of Iustice in those partes. Here shall you behold the Iustice of this Land, truely administred, Prœmium & Pœnam, Mercie and Iudgement, freely and indifferently bestowed and inflicted; And aboue all thinges to bee remembred, the excellent care of these Iudges in the Triall of offendors.
I have nothing of my own to commend to your Honours; this is the work of those esteemed magistrates, His Majesty's Justices of Assizes in the North, and merely a specific account of the justice proceedings in those areas. Here, you will see the justice of this land administered fairly, Premium & Penalty, with mercy and judgment distributed and enforced freely and without bias; and above all, it's important to remember the exceptional care these judges take in trying offenders.
It hath pleased them out of their respect to mee to impose this worke vpon mee, and according to my vnderstanding, I haue taken paines to finish, and now confirmed by their Iudgement to publish the same, for the benefit of my Countrie. That the example of these conuicted vpon their owne Examinations, Confessions, and Euidence at the Barre, may worke good in others, Rather by with-holding them from, then imboldening them to, the Atchieuing such desperate actes as these or the like.
They have decided, out of respect for me, to assign this task to me, and to the best of my understanding, I have worked hard to complete it. Now, with their approval, I’m publishing it for the benefit of my country. I hope that the examples of those convicted based on their own examinations, confessions, and evidence in court will serve to deter others from committing similar desperate acts rather than encouraging them to do so.
These are some part of the fruits of my time spent in the Seruice of my Countrie, Since by your Graue and Reuerend Counsell (my Good Lord) I reduced my wauering and wandring thoughts to a more quiet harbour of repose.
These are some of the results of my time spent serving my country. Since your serious and wise advice (my good lord) helped me bring my restless and wandering thoughts to a more peaceful place of rest.
If it please your Honours to giue them your Honourable respect, the world may iudge them the more worthie of acceptance, to whose various censures they are now exposed.
If you would kindly give them your esteemed respect, the world may judge them more deserving of acceptance, to whose various criticisms they are now exposed.
God of Heauen whose eies are on them that feare him, to bee their Protector and guide, behold your Honours with the eye of fauor, be euermore your strong hold, and your great reward, and blesse you with blessings in this life, Externall and Internall, Temporall and Spirituall, and with Eternall happines in the World to come: to which I commend your Honours; And rest both now and euer, From my Lodging in Chancerie Lane, the sixteenth of Nouember 1612.
God of Heaven, whose eyes are on those who fear Him, to be their Protector and guide, look upon your Honors with favor, always be your stronghold and your great reward, and bless you with blessings in this life, both external and internal, temporal and spiritual, and with eternal happiness in the world to come: to which I commend your Honors; and rest both now and forever, from my lodging in Chancery Lane, the sixteenth of November 1612.
Your Honours
Your Honors
humbly deuoted
humbly devoted
Seruant,
Servant,
Thomas Potts.
Thomas Potts.
Pon the Arraignement and triall of these Witches at the last Assizes and Generall Gaole-deliuerie, holden at Lancaster, wee found such apparent matters against them, that we thought it necessarie to publish them to the World, and thereupon imposed the labour of this Worke vpon this Gentleman, by reason of his place, being a Clerke at that time in Court, imploied in the Arraignement and triall of them.
Upon the arraignment and trial of these witches at the most recent Assizes and General Gaol Delivery held in Lancaster, we found such clear evidence against them that we felt it necessary to share it with the world. As a result, we assigned the task of this work to this gentleman, who, due to his position as a clerk in court at the time, was involved in their arraignment and trial.
Ja. Altham.
Yes. Altham.
Fter he had taken great paines to finish it, I tooke vpon mee to reuise and correct it, that nothing might passe but matter of Fact, apparant against them by record. It is very little he hath inserted, and that necessarie, to shew what their offences were, what people, and of what condition they were: The whole proceedings and Euidence against them, I finde vpon examination carefully set forth, and truely reported, and iudge the worke fit and worthie to be published.
After he worked hard to finish it, I took it upon myself to review and correct it, so that only factual matters, clearly supported by records, would be included. He has included very little, and only what's necessary to show what their offenses were, what kind of people they were, and their social status. Upon careful examination, I find that the entire proceedings and evidence against them are thoroughly presented and accurately reported, and I believe the work is suitable and worthy of publication.
Edward Bromley.[A3]
Edward Bromley.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Gentle Reader, although the care of this Gentleman the Author, was great to examine and publish this his worke perfect according to the Honorable testimonie of the Iudges, yet some faults are committed by me in the Printing, and yet not many, being a worke done in such great haste, at the end of a Tearme, which I pray you, with your fauour to excuse.
Gentle Reader, although this Gentleman, the Author, took great care to examine and publish his work accurately according to the honorable testimony of the Judges, some mistakes were made by me during the printing, but not many, since this work was done in great haste at the end of a term, which I kindly ask you to excuse.
A p a r t i c u l a r D e c l a r a t i o n o f
the most barberous and damnable Practises,
Murthers,
wicked and diuelish Conspiracies, practized
and executed by the most dangerous and malitious
Witch Elizabeth Sowthernes alias Demdike,
of the Forrest of Pendle in the Countie of
Lancaster Widdow, who died in the
Castle at Lancaster before she
came to receiue her tryall.
A specific declaration of __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
the most brutal and contemptible actions,
Murders,
wicked and devilish conspiracies, carried out
and executed by the most dangerous and malicious
Witch Elizabeth Sowthernes, also known as Demdike,
from the Forest of Pendle in the County of
Lancaster, a widow who died in the
Castle at Lancaster before she
went to receive her trial.
Hough publique iustice hath passed at these Assises vpon the Capitall offendours, and after the Arraignement & tryall of them, Iudgement being giuen, due and timely Execution succeeded; which doth import and giue the greatest satisfaction that can be, to all men; yet because vpon the caryage, and euent of this businesse, the Eyes of all the partes of Lancashire, and other Counties in the North partes thereunto adioyning were bent: And so infinite a multitude came to the Arraignement & tryall of these Witches at Lancaster, the number of them being knowen to exceed all others at any time heretofore, at one time to be indicted, arraigned, and receiue their tryall,[Ba] especially for so many Murders, Conspiracies, Charmes, Meetinges, hellish and damnable practises, so apparant vpon their owne examinations & confessions. These my honourable & worthy Lords, the Iudges of Assise, vpon great consideration, thought it necessarie & profitable, to publish to the whole world, their most barbarous and damnable practises, with the direct proceedinges of the Court against them, aswell for that there doe passe diuers vncertaine reportes and relations of such Euidences, as was publiquely giuen against them at their Arraignement. As for that diuers came to prosecute against many of them that were not found guiltie, and so rest very discontented, and not satisfied. As also for that it is necessary for men to know and vnderstande the meanes whereby they worke their mischiefe, the hidden misteries of their diuelish and wicked Inchauntmentes, Charmes, and Sorceries, the better to preuent and auoyde the danger that may ensue. And lastly, who were the principall authors and actors in this late woefull and lamentable Tragedie, wherein so much Blood was spilt.
Public justice has been served at these Assizes regarding the capital offenders, and after their arraignment and trial, a judgment was given, followed by prompt execution; this offers the greatest satisfaction possible to everyone. However, due to the gravity and outcome of this case, the eyes of all in Lancashire and the adjacent northern counties were focused on it. Countless individuals attended the arraignment and trial of these witches at Lancaster, with numbers exceeding any previous instances of so many being indicted, arraigned, and tried at once, especially for such a long list of murders, conspiracies, spells, meetings, and other horrific and vile practices, all clearly evident from their own examinations and confessions. These honorable and respected judges of Assize, after careful consideration, deemed it necessary and beneficial to share with the world the barbaric and wicked practices of these offenders, along with the proceedings of the court against them. This is important because there are various uncertain reports and accounts about the evidence presented against them during their arraignment. Additionally, some came to prosecute against several individuals who were found not guilty, leaving them quite discontent and unsatisfied. It is also essential for people to understand the methods by which they perpetrate their mischief, uncover the hidden mysteries of their devilish enchantments, spells, and sorceries, to better prevent and avoid any potential dangers. Lastly, it is crucial to identify who were the key authors and participants in this recent, tragic event, where so much blood was shed.
Therefore I pray you giue me leaue, (with your patience and fauour,) before I proceed to the Indictment, Arraignement, and Tryall of such as were prisoners in the Castle, to lay open the life and death of this damnable and malicious Witch, of so long continuance (old Demdike) of whom our whole businesse hath such dependence, that without the particular Declaration and Record of her Euidence, with the circumstaunces, wee shall neuer bring any thing to good perfection: for from this Sincke of villanie and mischiefe, haue all the rest proceeded; as you shall haue them in order.
Therefore, I ask for your permission, with your patience and support, before I move on to the indictment, arraignment, and trial of those who were prisoners in the castle, to explain the life and death of this wicked and malicious witch, the infamous Demdike, whose actions are the foundation of our entire case. Without a detailed account of her evidence and the circumstances surrounding it, we will never achieve a successful outcome. All the other wrongdoings have stemmed from this pit of villainy and mischief, as you will see in due course.
She was a very old woman, about the age of Fourescore[Bb] yeares, and had been a Witch for fiftie yeares. Shee dwelt in the Forrest of Pendle, a vaste place, fitte for her profession: What shee committed in her time, no man knowes.
She was a very old woman, about eighty years old, and had been a witch for fifty years. She lived in the forest of Pendle, a vast place, perfect for her trade: What she did in her lifetime, no one knows.
Thus liued shee securely for many yeares, brought vp her owne Children, instructed her Graund-children, and tooke great care and paines to bring them to be Witches. Shee was a generall agent for the Deuill in all these partes: no man escaped her, or her Furies, that euer gaue them any occasion of offence, or denyed them any thing they stood need of: And certaine it is, no man neere them, was secure or free from danger.
Thus she lived securely for many years, raised her own children, taught her grandchildren, and worked hard to guide them to become witches. She was a general agent for the devil in all these parts: no one escaped her or her Furies if they ever gave them any reason to be offended or denied them anything they needed. And it’s certain that no man near them was safe or free from danger.
But God, who had in his diuine prouidence prouided to cut them off, and roote them out of the Commonwealth, so disposed aboue, that the Iustices of those partes, vnderstanding by a generall charme and muttering, the great and vniuersall resort to Maulking Tower, the common opinion, with the report of these suspected people, the complaint of the Kinges subiectes for the losse of their Children, Friendes, Goodes, and Cattle, (as there could not be so great Fire without some Smoake,) sent for some of the Countrey, and tooke great paynes to enquire after their proceedinges, and courses of life.
But God, in His divine wisdom, arranged to cut them off and remove them from the community. He guided the local Justices to understand through general gossip and whispers about the large gatherings at Maulking Tower, the common belief, along with reports about these suspected individuals. The complaints from the King’s subjects about the loss of their children, friends, property, and livestock—because there can’t be such a big fire without some smoke—prompted them to summon some people from the area and put in considerable effort to investigate their actions and way of life.
In the end, Roger Nowell Esquire,[B2a] one of his Maiesties Iustices in these partes, a very religious honest Gentleman, painefull in the seruice of his Countrey: whose fame for this great seruice to his Countrey, shall liue after him, tooke vpon him to enter into the particular examination of these suspected persons: And to the honour of God, and the great comfort of all his Countrey, made such a discouery of them in order, as the like hath not been heard of: which for your better satisfaction, I haue heere placed in order against her, as they are vpon Record, amongst the Recordes of the Crowne at Lancaster, certified by M. Nowell, and others.
In the end, Roger Nowell Esquire, [B2a], one of His Majesty's Justices in this area, a very devout and honest gentleman, dedicated to serving his country: whose reputation for this great service will live on after him, took it upon himself to thoroughly investigate these suspected individuals. For the glory of God and the great comfort of his country, he made such a remarkable discovery about them in order that has never been heard of before. For your better understanding, I have placed these details in order as they are recorded among the records of the Crown at Lancaster, certified by Mr. Nowell and others.
T h e v o l u n t a r i e C o n f e s s i o n
and Examination of Elizabeth Sowtherns alias
Demdike, taken at the Fence in the Forrest
of Pendle in the Countie
of Lancaster.
The second day of Aprill, Annoq; Regni Regis Iacobi
Anggliæ, &c. Decimo, et Scotiæ, Quadragesimo quinto;
Before Roger Nowell of Reade Esquire, one of his
Maiesties Iustices of the peace within
the sayd Countie, Viz.
The Self-Initiated Confession
and Examination of Elizabeth Sowtherns alias
Demdike, taken at the Fence in the Forest
of Pendle in the County
of Lancaster.
The second day of April, Year of the Reign of King James
of England, etc., Tenth, and of Scotland, Forty-fifth;
Before Roger Nowell of Reade Esquire, one of his
Majesty's Justices of the peace within
the said County, Viz.
He said Elizabeth Sowtherns confesseth, and sayth; That about twentie yeares past, as she was comming homeward from begging, there met her this Examinate neere vnto a Stonepit in Gouldshey,[B2b1] in the sayd Forrest of Pendle, a Spirit or Deuill in the shape of a Boy, the one halfe of his Coate blacke, and the other browne, who bade this Examinate stay, saying to her, that if she would giue him her Soule, she should haue any thing that she would request. Wherevpon this Examinat demaunded his name? and the Spirit answered, his name was Tibb:[B2b2] and so this Examinate in hope of such gaine as was promised by the sayd Deuill or Tibb, was contented to giue her Soule to the said Spirit: And for the space of fiue or sixe yeares next after, the sayd Spirit or Deuill appeared at sundry times vnto her this Examinate about Day-light Gate,[B2b3] alwayes bidding her stay, and asking her this Examinate what she would haue or doe? To whom this Examinate replyed, Nay nothing: for she this Examinate said, she wanted nothing yet. And so about the end of the said sixe yeares, vpon a Sabboth day in the morning, this Examinate hauing a litle Child vpon her knee, and she being in a slumber, the sayd Spirit appeared vnto her in the likenes of a browne Dogg, forcing himselfe to her knee, to get blood vnder her left Arme: and she being without any apparrell sauing her Smocke, the said Deuill did get blood vnder her left arme.[B3a1] And this Examinate awaking, sayd, Iesus saue my Child; but had no power, nor could not say, Iesus saue her selfe: wherevpon the Browne Dogge vanished out of this Examinats sight: after which, this Examinate was almost starke madd for the space of eight weekes.
He said Elizabeth Sowtherns confessed and stated that about twenty years ago, while she was walking home from begging, she encountered this Examinate near a stone pit in Gouldshey,[B2b1] in the aforementioned forest of Pendle, a spirit or devil in the form of a boy, half of his coat black and the other half brown, who told her to stay. He said that if she gave him her soul, she would get anything she requested. So, this Examinat asked for his name, and the spirit replied that his name was Tibb:[B2b2]. In hopes of the promised gains from the said devil or Tibb, this Examinat agreed to give her soul to the spirit. For about five or six years after that, the spirit or devil appeared to her at different times by Day-light Gate,[B2b3] always telling her to stay and asking her what she wanted to have or do. This Examinat replied, "Nothing," because she said she didn’t want anything yet. Then, towards the end of those six years, on a Sunday morning, this Examinat was holding a little child on her lap and dozed off. The spirit appeared to her in the shape of a brown dog, forcing itself onto her lap to draw blood from under her left arm. She was wearing only her shift, and the devil managed to draw blood from her left arm.[B3a1]. When this Examinat awoke, she said, Jesus, save my child; but she had no power and could not say, Jesus, save herself: at which point the brown dog vanished from her sight. After that, this Examinat was almost completely mad for about eight weeks.
And vpon her examination, she further confesseth, and saith. That a little before Christmas last, this Examinates Daughter hauing been to helpe Richard Baldwyns Folkes at the Mill: This Examinates Daughter did bid her this Examinate goe to the sayd Baldwyns house, and aske him some thing for her helping of his Folkes at the Mill, (as aforesaid:) and in this Examinates going to the said Baldwyns house, and neere to the sayd house, she mette with the said Richard Baldwyn; Which Baldwyn sayd to this Examinate, and the said Alizon Deuice[B3a3] (who at that time ledde this Examinate, being blinde) get out of my ground Whores and Witches, I will burne the one of you, and hang the other.[B3a2] To whom this Examinate answered: I care not for thee, hang thy selfe: Presently wherevpon, at this Examinates going ouer the next hedge, the said Spirit or Diuell called Tibb, appeared vnto this Examinat, and sayd, Reuenge thee of him. To whom, this Examinate sayd againe to the said Spirit. Revenge thee eyther of him, or his. And so the said Spirit vanished out of her sight, and she neuer saw him since.
And during her questioning, she further confessed and said that just before last Christmas, her daughter had gone to help Richard Baldwyn's people at the mill. Her daughter told her to go to Baldwyn's house and ask him for something for helping his people at the mill. When she went to Baldwyn's house and was near it, she encountered Richard Baldwyn, who said to her and Alizon Device (who was guiding her because she was blind), "Get off my property, whores and witches! I'll burn one of you and hang the other." To which she replied, "I don't care about you; hang yourself!" Shortly after, as she crossed the next hedge, the spirit or devil named Tibb appeared to her and said, "Get your revenge on him." She then replied to the spirit, "Get your revenge, either on him or his." And then the spirit vanished from her sight, and she never saw it again.
And further this Examinate confesseth, and sayth, that the speediest way to take a mans life away by Witchcraft, is to make a Picture of Clay,[B3b] like vnto the shape of the person whom they meane to kill, & dry it thorowly: and when they would haue them to be ill in any one place more then an other; then take a Thorne or Pinne, and pricke it in that part of the Picture you would so haue to be ill: and when you would haue any part of the Body to consume away, then take that part of the Picture, and burne it. And when they would haue the whole body to consume away, then take the remnant of the sayd Picture, and burne it: and so therevpon by that meanes, the body shall die.
And further, this witness confesses and says that the quickest way to take a person's life through witchcraft is to mold a clay figure resembling the person they want to harm and let it dry completely. When they want the person to suffer more in one specific area than another, they take a thorn or pin and prick that part of the figure accordingly. If they want a part of the body to decay, they take that part of the figure and burn it. And if they want the entire body to waste away, they burn the remaining part of the figure, and through that means, the person will die.
The Confession and Examination
of Anne Whittle alias Chattox, being
Prisoner at Lancaster; taken the 19 day of May,
Annoq; Regni Regis Iacobi Angliæ, Decimo:
ac Scotie Quadragesimo quinto; Before
William Sandes Maior of the Borrough
towne of Lancaster.
Iames Anderton of Clayton, one of his Maiesties Iustices
of Peace within the same County, and Thomas
Cowell one of his Maiesties Coroners in
the sayd Countie of Lancaster,
Viz.
The Confession and Examination
of Anne Whittle also known as Chattox, who is
Prisoner at Lancaster; taken on the 19th day of May,
In the tenth year of the reign of King James of England:
and the forty-fifth of Scotland; Before
William Sandes Mayor of the Borough
town of Lancaster.
James Anderton of Clayton, one of His Majesty's Justices
of the Peace within the same County, and Thomas
Cowell one of His Majesty's Coroners in
the said County of Lancaster,
Namely.
Irst, the sayd Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, sayth, that about foureteene yeares past she entered, through the wicked perswasions and counsell of Elizabeth Southerns, alias Demdike, and was seduced to condescend & agree to become subiect vnto that diuelish abhominable profession of Witchcraft: Soone after which, the Deuill appeared vnto her in the liknes of a Man, about midnight, at the house of the sayd Demdike: and therevpon the sayd Demdike and shee, went foorth of the said house vnto him; wherevpon the said wicked Spirit mooued this Examinate, that she would become his Subiect, and giue her Soule vnto him: the which at first, she refused to assent vnto; but after, by the great perswasions made by the sayd Demdike, shee yeelded to be at his commaundement and appoyntment: wherevpon the sayd wicked Spirit then sayd vnto her, that hee must haue one part of her body for him to sucke vpon; the which shee denyed then to graunt vnto him; and withall asked him, what part of her body hee would haue for that vse; who said, hee would haue a place of her right side neere to her ribbes, for him to sucke vpon: whereunto shee assented.
First, the said Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox, states that about fourteen years ago she became involved, through the evil persuasion and advice of Elizabeth Southerns, also known as Demdike, and was led to agree to be subject to that devilish and abominable practice of witchcraft: Soon after that, the Devil appeared to her in the form of a man, around midnight, at the house of the said Demdike: and thereupon, the said Demdike and she went out of the house to him; whereupon the wicked Spirit urged this Examined, that she should become his subject and give her soul to him: at first, she refused to agree to this; but later, after much persuasion from the said Demdike, she yielded to be at his command and arrangement: whereupon the wicked Spirit then told her that he needed a part of her body to suck on; which she initially denied to grant; and at the same time asked him what part of her body he would want for that purpose; he said he wanted a spot on her right side near her ribs, for him to suck on: to which she agreed.
And she further sayth, that at the same time, there was a thing in the likenes of a spotted Bitch, that came with the sayd Spirit vnto the sayd Demdike, which then did speake vnto her in this Examinates hearing, and sayd, that she should haue Gould, Siluer, and worldly Wealth, at her will.[B4b1] And at the same time she saith, there was victuals, viz. Flesh, Butter, Cheese, Bread, and Drinke, and bidde them eate enough. And after their eating, the Deuill called Fancie, and the other Spirit calling himselfe Tibbe, carried the remnant away: And she sayeth, that although they did eate, they were neuer the fuller, nor better for the same; and that at their said Banquet, the said Spirits gaue them light to see what they did, although they neyther had fire nor Candle light; and that they were both shee Spirites, and Diuels.
And she also says that at the same time, there was something that looked like a spotted dog that came with the said Spirit to the said Demdike, which then spoke to her in this examination's hearing, saying that she would have gold, silver, and worldly wealth, whenever she wanted. [B4b1] And at the same time, she says there was food, namely meat, butter, cheese, bread, and drink, and they were urged to eat plenty. After they ate, the Devil called Fancy, and another Spirit who called himself Tibbe, took the leftovers away. And she says that although they ate, they were never fuller or better for it; and that during their said feast, the said Spirits gave them light to see what they were doing, even though they had neither fire nor candlelight; and that they were both female Spirits and Devils.
And being further examined how many sundry Person haue been bewitched to death, and by whom they were so bewitched: She sayth, that one Robert Nuter, late of the Greene-head in Pendle, was bewitched by this Examinate, the said Demdike, and Widdow Lomshawe, (late of Burneley) now deceased.
And when asked further about how many different people have been bewitched to death and by whom, she says that one Robert Nuter, formerly of the Greene-head in Pendle, was bewitched by her, the said Demdike, and Widow Lomshawe, who was formerly of Burneley and is now deceased.
And she further sayth, that the said Demdike shewed her, that she had bewitched to death, Richard Ashton, Sonne of Richard Ashton of Downeham Esquire.[B4b2]
And she also says that the said Demdike revealed to her that she had cursed to death Richard Ashton, son of Richard Ashton of Downeham Esquire.[B4b2]
T h e E x a m i n a t i o n o f A l i z o n
Deuice, of the Forrest of Pendle, in the County
of Lancaster Spinster, taken at Reade in the said
Countie of Lancaster, the xiij. day of March,
Anno Regni Jacobi Angliæ, &c.
Nono: et Scotiæ xlv.
Before Roger Nowell of Reade aforesayd Esquire, one of
his Maiesties Iustices of the Peace within the sayd
Countie, against Elizabeth Sowtherns, alias
Demdike her Graund-mother.
Viz.
The Trial of Alizon
Device, from the Forest of Pendle, in the County
of Lancaster Spinster, taken at Reade in the said
County of Lancaster, the 13th day of March,
Year of the Reign of James, King of England, &c.
Ninth: and of Scotland 45.
Before Roger Nowell of Reade aforementioned Esquire, one of
His Majesty's Justices of the Peace within the said
County, against Elizabeth Sowtherns, alias
Demdike her grandmother.
Namely:
He sayd Alizon Deuice sayth, that about two yeares agon, her Graund-mother (called Elizabeth Sowtherns, alias old Demdike) did sundry times in going or walking togeather as they went begging, perswade and aduise this Examinate to let a Deuill or Familiar appeare vnto her; and that shee this Examinate, would let him sucke at some part of her, and shee might haue, and doe what shee would.
He said Alizon Deuice claims that about two years ago, her grandmother (called Elizabeth Sowtherns, also known as old Demdike) repeatedly encouraged and advised this Examinate to allow a devil or familiar to appear to her. She said this Examinate would let him suck from some part of her so that she could have and do as she wished.
And she further sayth, that one Iohn Nutter of the Bulhole in Pendle aforesaid, had a Cow which was sicke, & requested this examinats Grand-mother to amend the said Cow; and her said Graund-mother said she would, and so her said Graund-mother about ten of the clocke in the night, desired this examinate to lead her foorth; which this Examinate did, being then blind: and her Graund-mother did remaine about halfe an houre foorth: and this Examinates sister did fetch her in againe; but what she did when she was so foorth, this Examinate cannot tell. But the next morning this Examinate heard that the sayd Cow was dead. And this Examinate verily thinketh, that her sayd Graund-mother did bewitch the sayd Cow to death.
And she also says that a man named Iohn Nutter from Bulhole in Pendle had a cow that was sick and asked this examinee's grandmother to help. Her grandmother agreed to assist and around ten o'clock at night, she asked this examinee to lead her outside, which this examinee did, even though she was blind at the time. Her grandmother stayed outside for about half an hour before this examinee's sister brought her back in. However, this examinee doesn't know what her grandmother did while she was outside. The next morning, this examinee heard that the cow had died. And this examinee truly believes that her grandmother caused the cow's death through witchcraft.
And further, this Examinate sayth, that about two yeares agon, this Examinate hauing gotten a Piggin full[Cb] of blew Milke by begging, brought it into the house of her Graund-mother, where (this Examinate going foorth presently, and staying about halfe an houre) there was Butter to the quantity of a quarterne of a pound in the said milke, and the quantitie of the said milke still remayning; and her Graund-mother had no Butter in the house when this Examinate went foorth: duering which time, this Examinates Graund-mother still lay in her bed.
And additionally, this person says that about two years ago, this person got a jug full of blue milk by begging and brought it to her grandmother's house, where (this person went out for about half an hour) there was butter weighing a quarter of a pound in that milk, and there was still milk left. Her grandmother had no butter in the house when this person left: during that time, this person's grandmother was still in bed.
And further this Examinate sayth, that Richard Baldwin of Weethead within the Forrest of Pendle, about 2. yeeres agoe, fell out with this Examinates Graund-mother, & so would not let her come vpon his Land: and about foure or fiue dayes then next after, her said Graund-mother did request this Examinate to lead her foorth about ten of the clocke in the night: which this Examinate accordingly did, and she stayed foorth then about an houre, and this Examinates sister fetched her in againe. And this Examinate heard the next morning, that a woman Child of the sayd Richard Baldwins was fallen sicke; and as this Examinate did then heare, the sayd Child did languish afterwards by the space of a yeare, or thereaboutes, and dyed: And this Examinate verily thinketh, that her said Graund-mother did bewitch the sayd Child to death.
And furthermore, this witness states that Richard Baldwin of Weethead in the Pendle Forest, about two years ago, had a disagreement with this witness's grandmother and wouldn’t allow her to come onto his land. About four or five days after that, her grandmother asked this witness to take her out around ten o'clock at night, which this witness did. She stayed out for about an hour, and this witness's sister brought her back in. The next morning, this witness heard that a girl child of the said Richard Baldwin had fallen ill, and as this witness then heard, the child lingered for about a year or so and then died. And this witness truly believes that her grandmother bewitched the child to death.
And further, this Examinate sayth, that she heard her sayd Graund-mother say presently after her falling out with the sayd Baldwin, shee would pray for the sayd Baldwin both still and loude: and this Examinate heard her cursse the sayd Baldwin sundry times.
And furthermore, this person states that she heard her said grandmother say right after her argument with the said Baldwin, that she would pray for the said Baldwin both quietly and out loud: and this person heard her curse the said Baldwin several times.
The Examination of Iames Deuice of the Forrest of
Pendle, in the Countie of Lancaster Labourer, taken the
27. day of April, Annoq; Regni Regis Iacobi, Angliæ, &c.
Decimo: ac Scotie Quadragesimo quinto: Before
Roger Nowell and Nicholas Banister, Esq.
two of his Maiesties Iustices of Peace within
the sayd Countie.[C2a]
The Examination of James Device from the Forest of
Pendle, in the County of Lancaster, Laborer, captured on the
27th day of April, In the Tenth Year of the Reign of King James, of England, etc.
And the Forty-Fifth of Scotland: Before
Roger Nowell and Nicholas Banister, Esq.
two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace within
the mentioned County.[C2a]
HE sayd Examinate Iames Deuice sayth, that about a month agoe, as this Examinate was comming towards his Mothers house, and at day-gate of the same night, Euening. this Examinate mette a browne Dogge comming from his Graund-mothers house, about tenne Roodes distant from the same house: and about two or three nights after, that this Examinate heard a voyce of a great number of Children screiking and crying pittifully, about day-light gate; and likewise, about ten Roodes distant of this Examinates sayd Graund-mothers house. And about fiue nights then next following, presently after daylight, within 20. Roodes of the sayd Elizabeth Sowtherns house, he heard a foule yelling like vnto a great number of Cattes: but what they were, this Examinate cannot tell. And he further sayth, that about three nights after that, about midnight of the same, there came a thing, and lay vpon him very heauily about an houre, and went then from him out of his Chamber window, coloured blacke, and about the bignesse of a Hare or Catte. And he further sayth, that about S. Peter's day last, one Henry Bullocke came to the sayd Elizabeth Sowtherns house, and sayd, that her Graund-child Alizon Deuice, had bewitched a Child of his, and desired her that she would goe with him to his house; which accordingly she did: And therevpon she the said Alizon fell downe on her knees, & asked the said Bullocke forgiuenes, and confessed to him, that she had bewitched the said child, as this Examinate heard his said sister confesse vnto him this Examinate.
He said, Examinate Iames Deuice states that about a month ago, as he was walking toward his mother's house, and at daybreak that same night, Evening. this Examinate saw a brown dog coming from his grandmother's house, about ten rods away from it. A couple of nights later, this Examinate heard a noise from a group of children screaming and crying pitifully around dawn, also about ten rods away from his grandmother's house. Then about five nights after that, just after dawn, within 20 rods of the said Elizabeth Sowtherns house, he heard a foul yelling like a large number of cats, but he could not tell what they were. He also states that about three nights later, around midnight, something came and lay heavily on him for about an hour, then left through his bedroom window, colored black and about the size of a hare or cat. He further states that on S. Peter's day, one Henry Bullocke came to the said Elizabeth Sowtherns house and said that her granddaughter Alizon Deuice had bewitched one of his children, and asked her to accompany him to his house, which she did. Then the said Alizon fell to her knees and asked Bullocke for forgiveness, confessing to him that she had bewitched the child, as this Examinate heard his sister confess to him.
T h e E x a m i n a t i o n o f E l i z a b e t h
Deuice, Daughter of old Demdike, taken
at Read before Roger Nowell Esquire, one of
his Maiesties Iustices of Peace within the
Countie of Lancaster the xxx. day
of March, Annoq; Regni Jacobi
Decimo, ac Scotie xlv.
The Assessment of Elizabeth
Device, Daughter of the old Demdike, taken
at Read before Roger Nowell Esquire, one of
his Majesty's Justices of the Peace within the
County of Lancaster on the 30th day
of March, Year of the Reign of James
Tenth, and Scotland 45.
He sayd Elizabeth Deuice the Examinate, sayth, that the sayd Elizabeth Sowtherns, alias Demdike, hath had a place on her left side by the space of fourty yeares, in such sort, as was to be seene at this Examinates Examination taking, at this present time.
He said Elizabeth Deuice, the person being examined, states that Elizabeth Sowtherns, also known as Demdike, has had a mark on her left side for the past forty years, which was visible during this examination.
Heere this worthy Iustice M. Nowell, out of these particular Examinations, or rather Accusations, finding matter to proceed; and hauing now before him old Demdike, old Chattox, Alizon Deuice, and Redferne both old and young, Reos confitentes, et Accusantes Inuicem. About the second of Aprill last past, committed and sent them away to the Castle at Lancaster, there to remaine vntill the comming of the Kinges Maiesties Iustices of Assise, then to receiue their tryall.
Here, this esteemed Justice Mr. Nowell, based on these specific examinations, or rather accusations, found sufficient grounds to move forward; and now having in front of him the elderly Demdike, the elderly Chattox, Alizon Deuice, and both young and old Redferne, Reos confitentes, et Accusantes Inuicem. About the second of April last year, he committed them and sent them to the Castle at Lancaster, where they would remain until the arrival of the King’s Majesty’s Justices of Assize, at which point they would receive their trial.
But heere they had not stayed a weeke, when their Children and Friendes being abroad at libertie, laboured a speciall meeting at Malking Tower in the Forrest of Pendle,[C3a] vpon Good-fryday, within a weeke after they were committed, of all the most dangerous, wicked, and damnable Witches in the County farre and neere. Vpon Good-fryday they met, according to solemne appoyntment, solemnized this great Feastiuall day according to their former order, with great cheare, merry company, and much conference.
But they hadn’t been there a week when their children and friends, free to roam, organized a special gathering at Malking Tower in the Forest of Pendle,[C3a] on Good Friday, just a week after they were taken into custody, with all the most dangerous, wicked, and damned witches from far and wide in the county. On Good Friday, they met as planned, celebrating this significant holiday according to their usual customs, with plenty of joy, merry company, and much conversation.
In the end, in this great Assemblie, it was decreed M. Couell by reason of his Office, shall be slaine before the next Assises: The Castle of Lancaster to be blowen vp, and ayde and assistance to be sent to kill M. Lister, with his old Enemie and wicked Neighbour Iennet Preston; with some other such like practices: as vpon their Arraignement and Tryall, are particularly set foorth, and giuen in euidence against them.
In the end, during this large assembly, it was decided that Mr. Couell, due to his position, would be killed before the next court session. The Lancaster Castle would be blown up, and support would be provided to eliminate Mr. Lister, along with his old enemy and wicked neighbor Iennet Preston; along with some other similar schemes, which are detailed and presented as evidence against them during their arraignment and trial.
This was not so secret, but some notice of it came to M. Nowell, and by his great paines taken in the Examination of Iennet Deuice, al their practises are now made knowen. Their purpose to kill M. Couell, and blow vp the Castle, is preuented. All their Murders, Witchcraftes, Inchauntments, Charmes, & Sorceries, are discouered; and euen in the middest of their consultations, they are all confounded, and arrested by Gods Iustice: brought before M. Nowell, and M. Bannester, vpon their voluntary confessions, Examinations, and other Euidence accused, and so by them committed to the Castle: So as now both old and young, haue taken vp their lodgings with M. Couell, vntill the next Assises, expecting their Tryall and deliuerance, according to the Lawes prouided for such like.
This wasn’t exactly a secret, but some information reached Mr. Nowell, and thanks to his diligent work in questioning Iennet Deuice, all their plans have now been revealed. Their intention to kill Mr. Couell and blow up the Castle has been stopped. All their murders, witchcraft, enchantments, charms, and sorceries have been exposed, and even in the middle of their discussions, they have been caught and arrested by divine justice: brought before Mr. Nowell and Mr. Bannester based on their own confessions, interrogations, and other evidence, resulting in their commitment to the Castle. Now, both young and old are staying with Mr. Couell until the next Assizes, waiting for their trial and release according to the laws set for such matters.
In the meane time, M. Nowell hauing knowledge by this discouery of their meeting at Malkeing Tower, and their resolution to execute mischiefe, takes great paines to apprehend such as were at libertie, and prepared Euidence against all such as were in question for Witches.
In the meantime, Mr. Nowell, having learned about their meeting at Malkeing Tower and their plan to carry out harm, works hard to capture those who were free and prepares evidence against all those suspected of being witches.
Afterwardes sendes some of these Examinations, to the Assises at Yorke, to be giuen in Evidence against Iennet Preston, who for the murder of M. Lister, is condemned and executed.
Afterward, some of these examinations were sent to the Assizes at York to be used as evidence against Iennet Preston, who is condemned and executed for the murder of M. Lister.
The Circuite of the North partes being now almost ended.
The journey through the Northern regions is now almost complete.
The 16. of August.
August 16.
Vpon Sunday in the after noone, my honorable Lords the Iudges of Assise, came from Kendall to Lancaster.
Upon Sunday afternoon, my esteemed Lords the Judges of Assize came from Kendall to Lancaster.
Wherevpon M. Couell, presented vnto their Lordships a Calender, conteyning the Names of the Prisoners committed to his charge, which were to receiue their Tryall at the Assises: Out of which, we are onely to deale with the proceedings against Witches, which were as followeth.
Whereupon Mr. Couell presented to their Lordships a calendar containing the names of the prisoners under his care who were to receive their trial at the Assizes: From this, we are only to deal with the proceedings against witches, which were as follows.
Viz.
i.e.
The Names of the
Witches committed to the
Castle of Lancaster.
The Names of the
Witches held at the
Castle of Lancaster.
Elizabeth Sowtherns. | } | Who dyed before |
alias | } | shee |
Old Demdike. | } | came to her tryall. |
Anne Whittle, alias Chattox.
Elizabeth Deuice, Daughter of old Demdike.
Iames Deuice, Sonne of Elizabeth Deuice.
Anne Readfearne, Daughter of Anne Chattox.
Alice Nutter.
Katherine Hewytte.
Iohn Bulcocke.
Iane Bulcocke.
Alizon Deuice, Daughter of Elizabeth Deuice.
Isabell Robey.
Magaret Pearson.
Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox.
Elizabeth Deuice, daughter of old Demdike.
James Deuice, son of Elizabeth Deuice.
Anne Readfearne, daughter of Anne Chattox.
Alice Nutter.
Katherine Hewytte.
John Bulcock.
Jane Bulcock.
Alizon Deuice, daughter of Elizabeth Deuice.
Isabell Robey.
Margaret Pearson.
The Witches of Salmesbury.
The Salmesbury Witches.
Iennet Bierley. | } | { | Elizabeth Astley. |
Elen Bierley. | } | { | Alice Gray. |
Iane Southworth. | } | { | Isabell Sidegraues. |
Iohn Ramesden. | } | { | Lawrence Haye. |
The next day, being Monday, the 17. of August, were the Assises holden in the Castle of Lancaster, as followeth.
The next day, which was Monday, August 17th, the Assizes were held in the Castle of Lancaster, as follows.
Placita Coronæ.
Lanc. fss.Eliberatio Gaolæ Domini Regis Castri fui Lancasstr. ac Prisonariorū in eadem existent. Tenta apud Lancastr. in com. Lancastr. Die Lunæ, Decimo septimo die Augusti, Anno Regni Domini nostri Iacobi dei gratia Anglicæ, Franciæ, et Hiberniæ, Regis fidei defensoris; Decimo: et Scotiæ Quadragesimo sexto; Coram Iacobo Altham Milit. vno Baronum Scaccarij Domini Regis, et Edwardo Bromley Milit. altero Baronum eiusdem Scaccarij Domini Regis: ac Iustic. dicti Domini Regis apud Lancastr.
Lanc. fss.Release from the King’s Castle Prison at Lancaster for the prisoners held there. Held at Lancaster in the County of Lancaster on Monday, the seventeenth of August, in the year of the reign of our Lord James, by the grace of God King of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith; in the tenth year, and of Scotland the forty-sixth; before James Altham, Knight, one of the Barons of the King’s Exchequer, and Edward Bromley, Knight, another of the Barons of the same King’s Exchequer: and justices of the said Lord King at Lancaster.
VPon the Tewesday in the after noone, the Iudges according to the course and order, deuided them selues, where vpon my Lord Bromley, one of his Maiesties Iudges of Assise comming into the Hall to proceede with the Pleaes of the Crowne, & the Arraignement and Tryall of Prisoners, commaunded a generall Proclamation, that all Iustices of Peace that had taken any Recognisaunces, or Examinations of Prisoners, should make Returne of them: And all such as were bound to prosecute Indictmentes, and giue Euidence against Witches, should proceede, and giue attendance: For hee now intended to proceede to the Arraignement and Tryall of Witches.
VOn Tuesday afternoon, the judges, as per their usual practice, gathered together, whereupon my Lord Bromley, one of His Majesty's Assize judges, entered the hall to continue with the Crown's cases and the arraignment and trial of prisoners. He commanded a general announcement that all justices of the peace who had conducted any recognizances or examinations of prisoners should report back on them. Additionally, all those required to prosecute indictments and provide evidence against witches were instructed to proceed and be present. He now intended to move forward with the arraignment and trial of witches.
After which, the Court being set, M. Sherieffe was commaunded to present his Prisoners before his Lordship, and prepare a sufficient Iurie of Gentlemen for life and death. But heere we want old Demdike, who dyed in the Castle before she came to her tryall.[C4b]
After that, once the Court was in session, M. Sherieffe was ordered to bring his prisoners before his Lordship and assemble a sufficient jury of gentlemen to decide their fate. But here, we miss the old Demdike, who died in the Castle before her trial. [C4b]
Heere you may not expect the exact order of the Assises, with the Proclamations, and other solemnities belonging to so great a Court of Iustice; but the proceedinges against the Witches, who are now vpon their deliuerance here in order as they came to the Barre, with the particular poyntes of Euidence against them: which is the labour and worke we now intend (by Gods grace) to performe as we may, to your generall contentment.
Here, you shouldn't expect the exact order of the Assizes, including the proclamations and other formalities associated with such a significant court of justice. Instead, we'll focus on the cases against the witches, who are now being brought before the court in the order they arrived. We will present the specific pieces of evidence against them. This is the work we plan to undertake (with God's grace) to ensure your overall satisfaction.
Wherevpon, the first of all these, Anne Whittle, alias Chattox,[Db] was brought to the Barre: against whom wee are now ready to proceed.
Whereupon, the first of all these, Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox,[Db] was brought to the bar: against whom we are now ready to proceed.
T h e A r r a i g n e m e n t a n d
Tryall of Anne Whittle, alias Chattox,
of the Forrest of Pendle, in the Countie
of Lancaster, Widdow;
about the age of
Fourescore yeares,
or thereaboutes.
The Arraignment and
Trial of Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox,
of the Forest of Pendle, in the County
of Lancaster, Widow;
about the age of
Eighty years,
or so.
Anne Whittle, alias Chattox.
F in this damnable course of life, and offences, more horrible and odious, then any man is able to expresse: any man lyuing could lament the estate of any such like vpon earth: The example of this poore creature, would haue moued pittie, in respect of her great contrition and repentance, after she was committed to the Castle at Lancaster, vntill the comming of his Maiesties Iudges of Assise. But such was the nature of her offences, & the multitude of her crying sinnes, as it tooke away all sense of humanity. And the repetition of her hellish practises, and Reuenge; being the chiefest thinges wherein she alwayes tooke great delight, togeather with a particular declaration of the Murders shee had committed, layde open to the world, and giuen in Euidence against her at the time of her Arraignement and Tryall; as certainely it did beget contempt in the Audience, and such as she neuer offended.
F in this damnable course of life and offenses more horrible and disgusting than any person could express: anyone living could lament the condition of anyone like this on earth. The example of this poor soul would have stirred pity due to her deep remorse and repentance after she was sent to the Castle at Lancaster, until the arrival of His Majesty's Judges of Assize. But such was the nature of her crimes and the multitude of her glaring sins that it stripped away all sense of humanity. The recounting of her dreadful practices and revenge—being the primary things in which she took great pleasure—along with a detailed account of the murders she had committed, was laid bare for the world and provided as evidence against her at the time of her arraignment and trial; certainly, it generated contempt among the audience, including those she had never harmed.
This Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, was a very old withered spent and decreped creature, her sight almost gone: A dangerous Witch, of very long continuance; alwayes opposite to old Demdike: For whom the one fauoured, the other hated deadly: Her owne examinationand how they enuie and accuse one an other, in their Examinations, may appeare.
This Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox, was a very old, frail, and worn-out woman, nearly blind. She was a dangerous witch with a long history; always in opposition to old Demdike. Whatever one supported, the other hated fiercely. Her own review and how they envy and accuse each other in their examinations may be evident.
In her Witchcraft, alwayes more ready to doe mischiefe to mens goods, then themselues. Her lippes euer chattering and walking:[D2a1] but no man knew what. She liued in the Forrest of Pendle, amongst this wicked company of dangerous Witches. Yet in her Examination and Confession, she dealt alwayes very plainely and truely: for vpon a speciall occasion being oftentimes examined in open Court, shee was neuer found to vary, but alwayes to agree in one, and the selfe same thing.
In her witchcraft, she was always more inclined to harm people's possessions than to harm them directly. Her lips were always moving and she was always walking, but no one knew what she was saying. She lived in the forest of Pendle, among a wicked group of dangerous witches. Yet in her examination and confession, she was always very straightforward and honest: when she was frequently questioned in open court about a specific incident, she was never found to contradict herself, always sticking to the same story.
I place her in order, next to that wicked fire-brand of mischiefe, old Demdike, because from these two, sprung all the rest in order:[D2a2] and were the Children and Friendes, of these two notorious Witches.
I set her in place next to that troublemaker, old Demdike, because from these two came all the rest:[D2a2] and they were the children and friends of these two infamous witches.
Many thinges in the discouery of them, shall be very worthy your obseruation. As the times and occasions to execute their mischiefe. And this in generall: the Spirit could neuer hurt, till they gaue consent.
Many things in discovering them will be very worthy of your attention. Like the times and situations in which they carry out their mischief. And this in general: the spirit could never harm until they gave consent.
And, but that it is my charge, to set foorth a particular Declaration of the Euidence against them, vpon their Arraignement and Tryall; with their Diuelish practises, consultations, meetings, and murders committed by them, in such sort, as they were giuen in Euidence against them; for the which, I shall haue matter vpon Record. I could make a large Comentarie of them: But it is my humble duety, to obserue the Charge and Commaundement of these my Honorable good Lordes the Iudges of Assise, and not to exceed the limits of my Commission. Wherefore I shall now bring this auncient Witch, to the due course of her Tryall, in order. viz.
And since it's my responsibility to present a detailed account of the evidence against them during their arraignment and trial, including their wicked actions, discussions, gatherings, and the murders they've committed, which will be provided as evidence against them, I will have records of this. I could provide an extensive commentary on their crimes, but my duty is to follow the instructions and orders of these honorable judges of the assizes and to stay within the boundaries of my role. Therefore, I will now present this ancient witch for her trial, in proper order. viz.
Indictment.
THis Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, of the Forrest of Pendle in the Countie of Lancaster Widdow, being Indicted, for that shee feloniously had practised, vsed, and exercised diuers wicked and diuelish Artes called Witchcraftes, Inchauntmentes, Charmes, and Sorceries, in and vpon one Robert Nutter of Greenehead, in the Forrest of Pendle, in the Countie of Lanc: and by force of the same Witchcraft, feloniously the sayd Robert Nutter had killed, Contra Pacem, &c. Being at the Barre, was arraigned.
This Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox, from the Forest of Pendle in the County of Lancaster, a widow, was charged with having maliciously practiced, used, and engaged in various wicked and devilish arts known as witchcraft, enchantments, charms, and sorcery, against one Robert Nutter of Greenehead, in the Forest of Pendle, in the County of Lanc: and through these acts of witchcraft, it was alleged that the said Robert Nutter was killed, Contra Pacem, & c. She was brought to the bench and was arraigned.
To this Indictment, vpon her Arraignement, shee pleaded, Not guiltie: and for the tryall of her life, put her selfe vpon God and her Country.
To this indictment, at her arraignment, she pleaded not guilty; and for the trial of her life, she relied on God and her country.
Wherevpon my Lord Bromley commaunded M. Sheriffe of the County of Lancaster in open Court, to returne a Iurie of worthy sufficient Gentlemen of vnderstanding, to passe betweene our soueraigne Lord the Kinges Maiestie, and her, and others the Prisoners, vpon their liues and deathes; as hereafter follow in order: who were afterwardes sworne, according to the forme and order of the Court, the Prisoners being admitted to their lawfull challenges.
Whereupon my Lord Bromley commanded the Sheriff of the County of Lancaster in open Court to return a jury of respectable, competent gentlemen to decide between our sovereign Lord the King and her, as well as the other prisoners, regarding their lives and deaths; as detailed below. They were later sworn in, following the procedures of the Court, with the prisoners allowed to make their lawful challenges.
Which being done, and the Prisoner at the Barre readie to receiue her Tryall: M. Nowell, being the best instructed of any man, of all the particular poyntes of Euidence against her, and her fellowes, hauing taken great paynes in the proceedinges against her and her fellowes; Humbly prayed, her owne voluntary Confession and Examination taken before him, when she was apprehended and committed to the Castle of Lancaster for Witchcraft; might openly be published against her: which hereafter followeth. Viz.
Once that was done, and the Prisoner at the Bar was ready to face her trial: Mr. Nowell, who was the most knowledgeable about all the specific pieces of evidence against her and her associates, having put in a lot of effort during the proceedings against her and her peers; humbly requested that her own voluntary confession and the examination she provided before him when she was arrested and sent to the Castle of Lancaster for witchcraft be made public. The following is what was stated: Viz.
The voluntary Confession and Examination of
Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, taken at the Fence in the
Forrest of Pendle, in the Countie of Lancaster;
Before Roger Nowell Esq, one of the
Kinges Maiesties Iustices of Peace
in the Countie of Lancaster.
Viz.
The voluntary confession and examination of
Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox, taken at the Fence in the
Forest of Pendle, in the County of Lancaster;
Before Roger Nowell Esq, one of the
King's Majesty's Justices of the Peace
in the County of Lancaster.
Viz.
He sayd Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, vpon her Examination, voluntarily confesseth, and sayth, That about foureteene or fifteene yeares agoe, a thing like a Christian man for foure yeares togeather, did sundry times come to this Examinate, and requested this Examinate to giue him her Soule: And in the end, this Examinate was contented to giue him her sayd Soule, shee being then in her owne house, in the Forrest of Pendle; wherevpon the Deuill then in the shape of a Man, sayd to this Examinate: Thou shalt want nothing; and be reuenged of whom thou list. And the Deuill then further commaunded this Examinate, to call him by the name of Fancie;[D3a] and when she wanted any thing, or would be reuenged of any, call on Fancie, and he would be ready. And the sayd Spirit or Deuill, did appeare vnto her not long after, in mans likenesse, and would haue had this Examinate to haue consented, that he might hurt the wife of Richard Baldwin of Pendle;[D3b1] But this Examinate would not then consent vnto him: For which cause, the sayd Deuill would then haue bitten her by the arme; and so vanished away, for that time.
He said Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox, during her examination, voluntarily confessed and stated that about fourteen or fifteen years ago, a figure resembling a Christian man came to her several times for four years and asked her to give him her soul. Eventually, she agreed to give him her soul while she was at her home in the Forest of Pendle; whereupon the Devil, appearing in the form of a man, told her: You will lack nothing and can take revenge on anyone you choose. The Devil then instructed her to call him Fancie; [D3a] so that whenever she wanted anything or sought revenge on someone, she should call on Fancie, and he would be there. Soon after, the said spirit or Devil appeared to her again in human form and tried to persuade her to agree to causing harm to the wife of Richard Baldwin of Pendle; [D3b1] but she did not agree to that at the time. For this reason, the Devil attempted to bite her on the arm and then vanished away for that instance.
And this Examinate further sayth, that Robert Nutter[D3b2] did desire her Daughter one Redfearns wife, to haue his pleasure of her, being then in Redfearns house: but the sayd Redfearns wife denyed the sayd Robert; wherevpon the sayd Robert seeming to be greatly displeased therewith, in a great anger tooke his Horse, and went away, saying in a great rage, that if euer the Ground came to him, shee should neuer dwell vpon his Land. Wherevpon this Examinate called Fancie to her; who came to her in the likenesse of a Man in a parcell of Ground called, The Laund; asking this Examinate, what shee would haue him to doe? And this Examinate bade him goe reuenge her of the sayd Robert Nutter. After which time, the sayd Robert Nutter liued about a quarter of a yeare, and then dyed.
And this witness further states that Robert Nutter[D3b2] asked her daughter, the wife of Redfearns, to sleep with him while he was at Redfearns' house. However, Redfearns' wife refused Robert, which made him very upset. In a fit of anger, he took his horse and left, declaring in rage that if the land ever came to him, she would never live on his property. Afterward, this witness called Fancie, who appeared to her in the form of a man on a piece of land called The Laund, and asked her what she wanted him to do. This witness told him to get revenge on Robert Nutter. After that, Robert Nutter lived for about a quarter of a year before he died.
And this Examinate further sayth, that Elizabeth Nutter, wife to old Robert Nutter, did request this Examinate, and Loomeshaws wife of Burley, and one Iane Boothman, of the same, who are now both dead, (which time of request, was before that Robert Nutter desired the company of Redfearns wife) to get young Robert Nutter his death, if they could; all being togeather then at that time, to that end, that if Robert were dead, then the Women their Coosens might haue the Land: By whose perswasion, they all consented vnto it. After which time, this Examinates Sonne in law Thomas Redfearne, did perswade this Examinate, not to kill or hurt the sayd Robert Nutter; for which perswasion, the sayd Loomeshaws Wife, had like to haue killed the sayd Redfearne, but that one M. Baldwyn (the late Schoole-maister at Coulne) did by his learning, stay the sayd Loomeshaws wife, and therefore had a Capon from Redfearne.[D4a]
And this witness further states that Elizabeth Nutter, wife of old Robert Nutter, asked this witness, along with Loomeshaw’s wife, who is Burley, and one Iane Boothman, both now deceased, to help bring about young Robert Nutter's death, if they could; all being together at that time, with the goal that if Robert died, then the women, their cousins, could have the land. They all agreed to this idea. After that, this witness’s son-in-law Thomas Redfearne persuaded this witness not to kill or harm the said Robert Nutter; for this persuasion, Loomeshaw's wife almost killed Redfearne, but was stopped by one M. Baldwyn (the late schoolmaster at Coulne), who used his knowledge to intervene, and for that, he received a capon from Redfearne. [D4a]
And this Examinate further sayth, that she thinketh the sayd Loomeshaws wife, and Iane Boothman, did what they could to kill the sayd Robert Nutter, as well as this Examinate did.
And this person further states that she believes the said Loomeshaw's wife and Iane Boothman did everything they could to kill the said Robert Nutter, just like this person did.
The Examination of Elizabeth
Sothernes, alias Old Dembdike: taken at
the Fence in the Forrest of Pendle in the Countie of Lancaster,
the day and yeare aforesaid.
The Assessment of Elizabeth
Sothernes, also known as Old Dembdike: taken at
the Fence in the Forest of Pendle in the County of Lancaster,
on the day and year mentioned above.
Before,
Previously,
Roger Nowel Esquire, one of the Kings Maiesties
Iustices of Peace in the said Countie, against Anne
Whittle, alias Chattox.
Roger Nowel Esquire, one of the King's Majesty's
Justices of the Peace in the said County, against Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox.
THe said Elizabeth Southernes saith vpon her Examination, that about halfe a yeare before Robert Nutter died, as this Examinate thinketh, this Examinate went to the house of Thomas Redfearne, which was about Mid-sommer, as this Examinate remembreth it. And there within three yards of the East end of the said house, shee saw the said Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, and Anne Redferne wife of the said Thomas Redferne, and Daughter of the said Anne Whittle, alias Chattox: the one on the one side of the Ditch, and the other on the other: and two Pictures of Clay or Marle lying by them: and the third Picture the said Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, was making: and the said Anne Redferne her said Daughter, wrought her Clay or Marle to make the third picture withall. And this Examinate passing by them, the said Spirit, called Tibb, in the shape of a black Cat, appeared vnto her this Examinate, and said, turne back againe, and doe as they doe: To whom this Examinate said, what are they doing? whereunto the said Spirit said; they are making three Pictures: whereupon she asked whose pictures they were? whereunto the said Spirit said; they are the pictures of Christopher Nutter, Robert Nutter, and Marie, wife of the said Robert Nutter: But this Examinate denying to goe back to helpe them to make the Pictures aforesaid; the said Spirit seeming to be angrie, therefore shoue or pushed this Examinate into the ditch, and so shed the Milke which this Examinate had in a Can or Kit: and so thereupon the Spirit at that time vanished out of this Examinates sight: But presently after that, the said Spirit appeared to this Examinate againe in the shape of a Hare, and so went with her about a quarter of a mile, but said nothing to this Examinate, nor shee to it.
The said Elizabeth Southernes stated during her examination that about six months before Robert Nutter died, as she remembers, she went to Thomas Redfearne's house, which was around midsummer. There, within three yards of the east end of the house, she saw Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox, and Anne Redferne, the wife of Thomas Redferne and daughter of Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox: one on one side of the ditch and the other on the other side. There were two clay or marl figures lying beside them, and the third figure was being made by Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox, while her daughter Anne Redferne was working with her clay or marl to create the third figure. As this examinee passed by, the spirit named Tibb, in the form of a black cat, appeared to her and said, “Turn back again and do what they are doing.” This examinee asked, “What are they doing?” The spirit replied, “They are making three figures.” She then asked whose figures they were, and the spirit said, “They are the figures of Christopher Nutter, Robert Nutter, and Marie, the wife of Robert Nutter.” However, as this examinee refused to go back and help them make those figures, the spirit, seeming to be angry, pushed this examinee into the ditch, spilling the milk she had in a can or kit. The spirit then vanished from her sight. Shortly after that, the spirit appeared to this examinee again in the form of a hare and followed her for about a quarter of a mile, but did not say anything to her, nor did she speak to it.
The Examination and euidence of Iames
Robinson,[Eb1] taken the day and yeare aforesaid.
The Exam and evidence of James
Robinson,[Eb1] taken on the day and year mentioned above.
Before
Before
Roger Nowel Esquire aforesaid, against Anne
Whittle, alias Chattox, Prisoner at the Barre
as followeth. viz.
Roger Nowell the aforementioned Esquire, against Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox, Prisoner at the Bar
as follows. viz.
THe said Examinate saith, that about sixe yeares agoe, Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, was hired by this Examinates wife to card wooll;[Eb2] and so vpon a Friday and Saturday, shee came and carded wooll with this Examinates wife, and so the Munday then next after shee came likewise to card: and this Examinates wife hauing newly tunned drinke into Stands, which stood by the said Anne Whittle, alias Chattox: and the said Ann Whittle taking a Dish or Cup, and drawing drinke seuerall times: and so neuer after that time, for some eight or nine weekes, they could haue any drinke, but spoiled, and as this Examinate thinketh was by the meanes of the said Chattox. And further he saith, that the said Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, and Anne Redferne her said Daughter, are commonly reputed and reported to bee Witches. And hee also saith, that about some eighteene yeares agoe, he dwelled with one Robert Nutter the elder, of Pendle aforesaid. And that yong Robert Nutter, who dwelled with his Grand-father, in the Sommer time, he fell sicke, and in his said sicknesse hee did seuerall times complaine, that hee had harme by them: and this Examinate asking him what hee meant by that word Them, He said, that he verily thought that the said Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, and the said Redfernes wife, had bewitched him: and the said Robert Nutter shortly after, being to goe with his then Master, called Sir Richard Shattleworth,[E2a] into Wales, this Examinate heard him say before his then going, vnto the said Thomas Redferne, that if euer he came againe he would get his Father to put the said Redferne out of his house, or he himselfe would pull it downe; to whom the said Redferne replyed, saying; when you come back againe you will be in a better minde: but he neuer came back againe, but died before Candlemas in Cheshire, as he was comming homeward.
The Examinate stated that about six years ago, Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox, was hired by this Examinate's wife to card wool. On a Friday and Saturday, she came and carded wool with this Examinate's wife, and then on the following Monday, she also came to card. This Examinate's wife had just brewed some drink in stands that were near Anne Whittle, alias Chattox; and Anne Whittle took a dish or cup and drew drink several times. After that time, for about eight or nine weeks, they couldn't have any drink without it being spoiled, which this Examinate believes was caused by Chattox. Furthermore, he says that Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, and her daughter Anne Redferne are commonly believed and talked about as witches. He also states that about eighteen years ago, he lived with a man named Robert Nutter the elder, from Pendle. The young Robert Nutter, who lived with his grandfather, fell sick during the summer and he often complained while sick that he was harmed by them. When this Examinate asked who he meant by Them, he said he truly believed that Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, and Redferne's wife had bewitched him. Shortly after, when Robert Nutter was about to go to Wales with his master, Sir Richard Shattleworth, this Examinate heard him say before he left to Thomas Redferne that if he ever came back, he would ask his father to kick Redferne out of the house, or he would tear it down himself. To which Redferne replied, saying that when he returned, he would be in a better mindset. However, he never came back, as he died before Candlemas in Cheshire while on his way home.
Since the voluntarie confession and examination of a Witch, doth exceede all other euidence, I spare to trouble you with a multitude of Examinations, or Depositions of any other witnesses, by reason this bloudie fact, for the Murder of Robert Nutter, vpon so small an occasion, as to threaten to take away his owne land from such as were not worthie to inhabite or dwell vpon it, is now made by that which you haue alreadie heard, so apparant, as no indifferent man will question it, or rest vnsatisfied: I shall now proceede to set forth vnto you the rest of her actions, remaining vpon Record. And how dangerous it was for any man to liue neere these people, to giue them any occasion of offence, I leaue it to your good consideration.
Since the voluntary confession and examination of a witch exceeds all other evidence, I won’t trouble you with a lot of examinations or depositions from other witnesses. The bloody act of murdering Robert Nutter over such a minor issue, as threatening to take away land from those who didn’t deserve to live on it, is now so clear from what you’ve already heard that no reasonable person will question it or remain unsatisfied. I will now present to you the rest of her actions, which are still on record. As for how dangerous it was for anyone to live near these people and give them any reason to be offended, I leave that to your good judgment.
The Examination and voluntarie Confession
of Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, taken
at the Fence in the Forrest of Pendle, in the Countie
of Lancaster, the second day of Aprill, Anno Regni
Regis Iacobi Angliæ, Franciæ, & Hiberniæ, decimo
& Scotiæ xlv.
The Test and Voluntary Admission
of Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox, taken
at the Fence in the Forest of Pendle, in the County
of Lancaster, on April 2nd, in the tenth year of the reign of
King James of England, France, & Ireland, and the 45th of Scotland.
Before
Earlier
Roger Nowel, Esquire, one of his Maiesties
Iustices of Peace within the Countie of Lancaster.
Roger Nowel, Esquire, one of His Majesty's
Justices of the Peace in Lancashire.
SHe the said Examinate saith, That shee was sent for by the wife of Iohn Moore, to helpe drinke that was forspoken or bewitched: at which time shee vsed this Prayer for the amending of it, viz.
She the mentioned Examinate says that she was summoned by the wife of Iohn Moore to help with a drink that was said to be cursed or enchanted. At that time, she used this Prayer to fix it, viz.
The Hart, bad Eye, bad Tongue:
Three bitter will be your Boat,
Father, Son, and Holy Spirit a God's name,
Five Our Fathers, five Hail Marys, and a Creede,
In worship of five wounds of our Lord.
After which time that this Examinate had vsed these prayers, and amended her drinke, the said Moores wife did chide this Examinate, and was grieued at her.
After this person finished saying these prayers and improved her drink, the said Moores wife scolded her and was upset with her.
And thereupon this Examinate called for her Deuill Fancie, and bad him goe bite a browne Cow of the said Moores by the head, and make the Cow goe madde: and the Deuill then, in the likenesse of a browne Dogge, went to the said Cow, and bit her: which Cow went madde accordingly, and died within six weekes next after, or thereabouts.
And then this person called for her demon Fancy and told him to go bite a brown cow belonging to the Moores on the head and make the cow go crazy. The demon then, appearing as a brown dog, went to the cow and bit her. As a result, the cow went mad and died within about six weeks after that.
Also this Examinate saith, That she perceiuing Anthonie Nutter of Pendle to fauour Elizabeth Sothernes, alias Dembdike,[E3a1] she, this Examinate, called Fancie to her, (who appeared like a man) and bad him goe kill a Cow of the said Anthonies; which the said Deuill did, and that Cow died also.
Also, this examinate says that she noticed Anthonie Nutter of Pendle favoring Elizabeth Sothernes, also known as Dembdike,[E3a1] so she, this examinate, called Fancie to her (who looked like a man) and told him to go kill a cow belonging to Anthonie; which the said devil did, and that cow died as well.
And further this Examinate saith, That the Deuill, or Fancie, hath taken most of her sight away from her. And further this Examinate saith, That in Summer last, saue one, the said Deuill, or Fancie, came vpon this Examinate in the night time: and at diuerse and sundry times in the likenesse of a Beare, gaping as though he would haue wearied this Examinate.[E3a2] And the last time of all shee, this Examinate, saw him, was vpon Thursday last yeare but one, next before Midsummer day, in the euening, like a Beare, and this Examinate would not then speake vnto him, for the which the said Deuill pulled this Examinate downe.
And furthermore, this witness states that the Devil, or Fancie, has taken away most of her sight. She also states that last summer, except for one time, this Devil, or Fancie, appeared to her at night on several different occasions in the form of a bear, gaping as if he wanted to exhaust her. And the last time she saw him was on Thursday last year, just before Midsummer, in the evening, looking like a bear, and she refused to speak to him, for which the Devil pulled her down.
The Examination of Iames Device,[E3b]
sonne of Elizabeth Device, taken the seuen and
twentieth day of Aprill, Annoq; Reg. Regis Iacobi
Angliæ, &c. Decimo ac Scotiæ xlv.
The Examination of James Device,[E3b]
son of Elizabeth Device, taken on the twenty-seventh day of April, Year of the Reign of King James
of England, etc. Tenth and of Scotland the forty-fifth.
Before
Before
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banister,
Esquires, two of his Maiesties Iustices of the Peace within
the said Countie. viz.
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Bannister,
Esquires, two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace in
the said County. viz.
ANd further saith, That twelue yeares agoe, the said Anne Chattox at a Buriall at the new Church in Pendle, did take three scalpes of people, which had been buried, and then cast out of a graue, as she the said Chattox told this Examinate; and tooke eight teeth out of the said Scalpes, whereof she kept foure to her selfe, and gaue other foure to the said Demdike, this Examinates Grand-mother: which foure teeth now shewed to this Examinate, are the foure teeth that the said Chattox gaue to his said Grand-mother, as aforesaid; which said teeth haue euer since beene kept, vntill now found by the said Henry Hargreiues & this Examinate, at the West-end of this Examinates Grand-mothers house, and there buried in the earth, and a Picture of Clay there likewise found by them, about halfe a yard ouer in the earth, where the said teeth lay, which said picture so found was almost withered away, and was the Picture of Anne, Anthony Nutters daughter; as this Examinates Grand-mother told him.
And furthermore, twelve years ago, the aforementioned Anne Chattox at a burial at the new Church in Pendle, dug up three skulls of people who had been buried and then taken out of a grave, as she told this examinee; she also took eight teeth from those skulls, keeping four for herself and giving the other four to her grandmother, the said Demdike. The four teeth now shown to this examinee are the same ones that Chattox gave to his grandmother, as mentioned before; these teeth have been kept safe until now, when they were found by the said Henry Hargreaves and this examinee at the west end of this examinee's grandmother's house, buried in the ground, along with a clay figure that was also found by them, about half a yard wide in the earth where the teeth were located. That figure, which was found, was almost decayed and represented Anne, Anthony Nutter's daughter, as this examinee's grandmother told him.
The Examination of Allizon Device
daughter of Elizabeth Device: Taken at
Reade, in the Countie of Lancaster, the thirtieth day of
March, Annoq; Reg. Regis Iacobi nunc Angliæ,
&c. Decimo, & Scotiæ Quadragesimo quinto.
The Review of Allizon Device
daughter of Elizabeth Device: Taken at
Reade, in the County of Lancaster, on the thirtieth day of
March, in the year of the reign of KJV of England,
&c. Tenth, & of Scotland Forty-fifth.
Before
Before
Roger Nowel of Reade aforesaid, Esquire, one
of his Maiesties Iustices of the Peace, within the said
Countie.
Roger Nowel of Reade, Esquire, one
of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace within the said
County.
THis Examinate saith, that about eleuen yeares agoe, this Examinate and her mother had their firehouse broken,[E4a] and all, or the most part of their linnen clothes, & halfe a peck of cut oat-meale, and a quantitie of meale gone, all which was worth twentie shillings, or aboue: and vpon a Sunday then next after, this Examinate did take a band and a coife, parcell of the goods aforesaid, vpon the daughter of Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, and claimed them to be parcell of the goods stolne, as aforesaid.
This witness states that about eleven years ago, she and her mother had their house broken into, and most of their linen clothes, along with half a peck of cut oatmeal, and a quantity of meal were stolen, all of which was worth twenty shillings or more. The Sunday following that incident, this witness took a band and a coif, which were part of the stolen goods, from the daughter of Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, claiming they were part of the stolen property mentioned earlier.
And this Examinate further saith, That her father, called Iohn Deuice, being afraid, that the said Anne Chattox should doe him or his goods any hurt by Witchcraft; did couenant with the said Anne, that if she would hurt neither of them, she should yearely haue one Aghen-dole of meale;[E4b1] which meale was yearely paid, vntill the yeare which her father died in, which was about eleuen yeares since: Her father vpon his then-death-bed, taking it that the said Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, did bewitch him to death, because the said meale was not paid the last yeare.
And this witness further states that her father, named Iohn Deuice, feared that Anne Chattox might harm him or his belongings through witchcraft. He made an agreement with Anne that if she wouldn't harm either of them, she would receive one Aghen-dole of meal each year;[E4b1] which was paid annually until the year her father died, about eleven years ago. On his deathbed, her father believed that Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox, had bewitch him to death because the meal hadn’t been paid the previous year.
And she also saith, That about two yeares agone, this Examinate being in the house of Anthony Nutter of Pendle aforesaid, and being then in company with Anne Nutter, daughter of the said Anthony: the said Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, came into the said Anthony Nutters house, and seeing this Examinate, and the said Anne Nutter laughing, and saying, that they laughed at her the said Chattox: well said then (sayes Anne Chattox) I will be meet with the one of you. And vpon the next day after, she the said Anne Nutter fell sicke, and within three weekes after died. And further, this Examinate saith, That about two yeares agoe, she, this Examinate, hath heard, That the said Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, was suspected for bewitching the drinke of Iohn Moore of Higham Gentleman:[E4b2] and not long after, shee this Examinate heard the said Chattox say, that she would meet with the said Iohn Moore, or his.[E4b3] Whereupon a child of the said Iohn Moores, called Iohn, fell sick, and languished about halfe a yeare, and then died: during which languishing, this Examinate saw the said Chattox sitting in her owne garden, and a picture of Clay like vnto a child in her Apron; which this Examinate espying, the said Anne Chattox would haue hidde with her Apron: and this Examinate declaring the same to her mother, her mother thought it was the picture of the said Iohn Moores childe.
And she also says that about two years ago, this witness was in the house of Anthony Nutter of Pendle, and was then with Anne Nutter, daughter of the said Anthony: the said Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox, came into Anthony Nutter's house, and seeing this witness and Anne Nutter laughing, claimed that they were laughing at her, Chattox: so then Anne Chattox said, "I will get back at one of you." The next day, Anne Nutter fell ill, and within three weeks after, she died. Furthermore, this witness states that about two years ago, she heard that Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox, was suspected of bewitching the drink of John Moore of Higham, a gentleman: [E4b2] and not long after, this witness heard the said Chattox say that she would confront John Moore, or his.[E4b3] Consequently, a child of the said John Moore's, named John, fell sick and suffered for about half a year, then died. During that time, this witness saw Chattox sitting in her own garden, with a clay figure resembling a child in her apron; when this witness noticed it, Anne Chattox tried to hide it with her apron. This witness told her mother about it, and her mother thought it was the figure of John Moore's child.
And she this Examinate further saith, That about sixe or seuen yeares agoe, the said Chattox did fall out with one Hugh Moore of Pendle, as aforesaid, about certaine cattell of the said Moores, which the said Moore did charge the said Chattox to haue bewitched: for which the said Chattox did curse and worry the said Moore, and said she would be Reuenged of the said Moore: whereupon the said Moore presently fell sicke, and languished about halfe a yeare, and then died. Which Moore vpon his death-bed said, that the said Chattox had bewitched him to death. And she further saith, That about sixe yeares agoe, a daughter of the said Anne Chattox, called Elizabeth, hauing been at the house of Iohn Nutter of the Bull-hole, to begge or get a dish full of milke, which she had, and brought to her mother, who was about a fields breadth of the said Nutters house, which her said mother Anne Chattox tooke and put into a Kan, and did charne[Fa1] the same with two stickes acrosse in the same field: whereupon the said Iohn Nutters sonne came vnto her, the said Chattox, and misliking her doings, put the said Kan and milke ouer with his foot; and the morning next after, a Cow of the said Iohn Nutters fell sicke, and so languished three or foure dayes, and then died.
And she further states that about six or seven years ago, the said Chattox had a falling out with one Hugh Moore of Pendle, as mentioned earlier, over some cattle belonging to Moore, which Moore accused Chattox of having bewitched. In response, Chattox cursed and tormented Moore, claiming she would get her revenge on him. Shortly after, Moore became ill and suffered for about half a year before he died. On his deathbed, Moore stated that Chattox had bewitched him to death. She also states that about six years ago, a daughter of Anne Chattox, named Elizabeth, went to the house of John Nutter at Bull-hole to ask for a dish full of milk, which she received and took back to her mother, who was about a field's length away. Anne Chattox took the milk and put it into a can, then used two sticks to churn it in the same field. Shortly after, John Nutter’s son approached her, disapproving of her actions, and kicked over the can and milk. The next morning, one of John Nutter’s cows fell sick, languished for three or four days, and then died.
In the end being openly charged with all this in open Court; with weeping
teares she humbly acknowledged them to be true, [Fa2] and cried out
vnto God for Mercy
and forgiuenesse of her sinnes, and humbly
prayed my
Lord to be mercifull vnto Anne Redfearne
her daughter,
of whose life and condition you shall
heare more vpon
her Arraignement and Triall:
whereupon shee being
taken away,
Elizabeth Deuice comes now
to receiue
her Triall being
the next in order, of
whom
you shall
heare at
large.
In the end, as she faced all these charges in open court, she tearfully acknowledged that they were true and cried out to God for mercy and forgiveness for her sins. She humbly asked my Lord to be merciful to Anne Redfearne, her daughter, about whose life and situation you will hear more during her arraignment and trial. After she was taken away, Elizabeth Deuice comes forward to receive her trial, being next in line, of whom you will hear more in detail.
THE ARRAIGNMENT
and Triall of Elizabeth Device
(Daughter of Elizabeth Sothernes,
alias Old Dembdike) late wife of Io. Device,
of the Forrest of Pendle, in the Countie of Lancaster, widow,
for Witchcraft; Vpon Tuesday the eighteenth of August,
at the Assises and generall Gaole-Deliuerie holden at
Lancaster
The Arraignment
and Trial of Elizabeth Device
(Daughter of Elizabeth Sothernes,
also known as Old Dembdike) the late wife of IoT Device,
from the Forest of Pendle, in Lancashire, widow,
charged with Witchcraft; On Tuesday, August eighteenth,
at the Assizes and general Jail Delivery held at
Lancaster
Before
Before
Sir Edward Bromley Knight, one of his Maiesties
Iustices of Assise at Lancaster.
Sir Edward Bromley Knight, one of his Majesty's
Justices of Assize at Lancaster.
Elizabeth Deuice.
Barbarous and inhumane Monster, beyond example; so farre from sensible vnderstanding of thy owne miserie, as to bring thy owne naturall children into mischiefe and bondage; and thy selfe to be a witnesse vpon the Gallowes, to see thy owne children, by thy deuillish instructions hatcht vp in Villanie and Witchcraft, to suffer with thee, euen in the beginning of their time, a shamefull and vntimely Death. Too much (so it be true) cannot be said or written of her. Such was her life and condition: that euen at the Barre, when shee came to receiue her Triall (where the least sparke of Grace or modestie would haue procured fauour, or moued pitie) she was not able to containe her selfe within the limits of any order or gouernment: but exclaiming, in very outragious manner crying out against her owne children, and such as came to prosecute Indictments & Euidence for the Kings Maiestie against her, for the death of their Children, Friends, and Kinsfolkes, whome cruelly and bloudily, by her Enchauntments, Charmes, and Sorceries she had murthered and cut off; sparing no man with fearefull execrable curses and banning:[F2b] Such in generall was the common opinion of the Countrey where she dwelt, in the Forrest of Pendle (a place fit for people of such condition) that no man neere her, neither his wife, children, goods, or cattell should be secure or free from danger.
Barbaric and inhumane monster, beyond comparison; so far removed from understanding your own misery that you bring your own natural children into harm and bondage; and you yourself are a witness on the gallows, watching your own children, through your devilish guidance, be caught up in villainy and witchcraft, suffering alongside you, even at the start of their lives, a shameful and premature death. Too much (if it's true) cannot be said or written about her. Such was her life and situation: that even at the bar, when she came to face her trial (where the slightest spark of grace or modesty could have earned her favor or provoked pity), she couldn't restrain herself within any sense of order or control: but shouted, in a very outrageous manner, against her own children and those who came to present indictments and evidence for the King's Majesty against her, for the deaths of their children, friends, and relatives, whom she had cruelly and bloodily murdered through her enchantments, charms, and sorceries; sparing no one with horrifying curses and condemnations:[F2b] Such was the general opinion in the county where she lived, in the Forest of Pendle (a place suited for people of such a nature), that no man near her, nor his wife, children, belongings, or livestock, would be safe or free from danger.
This Elizabeth Deuice was the daughter of Elizabeth Sothernes, old Dembdike, a malicious, wicked, and dangerous Witch for fiftie yeares, as appeareth by Record: and how much longer, the Deuill and shee knew best with whome shee made her couenant.
This Elizabeth Deuice was the daughter of Elizabeth Sothernes, old Dembdike, a malicious, wicked, and dangerous witch for fifty years, as shown by records; and how much longer, only the devil and she knew best with whom she made her pact.
It is very certaine, that amongst all these Witches there was not a more dangerous and deuillish Witch to execute mischiefe, hauing old Dembdike, her mother, to assist her; Iames Deuice and Alizon Deuice, her owne naturall children, all prouided with Spirits, vpon any occasion of offence readie to assist her.
It is very certain that among all these witches, there was not a more dangerous and wicked witch to carry out evil deeds, having her mother, Dembdike, to help her; James Deuice and Alizon Deuice, her own natural children, all equipped with spirits, ready to assist her at any opportunity for mischief.
Vpon her Examination, although Master Nowel was very circumspect, and exceeding carefull in dealing with her, yet she would confesse nothing, vntill it pleased God to raise vp a yong maid, Iennet Deuice, her owne daughter, about the age of nine yeares (a witnesse vnexpected) to discouer all their Practises, Meetings, Consultations, Murthers, Charmes, and Villanies: such, and in such sort, as I may iustly say of them, as a reuerend and learned Iudge of this Kingdome speaketh of the greatest Treason that euer was in this Kingdome, Quis hæc posteris sic narrare poterit, vt facta non ficta esse videantur? That when these things shall be related to Posteritie, they will be reputed matters fained, not done.
Upon her examination, even though Master Nowel was very careful and extremely cautious while questioning her, she wouldn’t confess anything until it pleased God to bring forth a young girl, Iennet Deuice, her own daughter, around nine years old (an unexpected witness) to reveal all their plots, gatherings, discussions, murders, spells, and wickedness: such, and in such a way, that I can rightly say of them, as a respected and learned judge of this kingdom speaks of the greatest treason that ever occurred in this kingdom, Quis hæc posteris sic narrare poterit, vt facta non ficta esse videantur? That when these things are recounted to future generations, they will be seen as tales spun, not as events that actually happened.
And then knowing, that both Iennet Deuice, her daughter, Iames Deuice, her sonne, and Alizon Deuice, with others, had accused her and layed open all things, in their Examinations taken before Master Nowel, and although she were their owne naturall mother, yet they did not spare to accuse her of euery particular fact, which in her time she had committed, to their knowledge; she made a very liberall and voluntarie Confession, as hereafter shall be giuen in euidence against her, vpon her Arraignment and Triall.
And then knowing that both Iennet Deuice, her daughter, Iames Deuice, her son, and Alizon Deuice, along with others, had accused her and revealed everything during their questioning before Master Nowel, and even though she was their own biological mother, they did not hesitate to accuse her of every specific act she had committed in their presence; she made a very generous and voluntary confession, which will be presented as evidence against her during her arraignment and trial.
This Elizabeth Deuice being at libertie, after Old Dembdike her mother, Alizon Deuice, her daughter, and old Chattocks were committed to the Castle of Lancaster for Witchcraft; laboured not a little to procure a solemne meeting at Malkyn-Tower of the Graund Witches of the Counties of Lancaster and Yorke, being yet vnsuspected and vntaken, to consult of some speedie course for the deliuerance of their friends, the Witches at Lancaster, and for the putting in execution of some other deuillish practises of Murther and Mischiefe: as vpon the Arraignement and Triall of Iames Deuice, her sonne, shall hereafter in euery particular point appeare at large against her.
This Elizabeth Deuice was free after her mother, Dembdike, her daughter, Alizon Deuice, and old Chattocks were locked up in the Castle of Lancaster for witchcraft. She worked hard to arrange a secret meeting at Malkyn-Tower with the Grand Witches of Lancaster and York, remaining unnoticed and unapprehended, to discuss a quick plan to free their friends, the witches in Lancaster, and to carry out some other evil schemes of murder and mischief. The details will be provided later during the arraignment and trial of Iames Deuice, her son.
The first Indictment.
THis Elizabeth Deuice, late the wife of Iohn Deuice, of the Forrest of Pendle in the Countie of Lancaster Widdow, being indicted, for that shee felloniously had practized, vsed, and exercised diuers wicked and deuillish Arts, called Witch-crafts, Inchantments, Charmes, and Sorceries, in, and vpon one Iohn Robinson, alias Swyer: and by force of the same felloniously, the said Iohn Robinson, alias Swyer, had killed. Contra pacem, &c. being at the Barre was arraigned.
This Elizabeth Deuice, formerly the wife of Iohn Deuice, a widow from the Forest of Pendle in Lancaster County, was indicted for having maliciously practiced, used, and engaged in various wicked and devilish arts known as witchcraft, enchantments, charms, and sorcery against one Iohn Robinson, also known as Swyer; and as a result of these actions, she had feloniously caused the death of the said Iohn Robinson, alias Swyer. Contra pacem, & c. She was arraigned at the bar.
2. Indictment.
The said Elizabeth Deuice was the second time indicted in the same manner and forme, for the death of Iames Robinson, by Witch-craft. Contra pacem, &c.
The mentioned Elizabeth Deuice was indicted a second time in the same manner and form for the death of Iames Robinson by witchcraft. Contra pacem, &c.
3. Indictment.
The said Elizabeth Deuice, was the third time with others, viz. Alice Nutter, and Elizabeth Sothernes, alias Old-Dembdike, her Grand-mother, Indicted in the same manner and forme, for the death of Henrie Mytton. Contra pacem, &c.
The mentioned Elizabeth Deuice was the third time with others, namely Alice Nutter and Elizabeth Sothernes, also known as Old-Dembdike, her grandmother, charged in the same way for the death of Henrie Mytton. Against the peace, & etc.
To these three seuerall Indictments vpon her Arraignement, shee pleaded not guiltie; and for the tryall of her life, put her selfe vpon God and her Countrie.
To these three separate charges at her arraignment, she pleaded not guilty; and for the trial of her life, she relied on God and her country.
So as now the Gentlemen of the Iurie of life and death, stand charged to finde, whether shee bee guiltie of them, or any of them.
So now the gentlemen of the court of life and death are tasked with finding out whether she is guilty of them, or any of them.
Whereupon there was openly read, and giuen in euidence against her, for the Kings Majestie, her owne voluntarie Confession and Examination, when shee was apprehended, taken, and committed to the Castle of Lancaster by M. Nowel, and M. Bannester, two of his Maiesties Iustices of Peace in the same Countie. viz.
Whereupon there was read aloud and presented as evidence against her, for the King's Majesty, her own voluntary confession and examination, when she was arrested, taken, and committed to the Castle of Lancaster by Mr. Nowel and Mr. Bannester, two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace in the same county. viz.
The Examination and voluntarie Confession
of Elizabeth Device, taken at the house of
Iames Wilsey of the Forrest of Pendle, in the Countie
of Lancaster, the seuen and twentieth day of Aprill:
Anno Reg. Iacobi, Angl. &c. decimo, & Scotiæ xlv.
The Exam and voluntary Confession
of Elizabeth Device, taken at the home of
James Wilsey in the Forest of Pendle, in the County
of Lancaster, on the twenty-seventh day of April:
In the Year of Our Lord. James, English & etc. the tenth, & of Scotland xlv.
Before
Before
Roger Nowel, and Nicholas Bannester,
Esquires; two of his Maiesties Iustices of the Peace
within the same Countie. viz.
The said Elizabeth Deuice, Mother of the said
Iames, being examined, confesseth and saith.
Roger Nowel, and Nick Bannester,
Esquires; two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace
within the same County. namely.
The said Elizabeth Deuice, mother of the said
James, being questioned, confesses and says.
THat at the third time her Spirit,[F4a] the Spirit Ball, appeared to her in the shape of a browne Dogge, at, or in her Mothers house in Pendle Forrest aforesaid: about foure yeares agoe the said Spirit bidde this Examinate make a picture of Clay after the said Iohn Robinson, alias Swyer, which this Examinate did make accordingly at the West end of her said Mothers house, and dryed the same picture with the fire and crumbled all the same picture away within a weeke or thereabouts, and about a weeke after the Picture was crumbled or mulled away; the said Robinson dyed.
Three times, her Spirit, [F4a] the Spirit Ball, appeared to her as a brown dog at her mother's house in Pendle Forest, about four years ago. The Spirit instructed her to make a clay figure of the said John Robinson, also known as Swyer, which she did at the west end of her mother's house. She dried the figure by the fire, but it crumbled away within a week or so. A week after the figure disappeared, Robinson died.
The reason wherefore shee this Examinate did so bewitch the said Robinson to death, was: for that the said Robinson had chidden and becalled this Examinate, for hauing a Bastard-child with one Seller.
The reason why this witness bewitched the said Robinson to death was that the said Robinson had scolded and insulted this witness for having a illegitimate child with one Seller.
And this Examinate further saith and confesseth, that shee did bewitch the said Iames Robinson to death, as in the said Iennet Deuice her examination is confessed.
And this Examinate further says and confesses that she bewitched the said Iames Robinson to death, as she confessed in the examination of Iennet Deuice.
And further shee saith, and confesseth, that shee with the wife of Richard Nutter, and this Examinates said Mother, ioyned altogether, and did bewitch the said Henrie Mytton to death.
And she also says and admits that she, along with the wife of Richard Nutter and this Examinate's mother, all came together and cursed the said Henrie Mytton to death.
The Examination and Euidence of Iennet
Device, Daughter of the said Elizabeth
Device, late Wife of Iohn Device, of the
Forrest of Pendle, in the Countie of Lancaster.
The Examination and Evidence of Iennet
Gadget, Daughter of the said Liz
Gadget, recently the wife of John Device, from the
Forest of Pendle, in the County of Lancaster.
Against
Opposing
Elizabeth Device her Mother, Prisoner at the
Barre vpon her Arraignement and Triall. viz.
Elizabeth Device her Mother, Prisoner at the
Bar upon her Arraignment and Trial. viz.
THe said Iennet Deuice, being a yong Maide, about the age of nine yeares,[F4b] and commanded to stand vp to giue euidence against her Mother, Prisoner at the Barre: Her Mother, according to her accustomed manner, outragiously cursing, cryed out against the child in such fearefull manner, as all the Court did not a little wonder at her, and so amazed the child, as with weeping teares shee cryed out vnto my Lord the Iudge, and told him, shee was not able to speake in the presence of her Mother.
The young girl, Iennet Deuice, who was about nine years old, was told to stand up and give evidence against her mother, who was a prisoner at the bar. Her mother, as usual, was loudly cursing and screamed at the child in such a terrifying way that it astonished everyone in the court. The child was so overwhelmed that she cried and told my Lord the Judge that she couldn't speak in her mother's presence.
This odious Witch was branded with a preposterous marke in Nature, euen from her birth, which was her left eye, standing lower then the other; the one looking downe, the other looking vp, so strangely deformed, as the best that were present in that Honorable assembly, and great Audience, did affirme, they had not often seene the like.
This repulsive witch was marked with a ridiculous flaw from birth—her left eye was lower than the right; one looked down while the other looked up, so oddly deformed that the best people in that honorable assembly and large audience claimed they had never seen anything like it.
No intreatie, promise of fauour, or other respect, could put her to silence, thinking by this her outragious cursing and threatning of the child, to inforce her to denie that which she had formerly confessed against her Mother, before M. Nowel: Forswearing and denying her owne voluntarie confession, which you haue heard, giuen in euidence against her at large, and so for want of further euidence to escape that, which the Iustice of the Law had prouided as a condigne punishment for the innocent bloud shee had spilt, and her wicked and deuillish course of life.
No pleading, promise of favor, or any other consideration could silence her; she thought that by her outrageous cursing and threats toward the child, she could force her to deny what she had previously confessed against her mother, in front of Mr. Nowel: She swore and denied her own voluntary confession, which you have heard presented in evidence against her at length, and thus, lacking further evidence, sought to escape the just punishment that the law had set for the innocent blood she had spilled and her wicked, devilish way of life.
In the end, when no meanes would serue, his Lordship commanded the Prisoner to be taken away, and the Maide to bee set vpon the Table in the presence of the whole Court, who deliuered her euidence in that Honorable assembly, to the Gentlemen of the Iurie of life and death, as followeth. viz.
In the end, when nothing worked, his Lordship ordered the Prisoner to be taken away, and the Maid to be placed on the Table in front of the entire Court, where she provided her testimony in that Honorable assembly to the Gentlemen of the Jury of life and death, as follows. viz.
Iennet Deuice, Daughter of Elizabeth Deuice, late Wife of Iohn Deuice, of the Forrest of Pendle aforesaid Widdow, confesseth and saith, that her said Mother is a Witch, and that this shee knoweth to be true; for, that shee had seene her Spirit sundrie times come vnto her said Mother in her owne house, called Malking-Tower, in the likenesse of a browne Dogge, which shee called Ball; and at one time amongst others, the said Ball did aske this Examinates Mother what she would haue him to doe: and this Examinates Mother answered, that she would haue the said Ball to helpe her to kill Iohn Robinson of Barley, alias Swyer: by helpe of which said Ball, the said Swyer was killed by witch-craft accordingly; and that this Examinates Mother hath continued a Witch for these three or foure yeares last past. And further, this Examinate confesseth, that about a yeare after, this Examinates Mother called for the said Ball, who appeared as aforesaid, asking this Examinates Mother what shee would haue done, who said, that shee would haue him to kill Iames Robinson, alias Swyer, of Barlow aforesaid, Brother to the said Iohn: whereunto Ball answered, hee would doe it; and about three weekes after, the said Iames dyed.
Iennet Deuice, daughter of Elizabeth Deuice, the late wife of Iohn Deuice, of the Forest of Pendle, a widow, confesses and states that her mother is a witch, and she knows this to be true; because she has seen her mother’s spirit several times come to their home, called Malking-Tower, in the form of a brown dog, which she called Ball; and at one time, among others, Ball asked her mother what she wanted him to do: her mother replied that she wanted Ball to help her kill Iohn Robinson of Barley, also known as Swyer: with the help of Ball, Swyer was accordingly killed by witchcraft; and her mother has been a witch for the past three or four years. Furthermore, this examinate confesses that about a year later, her mother called for Ball, who appeared as mentioned before, asking her mother what she wanted him to do, and she said she wanted him to kill Iames Robinson, also known as Swyer, of Barlow, brother to Iohn: to which Ball responded that he would do it; and about three weeks later, Iames died.
And this Examinate also saith, that one other time
shee was present, when
her said Mother did call for the
Ball, Her Spirit.who appeared in manner as
aforesaid, and asked
this Examinates Mother what shee
would haue him to
doe, whereunto this Examinates
Mother then said
shee would haue him to kill
one Mitton of the
Rough-Lee, whereupon
the said Ball said, he would doe it, and
so vanished
away, and about three
weekes after, the said
Mitton likewise
dyed.
And this witness also says that one time she was present when her mother called for the Ball, Her Essence. He appeared as mentioned before and asked this witness's mother what she wanted him to do. To which her mother replied that she wanted him to kill one Mitton of the Rough-Lee. Then the said Ball said he would do it, and vanished away. About three weeks later, the said Mitton also died.
The Examination of Iames Device,
sonne of the said Elizabeth Device: Taken the
seuen and twentieth day of Aprill, Annoq; Reg. Regis
Iacobi Angliæ, &c. Decimo ac Scociæ, xlv.
The Review of Iames Device,
son of the mentioned Elizabeth Device: Conducted on the
twenty-seventh day of April, Year of our Lord, King
Iacobi of England, & etc. Tenth and of Scotland, forty-five.
Before
Prior
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banester,
Esquires, two of his Maiesties Iustices of the Peace, within
the said Countie. viz.
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banester,
Esquires, two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace, in
the mentioned County. viz.
THe said Iames Deuice being examined, saith, That he heard his Grand-mother say, about a yeare agoe, That his mother called Elizabeth Deuice, and others, had killed one Henry Mitton of the Rough-Lee aforesaid, by Witchcraft. The reason wherefore he was so killed, was for that this Examinates said Grand-mother Old Demdike, had asked the said Mitton a penny; and he denying her thereof, thereupon she procured his death, as aforesaid.
The said Iames Deuice, while being questioned, mentioned that he heard his grandmother say about a year ago that his mother, Elizabeth Deuice, and others had killed one Henry Mitton of Rough-Lee by witchcraft. The reason he was killed was that this examinee's grandmother, Old Demdike, had asked Mitton for a penny, and when he refused, she arranged for his death, as mentioned.
And he, this Examinate also saith, That about three yeares agoe, this Examinate being in his Grand-mothers house, with his said mother; there came a thing in shape of a browne dogge, which his mother called Ball, who spake to this Examinates mother, in the sight and hearing of this Examinate, and bad her make a Picture of Clay like vnto Iohn Robinson, alias Swyer, and drie it hard, and then crumble it by little and little; and as the said Picture should crumble or mull away, so should the said Io. Robinson alias Swyer his body decay and weare away. And within two or three dayes after, the Picture shall so all be wasted, and mulled away; so then the said Iohn Robinson should die presently. Vpon the agreement betwixt the said dogge and this Examinates mother; the said dogge suddenly vanished out of this Examinates sight. And the next day, this Examinate saw his said mother take Clay at the West end of her said house, and make a Picture of it after the said Robinson, and brought into her house, and dried it some two dayes: and about two dayes after the drying thereof, this Examinates said mother fell on crumbling the said Picture of Clay, euery day some, for some three weekes together; and within two dayes after all was crumbled or mulled away, the said Iohn Robinson died.
And he, this Examinate also says that about three years ago, while he was at his grandmother's house with his mother, a creature that looked like a brown dog appeared. His mother called it Ball. The creature spoke to his mother, in front of him, and told her to make a clay figure that looked like John Robinson, also known as Swyer, and let it dry hard, then crumble it little by little. As the figure crumbled, John Robinson’s body would decay and wear away. Within two or three days, the figure would be completely wasted, and then John Robinson would die immediately. After this agreement between the dog and his mother, the dog suddenly vanished from his sight. The next day, he saw his mother take clay from the west side of the house and make a figure of Robinson, which she brought inside and let dry for about two days. Then, around two days after it dried, his mother started crumbling the clay figure a little bit each day for about three weeks. Within two days after it was completely crumbled, John Robinson died.
Being demanded by the Court, what answere shee could giue to the particular points of the Euidence against her, for the death of these seuerall persons; Impudently shee denied them, crying out against her children, and the rest of the Witnesses against her.
Being asked by the Court what answer she could give to the specific evidence against her for the deaths of these various people, she boldly denied it, shouting out against her children and the other witnesses testifying against her.
But because I haue charged her to be the principall Agent, to procure a solemne meeting at Malking-Tower of the Grand-witches, to consult of some speedy course for the deliuerance of her mother, Old Demdike, her daughter, and other Witches at Lancaster: the speedie Execution of Master Couell, who little suspected or deserued any such practise or villany against him: The blowing up of the Castle, with diuers other wicked and diuellish practises and murthers; I shall make it apparant vnto you, by the particular Examinations and Euidence of her owne children, such as were present at the time of their Consultation, together with her owne Examination and Confession, amongst the Records of the Crowne at Lancaster, as hereafter followeth.
But because I have instructed her to be the main person in charge of organizing a formal meeting at Malking-Tower of the Grand Witches, to discuss some urgent plan for the release of her mother, Old Demdike, her daughter, and other Witches in Lancaster: the swift execution of Master Couell, who had no idea or deserved any such plot or wrongdoing against him: the blowing up of the Castle, along with several other wicked and devilish acts and murders; I will make it clear to you, through the specific statements and evidence from her own children, who were present during their meeting, along with her own statement and confession, among the Crown's records in Lancaster, as follows.
The voluntary Confession and Examination
of Elizabeth Device, taken at the house of
Iames Wilsey, of the Forrest of Pendle, in the
Countie of Lancaster, the seuen and twentieth day of Aprill,
Annoq: Reg. Regis Iacobi Angliæ, &c. Decimo,
& Scotiæ Quadragesimo quinto.
The voluntary confession and examination
of Elizabeth Device, taken at the home of
James Wilsey, of the Forest of Pendle, in the
County of Lancaster, the twenty-seventh day of April,
Year of the Reign of King James of England, & etc. Tenth,
& of Scotland Fortieth-five.
Before
Before
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banister,
Esquires, two of his Maiesties Iustices of the Peace within
the same Countie. viz.
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banister,
Esquires, two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace in the
same County. viz.
THe said Elizabeth Deuice being further Examined, confesseth that vpon Good-Friday last, there dined at this Examinates house, called Malking-Tower, those which she hath said are Witches, and doth verily think them to be Witches: and their names are those whom Iames Deuice hath formerly spoken of to be there. And she further saith, that there was also at her said mothers house, at the day and time aforesaid, two women of Burneley Parish, whose names the wife of Richard Nutter doth know. And there was likewise there one Anne Crouckshey[G3a] of Marsden: And shee also confesseth, in all things touching the Christening of the Spirit, and the killing of Master Lister of Westbie, as the said Iames Deuice hath before confessed; but denieth of any talke was amongst them the said Witches, to her now remembrance, at the said meeting together, touching the killing of the Gaoler, or the blowing vp of Lancaster Castle.
The said Elizabeth Deuice when questioned further, confessed that on Good Friday last, she hosted a dinner at her home, called Malking-Tower, with those she has accused of being Witches, and she genuinely believes they are Witches. Their names are those previously mentioned by Iames Deuice as being present. She also states that at her mother’s house on that day, there were two women from Burneley Parish, whose names are known to the wife of Richard Nutter. Additionally, there was one Anne Crouckshey of Marsden present. She also admits to everything regarding the Christening of the Spirit and the killing of Master Lister of Westbie, as previously confessed by Iames Deuice; however, she denies any discussion among the accused Witches at that meeting about the killing of the Gaoler or blowing up Lancaster Castle.
The Examination and Euidence of Iennet
Device, Daughter of the said Elizabeth
Device, late Wife of Iohn Device, of the
Forrest of Pendle, in the Countie of Lancaster.
The Exam and Evidence of Iennet
Device, Daughter of the aforementionedElizabeth
Device, the late Wife of John Device, from the
Forest of Pendle, in Lancaster County.
Against
Opposed
Elizabeth Device, her Mother, Prisoner at the
Barre, vpon her Arraignement and Triall, viz.
Elizabeth Device, her Mother, Prisoner at the
Bar, during her Arraignment and Trial, viz.
THe said Iennet Deuice saith, That vpon Good Friday last there was about twentie persons[G3b1] (whereof onely two were men, to this Examinates remembrance) at her said Grandmothers house, called Malking-Tower aforesaid, about twelue of the clocke: all which persons this Examinates said mother told her, were Witches, and that they came to giue a name to Alizon Deuice Spirit, or Familiar, sister to this Examinate, and now prisoner at Lancaster. And also this Examinate saith, That the persons aforesaid had to their dinners Beefe, Bacon, and roasted Mutton; which Mutton (as this Examinates said brother said) was of a Wether of Christopher Swyers of Barley: which Wether was brought in the night before into this Examinates mothers house by the said Iames Deuice, this Examinates said brother: and in this Examinates sight killed and eaten, as aforesaid. And shee further saith, That shee knoweth the names of sixe of the said Witches, viz. the wife of Hugh Hargraues vnder Pendle, Christopher Howgate of Pendle, vnckle to this Examinate, and Elizabeth his wife, and Dicke Miles his wife of the Rough-Lee; Christopher Iackes of Thorny-holme, and his wife:[G3b2] and the names of the residue shee this Examinate doth not know, sauing that this Examinates mother and brother were both there. And lastly, she this Examinate confesseth and saith, That her mother hath taught her two prayers: the one to cure the bewitched, and the other to get drinke; both which particularly appeare.
The said Iennet Deuice mentioned that on Good Friday last, there were about twenty people[G3b1] (of which only two were men, as the witness remembers) at her grandmother's house, called Malking-Tower, around twelve o'clock. All these people, according to this witness's mother, were Witches, and they came to give a name to Alizon Deuice's spirit or familiar, who is this witness's sister and is now in prison in Lancaster. This witness also states that the aforementioned people had beef, bacon, and roasted mutton for dinner; that mutton (as this witness's brother said) belonged to a wether from Christopher Swyers of Barley: the wether was brought into this witness's mother’s house the night before by the said Iames Deuice, this witness's brother, and was killed and eaten in this witness's sight as mentioned earlier. Furthermore, she claims she knows the names of six of those Witches, namely: the wife of Hugh Hargraues from Pendle, Christopher Howgate of Pendle, who is this witness's uncle, and Elizabeth his wife, along with Dicke Miles and his wife from Rough-Lee; Christopher Iackes of Thorny-holme and his wife:[G3b2] and she does not know the names of the others, except that her mother and brother were both present. Lastly, this witness confesses and says that her mother has taught her two prayers: one to cure the bewitched and the other to obtain drink; both of which are specifically mentioned.
The Examination and Euidence of Iames
Device, sonne of the said Elizabeth Device,
late wife of Iohn Device, of the Forrest of
Pendle, in the Countie of Lancaster.
The Exam and Evidence of James
Gadget, son of the late Elizabeth Device,
wife of John Device, from the Forest of
Pendle, in Lancashire.
Against
Opposed
Elizabeth Device, his Mother, prisoner at the
Barre, vpon her Arraignement and Triall, viz.
Elizabeth Device, his mother, imprisoned at the
Barre, during her arraignment and trial, viz.
THe said Iames Deuice saith, That on Good-Friday last, about twelue of the clocke in the day time, there dined in this Examinates said mothers house, at Malking-Tower, a number of persons, whereof three were men, with this Examinate, and the rest women; and that they met there for three causes following (as this Examinates said mother told this Examinate) The first was, for the naming of the Spirit, which Alizon Deuice, now prisoner at Lancaster, had: But did not name him, because shee was not there.[G4a] The second was, for the deliuerie of his said Grandmother, olde Dembdike; this Examinates said sister Allizon; the said Anne Chattox, and her daughter Redferne; killing the Gaoler at Lancaster; and before the next Assises to blow vp the Castle there: and to that end the aforesaid prisoners might by that time make an escape, and get away. All which this Examinate then heard them conferre of.
The said Iames Deuice reported that on Good Friday last, around noon, several people dined at this examinate's mother's house in Malking-Tower, including three men and this examinate, with the rest being women. They gathered for three reasons (as this examinate's mother told this examinate). The first was to name the spirit that Alizon Deuice, currently imprisoned in Lancaster, had; but they didn't name it because she wasn't there. The second reason was to discuss the release of his grandmother, the elderly Dembdike; this examinate's sister Allizon; Anne Chattox and her daughter Redferne; plotting to kill the jailer in Lancaster and to blow up the castle before the next assizes, so that the aforementioned prisoners could escape and get away by then. This examinate heard them talking about all of this.
And he also sayth, That the names of the said Witches as were on Good-Friday at this Examinates said Grandmothers house, and now this Examinates owne mothers, for so many of them as hee did know, were these, viz. The wife of Hugh Hargreiues of Burley; the wife of Christopher Bulcock, of the Mosse end, and Iohn her sonne; the mother of Myles Nutter; Elizabeth, the wife of Christopher Hargreiues, of Thurniholme; Christopher Howgate, and Elizabeth, his wife; Alice Graye of Coulne, and one Mould-heeles wife, of the same: and this Examinate, and his Mother. And this Examinate further sayth, That all the Witches went out of the said House in their owne shapes and likenesses. And they all, by that they were forth of the dores, gotten on Horsebacke, like vnto Foales, some of one colour, some of another; and Prestons wife was the last: and when shee got on Horsebacke, they all presently vanished out of this Examinates sight. And before their said parting away, they all appointed to meete at the said Prestons wiues Executed at Yorke the last Assises.house that day twelue-moneths; at which time the said Prestons wife promised to make them a great Feast. And if they had occasion to meete in the meane time, then should warning be giuen, that they all should meete vpon Romleyes Moore.[G4b]
And he also says that the names of the witches who were at this witness's grandmother's house on Good Friday, and now at this witness's own mother's house, for as many as he knew, were these: the wife of Hugh Hargreaves of Burley; the wife of Christopher Bulcock of the Moss end, and John, her son; the mother of Myles Nutter; Elizabeth, the wife of Christopher Hargreaves of Thurniholme; Christopher Howgate and his wife, Elizabeth; Alice Graye of Couln, and the wife of Mould-heels, from the same place; and this witness and his mother. This witness further states that all the witches left the house in their own shapes and forms. As soon as they were out the doors, they mounted horses like foals, some one color, some another; and Preston's wife was the last one on horseback; when she got on, they all immediately vanished from this witness's sight. Before they left, they all agreed to meet at Preston's wife's house one year from that day, at which time Preston's wife promised to make them a great feast. If they needed to meet in the meantime, warning would be given for them to gather on Romley’s Moor.
And there they parted, with resolution to execute
their deuillish and bloudie
practises, for the deliuerance
of their friends, vntill they came to
meete here,
where their power and strength was gone. And
now
finding her Meanes was gone, shee cried out for
Mercie.
Whereupon shee being taken away, the
next
in order was her sonne Iames Deuice,
whom
shee and her Mother, old
Dembdike,
brought to act his
part
in this wofull
Tragedie.
And there they parted, determined to carry out their wicked and bloody plans for the rescue of their friends, until they came to meet here, where their power and strength had faded. And now, realizing her means were gone, she cried out for mercy. Upon this, she was taken away, and next in line was her son, James Device, whom she and her mother, old Dembdike, brought to play his part in this tragic ordeal.
THE ARRAIGNMENT
and Triall of Iames Device,
Sonne of Elizabeth Device, of the Forrest of
Pendle, within the Countie of Lancaster aforesaid, Laborer,
for Witchcraft; Vpon Tuesday the eighteenth of August,
at the Assises and generall Gaole-Deliuerie holden at
Lancaster
The Arraignment
and Trial of James Device,
Son of Elizabeth Device, from the Forest of
Pendle, in the County of Lancaster, Laborer,
for Witchcraft; On Tuesday, August eighteenth,
at the Assizes and general Jail Delivery held at
Lancaster
Before
Before
Sir Edward Bromley Knight, one of his Maiesties
Iustices of Assise at Lancaster.
Sir Edward Bromley Knight, one of his Majesty's
Justices of Assize at Lancaster.
James Deuice.
His wicked and miserable Wretch, whether by practise, or meanes, to bring himselfe to some vntimely death, and thereby to auoide his Tryall by his Countrey, and iust iudgement of the Law; or ashamed to bee openly charged with so many deuillish practises, and so much innocent bloud as hee had spilt; or by reason of his Imprisonment so long time before his Tryall (which was with more fauour, commiseration, and reliefe then hee deserued) I know not: But being brought forth to the Barre, to receiue his Triall before this worthie Iudge, and so Honourable and Worshipfull an Assembly of Iustices for this seruice, was so insensible, weake, and vnable in all thinges, as he could neither speake, heare, or stand, but was holden vp[H2a1] when hee was brought to the place of his Arraignement, to receiue his triall.
His wicked and miserable wretch, whether by intention or means to bring about an untimely death and escape his trial by his country and the just judgment of the law; or ashamed to be openly accused of so many devilish acts and the innocent blood he had shed; or due to his long imprisonment before his trial (which was with more favor, compassion, and support than he deserved) I don't know. But when he was brought to the bar to face his trial before this honorable judge and such a distinguished assembly of justices for this matter, he was so numb, weak, and unable in every way that he could neither speak, hear, nor stand, but had to be held up when he was brought to the place of his arraignment to receive his trial.
This Iames Deuice of the Forrest of Pendle, being brought to the Barre, was there according to the forme, order, and course, Indicted and Arraigned; for that hee Felloniously had practised, vsed, and exercised diuers wicked and deuillish Arts, called Witch-crafts, Inchauntments, Charmes, and Sorceries, in, and vpon one Anne Towneley, wife of Henrie Towneley of the Carre,[H2a2] in the Countie of Lancaster Gentleman, and her by force of the same, felloniously had killed. Contra pacem, &c.
This Iames Deuice from the Forest of Pendle, was taken to court where he was officially charged and put on trial. He was accused of having engaged in various wicked and evil practices known as Witchcraft, Enchantments, Charms, and Sorcery, against one Anne Towneley, wife of Henrie Towneley of the Carre,[H2a2] in the County of Lancaster, a gentleman, and for having unlawfully killed her through these actions. Contra pacem, &c.
The said Iames Deuice was the second time Indicted and Arraigned in the same manner and forme, for the death of Iohn Duckworth, by witch-craft. Contra pacem, &c.
The mentioned Iames Deuice was indicted and arraigned for the second time in the same way for the death of Iohn Duckworth through witchcraft. Contra pacem, &c.
To these two seuerall Indictments vpon his Arraignment, he pleaded not guiltie, and for the triall of his life put himselfe vpon God and his Countrie.
To these two separate charges at his arraignment, he pleaded not guilty, and for the trial of his life, he entrusted himself to God and his country.
So as now the Gentlemen of the Iurie of life and death stand charged to finde, whether he be guiltie of these, or either of them.
So now the gentlemen of the court of life and death are tasked with determining whether he is guilty of these charges, or any of them.
Whereupon Master Nowel humbly prayed Master Towneley might be called,[H2a3] who attended to prosecute and giue euidence against him for the King's Majestie, and that the particular Examinations taken before him and others, might be openly published & read in Court,[H2a4] in the hearing of the Prisoner.
Whereupon Master Nowel respectfully requested that Master Towneley be summoned, [H2a3] to attend to carry out the prosecution and provide evidence against him for the King, and that the specific examinations taken before him and others should be publicly published and read in court, [H2a4] in the presence of the prisoner.
But because it were infinite to bring him to his particular
Triall for euery offence, which hee hath committed in his
time, and euery practice wherein he hath had
his hand: I shall proceede in order with the Euidence remayning
vpon Record against him, amongst the Records
of the Crowne; both how, and in what sort hee came to
be a witch: and shew you what apparant proofe
there is to charge him with the death of these two
seuerall
persons, for the which hee now standeth vpon his
triall for al the rest of his deuillish
practises, incantantions,
murders, charmes, sorceries, meetings to consult with
Witches,
to execute mischiefe (take them as they are against
him vpon Record:) Enough, I
doubt not. For
these with the course of his life will serue his turne to deliuer
you from the danger of him that neuer tooke
felicitie in any things,
but in reuenge, bloud, & mischiefe
with crying out vnto God
for vengeance; which hath
now at the length brought him
to the place where hee
standes to receiue his Triall
with more honor, fauour,
and respect, then
such a Monster in Nature doth deserue;
And I doubt not, but in due time
by the
Iustice of the Law,
to an vntimely
and
shamefull
death.
But since it would be impossible to bring him to trial for every offense he has committed and every act he has participated in, I will proceed with the evidence that remains on record against him among the Crown's records. I will explain how and in what manner he became a witch and show you the clear evidence that charges him with the deaths of these two individuals, for which he is now on trial along with all his other evil practices, incantations, murders, charms, sorcery, and meetings with witches to plot harm (taking the records against him as they are). I’m sure this is sufficient. For these, along with the course of his life, will serve to protect you from the danger of someone who has never found joy in anything except revenge, bloodshed, and harm, while crying out to God for vengeance. This has finally brought him to the place where he stands to receive his trial with more honor, favor, and respect than such a monster in nature deserves. I am confident that, in due time, the justice of the law will bring him to a premature and shameful death.
The Examination of Iames Device,
sonne of Elizabeth Device, of the Forrest of
Pendle, in the Countie of Lancaster, Labourer. Taken the
seuen and twentieth day of Aprill, Annoq; Reg. Regis
Iacobi, Angliæ, &c. xo. & Scotiæ Quadragesimo quinto.
The Examination of James Device,
son of Elizabeth Device, from the Forest of
Pendle, in the County of Lancaster, Laborer. Taken on the
twenty-seventh day of April, Year of Our Lord
James, King of England, & etc. xo. & King of Scotland, Forty-fifth.
Before
Prior
Roger Nowel, and Nicholas Bannester,
Esquires: two of his Maiesties Iustices of Peace
within the said Countie.
Roger Nowel, and Nicholas Bannester,
Esquires: two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace
within the said County.
HE saith, that vpon Sheare Thursday[H3a] was two yeares, his Grand-Mother Elizabeth Sothernes, alias Dembdike, did bid him this Examinate goe to the Church to receiue the Communion (the next day after being Good Friday) and then not to eate the Bread the Minister gaue him, but to bring it and deliuer it to such a thing as should meet him in his way homewards: Notwithstanding her perswasions, this Examinate did eate the Bread: and so in his comming homeward some fortie roodes off the said Church, there met him a thing in the shape of a Hare, who spoke vnto this Examinate, and asked him whether hee had brought the Bread that his Grand-mother had bidden him, or no? whereupon this Examinate answered, hee had not: and thereupon the said thing threatned to pull this Examinate in peeces, and so this Examinate thereupon marked himselfe to God, and so the said thing vanished out of this Examinates sight. And within some foure daies after that, there appeared in this Examinates sight, hard by the new Church in Pendle, a thing like vnto a browne Dogge, who asked this Examinate to giue him his Soule, and he should be reuenged of any whom hee would: whereunto this Examinate answered, that his Soule was not his to giue, but was his Sauiour Iesus Christs, but as much as was in him this Examinate to giue, he was contented he should haue it.
He says that on Maundy Thursday, two years ago, his grandmother Elizabeth Sothernes, also known as Dembdike, told him to go to church to receive Communion the next day, which was Good Friday. She instructed him not to eat the bread the minister gave him, but to take it home and give it to whatever he encountered on the way. Despite her urging, he ate the bread. On his way home, about forty rods from the church, he encountered something that looked like a hare, which spoke to him and asked if he had brought the bread his grandmother instructed him to. He replied that he had not, and then the creature threatened to tear him apart. So he marked himself with the sign of the cross and the creature vanished from his sight. A few days later, near the new church in Pendle, he saw something resembling a brown dog, which asked him to give his soul in exchange for avenging anyone he wanted. He replied that his soul did not belong to him but to his Savior Jesus Christ, but he was willing to give as much of it as he could.
And within two or three daies after, this Examinate went to the Carre-Hall, and vpon some speeches betwixt Mistris Towneley and this Examinate; Shee charging this Examinate and his said mother, to haue stolne some Turues of hers, badde him packe the doores: and withall as he went forth of the doore, the said Mistris Towneley gaue him a knock betweene the shoulders: and about a day or two after that, there appeared vnto this Examinate in his way, a thing like vnto a black dog, who put this Examinate in minde of the said Mistris Towneleyes falling out with him this Examinate; who bad this Examinate make a Picture of Clay, like vnto the said Mistris Towneley: and that this Examinate with the helpe of his Spirit (who then euer after bidde this Examinate to call it Dandy) would kill or destroy the said Mistris Towneley: and so the said dogge vanished out of this Examinates sight. And the next morning after, this Examinate tooke Clay, and made a Picture of the said Mistris Towneley, and dried it the same night by the fire: and within a day after, hee, this Examinate began to crumble the said Picture, euery day some, for the space of a weeke: and within two daies after all was crumbled away; the said Mistris Towneley died.
And two or three days later, this person went to the Carre-Hall, and during some conversation between Ms. Towneley and this person; she accused him and his mother of stealing some of her turf, and told him to get lost. As he was leaving, Ms. Towneley gave him a shove between the shoulders. About a day or two after that, this person saw something that looked like a black dog in his path, which reminded him of the conflict with Ms. Towneley; the dog told him to make a clay figure that looked like her and that with the help of his spirit (who he was told to call Dandy), he would kill or harm Ms. Towneley. Then the dog disappeared from his sight. The next morning, he took clay and made a figure of Ms. Towneley, drying it by the fire that same night. Over the next week, he gradually crumbled the figure a little each day. Within two days after it was completely crumbled, Ms. Towneley died.
And hee further saith, That in Lent last one Iohn Duckworth of the Lawnde, promised this Examinate an old shirt: and within a fortnight after, this Examinate went to the said Duckworthes house, and demanded the said old shirt: but the said Duckworth denied him thereof. And going out of the said house, the said Spirit Dandy appeared vnto this Examinate, and said, Thou didst touch the said Duckworth; whereunto this Examinate answered, he did not touch him: yes (said the Spirit againe) thou didst touch him, and therfore I haue power of him: whereupon this Examinate ioyned with the said Spirit, and then wished the said Spirit to kill the said Duckworth: and within one weeke, then next after, Duckworth died.
And he further says that last Lent, one Iohn Duckworth from the Lawnde promised this witness an old shirt. Two weeks later, this witness went to Duckworth’s house and asked for the shirt, but Duckworth denied him. As this witness was leaving the house, the spirit Dandy appeared to him and said, "You touched the said Duckworth." This witness replied that he did not touch him. "Yes," said the spirit again, "you did touch him, and therefore I have power over him." After that, this witness joined with the spirit and then wished for the spirit to kill Duckworth. Within the following week, Duckworth died.
This voluntary Confession and Examination of his owne, containing in it selfe matter sufficient in Law to charge him, and to proue his offences, contained in the two seuerall Indictments, was sufficient to satisfie the Gentlemen of the Iurie of Life and Death, that he is guiltie of them, and either of them: yet my Lord Bromley commanded, for their better satisfaction, that the Witnesses present in Court against any of the Prisoners, should be examined openly, viua voce, that the Prisoner might both heare and answere to euery particular point of their Euidence; notwithstanding any of their Examinations taken before any of his Maiesties Iustices of Peace within the said Countie.
This voluntary confession and personal examination of his own contains enough legal material to charge him and prove his offenses outlined in the two separate indictments. This was sufficient to convince the gentlemen of the jury of Life and Death that he is guilty of them, or either of them. However, my Lord Bromley ordered, for their better satisfaction, that the witnesses present in court against any of the prisoners should be examined openly, viua voce, so that the prisoner could hear and respond to every specific point of their evidence, regardless of any examinations conducted before any of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace within the said county.
Herein do but obserue the wonderfull work of God; to raise vp a young Infant, the very sister of the Prisoner, Iennet Deuice, to discouer, iustifie and proue these things against him, at the time of his Arraignement and Triall, as hereafter followeth. viz.
Here, just look at the amazing work of God: to bring forth a young child, the very sister of the Prisoner, Iennet Deuice, to reveal, justify, and prove these things against him at the time of his Arraignment and Trial, as will be detailed below. viz.
The Examination and Euidence of Iennet
Device daughter of Elizabeth Device,
late wife of Iohn Device of the Forrest of Pendle,
in the Countie of Lancaster.
The Examination and Evidence of Jennet
Gadget daughters of Elizabeth Device,
the late wife of John Device from the Forest of Pendle,
in the County of Lancaster.
Against
Opposed
Iames Device, Prisoner at the Barre, vpon his Arraignement
and Triall. viz.
James Device, Prisoner at the Bar, upon his Arraignment
and Trial. viz.
BEing examined in open Court, she saith, That her brother Iames Device, the Prisoner at the Barre, hath beene a Witch for the space of three yeares: about the beginning of which time, there appeared vnto him, in this Examinates mothers house, a Black-Dogge, which Dandy.her said brother called Dandy. And further, this Examinate confesseth, & saith: That her said brother about a twelue month since, in the presence of this Examinate, and in the house aforesaid, called for the said Dandy, who thereupon appeared: asking this Examinates brother what he would haue him to doe. This Examinates brother then said, he would haue him to helpe him to kill old Mistris Towneley of the Carre: whereunto the said Dandy answered, and said, That her said brother should haue his best helpe for the doing of the same; and that her said brother, and the said Dandy, did both in this Examinates hearing, say, they would make away the said Mistris Towneley. And about a weeke after, this Examinate comming to the Carre-Hall, saw the said Mistris Towneley in the Kitchin there, nothing well: whereupon it came into this Examinates minde, that her said brother, by the help of Dandy, had brought the said Mistris Towneley into the state she then was in.
Being examined in open court, she says that her brother James Device, the prisoner at the bar, has been a witch for the past three years. Around the beginning of that time, a black dog appeared to him in this examinate's mother's house, which her brother referred to as Dandy. Furthermore, this examinate confesses and says that about a year ago, in the presence of this examinate and in the same house, her brother called for Dandy, who then appeared and asked him what he wanted. Her brother said he wanted Dandy to help him kill old Mistress Towneley of the Carre. Dandy replied that he would give her brother his best help to do that, and both her brother and Dandy said, within this examinate's hearing, that they would get rid of Mistress Towneley. About a week later, this examinate went to Carre-Hall and saw Mistress Towneley in the kitchen there, in poor condition. This led this examinate to think that her brother, with Dandy's help, had caused Mistress Towneley to be in the state she was in.
Which Examinat, although she were but very yong, yet it was wonderfull to the Court, in so great a Presence and Audience, with what modestie, gouernement, and vnderstanding, shee deliuered this Euidence against the Prisoner at the Barre, being her owne naturall brother, which he himselfe could not deny, but there acknowledged in euery particular to be iust and true.
Which Examination, although she was very young, it was remarkable to the Court, in such a large Presence and Audience, how with such modesty, control, and understanding, she presented this Evidence against the Prisoner at the Bar, who was her own natural brother, which he himself could not deny, but acknowledged in every detail to be just and true.
But behold a little further, for here this bloudy Monster did not stay his hands: for besides his wicked and diuellish Spels, practises, meetings to consult of murder and mischiefe, which (by Gods grace) hereafter shall follow in order against him; there is yet more bloud to be laid vnto his charge. For although he were but yong, and in the beginning of his Time, yet was he carefull to obserue his Instructions from Old Demdike his Grand-mother, and Elizabeth Deuice his mother, in so much that no time should passe since his first entrance into that damnable Arte and exercise of Witchcrafts, Inchantments, Charmes and Sorceries, without mischiefe or murder. Neither should any man vpon the least occasion of offence giuen vnto him, escape his hands, without some danger. For these particulars were no sooner giuen in Euidence against him, when he was againe Indicted and Arraigned for the murder of these two. viz.
But look a little further, because this bloody monster didn’t stop his actions here: besides his wicked and devilish spells, schemes, and meetings to plan murder and harm, which (with God’s grace) will be detailed later against him, there’s even more blood to be added to his charges. Although he was young and at the beginning of his time, he was careful to follow the instructions from his grandmother, Old Demdike, and his mother, Elizabeth Device, ensuring that no time passed since his initial involvement in that horrible practice of witchcraft, enchantments, charms, and sorcery without some kind of mischief or murder. No one who offended him, no matter how small the slight, would escape unharmed. These details were soon presented in evidence against him when he was once again indicted and arraigned for the murders of these two, viz.
Iames Deuice of the Forrest of Pendle aforesaid, in the Countie of Lancaster, Labourer, the third time Indicted and Arraigned for the death of Iohn Hargraues of Gould-shey-booth, in the Countie of Lancaster, by Witchcraft, as aforesaid. Contra &c.
James Device from the Forest of Pendle mentioned above, in Lancashire, Laborer, has been indicted and arraigned for the third time for the death of John Hargreaves of Goldshaw Booth, in Lancashire, by witchcraft, as previously stated. Against & c.
To this Inditement vpon his Arraignement he pleaded thereunto not guiltie: and for his Triall put himselfe vpon God and his Countrey, &c.
To this indictment at his arraignment, he pleaded not guilty; and for his trial, he put himself in the hands of God and his country, &c.
Iames Deuice of the Forrest of Pendle aforesaid, in the County of Lancaster, Labourer, the fourth time Indicted and Arraigned for the death of Blaze Hargreues of Higham, in the Countie of Lancaster, by Witchcraft, as aforesaid. Contra Pacem, &c.
James Device of the Forest of Pendle, in Lancashire, Labourer, has been indicted and arraigned for the fourth time for the death of Blaze Hargreaves of Higham, in Lancashire, due to witchcraft, as mentioned earlier. Against the Peace, & etc.
To this Indictment vpon his Arraignement, he pleaded thereunto not guiltie; and for the Triall of his life, put himselfe vpon God and the Countrey. &c.
To this indictment upon his arraignment, he pleaded not guilty; and for the trial of his life, he placed himself in the hands of God and the country. &c.
Hereupon Iennet Deuice produced, sworne and examined, as a witnesse on his Maiesties behalfe, against the said Iames Deuice, was examined in open Court, as followeth. viz.
Here, Iennet Deuice was presented, sworn in, and examined as a witness on behalf of His Majesty against the said Iames Deuice, and was questioned in open court as follows: viz.
The Examination and Euidence of Iennet
Device aforesaid.
The Examination and Evidence of Iennet
Device mentioned above.
Against
Opposed
Iames Device, her brother, Prisoner at the Barre,
vpon his Arraignement and Triall. viz.
James Device, her brother, Prisoner at the Bar,
upon his Arraignment and Trial. viz.
BEing sworne and examined in open Court, she saith, That her brother Iames Deuice hath beene a Witch for the space of three yeares: about the beginning of which time, there appeared vnto him, in this Examinates mothers house, a Blacke-Dogge, which her said brother called Dandy, which Dandy did aske her said brother what he would haue him to doe, whereunto he answered, hee would haue him to kill Iohn Hargreiues, of Gold-shey-booth: whereunto Dandy answered that he would doe it: since which time the said Iohn is dead.
Being sworn and questioned in open court, she says that her brother James Device has been a witch for about three years. Around that time, a black dog appeared in her mother's house, which her brother called Dandy. This Dandy asked her brother what he wanted him to do, and he replied that he wanted him to kill John Hargreaves of Gold-shey-booth. Dandy responded that he would do it, and since then, John has died.
And at another time this Examinate confesseth and saith, That her said brother did call the said Dandy: who thereupon appeared in the said house, asking this Examinates brother what hee would haue him to doe: whereupon this Examinates said brother said, he would haue him to kill Blaze Hargreiues of Higham: whereupon Dandy answered, hee should haue his best helpe, and so vanished away: and shee saith, that since that time the said Hargreiues is dead; but how long after, this Examinate doth not now remember.
And at another time, this witness confesses and says that her brother called the said Dandy, who then appeared in the house and asked her brother what he wanted him to do. Her brother said he wanted him to kill Blaze Hargreaves of Higham. Dandy replied that he would do his best to help and then vanished away. She says that since that time, the said Hargreaves is dead, but she doesn't remember how long after that it happened.
All which things, when he heard his sister vpon her Oath affirme, knowing them in his conscience to bee iust and true, slenderly denyed them, and thereupon insisted.
All these things, when he heard his sister affirm on her oath, knowing them to be just and true in his conscience, he denied them slightly and insisted on it.
To this Examination were diuerse witnesses examined in open Court viua voce, concerning the death of the parties, in such manner and forme, and at such time as the said Iennet Deuice in her Euidence hath formerly declared to the Court.
To this examination, several witnesses were questioned in open court viua voce about the deaths of the parties, in the same manner and at the same time that Iennet Deuice previously stated in her evidence to the court.
Which is all, and I doubt not but matter sufficient in Law to charge him with, for the death of these parties.
Which is everything, and I have no doubt that it is enough in law to hold him responsible for the deaths of these individuals.
For the proofe of his Practises, Charmes, Meetings at Malking-Tower, to consult with Witches to execute mischiefe, Master Nowel humbly prayed, his owne Examination, taken and certified, might openly be read; and the rest in order, as they remaine vpon Record amongst the Records of the Crowne at Lancaster: as hereafter followeth, viz.
For the proof of his practices, charms, meetings at Malking-Tower, to consult with witches to carry out harm, Master Nowel humbly requested that his own examination, taken and certified, be read aloud; and the rest in order, as they remain on record among the records of the Crown at Lancaster: as follows, viz.
The Examination of Iames Device,
Sonne of Elizabeth Device, of the Forrest
of Pendle: Taken the seuen and twentieth day of
Aprill aforesaid,
The Examination of James Device,
Son of Elizabeth Device, from the Forest
of Pendle: Taken on the twenty-seventh day of
April mentioned above,
Before
Before
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banester
Esquires, two of his Maiesties Iustices of Peace within
the said Countie, viz.
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banester
Esquires, two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace in
the mentioned County, viz.
ANd being examined, he further saith, That vpon Sheare-Thursday last, in the euening, he this Examinate stole a Wether from Iohn Robinson of Barley, and brought it to his Grand-mothers house, old Dembdike, and there killed it: and that vpon the day following, being Good-Friday, about twelue of the clocke in the day time, there dined in this Examinates mothers house a number of persons, whereof three were men, with this Examinate, and the rest women; and that they met there for three Causes following, as this Examinates said Mother told this Examinate.
And when questioned, he said that on Shear Thursday evening, he stole a ram from John Robinson of Barley and took it to his grandmother's house, old Dembdike, and killed it there. Then, the next day, Good Friday, around noon, several people were having dinner at his mother's house, three of whom were men, including this examinate, and the rest were women. They gathered there for three reasons, as this examinate's mother explained to him.
1 The first was, for the naming of the Spirit which Alizon Deuice, now prisoner at Lancaster, had, but did not name him, because she was not there.
1 The first issue was the naming of the Spirit that Alizon Deuice, now imprisoned in Lancaster, had, but she did not name it because she was not present.
2 The second Cause was, for the deliuerie of his said Grand-mother; this Examinates said sister Alizon; the said Anne Chattox, and her daughter Redferne; killing the Gaoler at Lancaster; and before the next Assises to blow vp the Castle there, to the end the aforesaid persons might by that meanes make an escape & get away; all which this Examinate then heard them conferre of.
2 The second reason was for the release of his grandmother; this witness mentions his sister Alizon; the said Anne Chattox, and her daughter Redferne; killing the jailer at Lancaster; and before the next session, planning to blow up the castle there, so that the aforementioned people could escape and get away; all of which this witness heard them discuss.
3 And the third Cause was, for that there was a woman dwelling in Gisborne Parish, who came into this Examinates said Grandmothers house, who there came and craued assistance of the rest of them that were then there, for the killing of Master Lister of Westby, because (as shee then said) he had borne malice vnto her, and had thought to haue put her away at the last Assises at Yorke, but could not: and this Examinate heard the said woman say, That her power was not strong ynough to doe it her selfe, being now lesse then before time it had beene.
3 The third reason was that there was a woman living in Gisborne Parish who came into this examiner's grandmother's house, seeking help from the others present for the killing of Master Lister of Westby. She claimed that he held a grudge against her and had tried to get rid of her at the last Assizes in York, but had failed. This examiner heard the woman say that her power was not strong enough to do it herself, and that it was now weaker than it had been before.
And also, that the said Iennet Preston had a Spirit with her like vnto a white Foale, with a blacke spot in the forhead.
And also, that the said Iennet Preston had a spirit with her like a white foal, with a black spot on its forehead.
And he also saith, That the names of the said Witches as were on Good-Friday at this Examinates said Grand-mothers house, & now this Examinates owne mothers, for so many of them as he did know, were these, viz. the wife of Hugh Hargreiues of Barley; the wife of Christopher Bulcock of the Mosse end, and Iohn her sonne; the mother of Myles Nutter; Elizabeth, the wife of Christopher Hargreiues, of Thurniholme; Christopher Howgate, and Elizabeth, his wife; Alice Graye of Coulne, and one Mould-heeles wife, of the same: and this Examinate, and his Mother. And this Examinate further saith, That all the said Witches went out of the said House in their owne shapes and likenesses. And they all, by that they were forth of the dores, were gotten on Horsebacke, like vnto Foales, some of one colour, some of another; and Prestons wife was the last: and when shee got on Horsebacke, they all presently vanished out of this Examinates sight. And before their said parting away, they all appointed to meete at the said Prestons wiues house that day twelue-moneths; at which time the said Prestons wife promised to make them a great Feast. And if they had occasion to meete in the meane time, then should warning be giuen, that they all should meete vpon Romleyes Moore.
And he also says that the names of the Witches who were at this Examinate's grandmother's house on Good Friday, and now at this Examinate's own mother's house, for as many as he knew, were: the wife of Hugh Hargreaves of Barley; the wife of Christopher Bulcock from the Moss end, and John, her son; the mother of Myles Nutter; Elizabeth, the wife of Christopher Hargreaves from Thurniholme; Christopher Howgate, and his wife Elizabeth; Alice Graye from Coulne, and the wife of Mouldheels, also from Coulne; and this Examinate and his mother. This Examinate further states that all the said Witches left the house in their own shapes and forms. Once they were out the door, they all mounted horses, resembling foals, some a different color than others; and Preston’s wife was the last to mount. As soon as she got on horseback, they all immediately disappeared from this Examinate's sight. Before they left, they agreed to meet at Preston’s wife’s house a year from that day, at which time she promised to prepare a great feast for them. If they needed to meet in the meantime, they would give a heads up so they could all gather at Romley’s Moor.
The Examination and Euidence of Iennet
Device.
The Examination and Evidence of Iennet
Device.
Against
Opposed
Iames Device her said Brother, Prisoner at the
Barre, vpon his Arraignement and Triall: Taken before
Roger Nowel, and Nicholas Bannester
Esquires: two of his Maiesties Iustices of Peace
within the said Countie. viz.
James Device his mentioned brother, a prisoner at the
bar, during his arraignment and trial: brought before
Roger Nowel, and Nicholas Bannester
Esquires: two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace
in the said County. viz.
SHee saith, that vpon Good-Friday last there was about twentie persons, whereof only two were men, to this Examinates remembrance, at her said Grand-mothers house, called Malking-Tower aforesaid, about twelue of the clock: all which persons this Examinates said Mother told her were Witches, and that they came to giue a name to Alizon Deuice Spirit or Familiar, Sister to this Examinate, and now Prisoner, in the Castle of Lancaster: And also this Examinate saith, that the persons aforesaid had to their Dinners, Beefe, Bacon, and rosted Mutton, which Mutton, as this Examinates said brother said, was of a Weather of Robinsons of Barley: which Weather was brought in the night before into this Examinates mothers house, by the said Iames Deuice this Examinates said brother, and in this Examinates sight killed, and eaten, as aforesaid: And shee further saith, that shee knoweth the names of sixe of the said Witches, viz. the wife of the said Hugh Hargreiues, vnder Pendle: Christopher Howget, of Pendle, Vncle to this Examinate: and Dick Miles wife, of the Rough-Lee: Christopher Iacks, of Thorny-holme, and his Wife: and the names of the residue shee this Examinate doth not know, sauing that this Examinates Mother and Brother were both there.
She says that on Good Friday last, there were about twenty people, of which only two were men, at her grandmother's house, called Malking-Tower, around twelve o'clock. Her mother told her that these people were Witches and that they gathered to give a name to Alizon Deuice's spirit or familiar, who is her sister and is now imprisoned in the Castle of Lancaster. She also mentions that the people present had for dinner beef, bacon, and roasted mutton, which, according to her brother, came from a weather sheep belonging to Robinson of Barley. This sheep was brought into her mother's house the night before by her brother, Iames Deuice, and killed and eaten in her sight. She further states that she knows the names of six of the Witches: namely, the wife of Hugh Hargreaves from Pendle; Christopher Howget of Pendle, who is her uncle; Dick Miles' wife from Rough-Lee; Christopher Iacks from Thorny-holme and his wife. She does not know the names of the others, except that her mother and brother were both there.
The Examination of Elizabeth
Device, Mother of the said Iames Device, of
the Forrest of Pendle, taken the seuen and twentieth day of
Aprill aforesaid.
The Exam of Elizabeth
Gadget, Mother of the said James Device, of
the Forest of Pendle, taken on the twenty-seventh day of
April mentioned above.
Before
Prior
Roger Nowel, and Nicholas Bannester
Esquires; as aforesaid. viz.
Roger Nowel, and Nicholas Bannester
Esquires; as mentioned above. viz.
BEing examined, the said Elizabeth saith and confesseth, that vpon Good-Friday last there dined at this Examinates house, those which she hath said to be Witches, and doth verily thinke them to bee Witches, and their names are those, whom Iames Deuice hath formerly spoken of to be there.
BEing examined, the said Elizabeth says and confesses that on Good Friday last, those whom she claims to be witches dined at her house, and she truly believes they are witches. Their names are the ones that Iames Deuice has previously mentioned being there.
And shee also confesseth in all things touching the Christning of her Spirit, and the killing of Master Lister of Westby, as the said Iames Deuice confesseth. But denieth that any talke was amongst thē the said Witches, to her now remembrance, at the said meeting together, touching the killing of the Gaoler at Lancaster; blowing vp of the Castle, thereby to deliuer old Dembdike her Mother; Alizon Deuice her Daughter, and other Prisoners, committed to the said Castle for Witchcraft.
And she also admits everything related to the baptism of her spirit and the death of Master Lister of Westby, as the said Iames Deuice claims. But she denies that there was any discussion among the so-called witches, to her current recollection, at that meeting about killing the jailer at Lancaster; blowing up the castle in order to free her mother, old Dembdike; Alizon Deuice, her daughter; and the other prisoners held in that castle for witchcraft.
After all these things opened, and deliuered in euidence against him; Master Couil, who hath the custodie of the Gaole at Lancaster, hauing taken great paines with him during the time of his imprisonment, to procure him to discouer his practizes, and such other Witches as he knew to bee dangerous: Humbly prayed the fauour of the Court that his voluntarie confession to M. Anderton, M. Sands the Major of Lancaster, M. Couel, and others, might openly bee published and declared in Court.
After all these things were revealed and presented as evidence against him, Master Couil, the jailer at Lancaster, who had worked hard with him during his imprisonment to get him to reveal his actions and other witches he knew to be dangerous, respectfully asked the Court for the favor of publicly announcing his voluntary confession to M. Anderton, M. Sands, the Mayor of Lancaster, M. Couel, and others in Court.
The voluntarie confession and declaration
of Iames Device, Prisoner in the Castle at Lancaster.
The voluntary confession and statement
of James Device, Prisoner in the Castle at Lancaster.
Before
Before
William Sands, Maior of Lancaster, Iames
Anderton, Esquire, one of his Maiesties Iustices of
Peace within the Countie of Lancaster: And Thomas
Covel, Gentleman, one of his Maiesties Coroners in the
same Countie. viz.
William Sands, Mayor of Lancaster, James Anderton, Esquire, one of His Majesty's Justices of
Peace within the County of Lancaster: And Thomas Covel, Gentleman, one of His Majesty's Coroners in the
same County. viz.
IAmes Deuice, Prisoner in the Castle at Lancaster, saith, That his said Spirit Dandie, being very earnest with him to giue him his soule, He answered, he would giue him that part thereof that was his owne to giue: and thereupon the said Spirit said, hee was aboue Christ Iesvs, and therefore hee must absolutely giue him his Soule: and that done, hee would giue him power to reuenge himselfe against any whom he disliked.
IAmes Deuice, a prisoner in the Castle at Lancaster, says that his spirit Dandie was very insistent that he give him his soul. He replied that he would only give him the part that he could give. Then the spirit claimed that he was above Christ, and demanded that he must completely surrender his soul. Once that was done, he would grant him the power to take revenge on anyone he disliked.
And he further saith, that the said Spirit did appeare vnto him after sundrie times, in the likenesse of a Dogge, and at euery time most earnestly perswaded him to giue him his Soule absolutely: who answered as before, that he would giue him his owne part and no further. And hee saith, that at the last time that the said Spirit was with him, which was the Tuesday next before his apprehension; when as hee could not preuaile with him to haue his Soule absolutely granted vnto him, as aforesaid; the said Spirit departed from him, then giuing a most fearefull crie and yell, and withall caused a great flash of fire to shew about him: which said Spirit did neuer after trouble this Examinate.
And he further says that the Spirit appeared to him several times in the form of a dog, and each time it urgently persuaded him to give up his soul completely. He responded, as before, that he would give the Spirit his own portion but nothing more. He states that during the last encounter with the Spirit, which was the Tuesday just before his arrest, the Spirit was unable to convince him to grant his soul entirely, as mentioned earlier. The Spirit then left him, letting out a terrifying scream and causing a huge flash of fire to surround him. After that, this Spirit never troubled him again.
William Sands,
James Anderton.
Tho. Couel, Coroner.
William Sands,
James Anderton.
Tho. Couel, Coroner.
The said Iennet Deuice, his Sister, in the very end of her Examination against the said Iames Deuice, confesseth and saith, that her Mother taught her two Prayers: the one to get drinke, which was this. viz.
The mentioned Iennet Deuice, his sister, at the very end of her examination against the said Iames Deuice, admits and says that her mother taught her two prayers: one for getting a drink, which was this. viz.
Crucifixus hoc signum vitam
Eternam. Amen.
Crucified, this sign brings life
Eternal. Amen.
And shee further saith, That her Brother Iames Deuice, the Prisoner at the Barre, hath confessed to her this Examinate, that he by this Prayer hath gotten drinke: and that within an houre after the saying the said Prayer, drinke hath come into the house after a very strange manner. And the other Prayer, the said Iames Deuice affirmed, would cure one bewitched, which shee recited as followeth. viz.
And she also says that her brother Iames Deuice, the prisoner at the bar, has confessed to her that he has obtained drink through this prayer. She states that within an hour of saying the prayer, drink came into the house in a very unusual way. And the other prayer that Iames Deuice claimed would cure someone who was bewitched, she recited as follows: viz.
Lord in his mass With his twelve Apostles good, What does he have in his hand? Light in leather wand: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
What does he have in his other hand?
Heaven's door key, Open, open Heaven's door keys,
Steck, steck hell door.
Let Crizum kid
Go for it, Mother dear, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
What is that over there that shines so brightly? __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
My own dear Son who is nailed to the Tree.
He is painfully hurt in both heart and hand,
And holy cow, Well, who is that guy? That Friday spell can, His child to learn; A cross of blue and another of red,
As the good Lord was to the Cross.
Gabriel laid him down to sleep On the sacred ground of weeping: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Good Lord walked by,
Are you sleeping or awake Gabriel,
No Lord, I am fixed with stick and stake,
That I can neither sleep nor wake:
Come with me, Gabriel and go.
The stick and the stake will never harm you.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Sweet Jesus our Lord, Amen.
James Device.
What can be said more of this painfull Steward, that was so carefull to prouide Mutton against this Feast and solemne meeting at Malking-Tower, of this hellish and diuellish band of Witches, (the like whereof hath not been heard of) then hath beene openly published and declared against him at the Barre, vpon his Arraignement and Triall: wherein it pleased God to raise vp Witnesses beyond expectation to conuince him; besides his owne particular Examinations, which being shewed and read vnto him; he acknowledged to be iust and true. And what I promised to set forth against him, in the beginning of his Arraignment and Triall, I doubt not but therein I haue satisfied your expectation at large, wherein I haue beene very sparing to charge him with any thing, but with sufficient matter of Record and Euidence, able to satisfie the consciences of the Gentlemen of the Iury of Life and Death; to whose good consideration I leaue him, with the perpetuall Badge and Brand of as dangerous and malicious a Witch, as euer liued in these parts of Lancashire, of his time: and spotted with as much Innocent bloud, as euer any Witch of his yeares.
What more can be said about this painful steward, who was so careful to provide mutton for this feast and solemn meeting at Malking-Tower, regarding this hellish and devilish group of witches—something unprecedented—that has been openly published and declared against him at the bar, during his arraignment and trial? It pleased God to raise up witnesses beyond expectation to convict him; in addition to his own personal examinations, which, when presented and read to him, he acknowledged were just and true. What I promised to present against him at the beginning of his arraignment and trial, I have no doubt has met your expectations thoroughly, as I have been very cautious in charging him with anything other than sufficient records and evidence that can satisfy the consciences of the gentlemen of the jury of life and death; to whose good judgment I leave him, with the everlasting mark and label of being as dangerous and malicious a witch as ever lived in these parts of Lancashire, in his time, and stained with as much innocent blood as any witch of his years.
After all these proceedings, by direction of his Lordship, were their seuerall Examinations, subscribed by euery one of them in particular, shewed vnto them at the time of their Triall, & acknowledged by thē to be true, deliuered to the gentlemen of the Iury of Life & Death, for the better satisfaction of their consciences: after due consideration of which said seuerall examinations, confessions, and voluntary declarations, as well of themselues as of their children, friends and confederates, The Gentlemen deliuered vp their Verdict against the Prisoners, as followeth. viz.
After all these proceedings, following the direction of his Lordship, their individual examinations, signed by each of them specifically, were shown to them at the time of their trial, and they acknowledged them to be true. These were presented to the gentlemen of the Jury of Life and Death for the better satisfaction of their consciences. After careful consideration of these various examinations, confessions, and voluntary declarations, both from themselves and their children, friends, and allies, the gentlemen delivered their verdict against the prisoners as follows. viz.
The Verdict of Life and Death.
WHo found Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, Elizabeth Deuice, and Iames Deuice, guiltie of the seuerall murthers by Witchcraft, contained in the Indictments against them, and euery of them.
Who found Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox, Elizabeth Deuice, and Iames Deuice, guilty of the various murders by witchcraft listed in the indictments against each of them.
The Arraignement and Triall of Iennet
Bierley Ellen Bierley, and Iane
Sovthworth of Salmesbury, in the County of
Lancaster; for Witchcraft vpon the bodie of Grace
Sowerbvts, vpon Wednesday the nineteenth of
August: At the Assises and generall Gaole-deliuery,
holden at Lancaster.
The Arraignment and Trial of Jennet
Bierley Ellen Bierley, and Jane Southworth of Salmesbury, in the County of
Lancaster; for Witchcraft against the body of Grace
Sowerbutts, on Wednesday the nineteenth of
August: At the Assizes and general Jail delivery,
held at Lancaster.
Before
Before
Sir Edward Bromley Knight, one of his Maiesties
Iustices of Assize at Lancaster: as hereafter followeth.
viz.
Sir Edward Bromley Knight, one of His Majesty's
Justices of Assize at Lancaster: as follows.
viz.
Iennet Bierley.
Ellen Bierley.
Iane Southworth.
Hus haue we for a time left the Graund Witches of the Forrest of Pendle, to the good consideration of a verie sufficient Iury of worthy Gentlemen of their Coūtrey. We are now come to the famous Witches of Salmesbury, as the Countrey called them, who by such a subtill practise and conspiracie of a Seminarie Priest,[K3b1] or, as the best in this Honorable Assembly thinke, a Iesuite, whereof this Countie of Lancaster hath good store,[K3b2] who by reason of the generall entertainement they find, and great maintenance they haue, resort hither, being farre from the Eye of Iustice, and therefore, Procul a fulmine; are now brought to the Barre, to receiue their Triall, and such a young witnesse prepared and instructed to giue Euidence against them, that it must be the Act of God that must be the means to discouer their Practises and Murthers, and by an infant: but how and in what sort Almightie God deliuered them from the stroake of Death, when the Axe was layd to the Tree, and made frustrate the practise of this bloudie Butcher, it shall appeare vnto you vpon their Arraignement and Triall, whereunto they are now come.
Now, for a while, we've left the Great Witches of the Forest of Pendle to the careful consideration of a very capable jury of respected gentlemen from their area. We're now focusing on the famous Witches of Salmesbury, as the locals call them, who have been caught up in a clever scheme and conspiracy involving a seminarian priest—or, as some of the esteemed members of this assembly believe, a Jesuit, of which this County of Lancaster has plenty. These individuals, enjoying general support and substantial backing, come here, far from the eye of justice, and thus, Procul a fulmine; they are now brought to the bar to stand trial, with a young witness prepared and trained to provide evidence against them, making it clear that it will require an act of God to uncover their schemes and murders, as it will be presented by a child. However, how and in what way Almighty God rescued them from death when the axe was laid to the tree, thwarting this bloody butcher's plans, will become evident to you during their arraignment and trial, which they have now arrived for.
Master Thomas Couel, who hath the charge of the prisoners in the Castle at Lancaster, was commaunded to bring forth the said
Master Thomas Couel, who has the responsibility for the prisoners in the Castle at Lancaster, was ordered to bring forth the said
Jennet Bierley,
Ellen Bierley,
Jane Southworth,
to the Barre to receiue their Triall.
to the Bar to receive their Trial.
Indictment.
THe said Iennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley, and Iane Southworth of Salmesbury, in the Countie of Lancaster, being indicted, for that they and euery of them felloniously had practised, exercised, and vsed diuerse deuillish and wicked Arts, called Witchcrafts, Inchauntments, Charmes, and Sorceries, in and vpon one Grace Sowerbuts: so that by meanes thereof her bodie wasted and consumed, Contra formam Statuti &c. Et Contra Pacem dicti Domini Regis Coronam & dignitatem &c.
The said Iennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley, and Iane Southworth of Salmesbury, in the County of Lancaster, were charged with the crime of having deliberately practiced and used various evil and wicked arts, known as Witchcraft, Enchantments, Charms, and Sorceries, on one Grace Sowerbuts: as a result of which her body withered and wasted away, Against the form of the Statute &c. And Against the Peace of the Lord King's Crown & dignity &c.
To this Indictment vpon their Arraignement, they pleaded Not-Guiltie; and for the Triall of their liues put themselues vpon God and their Countrey.
To this indictment at their arraignment, they pleaded not guilty; and for the trial of their lives, they placed themselves in the hands of God and their country.
Whereupon Master Sheriffe of the Countie of Lancaster, by direction of the Court, made returne of a very sufficient Iurie to passe betweene the Kings Maiestie and them, vpon their liues and deaths, with such others as follow in order.
Whereupon the Sheriff of Lancaster County, by direction of the Court, returned a very sufficient jury to pass between the King's Majesty and them, regarding their lives and deaths, along with others that follow in order.
The Prisoners being now at the Barre vpon their Triall
Grace
Sowerbutts, the daughter of Thomas Sowerbutts,
about
the age of foureteene yeares, was produced
to giue
Euidence for the Kings Maiestie against them:
who standing vp, she was commaunded
to point out the Prisoners, which
shee
did, and said as
followeth,
viz
* *
*
The prisoners are now at the bar for their trial.
Grace
Sowerbutts, the daughter of Thomas Sowerbutts, about
fourteen years old, was called to give
evidence for the King's Majesty against them:
as she stood up, she was instructed
to identify the prisoners, which
she did, and said as
follows,
viz
* *
*
The Examination and Euidence of
Grace Sowerbvtts, daughter of Thomas
Sowerbvtts, of Salmesbury, in the Countie of
Lancaster Husband-man, vpon her Oath,
The Exam and Evidence of
Grace Sowerby, daughter of Thomas
Sowerbytts, of Salmesbury, in the County of
Lancaster, farmer, upon her oath,
Against
Opposed
Iennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley, and
Iane Sovthworth, prisoners at the Barre, vpon
their Arraignement and Triall, viz.
Iennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley, and
Iane Southworth, prisoners at the Bar, upon
their Arraignment and Trial, viz.
THe said Grace Sowerbutts vpon her oath saith, That for the space of some yeares now last past shee hath beene haunted and vexed with some women, who haue vsed to come to her: which women, shee sayth, were Iennet Bierley, this Informers Grand-mother; Ellen Bierley, wife to Henry Bierley; Iane Southworth, late the wife of Iohn Southworth, and one Old Doewife, all of Salmesburie aforesaid. And shee saith, That now lately those foure women did violently draw her by the haire of the head, and layd her on the toppe of a Hay-mowe, in the said Henry Bierleyes Barne. And shee saith further, That not long after the said Iennet Bierley did meete this Examinate neere vnto the place where shee dwellleth, and first appeared in her owne likenesse, and after that in the likenesse of a blacke Dogge, and as this Examinate did goe ouer a Style, shee picked her off:[K4b] howbeit shee saith shee had no hurt then, but rose againe, and went to her Aunts in Osbaldeston, and returned backe againe to her Fathers house the same night, being fetched home by her father. And she saith, That in her way home-wards shee did then tell her Father, how shee had beene dealt withall both then and at sundry times before that; and before that time she neuer told any bodie thereof: and being examined why she did not, she sayth, she could not speake thereof, though she desired so to doe. And she further sayth, That vpon Saterday, being the fourth of this instant Aprill, shee this Examinate going towards Salmesbury bote, to meete her mother, comming from Preston, shee saw the said Iennet Bierley, who met this Examinate at a place called the Two Brigges, first in her owne shape, and afterwardes in the likenesse of a blacke Dogge, with two legges, which Dogge went close by the left side of this Examinate, till they came to a Pitte of Water, and then the said Dogge spake, and persuaded this Examinate to drowne her selfe there, saying, it was a faire and an easie death: Whereupon this Examinate thought there came one to her in a white sheete, and carried her away from the said Pitte, vpon the comming whereof the said blacke Dogge departed away; and shortly after the said white thing departed also: And after this Examinate had gone further on her way, about the length of two or three Fields, the said blacke Dogge did meete her againe, and going on her left side, as aforesaid, did carrie her into a Barne of one Hugh Walshmans,[La] neere there by, and layed her vpon the Barne-floore, and couered this Examinate with Straw on her bodie, and Haye on her head, and the Dogge it selfe lay on the toppe of the said Straw, but how long the said Dogge lay there, this Examinate cannot tell, nor how long her selfe lay there: for shee sayth, That vpon her lying downe there, as aforesaid, her Speech and Senses were taken from her: and the first time shee knew where shee was, shee was layed vpon a bedde in the said Walshmans house, which (as shee hath since beene told) was vpon the Monday at night following: and shee was also told, That shee was found and taken from the place where shee first lay, by some of her friends, and carried into the said Walshmans house, within a few houres after shee was layed in the Barne, as aforesaid. And shee further sayth, That vpon the day following, being Tuesday, neere night of the same day, shee this Examinate was fetched by her Father and Mother from the said Walshmans house to her Fathers house. And shee saith, That at the place before specified, called the Two Brigges, the said Iennet Bierley and Ellen Bierley did appeare vnto her in their owne shapes: whereupon this Examinate fell downe, and after that was not able to speake, or goe, till the Friday following: during which time, as she lay in her Fathers house, the said Iennet Bierley and Ellen Bierley did once appeare vnto her in their owne shapes, but they did nothing vnto her then, neither did shee euer see them since. And shee further sayth, That a good while before all this, this Examinate did goe with the said Iennet Bierley, her Grand-mother, and the said Ellen Bierley her Aunt, at the bidding of her said Grand-mother, to the house of one Thomas Walshman, in Salmesbury aforesaid. And comming thither in the night, when all the house-hold was a-bed, the doores being shut, the said Iennet Bierley did open them, but this Examinate knoweth not how: and beeing come into the said house, this Examinate and the said Ellen Bierley stayed there, and the said Iennet Bierley went into the Chamber where the said Walshman and his wife lay, & from thence brought a little child,[L2a1] which this Examinate thinketh was in bed with it Father and Mother: and after the said Iennet Bierley had set her downe by the fire, with the said child, shee did thrust a naile into the nauell of the said child: and afterwards did take a pen and put it in at the said place, and did suck there a good space, and afterwards laid the child in bed againe: and then the said Iennet and the said Ellen returned to their owne houses, and this Examinate with them. And shee thinketh that neither the said Thomas Walshman, nor his wife knew that the said child was taken out of the bed from them. And shee saith also, that the said child did not crie when it was hurt, as aforesaid: But shee saith, that shee thinketh that the said child did thenceforth languish, and not long after dyed. And after the death of the said child; the next night after the buriall thereof, the said Iennet Bierley & Ellen Bierley, taking this Examinate with them, went to Salmesburie Church, and there did take vp the said child, and the said Iennet did carrie it out of the Church-yard in her armes, and then did put it in her lap and carryed it home to her owne house, and hauing it there did boile some therof in a Pot, and some did broile on the coales, of both which the said Iennet & Ellen did eate, and would haue had this Examinate and one Grace Bierley, Daughter of the said Ellen, to haue eaten with them, but they refused so to doe: And afterwards the said Iennet & Ellen did seethe the bones of the said child in a pot, & with the Fat that came out of the said bones, they said they would annoint themselues,[L2a2] that thereby they might sometimes change themselues into other shapes. And after all this being done, they said they would lay the bones againe in the graue the next night following, but whether they did so or not, this Examinate knoweth not: Neither doth shee know how they got it out of the graue at the first taking of it vp. And being further sworne and examined, she deposeth & saith, that about halfe a yeare agoe, the said Iennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley, Iane Southworth, and this Examinate (who went by the appointment of the said Iennet her Grand mother) did meete at a place called Red banck, vpon the North side of the water of Ribble, euery Thursday and Sonday at night by the space of a fortnight, and at the water side there came vnto them, as they went thether, foure black things, going vpright, and yet not like men in the face: which foure did carrie the said three women and this Examinate ouer the Water, and when they came to the said Red Banck they found some thing there which they did eate. But this Examinate saith, shee neuer saw such meate; and therefore shee durst not eate thereof, although her said Grand mother did bidde her eate. And after they had eaten, the said three Women and this Examinate danced, euery one of them with one of the blacke things aforesaid, and after their dancing the said black things did pull downe the said three Women, and did abuse their bodies, as this Examinate thinketh, for shee saith, that the black thing that was with her, did abuse her bodie.
The said Grace Sowerbutts on her oath says that for the past several years, she has been tormented and troubled by some women who frequently came to her. She claims these women were Iennet Bierley, the grandmother of this Informant; Ellen Bierley, the wife of Henry Bierley; Iane Southworth, the late wife of Iohn Southworth; and an Old Doewife, all of Salmesbury. She states that recently these four women violently pulled her by her hair and laid her on top of a haystack in the barn of Henry Bierley. She further states that shortly after, the said Iennet Bierley met her near her home, first appearing in her own form, and then as a black dog. As this Examinate walked over a stile, she was lifted off the ground:[K4b] however, she says she wasn’t hurt at that time and got back up, went to her aunts in Osbaldeston, and returned to her father's house that same night, having been brought home by her father. She says that on the way home, she told her father about how she had been treated both then and at various times before, and that before that she hadn’t told anyone about it. When asked why she hadn’t, she said she couldn’t speak about it, even though she wanted to. She also states that on Saturday, the fourth of this April, while going toward Salmesbury Boat to meet her mother coming from Preston, she saw Iennet Bierley, who met her at a place called the Two Bridges, first in her own form and afterwards in the likeness of a black dog, which walked closely beside her until they reached a pit of water. Then the dog spoke and urged her to drown herself there, saying it was a fair and easy death. Upon hearing this, she thought someone in a white sheet came to her and carried her away from the pit, upon which the black dog left; and shortly after, the white figure also departed. After walking a little further, about the distance of two or three fields, the black dog met her again, and, walking on her left side as before, took her into the barn of one Hugh Walshman,[La] nearby, where it laid her on the barn floor and covered her with straw on her body and hay on her head. The dog itself lay on top of the straw, but she cannot tell how long the dog stayed there or how long she lay there. She says that when she lay down there, her speech and senses left her; and the first time she realized where she was, she was laid on a bed in Walshman’s house, which she was told was on the following Monday night. She was also told that she was found and taken from the spot where she first lay by some friends and carried into Walshman’s house within a few hours after being laid in the barn. She further states that the following day, on Tuesday, near nightfall, she was taken by her father and mother from Walshman’s house to her father's home. She says that at the previously mentioned place, called the Two Bridges, Iennet Bierley and Ellen Bierley appeared to her in their own shapes; whereupon this Examinate fell down and, after that, was unable to speak or walk until the following Friday. During this time, while she lay in her father's house, Iennet Bierley and Ellen Bierley did once appear to her in their own shapes but did nothing to her then, nor has she seen them since. She further states that a while before all this, she went with Iennet Bierley, her grandmother, and Ellen Bierley, her aunt, at the urging of her grandmother, to the house of Thomas Walshman in Salmesbury. Arriving there at night when the household was in bed, the doors shut, Iennet Bierley opened them, but this Examinate does not know how. Once inside the house, she and Ellen Bierley stayed there while Iennet Bierley went into the chamber where Walshman and his wife were sleeping, and from there brought a little child, [L2a1] which this Examinate thinks was in bed with its father and mother. After Iennet Bierley set the child by the fire with her, she thrust a nail into the child's navel, then took a pen and inserted it into the same spot, sucking there for a considerable time before laying the child back in bed. Afterward, Iennet and Ellen returned to their own homes, with this Examinate accompanying them. She believes that neither Thomas Walshman nor his wife knew the child was taken from their bed. She also says that the child did not cry when it was hurt as described; but she thinks that from then on, the child languished and not long after died. Following the death of the child, the next night after the burial, Iennet Bierley and Ellen Bierley, taking this Examinate with them, went to Salmesbury Church, where they took up the child. Iennet carried it out of the churchyard in her arms, then placed it in her lap, taking it home, where they boiled some of it in a pot and broiled some on the coals, both of which Iennet and Ellen ate and tried to get this Examinate and one Grace Bierley, daughter of Ellen, to join them, but they refused. Afterward, Iennet and Ellen boiled the child’s bones in a pot, and with the fat that came from those bones, they said they would anoint themselves,[L2a2] so that they might sometimes transform into other shapes. After all this was done, they said they would put the bones back in the grave the following night, but this Examinate does not know whether they did or not. Nor does she know how they first got it out of the grave. When further sworn and examined, she states that about six months ago, Iennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley, Iane Southworth, and this Examinate (who went at the request of Iennet, her grandmother) met at a place called Red Bank, on the north side of the Ribble River, every Thursday and Sunday night for two weeks. At the water's edge, four black figures approached them as they went there, walking upright but with faces that did not resemble men. These four carried the three women and this Examinate over the river, and when they reached Red Bank, they found something there to eat. However, this Examinate says she never saw such food and therefore didn’t dare to eat it, even when her grandmother urged her to. After they finished eating, the three women and this Examinate danced, each with one of the aforementioned black figures. Once the dancing was over, the black figures pulled down the three women and, as this Examinate believes, assaulted their bodies, since she says the black figure that was with her abused her body.
The said Examinate further saith vpon her Oth, That about ten dayes after her Examination taken at Blackborne, shee this Examinate being then come to her Fathers house againe, after shee had beene certaine dayes at her Vnckles house in Houghton: Iane Southworth widow, did meet this Examinate at her Fathers house dore and did carrie her into the loft,[L3a] and there did lay her vppon the floore, where shee was shortly found by her Father and brought downe, and laid in a bed, as afterwards shee was told: for shee saith, that from the first meeting of the said Iane Southworth, shee this Examinate had her speech and senses taken from her. But the next day shee saith, shee came somewhat to her selfe, and then the said Widow Southworth came againe to this Examinate to her bed-side, and tooke her out of bed, and said to this Examinate, that shee did her no harme the other time, in respect of that shee now would after doe to her, and thereupon put her vpon a hey-stack, standing some three or foure yards high from the earth, where shee was found after great search made, by a neighbours Wife neare dwelling, and then laid in her bedde againe, where she remained speechlesse and senselesse as before, by the space of two or three daies: And being recouered, within a weeke after shee saith, that the said Iane Southworth did come againe to this Examinate at her fathers house and did take her away, and laid her in a ditch neare to the house vpon her face, and left her there, where shee was found shortly after, and laid vpon a bedde, but had not her senses againe of a day & a night, or thereabouts. And shee further saith, That vpon Tuesday last before the taking of this her Examination, the said Iane Southworth came to this Examinates Fathers house, and finding this Examinate without the doore, tooke her and carried her into the Barne, and thrust her head amongst a companie of boords that were there standing, where shee was shortly after found and laid in a bedde, and remained in her old fit till the Thursday at night following.
The Examinate further states on her oath that about ten days after her examination at Blackborne, she returned to her father's house after spending several days at her aunt's house in Houghton. Jane Southworth, a widow, met the Examinate at her father's front door and carried her into the loft. There, she laid her on the floor, where she was soon found by her father, who brought her downstairs and laid her in bed, as she was later told. She claims that from the moment she met Jane Southworth, she lost her speech and senses. However, the next day she began to regain some awareness. Then the widow Southworth came back to her bedside, took her out of bed, and told her that she hadn't harmed her the previous time compared to what she planned to do now. After that, she placed her on a haystack about three or four yards off the ground, where she was found after a thorough search by a neighbor's wife nearby. She was then laid back in her bed, where she remained speechless and senseless for two or three days. After recovering within a week, she states that Jane Southworth returned to her father's house, took her away, and laid her face down in a ditch near the house, leaving her there. She was found shortly after and laid on a bed, but she didn't regain her senses for about a day and a night. She further states that on the Tuesday just before her examination, Jane Southworth came to her father's house and, finding her outside, carried her into the barn, pushing her head among a pile of boards that were leaning there. She was shortly found again and laid in bed, remaining in her previous state until the following Thursday night.
And being further examined touching her being at Red-bancke, shee saith, That the three women, by her before named, were carried backe againe ouer Ribble, by the same blacke things that carried them thither; and saith that at their said meeting in the Red-bancke, there did come also diuers other women, and did meete them there, some old, some yong, which this Examinate thinketh did dwell vpon the North-side of Ribble, because she saw them not come ouer the Water: but this Examinate knew none of them, neither did she see them eat or dance, or doe anything else that the rest did, sauing that they were there and looked on.
And when further questioned about her being at Red-bank, she said that the three women she mentioned before were brought back over Ribble by the same dark figures that took them there. She also mentioned that at their meeting at Red-bank, various other women showed up, some old and some young, and she believes they lived on the north side of Ribble because she didn’t see them cross the water. However, she didn’t know any of them, nor did she see them eat, dance, or do anything else the others were doing, except that they were there and watching.
These particular points of Euidence being thus vrged against the Prisoners: the father of this Grace Sowerbutts prayed that Thomas Walshman, whose childe they are charged to murther, might be examined as a witnes vpon his oath, for the Kings Maiestie, against the Prisoners at the Barre: who vpon this strange deuised accusation, deliuered by this impudent wench, were in opinion of many of that great Audience guilty of this bloudie murther, and more worthy to die then any of these Witches.
These specific points of evidence presented against the defendants led the father of Grace Sowerbutts to request that Thomas Walshman, whose child they are accused of murdering, be examined as a witness under oath for the King against the defendants on trial. Due to this bizarre accusation made by this bold girl, many in the large audience believed the defendants were guilty of this bloody murder and more deserving of death than any of these witches.
The Examination and Euidence of
Thomas Walshman, of Salmesbury, in the
Countie of Lancaster, Yeoman.
The Exam and Evidence of
Thomas Walshman, from Salmesbury, in the
County of Lancaster, Farmer.
Against
Against
Iennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley, and
Iane Sovthworth, Prisoners at the Barre, vpon
their Arraignement and Triall, as followeth. viz.
Iennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley, and
Iane Southworth, Prisoners at the Bar, upon
their Arraignment and Trial, as follows. viz.
THe said Examinate, Thomas Walshman, vpon his oath saith, That hee had a childe died about Lent was twelue-month, who had beene sicke by the space of a fortnight or three weekes, and was afterwards buried in Salmesburie Church: which childe when it died was about a yeare old; But how it came to the death of it, this Examinate knoweth not. And he further saith, that about the fifteenth of Aprill last, or thereabouts, the said Grace Sowerbutts was found in this Examinates fathers Barne, laid vnder a little hay and straw, and from thence was carried into this Examinates house, and there laid till the Monday at night following: during which time shee did not speak, but lay as if she had beene dead.
The witness, Thomas Walshman, under oath states that he had a child who passed away around Lent last year. The child had been sick for about two weeks to three weeks and was later buried in Salmesburie Church. The child was about a year old when it died; however, the witness does not know the cause of death. He further states that around the fifteenth of April last year, the said Grace Sowerbutts was found in this witness's father's barn, lying under some hay and straw. She was then carried into the witness's house and laid there until the following Monday night. During that time, she did not speak and lay there as if she were dead.
The Examination of Iohn Singleton:
Taken at Salmesbury, in the Countie of Lancaster,
the seuenth day of August: Anno Reg. Regis Iacobi
Angliæ, Franciæ, & Hiberniæ, Fidei Defensor. &c.
Decimo & Scotiæ, xlvj.
The Review of John Singleton:
Taken at Salmesbury, in the County of Lancaster,
on the seventh day of August: Year of the Reign of King James
of England, France, & Ireland, Defender of the Faith. &c.
Tenth & of Scotland, 46.
Before
Before
Robert Hovlden,[L4b1]
Esquire, one of his Maiesties
Iustices of Peace in the County of Lancaster.
Robert Hovlden,[L4b1]
Esquire, one of His Majesty's
Justices of the Peace in the County of Lancaster.
Against
Opposed
Iennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley, and
Iane Sovthworth, which hereafter followeth.
Iennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley, and
Iane Southworth, which is coming up next.
THe said Examinate vpon his oath saith, That hee hath often heard his old Master, Sir Iohn Southworth[L4b2] Knight, now deceased, say, touching the late wife of Iohn Southworth, now in the Gaole, for suspition of Witchcraft: That the said wife was as he thought an euill woman, and a Witch: and he said that he was sorry for her husband, that was his kinsman, for he thought she would kill him. And this Examinate further saith, That the said Sir Iohn Southworth in his comming or going betweene his owne house at Salmesbury, and the Towne of Preston, did for the most part forbeare to passe by the house, where the said wife dwelled, though it was his nearest and best way; and rode another way, only for feare of the said wife, as this Examinate verily thinketh.
The witness, under oath, says that he has often heard his former master, Sir John Southworth, now deceased, talk about the late wife of John Southworth, who is currently in jail on suspicion of witchcraft. He believed that she was a bad woman and a witch, and he expressed regret for her husband, who was his relative, because he thought she might harm him. The witness adds that Sir John Southworth, when traveling between his home in Samlesbury and the town of Preston, mostly avoided passing by the house where the wife lived, even though it was the shortest and easiest route, and took a different path out of fear of her, as the witness genuinely believes.
The Examination of William
Alker of Salmesbury, in the Countie of Lancaster,
Yeoman: Taken the fifteenth day of Aprill, Anno Reg.
Regis Iacobi, Angliæ, Franciæ, & Hiberniæ, Decimo
& Scotiæ, quadragesimo quinto.
The Examination of William
Alker from Salmesbury, in the County of Lancaster,
Yeoman: Taken on the fifteenth day of April, Year of Our Reign.
King James, of England, France, & Ireland, the Tenth
& Scotland, the Forty-Fifth.
Before
Before
Robert Hovlden, one of his Maiesties Iustices
of Peace in the County of Lancaster: Against Iennet
Bierley, Ellen Bierley, and Iane Bierley,
which hereafter followeth. viz.
Robert Hovlden, one of His Majesty's Justices
of the Peace in the County of Lancaster: AgainstJennet
Bierley, Ellen Bierley, and Jane Bierley,
as detailed below. viz.
THe said Examinate vpon his oath saith, That hee hath seene the said Sir Iohn Southworth shunne to meet the said wife of Iohn Southworth, now Prisoner in the Gaole, when he came neere where she was. And hath heard the said Sir Iohn Southworth say, that he liked her not, and that he doubted she would bewitch him.
The witness under oath stated that he has seen Sir John Southworth avoid meeting the wife of John Southworth, who is currently imprisoned, whenever he got near her. He also heard Sir John Southworth say that he didn't like her and that he was concerned she might cast a spell on him.
Here was likewise Thomas Sowerbutts, father of Grace Sowerbutts, examined vpon his oath, and many other witnesses to little purpose: who being examined by the Court, could depose little against them: But the finding of the wench vpon the hay in her counterfeit fits: wherfore I leaue to trouble you with the particular declaration of their Euidence against the Prisoners, In respect there was not any one witnes able to charge them with one direct matter of Witchcraft; nor proue any thing for the murther of the childe.
Here was also Thomas Sowerbutts, father of Grace Sowerbutts, testifying under oath, along with many other witnesses who didn't serve much purpose: when questioned by the Court, they could provide little evidence against them. The only thing they had was the girl found in the hay during her fake fits. Therefore, I won't burden you with the detailed account of their evidence against the accused, since there was not a single witness able to accuse them of any specific act of witchcraft or prove anything regarding the child's murder.
Herein, before we come to the particular declaration of that wicked and damnable practise of this Iesuite or Seminary, I shall commend vnto your examination and iudgement some points of her Euidence, wherein you shal see what impossibilities are in this accusatiō brought to this perfection, by the great care and paines of this officious Doctor, Master Thompson or Southworth, who commonly worketh vpon the Feminine disposition, being more Passiue then Actiue.
Here, before we get into the specific details of the evil and despicable practices of this Jesuit or Seminary, I want to bring to your attention some points of her evidence, where you'll see the impossibilities in this accusation, which has been brought to perfection through the great effort and diligence of this eager Doctor, Master Thompson or Southworth, who typically works on the feminine disposition, which is more passive than active.
The particular points of the Euidence of
Grace Sowerbutts, viz.[M1b]
The specific details of the Evidence of
Grace Sowerbutts, namely.[M1b]
Euidence.
THat for the space of some yeares she hath been haunted and vexed with some women, who haue vsed to come to her.
That for the past few years she has been troubled and bothered by some women who have come to see her.
The Iesuite forgot to instruct his Scholler how long it is since she was tormented: it seemes it is long since he read the old Badge of a Lyer, Oportet mendacem esse memorem. He knowes not how long it is since they came to church, after which time they began to practise Witchcraft. It is a likely thing the Torment and Panges of Witchcraft can be forgotten; and therefore no time can be set downe.
The Jesuit forgot to tell his student how long it's been since she was tormented: it seems like a long time since he read the old badge of a liar, Oportet mendacem esse memorem. He doesn't know how long it's been since they came to church, after which they started practicing witchcraft. It's quite possible that the torment and pangs of witchcraft can be forgotten; therefore, no specific time can be noted.
Shee saith that now lately these foure women did violently draw her by the haire of the head, and lay her on the top of a Hay-mow.
She says that recently these four women violently grabbed her by the hair and threw her on top of a haystack.
Heere they vse great violence to her, whome in another place they make choise to be of their counsell, to go with them to the house of Walshman to murther the childe. This courtesie deserues no discouery of so foule a Fact.
Heere they use great violence to her, whom in another place they choose to be of their counsel, to go with them to the house of Walshman to murder the child. This courtesy deserves no disclosure of such a foul act.
Not long after, the said Iennet Bierley did meet this Examinate neere vnto the place where she dwelled, and first appeared in her owne likenesse, and after that in the likenesse of a blacke Dogge.
Not long after, the mentioned Iennet Bierley met this Examinee near the place where she lived, first appearing in her own form, and then in the form of a black Dog.
Vno & eodem tempore, shee transformed her selfe into a Dogge. I would know by what meanes any Priest can maintaine this point of Euidence.
At the same time, she transformed herself into a dog. I want to know how any priest can support this claim.
And as shee went ouer a Style, shee picked her ouer, but had no hurt.
And as she went over a stile, she picked herself up but wasn't hurt.
This is as likely to be true as the rest, to throw a child downe from the toppe of a House, and neuer hurt her great toe.
This is just as likely to be true as throwing a child off the top of a house and not injuring her big toe.
She rose againe; had no hurt, went to her Aunt, and returned backe againe to her Fathers house, being fetched home.
She got up again, was unharmed, went to her aunt, and then returned to her father's house, having been brought home.
I pray you obserue these contrarieties, in order as they are placed, to accuse the Prisoners.
I ask you to note these contradictions in the order they are listed to accuse the prisoners.
Saterday the fourth of this instant Aprill.
Saturday, the fourth of this month, April.
Which was about the very day the Witches of the Forrest of Pendle were sent to Lancaster. Now was the time for the Seminarie to instruct, accuse, and call into question these poore women: for the wrinkles of an old wiues face is good euidence to the Iurie against a Witch.[M2a] And how often will the common people say (Her eyes are sunke in her head, God blesse vs from her.) But old Chattox had Fancie,[M2b] besides her withered face, to accuse her.
Which was about the very day the Witches of the Forest of Pendle were sent to Lancaster. Now was the time for the Seminary to instruct, accuse, and question these poor women: because the wrinkles on an old woman's face are strong evidence for the jury against a witch.[M2a] And how often do people say (Her eyes are sunken in her head, God bless us from her.) But old Chattox had Fancie,[M2b] in addition to her wrinkled face, to accuse her.
This Examinate did goe with the said Iennet Bierley her Grand-mother, and Ellen Bierley her Aunt, to the house of Walshman, in the night-time, to murther a Child in strange manner.
This Examinate went with the said Jinnett Bierley her Grandmother, and Ellen Bierley her Aunt, to the house of Walshman, at night, to kill a child in a strange way.
This of all the rest is impossible, to make her of their counsell, to doe murther, whome so cruelly and barbarously they pursue from day to day, and torment her. The Witches of the Forrest of Pendle were neuer so cruell nor barbarous.
This is by far the most impossible thing, to have her as their advisor, to commit murder, whom they so cruelly and barbarically chase day after day and torment. The Witches of Pendle Forest were never so cruel or barbaric.
And shee also saith, the Child cried not when it was hurt.
And she also says that the child didn’t cry when it got hurt.
All this time the Child was asleepe, or the Child was of an extraordinarie patience, ô inauditum facinus!
All this time the Child was asleep, or the Child had an extraordinary amount of patience, oh unheard of act!
After they had eaten, the said three women and this Examinate daunced euery one of them with one of the Blacke things: and after, the Blacke things abused the said women.
After they had eaten, the three women and this Examinate danced with the Black things: and afterward, the Black things mistreated the women.
Here is good Euidence to take away their liues. This is more proper for the Legend of Lyes, then the Euidence of a witnesse vpon Oath, before a reuerend and learned Iudge, able to conceiue this Villanie, and finde out the practise. Here is the Religious act of a Priest, but behold the euent of it.
Here is strong evidence to take away their lives. This is more suitable for the story of lies than for the testimony of a witness under oath, before a respected and knowledgeable judge, who can understand this wrongdoing and uncover the scheme. Here is the religious act of a priest, but look at the outcome of it.
She describes the foure Blacke things to goe vpright, but not like Men in the face.
She talks about the four black things that walk upright, but don't look like men in the face.
The Seminarie mistakes the face for the feete: For Chattox and all her fellow Witches agree, the Deuill is clouen-footed: but Fancie had a very good face, and was a very proper Man.
The Seminarie confuses the face with the feet: For Chattox and all her fellow witches agree, the Devil has cloven feet: but Fancie had a really good-looking face and was a very attractive man.
About tenne dayes after her Examination taken at Black-borne, then she was tormented.
About ten days after her examination taken at Black-borne, she was tortured.
Still he pursues his Proiect: for hearing his Scholler had done well, he laboured she might doe more in this nature. But notwithstanding, many things are layd to be in the times when they were Papists: yet the Priest neuer tooke paines to discouer them, nor instruct his Scholler, vntill they came to Church. Then all this was the Act of God, to raise a child to open all things, and then to difcouer his plotted Tragedie. Yet in this great discouerie, the Seminarie forgot to deuise a Spirit for them.
Still, he continues with his project. After hearing that his student had done well, he worked hard to ensure she could achieve even more. However, despite many claims about their past when they were Catholics, the priest never took the time to uncover those things or instruct his student until they arrived at church. At that point, it was all seen as the act of God, raising a child to reveal everything and then expose his planned tragedy. Yet, in this major revelation, the seminary forgot to create a spirit for them.
And for Thomas Walshman, vpon his Oath he sayth, That his Childe had beene sicke by the space of a fortnight, or three weekes, before it died. And Grace Sowerbutts saith, they tooke it out of the bedde, strucke a nayle into the Nauell, sucked bloud, layd it downe againe; and after, tooke it out of the Graue, with all the rest, as you haue heard. How these two agree, you may, vpon view of their Euidence, the better conceiue, and be able to judge.
And for Thomas Walshman, on his oath he says that his child had been sick for about two weeks, or three weeks, before it died. And Grace Sowerbutts says they took it out of the bed, drove a nail into the navel, sucked blood, laid it down again; and later, took it out of the grave, along with all the others, as you have heard. How these two agree, you can better understand and judge by looking at their evidence.
How well this proiect, to take away the liues of three innocent poore creatures by practise and villanie; to induce a young Scholler to commit periurie, to accuse her owne Grand-mother, Aunt, &c. agrees either with the Title of a Iesuite, or the dutie of a Religious Priest, who should rather professe Sinceritie and Innocencie, then practise Trecherie: But this was lawfull; for they are Heretikes accursed, to leaue the companie of Priests; to frequent Churches, heare the word of God preached, and professe Religion sincerely.
How fitting is this plan to take the lives of three innocent, poor individuals through deceit and malice; to lead a young scholar to commit perjury by accusing her own grandmother, aunt, etc. How does this align with the title of a Jesuit or the duties of a religious priest, who should value sincerity and innocence over treachery? But this was justified; for they are accursed heretics, who abandon the company of priests, attend churches, listen to the word of God being preached, and sincerely profess their faith.
But by the course of Times and Accidents, wise men obserue, that very seldome hath any mischieuous attempt beene vnder-taken without the direction or assistance of a Iesuit, or Seminarie Priest.
But over time and through various events, wise people notice that very rarely has any harmful plot been carried out without the guidance or help of a Jesuit or seminary priest.
Who did not condemne these Women vpon this euidence, and hold them guiltie of this so foule and horrible murder? But Almightie God, who in his prouidence had prouided meanes for their deliuerance, although the Priest by the help of the Deuill, had prouided false witnesses to accuse them; yet God had prepared and placed in the Seate of Iustice, an vpright Iudge to sit in Iudgement vpon their liues, who after he had heard all the euidence at large against the Prisoners for the Kings Majestie, demanded of them what answere they could make. They humbly vpon their knees with weeping teares, desired him for Gods cause to examine Grace Sowerbuts, who set her on, or by whose meanes this accusation came against them.
Who wouldn't condemn these women based on this evidence and consider them guilty of such a terrible and horrific murder? But Almighty God, who in His providence had arranged for their deliverance, even though the priest, with the devil's help, had provided false witnesses to accuse them; yet God had prepared and placed in the seat of justice an upright judge to pass judgment on their lives. After hearing all the evidence against the prisoners for the King's Majesty, he asked them what response they could give. They humbly knelt with tearful eyes, requesting him for God's sake to examine Grace Sowerbuts, to find out who had set her against them or by whose means this accusation had arisen.
Immediately the countenance of this Grace Sowerbuts changed: The witnesses being behinde, began to quarrell and accuse one an other. In the end his Lordship examined the Girle, who could not for her life make any direct answere, but strangely amazed, told him, shee was put to a Master to learne, but he told her nothing of this.
Immediately, the expression on Grace Sowerbuts' face changed: The witnesses behind her started to argue and accuse each other. In the end, his Lordship questioned the girl, who, completely stunned, couldn’t give a straight answer. She told him that she had been placed with a teacher to learn, but he hadn’t mentioned anything about this.
But here as his Lordships care and paines was great to discouer the practises of these odious Witches of the Forrest of Pendle, and other places, now vpon their triall before him: So was he desirous to discouer this damnable practise, to accuse these poore Women, and bring their liues in danger, and thereby to deliuer the innocent.
But here, as his Lordship's concern and effort were significant in uncovering the schemes of these terrible witches from the Forest of Pendle and other places, now on trial before him: he was also eager to expose this vile practice, to accuse these poor women, and put their lives at risk, thereby protecting the innocent.
And as he openly deliuered it vpon the Bench, in the hearing of this great Audience: That if a Priest or Iesuit had a hand in one end of it, there would appeare to bee knauerie, and practise in the other end of it. And that it might the better appeare to the whole World, examined Thomas Sowerbuts, what Master taught his daughter: in generall termes, he denyed all.
And as he openly presented it from the Bench, in front of this large Audience: that if a Priest or Jesuit was involved at one end, there would be trickery and manipulation at the other end. And to make it clearer for the whole World, he examined Thomas Sowerbutts about what Master taught his daughter: in general terms, he denied everything.
The Wench had nothing to say, but her Master told her nothing of this. In the end, some that were present told his Lordship the truth, and the Prisoners informed him how shee went to learne with one Thompson a Seminarie Priest, who had instructed and taught her this accusation against them, because they were once obstinate Papists, and now came to Church. Here is the discouerie of this Priest, and of his whole practise. Still this fire encreased more and more, and one witnesse accusing an other, all things were laid open at large.
The Wench had nothing to say, but her Master didn't tell her anything about it. In the end, some of those present told his Lordship the truth, and the Prisoners explained how she went to learn from one Thompson, a Seminary Priest, who had trained her to make this accusation against them because they had once been stubborn Papists and were now attending Church. Here is the discovery of this Priest and his entire scheme. The tension continued to rise, and as one witness accused another, everything was revealed in detail.
In the end his Lordship tooke away the Girle from
her Father, and
committed her to M. Leigh, a very religious
Preacher,[M4a]
and M. Chisnal, two Iustices of the Peace,
to be carefully
examined. Who tooke great paines to
examine her of
euery particular point: In the
end they came into
the Court, and there
deliuered this
Examination
as followeth.
* *
*
In the end, his Lordship took the girl away from her father and
entrusted her to Mr. Leigh, a very religious preacher,[M4a]
and Mr. Chisnal, two justices of the peace, to be thoroughly
questioned. They took considerable effort to ask her about
every detail. Eventually, they came into
the court and presented this
examination as follows.
* *
*
The Examination of Grace Sowerbvts,
of Salmesburie, in the Countie of Lancaster, Spinster:
Taken vpon Wednesday the 19. of August 1612.
Annoq; Reg. Regis, Iacobi Angliæ, Franciæ, & Hiberniæ,
Fidei Defensoris, &c. decimo & Scotiæ, xlvi.
The Examination of Grace Sowerbvts,
of Salmesburie, in the County of Lancaster, Spinster:
Taken on Wednesday, August 19, 1612.
In the year of the reign of King James of England, France, and Ireland,
Defender of the Faith, & etc., the tenth & of Scotland, xlvi.
Before
Before
William Leigh, and Edward Chisnal,
Esquires; two of his Maiesties Iustices of Peace in the same
Countie: At the Assizes and generall Gaole deliuerie, holden
at Lancaster.
Will Leigh, and Edward Chisnal,
Esquires; two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace in the same
County: At the Assizes and general Jail delivery, held
at Lancaster.
By
By
Direction of Sir Edward Bromley Knight, one
of his Maiesties Iustices of Assize at Lancaster.
Direction of Sir Edward Bromley Knight, one
of his Majesty's Justices of Assize at Lancaster.
BEing demanded whether the accusation shee laid vppon her Grand-mother, Iennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley, and Iane Southworth, of Witchcraft, viz. of the killing of the child of Thomas Walshman, with a naile in the Nauell, the boyling, eating, and oyling, thereby to transforme themselues into diuers shapes, was true; Shee doth vtterly denie the same; or that euer shee saw any such practises done by them.
Being asked whether the accusations she made against her grandmother, Iennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley, and Iane Southworth, of witchcraft, specifically killing the child of Thomas Walshman with a nail in the navel, boiling, eating, and oiling to transform themselves into various shapes, were true; she completely denies this and says she has never seen any such practices done by them.
Shee further saith, that one Master Thompson, which she taketh to be Master Christopher Southworth, to whom shee was sent to learne her prayers, did perswade, counsell, and aduise her, to deale as formerly hath beene said against her said Grand-mother, Aunt, and Southworths wife.
She further says that one Master Thompson, whom she believes to be Master Christopher Southworth, to whom she was sent to learn her prayers, did persuade, advise, and encourage her to act as previously mentioned against her grandmother, aunt, and Southworth’s wife.
And further shee confesseth and saith, that shee neuer did know, or saw any Deuils, nor any other Visions, as formerly by her hath beene alleaged and informed.
And she further admits and says that she never knew or saw any devils or any other visions, as she previously claimed and was informed.
Also shee confesseth and saith, That shee was not throwne or cast vpon the Henne-ruffe, and Hay-mow in the Barne, but that shee went vp vpon the Mow her selfe by the wall side.
Also she confesses and says that she was not thrown or thrown onto the hen roost and hay stack in the barn, but that she went up onto the stack herself by the wall.
Being further demanded whether shee euer was at
the Church, shee saith, shee was not, but promised
her after to goe to the Church,
and that very willingly.
Being further asked if she had ever been to the Church, she said she had not, but promised that she would go to the Church later, and that she would do so very willingly.
Signum + Grace Sowerbuts.
William Leigh.
Edward Chisnal.
The Examination of Iennet Bierley,
Ellen Bierley, and Iane Sovthworth,
of Salmesburie, in the Countie of Lancaster,
Taken vpon Wednesday the nineteenth of August 1612.
Annoq; Reg. Regis, Iacobi Angliæ, Franciæ, & Hiberniæ,
Fidei Defensoris, &c. decimo & Scotiæ, xlvi.
The Exam of Iennet Bierley,
Ellen Bierley, and Iane Southworth,
of Salmesburie, in the County of Lancaster,
Taken on Wednesday, August nineteenth 1612.
In the Year of the Reign, James of England, France, & Ireland,
Defender of the Faith, & etc., tenth & of Scotland, forty-six.
Before
Before
William Leigh, and Edward Chisnal,
Esquires; two of his Maiesties Iustices of Peace in the same
Countie: At the Assizes and generall Gaole deliuerie, holden
at Lancaster.
William Leigh, and Edward Chisnal,
Esquires; two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace in the same
County: At the Assizes and general Gaol delivery, held
at Lancaster.
By
By
Direction of Sir Edward Bromley Knight, one
of his Maiesties Iustices of Assize at Lancaster.
Direction of Sir Edward Bromley
IEnnet Bierley being demanded what shee knoweth, or hath heard, how Grace Sowerbuts was brought to Christopher Southworth, Priest; shee answereth, that shee was brought to M. Singletons house by her owne Mother, where the said Priest was, and that shee further heard her said Mother say, after her Daughter had been in her fit, that shee should be brought vnto her Master, meaning the said Priest.
IEnnet Bierley was asked what she knew or had heard about how Grace Sowerbuts was taken to Christopher Southworth, the Priest; she responded that she was taken to Mr. Singleton’s house by her mother, where the Priest was, and that she also heard her mother say, after her daughter had experienced her fit, that she should be brought to her Master, referring to the Priest.
And shee further saith, that shee thinketh it was by and through the Counsell of the said M. Thomson, alias Southworth, Priest, That Grace Sowerbuts her Grand-child accused her of Witchcraft, and of such practises as shee is accused of: and thinketh further, the cause why the said Thompson, alias Southworth Priest, should practise with the Wench to doe it was, for that shee went to the Church.
And she further says that she thinks it was because of the advice of the said Mr. Thomson, also known as Southworth, the Priest, that Grace Sowerbuts, her granddaughter, accused her of witchcraft and the activities she is being accused of. She thinks, furthermore, that the reason the said Thompson, also known as Southworth, the Priest, would conspire with the girl to do this was because she attended church.
Iane Southworth saith shee saw Master Thompson, alias Southworth, the Priest, a month or sixe weekes before she was committed to the Gaole; and had conference with him in a place called Barne-hey-lane, where and when shee challenged him for slandering her to bee a Witch: whereunto he answered, that what he had heard thereof, he heard from her mother and her Aunt: yet she, this Examinate, thinketh in her heart it was by his procurement, and is moued so to thinke, for that shee would not be disswaded from the Church.
Iane Southworth says she saw Master Thompson, also known as Southworth, the Priest, about a month or six weeks before she was sent to jail; and she talked to him in a place called Barne-hey-lane, where she confronted him for accusing her of being a witch. He replied that what he had heard came from her mother and her aunt. However, this Examinate believes in her heart that it was his doing, and she feels this way because she refused to be dissuaded from attending church.
Ellen Bierley saith, Shee saw Master Thompson, alias Southworth, sixe or eight weeks before she was committed, and thinketh the said Priest was the practiser with Grace Sowerbutts, to accuse her of Witchcraft, and knoweth no cause why he should so doe, but because she goeth to the Church.
Ellen Bierley says she saw Master Thompson, also known as Southworth, six or eight weeks before she was committed, and she believes that the priest worked with Grace Sowerbutts to accuse her of witchcraft. She doesn’t know why he would do that, except for the fact that she goes to church.
Signum, + Iennet Bierley.
Signum, £ Iane Southworth.
Signum, Φ Ellen Bierley.
William Leigh.
Edward Chisnall.
These Examinations being taken, they were brought into the Court, and there openly in the presence of this great Audience published, and declared to the Iurie of Life and Death; and thereupon the Gentlemen of their Iury required to consider of them. For although they stood vpon their Triall, for matter of Fact of Witchcraft, Murther, and much more of the like nature: yet in respect all their Accusations did appeare to bee practise: they were now to consider of them, and to acquit them. Thus were these poore Innocent creatures, by the great care and paines of this honorable Iudge, deliuered from the danger of this conspiracie; this bloudie practise of the Priest laid open: of whose fact I may lawfully say; Etiam si ego tacuero clamabunt lapides.
Once the examinations were completed, they were brought into the court, where they were publicly presented in front of this large audience and declared to the jury responsible for life and death. The gentlemen of the jury then needed to deliberate on the evidence. Although they were on trial for witchcraft, murder, and other serious charges, since all the accusations appeared to be fabricated, they were now tasked with considering the case and ultimately clearing them. Thanks to the diligent efforts of this honorable judge, these innocent individuals were saved from the dangers of this conspiracy; this bloody scheme of the priest was exposed. Of whom I can rightfully say; Even if I remain silent, the stones will cry out.
These are but ordinary with Priests and Iesuites: no respect of Bloud, kindred, or friendship, can moue them to forbeare their Conspiracies: for when he had laboured treacherously to seduce and conuert them, and yet could doe no good; then deuised he this meanes.
These are just typical behavior for priests and Jesuits: no regard for blood, family, or friendship can stop them from their conspiracies. Because when he had worked deceitfully to lure and convert them, and still couldn’t succeed, he then came up with this plan.
God of his great mercie deliuer vs all from them and their damnable conspiracies: and when any of his Maiesties subiects, so free and innocent as these, shall come in question, grant them as honorable a Triall, as Reuerend and worthy a Iudge to sit in Iudgement vpon them; and in the end as speedie a deliuerance. And for that which I haue heard of them; seene with my eyes, and taken paines to Reade of them: My humble prayer shall be to God Almightie. Vt Conuertantur ne pereant. Aut confundantur ne noceant.
God, in His great mercy, deliver us all from them and their wicked conspiracies. And when any of His Majesty's subjects, as free and innocent as these, come into question, grant them a trial as honorable as the revered and worthy judge who sits in judgment over them; and in the end, as swift a resolution. As for what I have heard about them, seen with my own eyes, and taken the effort to read about: my humble prayer will be to God Almighty. Vt Conuertantur ne pereant. Aut confundantur ne noceant.
To conclude, because the discourse of these three
women of Salmesbury
hath beene long and troublesome
to you; it is heere placed amongst
the Witches,
by special order and commandement, to set forth to
the
World the practise and conspiracie of this bloudy Butcher.
And because I haue presented to your view a Kalender in
the Frontispice of this Booke, of twentie
notorious
Witches: I shall shew you their
deliuerance in
order, as they came to
their Arraignement
and Triall euery
day, and as the
Gentlemen of euery Iury for
life and death stood
charged with
them.
To wrap up, since the stories of these three women from Salmesbury
have taken up a lot of your time and attention; they are here included among
the Witches, as per special order and command, to reveal to
the World the actions and conspiracy of this bloody Butcher.
And because I have presented a Calendar in
the Frontispiece of this Book of twenty
notorious
Witches: I will show you their
deliverance in
order, as they appeared for
their Arraignment
and Trial each
day, and as the
Gentlemen of each Jury for
life and death were
tasked with
them.
THE ARRAIGNMENT
and Triall of Anne Redferne,[N3b]
Daughter of Anne Whittle, alias Chattox,
of the Forrest of Pendle, in the Countie of Lancaster, for
Witchcraft; vpon Wednesday the nineteenth of August,
at the Assises and Generall Gaole-deliuerie, holden at
Lancaster,
The Arraignment
and Trial of Anne Redferne,[N3b]
Daughter of Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox,
from the Forest of Pendle, in Lancashire, for
Witchcraft; on Wednesday, August nineteenth,
at the Assizes and General Gaol-delivery, held at
Lancaster,
Before
Prior
Sir Edward Bromley Knight, one of his Maiesties
Iustices of Assise at Lancaster.
Sir Edward Bromley Knight, one of His Majesty's
Justices of Assize at Lancaster.
Anne Redferne.
Vch is the horror of Murther, and the crying sinne of Bloud, that it will neuer bee satisfied but with Bloud. So fell it out with this miserable creature, Anne Redferne, the daughter of Anne Whittle, alias Chattox: who, as shee was her Mother, and brought her into the World, so was she the meanes to bring her into this danger, and in the end to her Execution, for much Bloud spilt, and many other mischiefes done.
Vch is the horror of murder, and the crying sin of blood, that it will never be satisfied except with blood. So it happened with this wretched person, Anne Redferne, the daughter of Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox: who, just like her mother, brought her into the world, but also led her into this danger, ultimately resulting in her execution, due to the much blood spilled and many other crimes committed.
For vpon Tuesday night (although you heare little of her at the Arraignement and Triall of old Chattox, her Mother) yet was shee arraigned for the murther of Robert Nutter, and others: and by the fauour and mercifull consideration of the Iurie, the Euidence being not very pregnant against her, she was acquited, and found Not guiltie.
For on Tuesday night (even though you hear little of her during the trial of old Chattox, her mother) she was charged with the murder of Robert Nutter and others. Thanks to the kindness and mercy of the jury, and since the evidence against her was not very strong, she was acquitted and found not guilty.
Such was her condition and course of life, as had she liued, she would haue beene very dangerous: for in making pictures of Clay, she was more cunning then any: But the innocent bloud yet vnsatisfied, and crying out vnto God for satisfaction and reuenge; the crie of his people (to deliuer them from the danger of such horrible and bloudie executioners, and from her wicked and damnable practises) hath now againe brought her to a second Triall, where you shall heare what wee haue vpon Record against her.
Such was her situation and way of life that, had she lived, she would have been quite dangerous. She was more skilled than anyone else at making clay figures. However, the innocent blood that remained unavenged kept crying out to God for justice and revenge; the cries of His people (to save them from the threat of such horrific and bloody executioners, and from her evil and wicked practices) have now brought her back to a second trial, where you will hear what we have on record against her.
This Anne Redferne, prisoner in the Castle at Lancaster, being brought to the Barre, before the great Seat of Iustice, was there, according to the former order and course, indicted and arraigned, for that she felloniously had practised, exercised, and vsed her deuillish and wicked Arts, called Witchcrafts, Inchauntments, Charmes, and Sorceries, in and vpon one Christopher Nutter, and him the said Christopher Nutter, by force of the same Witchcrafts, felloniously did kill and murther, Contra formam Statuti &c. Et Contra Pacem &c.
This Anne Redferne, a prisoner in the Castle at Lancaster, was brought to the bar before the great seat of justice. There, following the usual procedure, she was formally charged and arraigned for having maliciously practiced, exercised, and engaged in her devilish and wicked arts, known as Witchcrafts, Inchauntments, Charmes, and Sorceries, against one Christopher Nutter, and by the use of those same witchcrafts, committed murder against the said Christopher Nutter, Contra formam Statuti & c. Et Contra Pacem & c.
Vpon her Arraignement to this Indictment, she pleaded Not-Guiltie; and for the triall of her life put her selfe vpon God and the Countrey.
Upon her arraignment for this indictment, she pleaded Not Guilty; and for the trial of her life, she put her trust in God and the country.
So as now the Gentlemen of the Iurie of Life and Death stand charged with her as with others.
So now the Gentlemen of the Jury of Life and Death are holding her accountable, just like they are with others.
The Euidence against Anne Redferne, Prisoner at the Barre.
The Evidence against Anne Redferne, Prisoner at the Bar.
The Examination of Elizabeth
Sothernes, alias Old Dembdike, taken at the
Fence, in the Forrest of Pendle, in the Countie of Lancaster,
the second day of Aprill, Anno Reg. Regis Iacobi,
Angliæ, &c. decimo, & Scotiæ xlv.
The Review of Elizabeth
Sothernes, also known as Old Dembdike, taken at the
Fence, in the Forest of Pendle, in the County of Lancaster,
on April 2nd, in the tenth year of King James,
of England, etc., and the forty-fifth year of Scotland.
Against
Opposed
Anne Redferne (the daughter of Anne Whittle,
alias Chattox) Prisoner at the Barre:
Anne Redferne (the daughter of Anne Whittle,
also known as Chattox) Prisoner at the Barre:
Before
Before
Roger Nowel of Reade, Esquire, one of his Maiesties
Iustices of Peace within the said Countie.
Roger Nowel of Reade, Esquire, one of His Majesty's
Justices of Peace in the said County.
THis Examinate saith, That about halfe a yeare before Robert Nutter died, as this Examinate thinketh, this Examinate went to the house of Thomas Redferne, which was about Midsummer, as shee this Examinate now remembreth it: and there, within three yards of the East end of the said house, shee saw the said Anne Whittle and Anne Redferne, wife of the said Thomas Redferne, and daughter of the said Anne Whittle, the one on the one side of a Ditch, and the other on the other side, and two pictures of Clay or Marle lying by them, and the third picture the said Anne Whittle was making. And the said Anne Redferne, her said daughter, wrought her Clay or Marle to make the third picture withall. And this Examinate passing by them, a Spirit, called Tibbe, in the shape of a blacke Cat, appeared vnto her this Examinate and said, Turne backe againe, and doe as they doe. To whom this Examinate said, What are they doing? Whereunto the said Spirit said, They are making three pictures: whereupon shee asked, whose pictures they were? whereunto the said Spirit said, They are the pictures of Christopher Nutter, Robert Nutter, and Mary, wife of the said Robert Nutter. But this Examinate denying to goe backe to helpe them to make the pictures aforesaid, the said Spirit seeming to be angrie therefore, shot or pushed this Examinate into the Ditch; and so shedde the milke which this Examinate had in a Kanne, or Kitt; and so thereupon the Spirit at that time vanished out of this Examinates sight. But presently after that, the said Spirit appeared vnto this Examinate again in the shape of a Hare, and so went with her about a quarter of a myle, but said nothing vnto her this Examinate, nor shee to it.
This witness says that about six months before Robert Nutter died, as this witness remembers, she went to Thomas Redferne's house around Midsummer. There, within three yards of the east end of the house, she saw Anne Whittle and Anne Redferne, the wife of Thomas Redferne and daughter of Anne Whittle, one on one side of a ditch and the other on the opposite side, with two clay or marl figures lying by them, while Anne Whittle was making the third figure. Anne Redferne, her daughter, was working on her clay or marl to make the third figure too. As this witness passed by them, a spirit named Tibbe, in the form of a black cat, appeared to her and said, "Turn back and do what they’re doing." This witness asked, "What are they doing?" The spirit replied, "They are making three figures." She then inquired whose figures they were, and the spirit said, "They are the figures of Christopher Nutter, Robert Nutter, and Mary, wife of Robert Nutter." But when this witness refused to go back and help them make the figures, the spirit, seeming angry, pushed her into the ditch, spilling the milk she had in a can. After that, the spirit vanished from her sight. Soon afterward, the spirit appeared to her again in the form of a hare and followed her for about a quarter of a mile but said nothing to her, nor did she speak to it.
The Examination of Margaret
Crooke
The Examination of Margaret
Crooke
Against
Opposed
the said Anne Redferne: Taken the day and
yeare aforesaid,
The aforementioned Anne Redferne: Taken on the day and
year mentioned above,
Before
Earlier
Roger Nowel aforesaid, Esquire, one of his Maiesties
Iustices of the Peace in the Countie of Lancaster.
Roger Nowel aforementioned, Esquire, one of his Majesty's
Justices of the Peace in the County of Lancaster.
THis Examinate, sworne & examined vpon her oath, sayth, That about eighteene or nineteene yeares agoe, this Examinates brother, called Robert Nutter, about Whitsontide the same yeare, meeting with the said Anne Redferne, vpon some speeches betweene them they fell out, as this Examinats said brother told this Examinat: and within some weeke, or fort-night, then next after, this Examinats said brother fell sicke, and so languished vntill about Candlemas then next after, and then died. In which time of his sicknesse, he did a hundred times at the least say, That the said Anne Redferne and her associates had bewitched him to death. And this Examinate further saith, That this Examinates Father, called Christopher Nutter, about Maudlintide next after following fell sicke, and so languished, vntill Michaelmas then next after, and then died: during which time of his sicknesse, hee did sundry times say, That hee was bewitched; but named no bodie that should doe the same.
This witness, sworn and examined under oath, says that about eighteen or nineteen years ago, this witness's brother, named Robert Nutter, around Whitsun that same year, met with Anne Redferne. After some conversation, they had a disagreement, as this witness's brother told this witness. Within a week or two after that, this witness's brother got sick and suffered until Lent the following year, when he died. During his illness, he repeatedly said that Anne Redferne and her associates had bewitched him to death. This witness also says that this witness's father, named Christopher Nutter, got sick around the following Easter and suffered until Michaelmas the next year, when he died. During this time of illness, he several times claimed that he was bewitched, but he didn't name anyone specific as the cause.
The Examination of Iohn Nvtter,
of Higham Booth, in the Forrest of Pendle, in the
Countie of Lancaster, yeoman,
The Evaluation of John Nutter,
from Higham Booth, in the Forest of Pendle, in the
County of Lancaster, farmer,
Against
Opposed
the said Anne Redferne: Taken the day and yeare
aforesaid,
the mentioned Anne Redferne: Taken on the date and year
previously stated,
Before
Prior
Roger Nowel Esquire, one of his Maiesties Iustices
of Peace in the Countie of Lancaster.
Roger Nowel Esquire, one of His Majesty's Justices
of the Peace in the County of Lancaster.
THis Examinate, sworne and examined vpon his oath, sayth, That in or about Christmas, some eighteene or nineteene yeares agoe, this Examinat comming from Burnley with Christopher Nutter and Robert Nutter, this Examinates Father and Brother, this Examinate heard his said Brother then say vnto his said Father these words, or to this effect. Father, I am sure I am bewitched by the Chattox, Anne Chattox, and Anne Redferne her daughter, I pray you cause them to bee layed in Lancaster Castle: Whereunto this Examinates Father answered, Thou art a foolish Ladde, it is not so, it is thy miscarriage. Then this Examinates Brother weeping, said; nay, I am sure that I am bewitched by them, and if euer I come againe (for hee was readie to goe to Sir Richard Shuttleworths, then his Master) I will procure them to bee laid where they shall be glad to bite Lice in two with their teeth.
This Examinate, sworn and examined under oath, says that around Christmas, about eighteen or nineteen years ago, this Examinate was coming from Burnley with Christopher Nutter and Robert Nutter, his father and brother. This Examinate heard his brother say to their father these words, or something similar: Father, I’m sure I’m bewitched by the Chattox, Anne Chattox, and Anne Redferne her daughter. Please make sure they are locked up in Lancaster Castle: To which this Examinate's father replied, "You’re a foolish lad, it’s not true, it’s your own doing." Then this Examinate's brother, crying, said, "No, I’m sure I’m bewitched by them, and if I ever come back (because he was about to go to Sir Richard Shuttleworth’s, his master), I will make sure they are put where they will be happy to bite lice in half with their teeth."
Hereupon Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, her Mother, was brought forth to bee examined, who confessed the making of the pictures of Clay, and in the end cried out very heartily to God to forgiue her sinnes, and vpon her knees intreated for this Redferne, her daughter.
Here, Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox, was brought forward along with her mother to be examined. She admitted to making the clay figures and, in the end, sincerely cried out to God to forgive her sins, pleading on her knees for her daughter, Redferne.
Here was likewise many witnesses examined vpon oth Viua voce, who charged her with many strange practises, and declared the death of the parties, all in such sort, and about the time in the Examinations formerly mentioned.
Here were also many witnesses examined under oath Viua voce, who accused her of various strange practices and reported the deaths of the parties, all in such a way and around the time mentioned in the earlier examinations.
All men that knew her affirmed, shee was more dangerous then her Mother, for shee made all or most of the Pictures of Clay, that were made or found at any time.
All the men who knew her said she was more dangerous than her mother, because she created most of the clay figures that were ever made or discovered.
Wherefore I leaue her to make good vse of the little
time she hath to repent in: but no meanes
could moue her to repentance, for
as shee liued, so shee
dyed.
Wherefore I leave her to make good use of the little
time she has to repent in: but no means
could move her to repentance, for
just as she lived, so she
died.
The Examination of Iames Device,
taken the day and yeare afore-said.
The Review of Iames Device,
taken on the date and year mentioned above.
Before
Before
Roger Nowel, and Nicholas Bannester,
Esquires: two of his Maiesties Iustices of Peace
within the said Countie of Lancaster. viz.
Roger Nowel, and Nicholas Bannester,
Esquires: two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace
in the County of Lancaster. viz.
THe said Examinate vpon his oath saith, That about two yeares agoe, hee this Examinate saw three Pictures of Clay, of halfe a yard long, at the end of Redfernes house, which Redferne had one of the Pictures in his hand, Marie his daughter had another in her hand, and the said Redfernes wife, Anne Redferne the Witch.now prisoner at Lancaster, had an other Picture in her hand, which Picture she the said Redfernes wife, was then crumbling, but whose Pictures they were, this Examinate cannot tell. And at his returning backe againe, some ten Roods off them there appeared vnto him this Examinate a thing like a Hare, which spit fire at him this Examinate.
The witness, under oath, states that about two years ago, he saw three clay figures, each about half a yard long, at the end of Redferne's house. Redferne was holding one of the figures, his daughter Marie had another, and Redferne's wife, Anne Redferne the Witch. who is now a prisoner at Lancaster, had the third figure, which she was crumbling. However, the witness cannot identify whose figures they were. On his way back, about ten rods away from them, he saw something that looked like a hare, which spat fire at him.
THE ARRAIGNMENT
and Triall of Alice Nutter,
of the Forrest of Pendle, in the Countie of Lancaster, for
Witch-craft; upon Wednesday the nineteenth of August,
at the Assizes and generall Gaole deliuerie, holden at
Lancaster.
THE ARRAIGNMENT
and Trial of Alice Nutter,
from the Forest of Pendle, in Lancashire, for
Witchcraft; on Wednesday, August nineteenth,
at the Assizes and general Jail delivery held at
Lancaster.
Before
Before
Sir Edward Bromley Knight, one of his
Maiesties Iustices of Assize at Lancaster.
Sir Edward Bromley Knight, one of his
Majesty's Justices of Assize at Lancaster.
Alice Nutter.[O3a]
He two degrees of persons which chiefly practise Witch-craft, are such, as are in great miserie and pouertie, for such the Deuill allures to follow him, by promising great riches, and worldly commoditie; Others, though rich, yet burne in a desperate desire of Reuenge; Hee allures them by promises, to get their turne satisfied to their hearts contentment, as in the whole proceedings against old Chattox: the examinations of old Dembdike; and her children, there was not one of them, but have declared the like, when the Deuill first assaulted them.
The two types of people who mainly practice witchcraft are those who are in great misery and poverty; the Devil tempts them to follow him by promising them wealth and worldly benefits. Others, even if they are wealthy, are consumed by a desperate desire for revenge. He entices them with promises to fulfill their desires completely, as seen in the cases against old Chattox and the examinations of old Dembdike and her children. Every single one of them has shared a similar story about how the Devil first approached them.
But to attempt this woman in that sort, the Diuel had small meanes: For it is certaine she was a rich woman; had a great estate, and children of good hope: in the common opinion of the world, of good temper, free from enuy or malice; yet whether by the meanes of the rest of the Witches, or some vnfortunate occasion, shee was drawne to fall to this wicked course of life, I know not: but hither shee is now come to receiue her Triall, both for Murder, and many other vilde and damnable practises.
But trying to tempt this woman was tricky for the Devil. She was definitely wealthy, had a large estate, and promising children. Everyone believed she had a good nature, without jealousy or ill will. However, I'm not sure if it was through the influence of other witches or some unfortunate event that she chose this wicked path. But here she is now, facing trial for murder and many other vile and terrible acts.
Great was the care and paines of his Lordship, to make triall of the Innocencie of this woman, as shall appeare vnto you vpon the Examination of Iennet Deuice, in open Court, at the time of her Arraignement and Triall; by an extraordinary meanes of Triall, to marke her out from the rest.
Great was the effort and concern of his Lordship to test the innocence of this woman, as you will see during the examination of Iennet Deuice in open court at the time of her arraignment and trial; by an extraordinary method of testing, to distinguish her from the others.
It is very certaine she was of the Grand-counsell at Malking-Tower vpon Good-Friday, and was there present, which was a very great argument to condemne her.
It is very certain she was at the Grand Council at Malking Tower on Good Friday and was present there, which was a strong reason to condemn her.
This Alice Nutter, Prisoner in the Castle at Lancaster: Being brought to the Barre before the Great Seat of Iustice; was there according to the former order and course Indicted and Arraigned, for that she felloniously had practised, exercised, and vsed her diuellish and wicked Arts, called Witchcrafts, Inchantments, Charmes and Sorceries, in and vpon Henry Mitton: and him the said Henry Mitton, by force of the same Witchcrafts, felloniously did kill and murther. Contra formam Statuti, &c. Et Contra Pacem, &c.
This Alice Nutter, Prisoner in the Castle at Lancaster: Being brought to the bar before the Great Seat of Justice; was there, as per the previous order and procedure, indicted and arraigned for having feloniously practiced, exercised, and used her devilish and wicked arts, called Witchcrafts, Enchantments, Charms, and Sorceries, on Henry Mitton: and that she unlawfully killed and murdered the said Henry Mitton by means of those same witchcrafts. Contra formam Statuti, & c. Et Contra Pacem, & c.
Vpon her Arraignement, to this Indictment shee pleaded not guiltie; and for the triall of her life, put her selfe vpon God and the Countrey.
Upon her trial, she pleaded not guilty to this indictment; and for the trial of her life, she placed her faith in God and the country.
So as now the Gentlemen of the Iury of life and death stand charged with her, as with others.
So now the members of the jury for life and death are charged with her, just like they are with others.
The Euidence against Alice Nutter Prisoner
at the Barre.
The Evidence against Alice Nutter Prisoner
at the Bar.
The Examination of Iames Device
sonne of Elizabeth Device: Taken the seuen
and twentieth day of Aprill: Anno Reg. Regis Iacobi
Angliæ, Franciæ, & Hiberniæ, Fidei Defensor. &c.
Decimo & Scotiæ, xlvj.
The Exam of James Device
son of Elizabeth Device: Taken on the twenty-seventh day of April: Year of the Reign of King James
of England, France, & Ireland, Defender of the Faith. &c.
Tenth & of Scotland, 46.
Before
Prior
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banester, two of his Maiesties Iustices of Peace in the Countie of Lancaster. Against Alice Nutter.
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banester, two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace in Lancashire. Against Alice Nutter.
THe said Examinate saith vpon his oath, That hee heard his Grand-mother say, about a yeare ago, that his mother, called Elizabeth Deuice, and his Grand-mother, and the wife of Richard Nutter, Alice Nutter the Prisoner.of the Rough-Lee aforesaid, had killed one Henry Mitton, of the Rough-Lee aforesaid, by Witchcraft. The reason wherefore he was so killed, was for that this Examinats said Grand-mother had asked the said Mitton a penny: and hee denying her thereof; thereupon shee procured his death as aforesaid.
The witness stated under oath that he heard his grandmother say about a year ago that his mother, Elizabeth Deuice, his grandmother, and the wife of Richard Nutter, Alice Nutter the Inmate. from Rough-Lee, had killed Henry Mitton, also of Rough-Lee, through witchcraft. The reason for his death was that this witness's grandmother had asked Mitton for a penny, and when he refused, she caused his death as described.
The Examination of Elizabeth
Device, mother of the said Iames Device.
The Assessment of Elizabeth
Gadget, mother of the said James Device.
Against
Opposed
Alice Nvtter, wife of Richard Nvtter,
Prisoner at the Barre, vpon her Arraignement and
Triall.
Alice Nvtter, wife of Richard Nvtter,
Prisoner at the Bar, upon her Arraignment and
Trial.
Before
Before
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banester,
Esquires, the day and yeare aforesaid.
Roger Nowel and Nick Banester,
Esquires, on the date mentioned earlier.
THis Examinate vpon her oath confesseth, and saith, That she, with the wife of Richard Nutter, called Alice Nutter, Prisoner at the Barre; and this Examinates said mother, Elizabeth Sotherne, alias Old Demdike; ioyned altogether, and bewitched the said Henry Mitton to death.
This witness, under oath, confesses and states that she, along with the wife of Richard Nutter, known as Alice Nutter, who is a prisoner at the bar, and this witness's mother, Elizabeth Sotherne, also called Old Demdike, came together and cursed the said Henry Mitton to death.
This Examinate further saith, That vpon Good-friday last, there dined at this examinats house two women of Burneley Parish, whose names the said Richard Nutters wife, Alice Nutter, now Prisoner at the Barre, doth know.
This witness further says that on Good Friday last, two women from Burnley Parish had dinner at this witness's house, whose names the said Richard Nutter's wife, Alice Nutter, now a prisoner at the bar, knows.
The Examination of Iames Device
aforesaid.
The Examination of James Device
aforementioned.
Against
Opposed
The said Alice Nvtter, the daye and yeare aforesaid.
The mentioned Alice Nvtter, on the day and year stated above.
THE said Examinate vpon his oath saith, That vpon Good-Friday about twelue of the clocke in the day time, there dined in this Examinats said mothers house, a number of persons, whereof three were men, with this Examinate, and the rest women: and that they mette there for these three causes following, as this Examinats said mother told this Examinate.
THE said person testifying under oath states that on Good Friday around noon, a group of people dined at this person's mother's house, which included three men along with this person and the rest were women. They gathered for the following three reasons, as this person's mother explained to them.
The first was for the naming of the Spirit, which Alizon Deuice, now Prisoner at Lancaster, had, but did not name him, because she was not there.
The first was for the naming of the Spirit, which Alizon Deuice, now a prisoner at Lancaster, had but did not name, because she wasn't there.
The second cause was, for the deliuerie of his said Grand-mother; this Examinates said sister, Alizon; the said Anne Chattox, and her daughter Redferne; killing the Gaoler at Lancaster, and before the next Assizes to blow vp the Castle there; to the end that the foresaid Prisoners might by that meanes make an escape, and get away: all which this Examinate then heard them conferre of.
The second reason was to help his grandmother. This witness mentioned her sister, Alizon; the mentioned Anne Chattox, and her daughter Redferne; killing the jailer at Lancaster, and before the next Assizes to blow up the castle there; so that the aforementioned prisoners could escape and get away: all of which this witness heard them discuss.
And he also saith, The names of such Witches as were on Good-Friday at this Examinats said Grand-mothers house, and now this Examinates owne mothers, for so many of them as he doth know, were amongst others, Alice Nutter, mother of Myles Nutter, now Prisoner at the Barre. And this Examinate further saith, That all the said Witches went out of the said house in their owne shapes and likenesses; and they all, by that time they were forth of the doores, were gotten on horse-backe, like vnto Foales, some of one colour, and some of another; and Prestons wife was the last: and when shee got on horse-back, they all presently vanished out of this Examinates sight: and before their said parting away, they all appointed to meete at the said Prestons wifes house that day twelue month, at which time the said Prestons wife promised to make them a great feast: and if they had occasion to meete in the meane time, then should warning be giuen to meet upō Romleys Moore.
And he also says that the names of the Witches who were at this Examiner's grandmother's house on Good Friday, as well as at this Examiner's mother's house, for as many as he knows, were among others, Alice Nutter, mother of Myles Nutter, who is currently a prisoner at the bar. This Examiner further states that all the said Witches left the house in their own shapes and forms; and by the time they were out the doors, they had gotten on horseback, like foals, some of one color and some of another; and Preston's wife was the last: and when she got on horseback, they all immediately vanished from this Examiner's sight: and before they left, they all agreed to meet at Preston's wife's house that day a year later, at which time Preston's wife promised to host a big feast: and if they needed to meet in the meantime, they would be notified to meet on Romley's Moor.
The Examination and Euidence of
Iennet Device, daughter of Elizabeth
Device.
Examination and Evidence of
Jennet Device, daughter of Elizabeth
Gadget.
Against
Against
Alice Nvtter, Prisoner at the Barre.
Alice Nvtter, Prisoner at the Bar.
THe said Examinate saith, That on Good-Friday last, there was about 20. persons, whereof only two were men (to this Examinates remembrance) at her said Grand-mothers house at Malking-Tower, about twelue of the clock; all which persons, this Examinats said mother tould her, were Witches. And she further saith, she knoweth the names of six of them, viz. the wife of Hugh Hargreiues vnder Pendle, Christopher Howgate of Pendle, Vncle to this Examinat and Elizabeth his wife; and Dick Myles wife of the Rough-Lee, Christopher Iacks of Thorniholme, and his wife; and the names of the residue, she this Examinate doth not know.
The witness stated that on Good Friday last, there were about 20 people present, of which only two were men (to this witness’s recollection) at her grandmother's house in Malking-Tower, around twelve o'clock. This witness claims that her mother told her all these people were witches. She further states that she knows the names of six of them: the wife of Hugh Hargreaves from Pendle, Christopher Howgate of Pendle, who is the uncle of this witness, along with his wife Elizabeth; also Dick Myles’s wife from Rough-Lee, Christopher Iacks from Thorniholme, and his wife. As for the names of the others, this witness does not know them.
AFter these Examinations were openly read, his Lordship being very suspitious of the accusation of this yong wench Iennet Deuice, commanded one to take her away into the vpper Hall, intending in the meane time to make Triall of her Euidence, and the Accusation especially against this woman, who is charged to haue beene at Malking-Tower, at this great meeting. Master Couel was commanded to set all his prisoners by themselues, and betwixt euery Witch another Prisoner, and some other strange women amongst them, so as no man could iudge the one from the other: and these being set in order before the Court from the prisoners, then was the Wench Iennet Deuice commaunded to be brought into the Court: and being set before my Lord, he tooke great paines to examine her of euery particular Point, What women were at Malking-Tower vpon Good-Friday? How she knew them? What were the names of any of them? And how she knew them to be such as she named?
After these examinations were read aloud, his Lordship, feeling very suspicious of the accusation made by the young woman Iennet Deuice, ordered someone to take her to the upper hall. In the meantime, he intended to evaluate her evidence and the accusation particularly against this woman, who was said to be at Malking-Tower during this big gathering. Master Couel was instructed to isolate all his prisoners, placing each witch next to another prisoner, along with some other unusual women among them, so that no one could distinguish one from the other. Once they were arranged in front of the court alongside the prisoners, the young woman Iennet Deuice was brought into the court. When she stood before my Lord, he took great care to question her about every detail: Which women were at Malking-Tower on Good Friday? How did she know them? What were any of their names? And how did she recognize them as the ones she mentioned?
In the end being examined by my Lord,[P2a1] Whether she knew them that were there by their faces, if she saw them? she told my Lord she should: whereupon in the presence of this great Audience, in open Court, she went and tooke Alice Nutter, this prisoner, by the hand, and accused her to be one: and told her in what place shee sat at the Feast at Malking-Tower, at the great assembly of the Witches, and who sat next her: what conference they had, and all the rest of their proceedings at large, without any manner of contrarietie.
In the end, while being questioned by my Lord, [P2a1], she said she would be able to recognize those present by their faces. Then, in front of this large audience and in open court, she went up to Alice Nutter, the prisoner, took her by the hand, and accused her. She stated where Alice had sat at the feast at Malking-Tower during the witches' gathering, who had sat next to her, what they talked about, and all the details of their activities, without any contradictions.
Being demaunded further by his Lordship, Whether she knew Iohan a Style?[P2a2] she alledged, she knew no such womā to be there, neither did she euer heare her name.
Being asked further by his Lordship whether she knew Iohan a Style?[P2a2] she claimed she didn't know any such woman was there, nor had she ever heard her name.
This could be no forged or false Accusation, but the very Act of God to discouer her.
This couldn’t be a fake or false accusation, but the very act of God to reveal her.
Thus was no meanes left to doe her all indifferent fauour, but it was vsed to saue her life; and to this shee could giue no answere.
Thus, there was no way left to show her any real kindness, but it was used to save her life; and to this, she could give no answer.
But nothing would serue: for old Dembdike, old Chattox, and others, had charged her with innocent bloud, which cries out for Reuenge, and will be satisfied. And therefore Almightie God, in his Iustice, hath cut her off.
But nothing worked: because old Dembdike, old Chattox, and others had accused her of innocent blood, which calls out for revenge and will be satisfied. And so Almighty God, in His justice, has brought her to an end.
And here I leaue her, vntill shee come to her Execution,
where
you shall heare shee died very impenitent;
insomuch as
her owne children were neuer able to
moue her to
confesse any particular offence, or declare any
thing, euen in Articulo Mortis: which was
a very fearefull thing to all that were
present, who knew shee
was guiltie.
* *
*
And here I leave her, until she comes to her execution, where
you will hear she died very unrepentant; so much so that
her own children were never able to
get her to confess any specific offense or say anything, even in Articulo Mortis: which was
a very frightening thing for all who were
there, who knew she
was guilty.
* *
*
THE ARRAIGNMENT
and Triall of Katherine Hewit,
Wife of Iohn Hewit, alias Movld-heeles,[P3a]
of Coulne, in the Countie of Lancaster Clothier, for
Witchcraft; vpon Wednesday the nineteenth of August,
at the Assises and Generall Gaole-deliuerie, holden at
Lancaster,
The Arraignment
and Trial of Katherine Hewit,
Wife of John Hewitt, also known as Molded Heels,[P3a]
of Colne, in Lancashire, a clothier, for
witchcraft; on Wednesday, August nineteenth,
at the Assizes and General Jail Delivery, held at
Lancaster,
Before
Before
Sir Edward Bromley Knight, one of his Maiesties
Iustices of Assise at Lancaster.
Sir Edward Bromley Knight, one of His Majesty's
Justices of Assize at Lancaster.
Katherine Hewit.
Ho but Witches can be proofes, and so witnesses of the doings of Witches? since all their Meetings, Conspiracies, Practises, and Murthers, are the workes of Darkenesse: But to discouer this wicked Furie, God hath not only raised meanes beyond expectation, by the voluntarie Confession and Accusation of all that are gone before, to accuse this Witch (being Witches, and thereby witnesses of her doings) but after they were committed, by meanes of a Child, to discouer her to be one, and a Principall in that wicked assembly at Malking-Tower, to deuise such a damnable course for the deliuerance of their friends at Lancaster, as to kill the Gaoler, and blow vp the Castle, wherein the Deuill did but labour to assemble them together, and so being knowne to send them all one way: And herein I shall commend vnto your good consideration the wonderfull meanes to condemne these parties, that liued in the world, free from suspition of any such offences, as are proued against them: And thereby the more dangerous, that in the successe we may lawfully say, the very Finger of God did point thē out. And she that neuer saw them, but in that meeting, did accuse them, and by their faces discouer them.
But witches can be proof and witnesses of the actions of witches? since all their meetings, conspiracies, practices, and murders are works of darkness. To reveal this wicked fury, God has not only raised unexpected means through the voluntary confession and accusation of those who have come before, to accuse this witch (being witches themselves, and therefore witnesses of her actions), but after they were done, through a child, to reveal her as one who is a key player in that wicked assembly at Malking-Tower, devising such a terrible plan for the rescue of their friends at Lancaster, as to kill the jailer and blow up the castle, where the devil only worked to bring them together, and thus directing them all toward one fate. And in this, I urge you to consider the remarkable means used to condemn these individuals, who lived in the world free from suspicion of any such offenses as are proven against them: and thus even more dangerous, as we may rightly say in the outcome, the very Finger of God pointed them out. And she who had never seen them except at that meeting accused them and recognized them by their faces.
This Katherine Hewyt, Prisoner in the Castle at Lancaster, being brought to the Barre before the great Seate of Iustice, was there according to the former order and course Indicted and Arraigned, for that she felloniously had practized, exercised, and vsed her Deuillish and wicked Arts, called Witch-crafts, Inchantments, Charmes, and Sorceries, in, and vpon Anne Foulds; and the same Anne Foulds, by force of the same witch-craft, felloniously did kill and murder. Contra formam Statuti, &c. Et contra Pacem dicti Domini Regis, &c.
This Katherine Hewyt, a prisoner in the castle at Lancaster, was brought to the stand before the high court of justice. She was indicted and arraigned as previously ordered, for having maliciously practiced, exercised, and used her devilish and wicked arts, known as witchcraft, enchantments, charms, and sorcery, against Anne Foulds. And as a result of the same witchcraft, Anne Foulds was unlawfully killed and murdered. Contra formam Statuti, & c. Et contra Pacem dicti Domini Regis, & c.
Vpon her Arraignement to this Indictment, shee pleaded not guiltie; And for the triall of her life put her selfe vpon God and her Countrie.
Vpon her arraignment for this indictment, she pleaded not guilty; and for the trial of her life, she placed her fate in God's hands and in the hands of her country.
So as now the Gentlemen of the Iurie of life and death, stand charged with her as with others.
So now the Gentlemen of the Jury of life and death are responsible for her just like they are for others.
The Euidence against Katherine Hewyt,
Prisoner at the Barre.
The Evidence against Katherine Hewyt,
Prisoner at the Bar.
The Examination of Iames Device,
Sonne of Elizabeth Device, taken the seuen and
twentieth day of Aprill, Anno Reg. Regis Iacobi, Angliæ,
Franciæ, & Hiberniæ, decimo, et Scotiæ quadragesimo
quarto.
The Review of Iames Device,
Son of Elizabeth Device, taken on the twenty-seventh day of April, Year of the Reign of King James, of England,
France, & Ireland, the tenth, and of Scotland the forty-fourth.
Before
Prior
Roger Nowel, and Nicholas Bannester,
Esquires; two of his Maiesties Iustices of Peace,
in the Countie of Lancaster.
Roger Nowel, and Nicholas Bannister,
Esquires; two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace,
in the County of Lancaster.
Against
Opposed
Katherine Hewyt, alias Movld-heeles
of Colne. viz.
Katherine Hewyt, also known as Movld-heeles
from Colne. viz.
THis Examinate saith, that vpon Good-Friday last, about twelue of the Clock in the day time, there dined at this Examinates Mothers house a number of persons: And hee also saith, that they were Witches; and that the names of the said Witches, that were there, for so many of them as he did know, were amongst others Katherine Hewyt, wife of Iohn Hewyt, alias Mould-heeles, of Colne, in the Countie of Lancaster Clothier; And that the said Witch, called Katherine Hewyt, alias Mould-heeles, and one Alice Gray, did confesse amongst the said Witches at their meeting at Malkin-Tower aforesaid, that they had killed Foulds wifes child, called Anne Foulds, of Colne:[P4a1] And also said, that they had then in hanck a child[P4a2] of Michael Hartleys of Colne.
This witness states that on Good Friday last, around twelve o'clock in the afternoon, a group of people gathered for lunch at his mother's house. He also claims that they were witches; among those he recognized were Katherine Hewyt, wife of Iohn Hewyt, also known as Mould-heeles, from Colne in Lancashire, a clothier. The witch known as Katherine Hewyt, alias Mould-heeles, and one Alice Gray, confessed during the meeting of witches at Malkin-Tower that they had killed Foulds' wife’s child, named Anne Foulds, from Colne:[P4a1] They also stated that they currently had in hand a child[P4a2] of Michael Hartleys from Colne.
And this Examinate further saith, that all the said Witches went out of the said house in their own shapes and likenesses, and by that time they were gotten forth of the doores, they were gotten on Horse-back like vnto foales, some of one colour, some of an other, and the said Prestons wife was the last: And when she got on Horse-back, they all presently vanished out of this Examinates sight. And before their said parting away they all appointed to meete at the said Prestons wifes house that day twelue Moneths: at which time the said Prestons wife promised to make them a great feast, and if they had occasion to meete in the meane time, then should warning be giuen that they all should meet vpon Romlesmoore.
And this witness further says that all the witches left the house in their own forms, and by the time they got out the doors, they were mounted on horseback like foals, some of one color, some of another, and Mr. Preston's wife was the last. When she got on the horse, they all suddenly disappeared from this witness's sight. Before they left, they all agreed to meet at Mrs. Preston's house a year from that day, at which time she promised to throw a big feast for them. If they needed to meet before then, they would send word for everyone to gather at Romlesmoore.
The Examination and Euidence of Elizabeth
Device, Mother of the said Iames
Device.
The Examination and Evidence of Elizabeth
Gadget, Mother of the said James
Gadget.
Against
Opposed
Katherine Hewyt, alias Movld-heeles,
Prisoner at the Barre vpon her Arraignement and Triall,
taken the day and yeare aforesaid. viz.
Katherine Hewyt, also known as High heels,
Defendant at the bar during her arraignment and trial,
taken on the day and year mentioned above. namely,
THis Examinate vpon her oath confesseth, that vpon Good-Friday last there dyned at this Examinates house, which she hath said are Witches, and verily thinketh to bee Witches, such as the said Iames Deuice hath formerly spoken of: amongst which was Katherine Hewyt, alias Mould-heeles, now Prisoner at the Barre: and shee also saith, that at their meeting on Good-Friday at Malkin-Tower aforesaid, the said Katherine Hewyt, alias Mould-heeles, and Anne Gray, did confesse, they had killed a child of Foulds of Colne, called Anne Foulds, and had gotten hold of another.
This witness, under oath, admits that on Good Friday last, several people she claims are witches, whom she truly believes to be witches, dined at her house. Among them was Katherine Hewyt, also known as Mould-heeles, who is now a prisoner at the bar. She also says that during their gathering on Good Friday at Malkin-Tower, Katherine Hewyt, also known as Mould-heeles, and Anne Gray confessed that they had killed a child named Anne Foulds from Colne and had taken another.
And shee further saith, the said Katherine Hewyt with all the rest, there gaue her consent with the said Prestons wife for the murder of Master Lister.
And she further says that the said Katherine Hewyt along with everyone else gave her consent with the said Prestons' wife for the murder of Master Lister.
The Examination and Euidence of
Iennet Device,
The Exam and Evidence of
Jennet Device,
Against
Opposed
Katherine Hewyt, alias Movld-heeles,
Prisoner at the Barre.
Katherine Hewyt, known as Movld-heeles,
Prisoner at the Bar.
THe said Examinate saith, That vpon Good-Friday last, there was about twentie persons, whereof two were men to this Examinates remembrance, at her said Grand-mothers house, called Malkin-Tower aforesaid, about twelue of the clock: All which persons this Examinates said mother told her were Witches, and that shee knoweth the names of sixe of the said Witches.
The Examinate says that on Good Friday last, there were about twenty people, including two men that she remembers, at her grandmother's house, called Malkin-Tower, around twelve o'clock. Her mother told her that all these people were witches and that she knew the names of six of them.
Then was the said Iennet Deuice commanded by his Lordship, to finde and point out the said Katherine Hewyt, alias Mould-heeles, amongst all the rest of the said Women, whereupon shee went and tooke the said Katherine Hewyt by the hand: Accused her to bee one, and told her in what place shee sate at the feast at Malkin-Tower, at the great Assembly of the Witches, and who sate next her; what conference they had, and all the rest of their proceedings at large, without any manner of contrarietie: Being demanded further by his Lordship, whether Ioane a Downe were at that Feast, and meeting, or no? shee alleaged shee knew no such woman to be there, neither did shee euer heare her name.
Then Lordship asked Iennet Deuice to identify Katherine Hewyt, also known as Mould-heeles, among the other women. She went over and took Katherine Hewyt by the hand, accused her of being one of them, and explained where she sat at the feast at Malkin-Tower, during the big gathering of witches, who sat next to her, what they talked about, and all the other details without any contradictions. When Lordship asked her if Ioane a Downe was at that feast or meeting, she claimed she didn’t know anyone by that name being there, nor had she ever heard of her.
If this were not an Honorable meanes to trie the accusation against them, let all the World vpon due examination giue iudgement of it. And here I leaue her the last of this companie, to the Verdict of the Gentlemen of the Iurie of life and death, as hereafter shall appeare.
If this wasn’t a fair way to test the accusations against them, let everyone in the world judge it after a careful look. And here I leave her, the last of this group, to the verdict of the gentlemen of the jury of life and death, as will be shown later.
Heere the Iurie of Life and Death, hauing spent the most part of the day, in due consideration of their offences, Returned into the Court to deliuer vp their Verdict against them, as followeth.
Here the jury of life and death, having spent most of the day carefully considering their offenses, returned to the court to deliver their verdict against them, as follows.
The Verdict of Life and
Death.
WHo vpon their Oathes found Iennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley, and Iane Southworth, not guiltie of the offence of Witch-craft, conteyned in the Indictment against them.
Who upon their oaths found Iennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley, and Iane Southworth, not guilty of the charge of witchcraft, stated in the indictment against them.
Anne Redferne, guiltie of the fellonie & murder, conteyned in the Indictment against her.
Anne Redferne, guilty of the felony and murder, mentioned in the Indictment against her.
Alice Nutter, guiltie of the fellonie and murder conteyned in the Indictment against her.
Alice Nutter, guilty of the felony and murder listed in the indictment against her.
And
And
Katherine Hewyt, guiltie of the fellonie & murder conteyned in the Indictment against her.
Katherine Hewyt, guilty of the felony and murder stated in the Indictment against her.
Whereupon Master Couell was commanded by the Court to take away the Prisoners Conuicted, and to bring forth Iohn Bulcocke, Iane Bulcocke his mother,[Q2a] and Alizon Deuice, Prisoners in the Castle at Lancaster, to receiue their Trialls.
Whereupon Master Couell was ordered by the Court to take away the convicted prisoners and to bring forward Iohn Bulcocke, Iane Bulcocke his mother, [Q2a] and Alizon Deuice, prisoners in the Castle at Lancaster, to receive their trials.
Who were brought to their Arraignement and Triall as hereafter followeth.
Who were brought to their arraignment and trial as outlined below.
THE ARRAIGNMENT
and Triall of Iohn Bvlcock,
and Iane Bvlcock his mother, wife of Christopher
Bvlcock, of the Mosse-end, in the Countie
of Lancaster, for Witch-craft: vpon Wednesday in the
after-noone, the nineteenth of August, 1612. At the Assizes
and generall Gaole deliuery, holden at Lancaster.
The Arraignment
and Trial of John Bulcock,
and Jane Bulcock his mother, wife of Christopher Bulcock, of the Moss End, in the County
of Lancaster, for Witchcraft: on Wednesday afternoon, the nineteenth of August, 1612. At the Assizes
and general Gaol delivery, held at Lancaster.
Before
Before
Sir Edward Bromley, Knight, one of his Maiesties
Iustices of Assizes at Lancaster.
Sir Edward Bromley, Knight, one of His Majesty's
Justices of Assizes at Lancaster.
John Bulcock,
and
Jane Bulcock his mother.
F there were nothing to charge these Prisoners withall, whom now you may behold vpon their Arraignement and Triall but their poasting in haste to the great Assembly at Malking-Tower, there to aduise and consult amongst the Witches, what were to bee done to set at liberty the Witches in the Castle at Lancaster: Ioyne with Iennet Preston for the murder of Master Lister; and such like wicked & diuellish practises: It were sufficient to accuse them for Witches, & to bring their liues to a lawfull Triall. But amongst all the Witches in this company, there is not a more fearefull and diuellish Act committed, and voluntarily confessed by any of them, comparable to this, vnder the degree of Murder: which impudently now (at the Barre hauing formerly confessed;)[Q3a1] they forsweare, swearing they were neuer at the great assembly at Malking Tower; although the very Witches that were present in that action with them, iustifie, maintaine, and sweare the same to be true against them: Crying out in very violent & outragious manner, euen to the gallowes,[Q3a2] where they died impenitent for any thing we know, because they died silent in the particulars. These of all others were the most desperate wretches (void of all feare or grace) in all this Packe; Their offences not much inferiour to Murther: for which you shall heare what matter of Record wee haue against them; and whether they be worthie to continue, we leaue it to the good consideration of the Iury.
If there was nothing to charge these prisoners with, whom you can now see at their arraignment and trial, except for their hurried trip to the big meeting at Malking Tower to advise and consult among the witches about how to free the witches in the Castle at Lancaster, join with Jennet Preston for the murder of Master Lister, and similar wicked and devilish practices, it would be enough to accuse them of witchcraft and put their lives on trial. But among all the witches in this group, there's not a more fearful and devilish act committed, and voluntarily confessed by any of them, that compares to this, short of murder: which they now audaciously deny (having previously confessed), swearing they were never at the big meeting at Malking Tower; even though the very witches who were present in that action with them confirm, uphold, and swear that it's true against them: crying out in a very violent and outrageous manner, even to the gallows, where they died unrepentant as far as we know, because they died silent about the particulars. These were the most desperate wretches (void of all fear or grace) in this group; their offenses nearly equal to murder: for which you'll hear the record we have against them, and whether they deserve to continue, we leave to the jury's careful consideration.
The said Iohn Bulcock, and Iane Bulcock his mother, Prisoners in the Castle at Lancaster, being brought to the Barre before the great Seat of Iustice: were there according to the former order and course Indicted and Arraigned, for that they felloniously had practised, exercised and vfed their diuellish & wicked Arts, called Witchcrafts, Inchantments, Charmes and Sorceries, in and vpon the body of Iennet Deane: so as the body of the said Iennet Deane, by force of the said Witchcrafts, wasted and consumed; and after she, the said Iennet, became madde. Contra formam Statuti, &c. Et Contra pacem, &c.
The said Iohn Bulcock and Iane Bulcock, his mother, prisoners in the Castle at Lancaster, were brought to the bar before the great seat of justice. They were there, as per the earlier order, indicted and arraigned for having feloniously practiced, exercised, and used their devilish and wicked arts, called Witchcrafts, Inchantments, Charmes, and Sorceries, against the body of Iennet Deane. As a result of these witchcrafts, the body of Iennet Deane wasted away and she ultimately became mad. Contra formam Statuti, & c. Et Contra pacem, & c.
Vpon their Arraignement, to this Indictment they pleaded not guiltie; and for the triall of their liues put themselues vpon God and their Countrey.
Upon their arraignment, they pleaded not guilty to this indictment; and for the trial of their lives, they placed their trust in God and their country.
So as now the Gentlemen of the Iurie of Life and Death stand charged with them as with others.
So now the gentlemen of the Court of Life and Death are held accountable just like everyone else.
The Euidence against Iohn Bulcock, and Jane
Bulcock his mother, Prisoners at the Barre.
The Evidence against John Bulcock, and Jane
Bulcock his mother, Prisoners at the Bar.
The Examination of Iames Device
taken the seuen and twentieth day of Aprill aforesaid.
The Examination of James Device
taken the 27th day of April as mentioned.
Before
Before
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banester,
Esquires, two of his Maiesties Iustices of Peace in
the Countie of Lancaster.
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banester,
Esquires, two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace in
the County of Lancaster.
Against
Opposed
Iohn Bvlcock and Iane Bvlcock his mother.
John Bulcock and Jane Bulcock his mother.
THis Examinate saith, That vpon Good-Friday, about twelue of the clocke in the day time, there dined in this Examinates said Mothers house a number of persons, whereof three were men with this Examinate, and the rest women, and that they met there for these three causes following, as this Examinates said mother told this Examinate. The first was, for the naming of the Spirit which Allison Deuice, now prisoner at Lancaster had, but did not name him, because shee was not there. The second cause was, for the deliuerie of his said Grand-mother; this Examinates said sister Allison; the said Anne Chattox, and her daughter Redferne, killing the Gaoler at Lancaster, and before the next Assises to blow vp the Castle there, to that end the aforesaid prisoners might by that meanes make an escape, and get away: All which this Examinate then heard them conferre of.
This witness says that on Good Friday, around noon, several people were having dinner at his mother's house, including three men and the rest women. According to his mother, they gathered for three reasons. The first was to name the spirit that Allison Deuice, who is now a prisoner in Lancaster, possessed, but they didn’t name it because she wasn’t there. The second reason was to discuss the release of his grandmother; his sister Allison; Anne Chattox and her daughter Redferne, who were planning to kill the jailer in Lancaster and blow up the castle before the next assizes so that the prisoners could escape. This witness heard them discussing all of this.
And he also sayth, That the names of such said Witches as were on Good-Friday at this Examinates said Grand-mothers house, and now this Examinates owne mothers, for so many of them as hee did know, were these, viz. Iane Bulcock, wife of Christopher Bulcock, of the Mosse end, and Iohn her sonne amongst others, &c.
And he also says that the names of the Witches who were at this witness's grandmother's house on Good Friday, and now at this witness's own mother's house, for as many of them as he knew, were these: namely Jane Bulcock, wife of Christopher Bulcock from the Moss end, and John, her son, among others, etc.
And this Examinate further saith, That all the said Witches went out of the said house in their own shapes and likenesses: and they all, by that they were forth of the dores, were gotten on horse-backe, like vnto Foales, some of one colour, and some of another, and Prestons wife was the last: and when shee got on horse-backe, they all presently vanished out of this Examinates sight.
And this witness further states that all the witches left the house in their own forms and appearances: and once they were outside, they all got on horseback, like foals, some of one color and others of another, and Preston's wife was the last; and when she mounted her horse, they all immediately disappeared from this witness's sight.
And further he saith, That the said Iohn Bulcock and Iane his said Mother, did confesse vpon Good-Friday last at the said Malking-Tower, in the hearing of this Examinate, That they had bewitched, at the new-field Edge in Yorkeshire, a woman called Iennet, wife of Iohn Deyne, besides, her reason; and the said Womans name so bewitched, he did not heare them speake of. And this Examinate further saith, That at the said Feast at Malking-Tower this Examinate heard them all giue their consents to put the said Master Thomas Lister of Westby[Q4a] to death. And after Master Lister should be made away by Witch-craft, then all the said Witches gaue their consents to ioyne all together, to hanck Master Leonard Lister, when he should come to dwell at the Cow-gill, and so put him to death.
And furthermore he says that the said John Bulcock and his mother Jane confessed on Good Friday at the Malking Tower, in the hearing of this witness, that they had bewitched a woman named Jennet, the wife of John Deyne, at the edge of the new field in Yorkshire, causing her to lose her reason; and he did not hear them mention the name of the woman they bewitched. This witness also states that during the feast at Malking Tower, he heard them all agree to have the said Master Thomas Lister of Westby killed. After Master Lister was eliminated through witchcraft, all the said witches agreed to join forces to hang Master Leonard Lister when he came to live at Cow-gill, and thus put him to death.
The Examination of Elizabeth
Device, Taken the day and yeare aforesaid,
The Review of Elizabeth
Gadget, Conducted on the date mentioned earlier,
Before
Before
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banester,
Esquires, two of his Maiesties Iustices of Peace in
the Countie of Lancaster.
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banester,
Esquires, two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace in
the County of Lancaster.
Against
Against
Iohn Bvlcock, and Iane Bvlcock, his
mother.
John Bulcock, and Jane Bulcock, his
mother.
THis Examinate saith vpon her oath, That she doth verily thinke, that the said Bulcockes wife doth know of some Witches to bee about Padyham and Burnley.[Q4b]
This witness says on her oath that she truly believes that the wife of Bulcockes is aware of some witches being in the area of Padyham and Burnley.[Q4b]
And shee further saith, That at the said meeting at Malking-Tower, as aforesaid, Katherine Hewyt and Iohn Bulcock, with all the rest then there, gaue their consents, with the said Prestons wife, for the killing of the said Master Lister.
And she further says that at the meeting at Malking-Tower, as mentioned before, Katherine Hewyt and Iohn Bulcock, along with everyone else present, agreed, along with the wife of the said Prestons, to the killing of Master Lister.
The Examination and Euidence of
Iennet Device
The Exam and Evidence of
Jennet Device
Against
Opposition
Iohn Bvlcocke and Iane his mother, prisoners
at the Barre.
John Bulcock and Jane his mother, prisoners
at the Bar.
THe said Examinate saith, That vpon Good-Friday last there was about twentie persons, whereof two were men, to this Examinates remembrance, at her said Grand-mothers house, called Malking-Tower aforesaid: all which persons, this Examinates said mother told her were Witches, and that she knoweth the names of sixe of the said Witches.
The Examinate stated that on Good Friday last, there were about twenty people, including two men, at her grandmother's house, known as Malking-Tower. This Examinate's mother told her that all these individuals were witches and that she knew the names of six of them.
Then was the said Iennet Deuice commaunded by his Lordship to finde and point out the said Iohn Bulcock and Iane Bulcock amongst all the rest; whereupon shee went and tooke Iane Bulcock by the hand, accused her to be one, and told her in what place shee sat at the Feast at Malking-Tower, at the great Assembly of the Witches; and who sat next her: and accused the said Iohn Bulcock to turne the Spitt there;[Ra] what conference they had, and all the rest of their proceedings at large, without any manner of contrarietie.
Then the said Iennet Deuice was ordered by his Lordship to find and identify the said Iohn Bulcock and Iane Bulcock among everyone else; so she went and took Iane Bulcock by the hand, accused her of being one, and told her where she sat at the Feast at Malking-Tower, during the big Assembly of the Witches; and who sat next to her: and accused the said Iohn Bulcock of turning the spit there; [Ra] what discussion they had, and all the rest of their actions in detail, without any contradiction.
Shee further told his Lordship, there was a woman that came out of Craven to that Great Feast at Malking-Tower, but shee could not finde her out amongst all those women.
She also told his Lordship that there was a woman who came from Craven to that Great Feast at Malking-Tower, but she couldn't find her among all those women.
¶ The names of the Witches at the
Great Assembly and Feast at
Malking-Tower, viz. vpon
Good-Friday last, 1612.[R1b]
The names of the Witches at the __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Awesome Gathering and Banquet at
Malking-Tower, namely on
Good Friday, 1612.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Elizabeth Deuice.
Elizabeth Deuice.
Alice Nutter.
Alice Nutter.
Katherine Hewit, alias
Mould-heeles.
Katherine Hewit, a.k.a.
Mould-heeles.
John Bulcock.
John Bulcock.
Jane Bulcock.
Jane Bulcock.
Alice Graie.
Alice Graie.
Jennet Hargraues.
Jennet Hargraues.
Elizabeth Hargraues.
Elizabeth Hargraues.
Christopher Howgate.
Sonne to old Dembdike.
Christopher Howgate.
Son of old Dembdike.
Christopher Hargraues.
Christopher Hargraues.
Grace Hay, of Padiham.
Grace Hay, from Padiham.
Anne Crunckshey, of Marchden.
Anne Crunckshey, from Marchden.
Elizabeth Howgate.
Elizabeth Howgate.
Jennet Preston, Executed at Yorke
for the Murder of Master Lister,
Jennet Preston, Executed in York
for the Murder of Master Lister,
With many more, which being bound ouer to appeare at the last Assizes, are since that time fled to saue themselues.
With many more who were ordered to appear at the last Assizes, have since then fled to save themselves.
THE ARRAIGNMENT
and Triall of Alizon Device,
Daughter of Elizabeth Device, within the Forrest
of Pendle, in the Countie of Lancaster aforesaid, for
Witch-craft.
The Arraignment
and Trial of Alizon Device,
Daughter of Elizabeth Device, in the Forest
of Pendle, in the County of Lancaster, for
Witchcraft.
Alizon Deuice.
Ehold, aboue all the rest, this lamentable spectacle of a poore distressed Pedler, how miserably hee was tormented, and what punishment hee endured for a small offence, by the wicked and damnable practise of this odious Witch, first instructed therein by old Dembdike her Grand-mother, of whose life and death with her good conditions, I haue written at large before in the beginning of this worke, out of her owne Examinations and other Records, now remayning with the Clarke of the Crowne at Lancaster: And by her Mother brought vp in this detestable course of life; wherein I pray you obserue but the manner and course of it in order, euen to the last period at her Execution, for this horrible fact, able to terrifie and astonish any man liuing.
Behold, above all the rest, this heartbreaking sight of a poor, distressed peddler, how miserably he was tormented and what punishment he endured for a minor offense, due to the wicked and deplorable scheme of this loathsome witch, first taught by her grandmother, Dembdike, whose life and death with her good qualities I've thoroughly documented before at the beginning of this work, based on her own examinations and other records, now held by the Clerk of the Crown at Lancaster. And raised by her mother in this horrible lifestyle; I ask you to observe the manner and progression of it in order, right up to the final moment of her execution, for this appalling act is enough to terrify and astonish any living person.
This Alizon Deuice, Prisoner in the Castle of Lancaster, being brought to the Barre before the great Seat of Iustice, was there according to the former order and course indicted and arraigned, for that shee felloniously had practised, exercised, and vsed her Deuillish and wicked Arts, called Witch-crafts, Inchantments, Charmes, and Sorceries, in, and vpon one Iohn Law, a Petti-chapman, and him had lamed; so that his bodie wasted and consumed, &c. Contra formam Statuti, &c. Et contra pacem dicti Domini Regis, Coronam & Dignitatem, &c.
This Alizon Device, a prisoner in the Castle of Lancaster, was brought to the stand before the great seat of justice. There, following the usual procedures, she was indicted and arraigned for having willfully practiced, exercised, and used her devilish and wicked arts, called witchcraft, enchantments, charms, and
Vpon the Arraignement, The poore Pedler, by name Iohn Law, being in the Castle about the Moot-hall, attending to be called, not well able to goe or stand, being led thether by his poore sonne Abraham Law: My Lord Gerrard[R3a] moued the Court to call the poore Pedler, who was there readie, and had attended all the Assizes, to giue euidence for the Kings Majestie against the said Alizon Deuice, Prisoner at the Barre, euen now vpon her Triall. The Prisoner being at the Barre, & now beholding the Pedler, deformed by her Witch-craft, and transformed beyond the course of Nature, appeared to giue euidence against her; hauing not yet pleaded to her Indictment, saw it was in vaine to denie it, or stand vpon her justification: Shee humbly vpon her knees at the Barre with weeping teares, prayed the Court to heare her.
During the arraignment, the poor peddler, named Iohn Law, was in the castle near the moot hall, waiting to be called. He could hardly walk or stand, with his son Abraham Law supporting him. My Lord Gerrard[R3a] asked the court to call the poor peddler, who was present and had attended all the assizes, to give testimony for the King against the defendant, Alizon Deuice, who was currently on trial. As the prisoner stood at the bar, now seeing the peddler, who had been deformed by her witchcraft and transformed beyond natural limits, she realized it was pointless to deny the charges or defend herself. She humbly knelt at the bar, with tears in her eyes, and begged the court to listen to her.
Whereupon my Lord Bromley commanded shee should bee brought out from the Prisoners neare vnto the Court, and there on her knees, shee humbly asked forgiuenesse for her offence: And being required to make an open declaration or confession of her offence: Shee confessed as followeth. viz.
Whereupon my Lord Bromley ordered that she be brought out from the prisoners near the court, and there on her knees, she humbly asked for forgiveness for her offense. And when asked to make an open declaration or confession of her offense, she confessed as follows: viz.
The Confession of Alizon Device,
Prisoner at the Barre: published and declared at time
of her Arraignement and Triall in open Court.
The Confession of Alizon Device,
Prisoner at the Bar: published and declared at the time
of her Arraignment and Trial in open Court.
SHe saith, That about two yeares agone, her Grand-mother, called Elizabeth Sothernes, alias Dembdike, did (sundry times in going or walking together, as they went begging) perswade and aduise this Examinate to let a Diuell or a Familiar appeare to her, and that shee, this Examinate would let him suck at some part of her; and she might haue and doe what shee would. And so not long after these perswasions, this Examinate being walking towards the Rough-Lee, in a Close of one Iohn Robinsons, there appeared vnto her a thing like vnto a Blacke Dogge: speaking vnto her, this Examinate, and desiring her to giue him her Soule, and he would giue her power to doe any thing shee would: whereupon this Examinate being therewithall inticed, and setting her downe; the said Blacke-Dogge did with his mouth (as this Examinate then thought) sucke at her breast, a little below her Paps, which place did remain blew halfe a yeare next after: which said Blacke-Dogge did not appeare to this Examinate, vntill the eighteenth day of March last: at which time this Examinate met with a Pedler on the high-way, called Colne-field, neere vnto Colne: and this Examinate demanded of the said Pedler to buy some pinnes of him; but the said Pedler sturdily answered this Examinate that he would not loose his Packe; and so this Examinate parting with him: presently there appeared to this Examinate the Blacke-Dogge, which appeared vnto her as before: which Black Dogge spake vnto this Examinate in English, saying; What wouldst thou haue me to do vnto yonder man? to whom this Examinate said, What canst thou do at him? and the Dogge answered againe, I can lame him: whereupon this Examinat answered, and said to the said Black Dogge, Lame him: and before the Pedler was gone fortie Roddes further, he fell downe Lame: and this Examinate then went after the said Pedler; and in a house about the distance aforesaid, he was lying Lame: and so this Examinate went begging in Trawden Forrest that day, and came home at night: and about fiue daies next after, the said Black-Dogge did appeare to this Examinate, as she was going a begging, in a Cloase neere the New-Church in Pendle, and spake againe to her, saying; Stay and speake with me; but this Examinate would not: Sithence which time this Examinat neuer saw him.
She says that about two years ago, her grandmother, named Elizabeth Sothernes, also known as Dembdike, repeatedly urged this Examinate to allow a devil or familiar to appear to her, and that she, this Examinate, would let him suck at some part of her, and she could have and do whatever she wanted. Not long after these suggestions, while this Examinate was walking towards Rough-Lee, in a field belonging to one Iohn Robinson, a creature that looked like a black dog appeared to her. It spoke to this Examinate, asking her to give him her soul, and in return, he would grant her the power to do anything she wanted. Enticed by this, this Examinate sat down; the black dog then (as she believed at the time) sucked at her breast, just below her nipples, which area remained bruised for half a year afterward. This black dog did not appear to this Examinate again until the eighteenth day of March last. At that time, this Examinate encountered a peddler on the highway, called Colne-field, near Colne. She asked the peddler if she could buy some pins from him; however, the peddler firmly replied that he wouldn’t lose his pack. After parting ways with him, the black dog reappeared to this Examinate, looking just as before. This black dog spoke to her in English, asking, "What do you want me to do to that man?" This Examinate responded, "What can you do to him?" The dog replied, "I can lame him." So, this Examinate told the black dog, "Lame him." Not long after, before the peddler had gone forty rods further, he fell down lame. This Examinate then followed the peddler, and at a house about that same distance, he was lying lame. This Examinate went begging in Trawden Forest that day and returned home at night. About five days afterward, the black dog appeared to this Examinate again while she was going begging in a field near the New Church in Pendle, speaking to her again, saying, "Stay and talk with me." But this Examinate refused. Since that time, this Examinate has not seen him again.
Which agreeth verbatim with her owne Examination taken at Reade, in the Countie of Lancaster, the thirtieth day of March, before Master Nowel, when she was apprehended and taken.
Which agrees verbatim with her own Examination taken at Reade, in the County of Lancaster, the thirtieth day of March, before Master Nowel, when she was apprehended and taken.
MY Lord Bromley, and all the whole Court not a little wondering, as they had good cause, at this liberall and voluntarie confession of the Witch; which is not ordinary with people of their condition and qualitie: and beholding also the poore distressed Pedler, standing by, commanded him vpon his oath to declare the manner how, and in what sort he was handled; how he came to be lame, and so to be deformed; who deposed vpon his oath, as followeth.
MY Lord Bromley and everyone at the Court were quite surprised, as they had every reason to be, by the generous and voluntary confession of the Witch; this isn’t common for people of their status and background. They also watched the poor, distressed Pedler standing nearby and ordered him, under oath, to explain how he had been treated, how he became lame, and what caused his deformity; he testified under oath as follows.
The Euidence of Iohn Law,
Pettie Chapman, vpon his Oath:
The Evidence of John Law
Pettie Chapman, upon his Oath:
Against
Opposed
Alizon Device, Prisoner at the Barre.
Alizon Device, Prisoner at the Bar.
HE deposeth and saith, That about the eighteenth of March last past, hee being a Pedler, went with his Packe of wares at his backe thorow Colne-field: where vnluckily he met with Alizon Deuice, now Prisoner at the Barre, who was very earnest with him for pinnes, but he would giue her none: whereupon she seemed to be very angry; and when hee was past her, hee fell downe lame in great extremitie; and afterwards by meanes got into an Ale-house in Colne, neere vnto the place where hee was first bewitched: and as hee lay there in great paine, not able to stirre either hand or foote; he saw a great Black-Dogge stand by him, with very fearefull firie eyes, great teeth, and a terrible countenance, looking him in the face; whereat he was very sore afraid: and immediately after came in the said Alizon Deuice, who staid not long there, but looked on him, and went away.
He swears that around March 18th, he was a peddler with a pack of goods on his back, walking through Colne Field, when he unfortunately ran into Alizon Device, now a prisoner at the bar. She insisted on having some pins from him, but he refused to give her any. This made her very angry, and as he walked past her, he suddenly fell down, unable to move. Later, he managed to make it to a pub in Colne, close to where he felt he’d been cursed. Lying there in severe pain and unable to move his hands or feet, he saw a large black dog standing nearby, with fearsome fiery eyes, sharp teeth, and a terrifying look, staring intently at him, which scared him greatly. Shortly after, Alizon Device came in, didn’t stay long, just looked at him, and then left.
After which time hee was tormented both day and night with the said Alizon Deuice; and so continued lame, not able to trauell or take paines euer since that time: which with weeping teares in great passion turned to the Prisoner; in the hearing of all the Court hee said to her, This thou knowest to be too true: and thereupon she humblie acknowledged the same, and cried out to God to forgiue her; and vpon her knees with weeping teares, humbly prayed him to forgiue her that wicked offence; which he very freely and voluntarily did.
After that time, he was tormented both day and night by the said Alizon Deuice; and he remained lame, unable to travel or endure any hardship ever since. With tears of great passion, he turned to the prisoner and, in front of the entire court, said to her, This you know to be too true: and she then humbly acknowledged it, crying out to God to forgive her; and on her knees, with tears, she sincerely prayed him to forgive her for that wicked offense, which he generously and willingly did.
Hereupon Master Nowel standing vp, humbly prayed the fauour of the Court, in respect this Fact of Witchcraft was more eminent and apparant than the rest, that for the better satisfaction of the Audience, the Examination of Abraham Law might be read in Court.
Hereupon Master Nowel standing up, humbly requested the Court's favor, noting that this act of witchcraft was more significant and evident than the others, and that for the audience's better understanding, the examination of Abraham Law should be read in Court.
The Examination of Abraham
Law, of Hallifax, in the Countie of Yorke, Cloth-dier,
taken vpon oath the thirtieth day of March, 1612.
The Evaluation of Abraham
Law, from Hallifax, in the County of York, cloth dyer,
taken under oath on the thirtieth day of March, 1612.
Before
Before
Roger Nowel, Esquire, aforesaid.
Roger Nowel, Esq., as mentioned above.
BEing sworne and examined, saith, That vpon Saturday last saue one, being the one and twentieth day of this instant March, he, this Examinate was sent for, by a letter that came from his father, that he should come to his father, Iohn Law, who then lay in Colne speechlesse, and had the left-side lamed all saue his eye: and when this Examinate came to his father, his said father had something recouered his speech, and did complaine that hee was pricked with Kniues, Elsons and Sickles,[Sa] and that the same hurt was done vnto him at Colne-field, presently after that Alizon Deuice had offered to buy some pinnes of him, and she had no money to pay for them withall; but as this Examinates father told this Examinate, he gaue her some pinnes. And this Examinate further saith, That he heard his said father say, that the hurt he had in his lamenesse was done vnto him by the said Alizon Deuice, by Witchcraft. And this Examinate further saith, that hee heard his said Father further say, that the said Alizon Deuice did lie vpon him and trouble him. And this Examinate seeing his said Father so tormented with the said Alizon and with one other olde woman, whome this Examinates Father did not know as it seemed: This Examinate made search after the said Alizon, and hauing found her, brought her to his said Father yesterday being the nine and twenteth of this instant March: whose said Father in the hearing of this Examinate and diuers others did charge the said Alizon to haue bewitched him, which the said Alizon confessing[Sb] did aske this Examinates said Father forgiuenesse vpon her knees for the same; whereupon this Examinates Father accordingly did forgiue her. Which Examination in open Court vpon his oath hee iustified to be true.
Being sworn and examined, he says that on the last Saturday, which was the twenty-first day of this March, he was called by a letter from his father to come to him, Iohn Law, who was then in Colne, unable to speak and had his left side paralyzed except for his eye. When this witness arrived, his father had somewhat regained his speech and complained that he had been stabbed with knives, forks, and sickles and that this injury happened to him at Colne-field, right after Alizon Device had tried to buy some pins from him, and she had no money to pay for them. However, according to his father, he gave her some pins. This witness also states that he heard his father say that the injury causing his lameness was inflicted by Alizon Device through witchcraft. Additionally, this witness heard his father say that Alizon Device laid on him and tormented him. Seeing his father in such distress caused by Alizon and another old woman whom his father didn’t seem to recognize, this witness searched for Alizon and, after finding her, brought her to his father on the twenty-ninth of this March. In the presence of this witness and several others, his father accused Alizon of having bewitched him, which Alizon confessed, asking his father for forgiveness on her knees. Consequently, this witness's father forgave her. This examination in open court, he confirmed under oath to be true.
Whereupon it was there affirmed to the Court that this Iohn Law the Pedler, before his vnfortunate meeting with this Witch, was a verie able sufficient stout man of Bodie, and a goodly man of Stature. But by this Deuillish art of Witch-craft his head is drawne awrie, his Eyes and face deformed, His speech not well to bee vnderstood; his Thighes and Legges starcke lame: his Armes lame especially the left side, his handes lame and turned out of their course, his Bodie able to indure no trauell: and thus remaineth at this present time.
Whereupon it was stated to the Court that this John Law the Pedler, before his unfortunate encounter with this Witch, was a very capable, strong man with a good physique. But due to this devilish practice of witchcraft, his head is twisted, his eyes and face are deformed, his speech is hard to understand; his thighs and legs are completely lame, especially his left side, his arms are weak and his hands are twisted out of shape, and his body can no longer endure any exertion: and thus he remains at this present time.
The Prisoner being examined by the Court whether shee could helpe the poore Pedler to his former strength and health, she answered she could not, and so did many of the rest of the Witches: But shee, with others, affirmed, That if old Dembdike had liued, shee could and would haue helped him out of that great miserie, which so long he hath endured for so small an offence, as you haue heard.
The prisoner was questioned by the court if she could restore the poor peddler to his former strength and health. She replied that she could not, and so did many of the other witches. However, she, along with others, insisted that if old Dembdike had lived, she could and would have helped him out of the great misery he has endured for so minor an offense, as you have heard.
These things being thus openly published against her, and she knowing her selfe to be guiltie of euery particular, humbly acknowledged the Indictment against her to be true, and that she was guiltie of the offence therein contained, and that she had iustly deserued death for that and many other such like: whereupon she was carried away, vntill she should come to the Barre to receiue her judgement of death.
These things were openly stated against her, and knowing that she was guilty of each one, she humbly admitted that the charges against her were true, acknowledging that she deserved death for that and many similar offenses. As a result, she was taken away until she would come to the bar to receive her death sentence.
Oh, who was present at this lamentable spectacle, that was not moued with pitie to behold it!
Oh, who was there at this sad sight that wasn't moved with pity to see it!
Hereupon my Lord Gerard, Sir Richard Houghton, and others, who much pitied the poore Pedler, At the entreatie of my Lord Bromley the Iudge, promised some present course should be taken for his reliefe and maintenance; being now discharged and sent away.
Hereupon my Lord Gerard, Sir Richard Houghton, and others, who felt deep sympathy for the poor peddler, at the request of my Lord Bromley the judge, promised that immediate action would be taken for his relief and support, now that he had been released and sent on his way.
But here I may not let her passe; for that I find some thing more vpon Record to charge her withall: for although she were but a young Witch, of a yeares standing, and thereunto induced by Dembdike her Grand-mother, as you haue formerly heard, yet she was spotted with innocent bloud among the rest: for in one part of the Examination of Iames Deuice, her brother, he deposeth as followeth, viz.
But here I can't let her get away; because I have something more on record to accuse her with: even though she was just a young witch, with only a year of experience, and was encouraged by her grandmother Dembdike, as you’ve heard before, she was still marked with innocent blood along with the others: for during one part of the examination of Iames Deuice, her brother, he states as follows, viz.
The Examination of Iames Device,
brother to the said Alizon Device: Taken
vpon Oath
The Examination of James Device,
brother to the aforementioned Alizon Gadget: Given
under Oath
Before
Before
Roger Nowel Esquire, aforesaid, the thirtieth day
of March, 1612.
Roger Nowel Esquire, as mentioned earlier, the thirtieth day
of March, 1612.
IAmes Deuice, of the Forrest of Pendle, in the Countie of Lancaster, Labourer, sworne and examined, sayth, That about Saint Peters day last one Henry Bulcock came to the house of Elizabeth Sothernes, alias Dembdike, Grand-mother to this Examinate, and said, That the said Alizon Deuice had bewitched a Child of his, and desired her, that shee would goe with him to his house: which accordingly shee did: and thereupon shee the said Alizon fell downe on her knees, and asked the said Bulcock forgiuenesse; and confessed to him, that she had bewitched the said Child, as this Examinate heard his said sister confesse vnto him this Examinate.
IAmes Deuice, from the Forest of Pendle, in the County of Lancaster, Laborer, sworn and examined, says that around Saint Peter's Day last, one Henry Bulcock came to the house of Elizabeth Sothernes, also known as Dembdike, who is the grandmother of this witness, and said that Alizon Deuice had bewitched one of his children. He asked her to go with him to his house, which she did. There, the said Alizon fell to her knees and asked Bulcock for forgiveness. She confessed to him that she had bewitched the child, as this witness heard his sister confess to him.
And although shee were neuer indicted for this offence, yet being matter vpon Record, I thought it conuenient to joyne it vnto her former Fact.
And even though she was never charged for this offense, since it’s a matter of record, I thought it would be appropriate to add it to her previous actions.
HEre the Iurie of Life and Death hauing spent the most part of the day in due consideration of their offences, returned into the Court to deliuer up their Verdict against them, as followeth.
Here the Jury of Life and Death, having spent most of the day carefully considering their offenses, returned to the Court to deliver their verdict against them, as follows.
The Verdict of Life
and Death.
WHo vpon their Oathes found Iohn Bulcock and Iane Bulcock his mother, not guiltie of the Felonie by Witch-craft, contained in the Indictment against them.
Who on their Oath found John Bulcock and Jane Bulcock his mother, not guilty of the felony by witchcraft, as stated in the indictment against them.
Alizon Deuice conuicted vpon her owne Confession.
Alizon Deuice convicted based on her own confession.
Whereupon Master Couel was commaunded by the Court to take away the Prisoners conuicted, and to bring forth Margaret Pearson,[S3b] and Isabell Robey, Prisoners in the Castle at Lancaster, to receiue their Triall.
Whereupon Master Couel was ordered by the Court to take away the convicted prisoners and to bring forth Margaret Pearson,[S3b] and Isabell Robey, prisoners in the Castle at Lancaster, to receive their trial.
Who were brought to their Arraignement and Trialls, as hereafter followeth, viz.
Who were brought to their arraignment and trials, as follows, viz.
THE ARRAIGNMENT
and Triall of Margaret Pearson
of Paddiham, in the Countie of Lancaster, for
Witchcraft; the nineteenth of August, 1612. at the
Assises and Generall Gaole-deliuerie, holden at Lancaster,
The Arraignment
and Trial of Margaret Pearson
from Paddiham, in Lancashire, for
Witchcraft; on the nineteenth of August, 1612, at the
Assizes and General Jail Delivery, held at Lancaster,
Before
Previous
Sir Edward Bromley Knight, one of his Maiesties
Iustices of Assise at Lancaster.
Sir Edward Bromley Knight, one of His Majesty's
Justices of Assize at Lancaster.
Margaret Pearson.
Hus farre haue I proceeded in hope your patience will endure the end of this discourse, which craues time, and were better not begunne at all, then not perfected.
Hurry up, I’ve been going on with this, hoping your patience will last until the end of this talk, which takes time, and it would be better not to have started at all than to not finish it.
This Margaret Pearson was the wife of Edward Pearson of Paddiham, in the Countie of Lancaster; little inferiour in her wicked and malicious course of life to any that hath gone before her: A very dangerous Witch of long continuance, generally suspected and feared in all parts of the Countrie, and of all good people neare her, and not without great cause: For whosoeuer gaue her any iust occasion of offence, shee tormented with great miserie, or cut off their children, goods, or friends.
This Margaret Pearson was the wife of Edward Pearson from Paddiham, in Lancashire; her wicked and malicious lifestyle was hardly any less than those who came before her: She was a very dangerous witch for a long time, generally suspected and feared by everyone in the area, especially by all good people nearby, and not without good reason: For whoever gave her any valid reason to be offended, she tortured them with great misery or caused harm to their children, property, or friends.
This wicked and vngodly Witch reuenged her furie vpon goods, so that euery one neare her sustained great losse. I place her in the end of these notorious Witches, by reason her iudgement is of an other Nature, according to her offence; yet had not the fauour and mercie of the Iurie beene more than her desert, you had found her next to old Dembdike; for this is the third time shee is come to receiue her Triall; one time for murder by Witch-craft; an other time for bewitching a Neighbour; now for goods.
This wicked and ungodly witch took her rage out on property, causing great loss for everyone nearby. I’ve placed her at the end of this list of notorious witches because her judgment is of a different nature based on her offense; however, if not for the jury's favor and mercy, which exceeded her deserving, you would have found her just after old Dembdike; this is the third time she has come to stand trial—once for murder by witchcraft, another time for bewitching a neighbor, and now for property.
How long shee hath been a Witch, the Deuill and shee knows best.
How long she's been a witch, the devil and she know best.
The Accusations, Depositions, and particular Examinations vpon Record against her are infinite, and were able to fill a large Volume; But since shee is now only to receiue her Triall for this last offence. I shall proceede against her in order, and set forth what matter we haue vpon Record, to charge her withall.
The accusations, depositions, and specific examinations recorded against her are numerous and could fill a large volume. However, since she is only facing trial for this latest offense, I will proceed against her in order and present the evidence we have on record to charge her.
This Margaret Pearson, Prisoner in the Castle at Lancaster: Being brought to the Barre before the great Seat of Iustice; was there according to the course and order of the Law Indicted and Arraigned, for that shee had practised, exercised, and vsed her diuellish and wicked Arts, called Witchcrafts, Inchantments, Charmes and Sorceries, and one Mare of the goods and Chattels of one Dodgeson of Padiham, in the Countie of Lancaster, wickedly, maliciously, and voluntarily did kill. Contra formam Statuti, &c. Et Contra pacem dicti Domini Regis. &c.
This Margaret Pearson, prisoner in the Castle at Lancaster: She was brought to the bar before the great seat of justice; there, according to the course and order of the law, she was indicted and arraigned for practicing, exercising, and using her devilish and wicked arts, called Witchcrafts, Enchantments, Charms, and Sorceries, and for wickedly, maliciously, and voluntarily killing a mare belonging to one Dodgeson of Padiham, in the County of Lancaster. Contra formam Statuti, & c. Et Contra pacem dicti Domini Regis. & c.
Vpon her Arraignement to this Indictment, shee pleaded not guiltie; And for the triall of her offence put her selfe vpon God and her Countrie.
Upon her arraignment for this indictment, she pleaded not guilty; and for the trial of her offense, she entrusted herself to God and her country.
So as now the Gentlemen of the Iurie of her offence and death, stand charged with her as with others.
So now the gentlemen of the jury are holding her accountable for her offense and death, just like with others.
The Euidence against Margaret Pearson,
Prisoner at the Barre.
The Evidence against Margaret Pearson,
Defendant at the Stand.
The Examination and Euidence of
Anne Whittle, alias Chattox.
The Exam and Evidence of
Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox.
Against
Against
Margaret Pearson, Prisoner at the Barre.
Margaret Pearson, Inmate at the Barre.
THe said Anne Chattox being examined saith, That the wife of one Pearson of Paddiham, is a very euill Woman, and confessed to this Examinate, that shee is a Witch, and hath a Spirit which came to her the first time in likenesse of a Man, and clouen footed, and that shee the said Pearsons wife hath done very much harme to one Dodgesons goods, who came in at a loope-hole into the said Dodgesons Stable, and shee and her Spirit together did sit vpon his Horse or Mare, vntill the said Horse or Mare died. And likewise, that shee the said Pearsons wife did confesse vnto her this Examinate, that shee bewitched vnto death one Childers wife, and her Daughter, and that shee the said Pearsons wife is as ill as shee.
The said Anne Chattox being examined said that the wife of one Pearson from Paddiham is a very evil woman, and confessed to this examiner that she is a witch and has a spirit that first appeared to her in the form of a man with cloven feet. She said that Pearson's wife has caused a lot of harm to Dodgeson's property, who entered through a loophole into Dodgeson's stable, and that she and her spirit sat on his horse or mare until the horse or mare died. Also, she said that Pearson's wife confessed to her that she bewitched Childers' wife and her daughter to death, and that Pearson's wife is as bad as she is.
The Examination of Iennet Booth,
of Paddiham, in the Countie of Lancaster, the ninth day
of August 1612.
The Exam of Iennet Booth,
of Paddiham, in the County of Lancaster, on the ninth day
of August 1612.
Before
Before
Nicholas Bannester, Esquire; one of his
Maiesties Iustices of Peace in the Countie of Lancaster.
Nicholas Bannister, Esquire; one of His
Majesty's Justices of the Peace in the County of Lancaster.
IEnnet, the wife of Iames Booth, of Paddiham, vpon her oath saith, That the Friday next after, the said Pearsons wife, was committed to the Gaole at Lancaster, this Examinate was carding in the said Pearsons house, hauing a little child with her, and willed the said Margerie to giue her a little Milke, to make her said child a little meat, who fetcht this Examinate some, and put it in a pan; this examinat meaning to set it on the fire, found the said fire very ill, and taking vp a stick that lay by her, and brake it in three or foure peeces, and laid vpon the coales to kindle the same, then set the pan and milke on the fire: and when the milke was boild to this Examinates content, she tooke the pan wherein the milke was, off the said fire, and with all, vnder the bottome of the same, there came a Toade, or a thing very like a Toade, and to this Examinates thinking came out of the fire, together with the said Pan, and vnder the bottome of the same, and that the said Margerie did carrie the said Toade out of the said house in a paire of tonges;[Ta] But what shee the said Margerie did therewith, this Examinate knoweth not.
IEnnet, the wife of Iames Booth from Paddiham, says under oath that on the Friday after the wife of Pearson was sent to the jail in Lancaster, she was carding in Pearson’s house with her young child. She asked Margerie to give her some milk to make a little food for her child. Margerie fetched some milk and put it in a pan. When this witness intended to place it on the fire, she found that the fire was not very good. She picked up a stick lying nearby, broke it into three or four pieces, and laid it on the coals to help kindle the fire. Then she put the pan with the milk on the fire. When the milk boiled to her satisfaction, she took the pan off the fire, and under the bottom of the pan, a toad, or something very much like a toad, came out, which she believed came from the fire along with the pan. Margerie then carried the toad out of the house with a pair of tongs; however, this witness does not know what Margerie did with it.
After this were diuers witnesses examined against her
in open Court, viua voce, to
proue the death of the Mare,
and diuers other vild and odious practises by her
committed,
who vpon their Examinations made it so apparant to the Iurie as
there was no question; But because
the fact is of no great importance,
in respect her life is
not in question by this Indictment, and the
Depositions
and examinations are many, I leaue to trouble
you with
any more of them, for being found guiltie of
this offence,
the penaltie of the Law is as much as
her good
Neighbours doe require, which is to
be deliuered
from the companie of such a
dangerous
wicked, and
malicious
Witch.
* *
*
After this, several witnesses were examined against her in open court, viua voce, to
prove the death of the mare and various other vile and disgusting acts committed by her.
They made it so clear to the jury that there was no question about it. However,
since the matter isn't of great importance,
considering that her life isn't at stake with this indictment, and there are many
depositions and examinations, I won't trouble you with more of them. If found guilty of
this offense, the penalty of the law is as much as her good neighbors require, which is to
be rid of the company of such a
dangerous, wicked, and
malicious witch.
* *
*
THE ARRAIGNMENT
and Triall of Isabel Robey
in the Countie of Lancaster, for Witch-craft: vpon Wednesday
the nineteenth of August, 1612. At the Assizes and generall
Goale-deliuery, holden at Lancaster.
THE ARRAIGNMENT
and Trial of Isabel Robey
in Lancashire, for Witchcraft: on Wednesday
the nineteenth of August, 1612. At the Assizes and general
Jail delivery, held at Lancaster.
Before
Prior
Sir Edward Bromley, Knight, one of his Maiesties
Iustices of Assizes at Lancaster.
Sir Edward Bromley, Knight, one of His Majesty's
Justices of Assizes at Lancaster.
Isabel Robey.[T2a1]
Hus at one time may you behold Witches of all sorts from many places in this Countie of Lancaster which now may lawfully bee said to abound asmuch in Witches of diuers kindes as Seminaries, Iesuites, and Papists.[T2a2] Here then is the last that came to act her part in this lamentable and wofull Tragedie, wherein his Maiestie hath lost so many Subjects, Mothers their Children, Fathers their Friends, and Kinsfolkes[T2a3] the like whereof hath not beene set forth in any age. What hath the Kings Maiestie written and published in his Dæmonologie, by way of premonition and preuention, which hath not here by the first or last beene executed, put in practise or discouered? What Witches haue euer vpon their Arraignement and Trial made such open liberall and voluntarie declarations of their liues, and such confessions of their offences: The manner of their attempts and their bloudie practises, their meetings, consultations and what not? Therefore I shall now conclude with this Isabel Robey who is now come to her triall.
At one time, you might see Witches of all kinds from various places in this County of Lancaster, which can now be honestly said to have just as many Witches of different types as it does Seminaries, Jesuits, and Papists.[T2a2] Here is the last one to take her part in this sad and tragic story, in which His Majesty has lost so many subjects, mothers their children, fathers their friends, and relatives[T2a3]—a situation unmatched in any era. What has the King's Majesty written and published in his Dæmonologie, as a warning and prevention, that hasn’t been carried out, practiced, or uncovered here, first or last? What Witches have ever made such open, generous, and voluntary declarations of their lives and such confessions of their wrongdoings upon their arraignment and trial: detailing the nature of their attempts, their bloody practices, their meetings, consultations, and everything else? Therefore, I will now conclude with this Isabel Robey, who is now facing her trial.
This Isabel Robey Prisoner in the Castle at Lancaster being brought to the Barre before the great Seat of Iustice was there according to the former order and course Indicted and Arraigned, for that shee Felloniously had practised, exercised and vsed her Deuilish and wicked Artes called Witchcrafts, Inchantments, Charmes and Sorceries.
This Isabel Robey Prisoner in the Castle at Lancaster was brought to the bar before the great seat of justice, where she was indicted and arraigned according to the previous order and procedure, for having maliciously practiced, exercised, and used her devilish and wicked arts known as witchcrafts, enchantments, charms, and sorceries.
Vpon her Arraignment to this Indictment she pleaded not guiltie, and for the triall of her life, put her selfe vpon God and her Countrie.
Upon her arraignment for this indictment, she pleaded not guilty and, for the trial of her life, placed her trust in God and her country.
So as now the Gentlemen of the Iurie of life and death stand charged with her as with others.
So now the gentlemen of the court of life and death are charged with her, just like with others.
The Euidence against Isabel Robey
Prisoner at the Barre.
The Evidence against Isabel Robey
Defendant at the Bench.
The Examination of Peter Chaddock
of Windle, in the Countie of Lancaster: Taken at
Windle aforesaid, the 12. day of Iuly 1612. Anno Reg.
Regis Iacobi, Angliæ, &c. decimo, & Scotiæ xlv.
The Evaluation of Peter Chaddock
of Windle, in the County of Lancaster: Taken at
Windle mentioned above, on the 12th day of July 1612. Year of the reign of
King James, of England, etc. the tenth, and of Scotland the forty-fifth.
Before
Before
Sir Thomas Gerrard Knight, and Barronet. One
of his Maiesties Iustices of the Peace within the said
Countie.
Sir Thomas Gerrard Knight and Baronet. One
of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace in that
County.
THe said Examinate vpon his Oath saith, That before his Marriage hee heard say that the said Isabel Robey was not pleased that hee should marrie his now wife: whereupon this Examinate called the said Isabel Witch, and said that hee did not care for her. Then within two dayes next after this Examinate was sore pained in his bones: And this Examinate hauing occasion to meete Master Iohn Hawarden at Peaseley Crosse, wished one Thomas Lyon to goe thither with him, which they both did so; but as they came home-wards, they both were in euill case. But within a short time after, this Examinate and the said Thomas Lyon were both very well amended.
The witness, under oath, states that before his marriage, he heard that the said Isabel Robey was unhappy about him marrying his current wife. Because of this, the witness referred to Isabel as a witch and said he didn't care for her. Then, within two days, he experienced severe pain in his bones. The witness, needing to meet Master Iohn Hawarden at Peaseley Cross, asked Thomas Lyon to go with him, which they both did. However, on their way back home, they both felt unwell. But shortly after that, both the witness and Thomas Lyon recovered completely.
And this Examinate further saith, that about foure yeares last past, his now wife was angrie with the said Isabel, shee then being in his house, and his said Wife thereupon went out of the house, and presently after that the said Isabel went likewise out of the house not well pleased, as this Examinate then did thinke, and presently after vpon the same day, this Examinate with his said wife working in the Hay, a paine and a starknesse fell into the necke of this Examinat which grieued him very sore; wherupō this Examinat sent to one Iames a Glouer, which then dwelt in Windle, and desired him to pray for him, and within foure or fiue dayes next after this Examinate did mend very well. Neuerthelesse this Examinate during the same time was very sore pained, and so thirstie withall, and hot within his body, that hee would haue giuen any thing hee had, to haue slaked his thirst, hauing drinke enough in the house, and yet could not drinke vntill the time that the said Iames the Glouer came to him, and this Examinate then said before the said Glouer, I would to God that I could drinke, where upon the said Glouer said to this Examinate, take that drinke, and in the name of the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost, drinke it, saying; The Deuill and Witches are not able to preuaile against God and his Word, whereupon this Examinate then tooke the glasse of drinke, and did drinke it all, and afterwards mended very well, and so did continue in good health, vntill our Ladie day in Lent was twelue moneth or thereabouts, since which time this Examinate saith, that hee hath beene sore pained with great warch in his bones,[T3b] and all his limmes, and so yet continueth, and this Examinate further saith, that his said warch and paine came to him rather by meanes of the said Isabel Robey, then otherwise, as he verily thinketh.
And this person further states that about four years ago, his current wife got angry with the said Isabel, who was at that time in his house. His wife then left the house, and shortly after, the said Isabel also left the house, seemingly upset, or so he thought. Later that same day, while he and his wife were working in the hay, he suddenly experienced pain and stiffness in his neck, which troubled him greatly. Because of this, he sent for a man named James, a glover who lived in Windle, and asked him to pray for him. Within four or five days after that, he felt much better. Nevertheless, during that time, he suffered significant pain, extreme thirst, and felt very hot inside. He would have given anything he had just to quench his thirst, even though there was enough drink in the house, he couldn’t drink until James the glover arrived. Then, in front of the glover, he said, "I wish I could drink," to which the glover replied, "Take that drink and, in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, drink it. The devil and witches cannot prevail against God and His Word." After that, he took the glass and drank it all, and afterward he recovered well and remained in good health until about a year later on Our Lady Day in Lent. Since then, he says he has endured severe pain with a great ache in his bones and all his limbs, and that still continues. He further states that he believes his pain and suffering came more from the said Isabel Robey than from anything else.
The Examination of Iane Wilkinson,
Wife of Francis Wilkinson, of Windle aforesaid:
Taken before the said Sir Thomas Gerrard,
Knight and Barronet, the day and place aforesaid.
Against the said Isabel Robey.
The Review of Iane Wilkinson,
Wife of Francis Wilkinson, of Windle mentioned above:
Taken before the aforementioned Sir Thomas Gerrard,
Knight and Baronet, on the day and at the place mentioned above.
Against the said Isabel Robey.
THe said Examinate vpon her oath saith, that vpon a time the said Isabel Robey asked her milke, and shee denied to giue her any: And afterwards shee met the said Isabel, whereupon this Examinate waxed afraid of her, and was then presently sick, and so pained that shee could not stand, and the next day after this Examinate going to Warrington, was suddenly pinched on her Thigh as shee thought, with foure fingers & a Thumbe twice together, and thereupon was sicke, in so much as shee could not get home but on horse-backe, yet soone after shee did mend.
The person being examined under oath says that at one point, the said Isabel Robey asked her for milk, and she refused to give her any. Later, she saw Isabel again, which made her afraid, and she became ill right away, feeling so much pain that she couldn’t stand. The next day, while going to Warrington, she suddenly felt a pinch on her thigh that she thought was caused by four fingers and a thumb pressing down twice. After that, she fell ill again, to the point where she could only get home on horseback, but she started to recover soon after.
The Examination of Margaret
Lyon wife of Thomas Lyon the yonger, of
Windle aforesaid: Taken before the said Sir Thomas
Gerrard, Knight and Barronet, the day and place aforesaid.
Against the said Isabel Robey.
The Assessment of Margaret
Lyon wife of Thomas Lyon the younger, of
Windle mentioned earlier: Taken before the said Sir Thomas Gerrard, Knight and Baronet, on the same day and place mentioned above.
Against the said Isabel Robey.
THe said Margaret Lyon vpon her Oath saith, that vpon a time Isabel Robey came into her house and said that Peter Chaddock should neuer mend vntill he had asked her forgiuenesse; and that shee knew hee would neuer doe: whereupon this Examinate said, how doe you know that, for he is a true Christian, and hee would aske all the world forgiuenesse? then the said Isabel said, that is all one, for hee will neuer aske me forgiuenesse, therefore hee shall neuer mend; And this Examinate further saith, that shee being in the house of the said Peter Chaddock, the wife of the said Peter, who is God-Daughter of the said Isabel, and hath in times past vsed her companie much, did affirme, that the said Peter was now satisfied, that the said Isabel Robey was no Witch, by sending to one Halseworths, which they call a wiseman,[T4b1] and the wife of the said Peter then said, to abide vpon it,[T4b2] I thinke that my Husband will neuer mend vntill hee haue asked her forgiuenesse, choose him whether hee will bee angrie or pleased, for this is my opinion: to which he answered, when he did need to aske her forgiuenesse, he would, but hee thought hee did not need, for any thing hee knew: and yet this Examinate further saith, That the said Peter Chaddock had very often told her, that he was very afraid that the said Isabel had done him much hurt; and that he being fearefull to meete her, he hath turned backe at such time as he did meet her alone, which the said Isabel hath since then affirmed to be true, saying, that hee the said Peter did turne againe when he met her in the Lane.
The said Margaret Lyon on her oath stated that once, Isabel Robey came into her house and claimed that Peter Chaddock wouldn’t get better until he asked her for forgiveness; and that she knew he would never do it. Then this witness said, “How do you know that? He is a true Christian, and he would ask anyone for forgiveness.” To which Isabel replied, “That doesn’t matter, because he will never ask me for forgiveness, so he will never get better.” This witness further stated that while in the house of Peter Chaddock, his wife, who is Isabel's goddaughter and has spent a lot of time with her in the past, insisted that Peter was now convinced that Isabel Robey was not a witch after consulting a man named Halseworths, whom they referred to as a wise man. Then Peter's wife said, “I believe my husband will never get better until he asks her for forgiveness, whether he is angry or happy, that’s what I think.” He replied that when he felt the need to ask her for forgiveness, he would, but he didn't think he needed to for any reason he knew of. However, this witness further mentioned that Peter Chaddock had often told her that he was very afraid that Isabel had harmed him greatly; and out of fear of meeting her, he had turned back whenever he encountered her alone, which Isabel has since confirmed, saying that Peter did indeed turn back when he saw her in the lane.
The Examination of Margaret
Parre wife of Hvgh Parre of Windle aforesaid,
Taken before the said Sir Thomas Gerard
Knight and Baronet, the day and place aforesaid. Against
the said Isabel Robey.
The Exam of Margaret
Parre wife of Hvgh Parre of Windle mentioned earlier,
Taken before the said Sir Thomas Gerard
Knight and Baronet, on the same day and at the same place. Against
the said Isabel Robey.
THe said Examinate vpon her oath saith, that vpon a time, the said Isabel Robey came to her house, and this Examinate asked her how Peter Chaddock did, And the said Isabel answered shee knew not, for shee went not to see, and then this Examinate asked her how Iane Wilkinson did, for that she had beene lately sicke and suspected to haue beene bewitched: then the said Isabel said twice together, I haue bewitched her too: and then this Examinate said that shee trusted shee could blesse her selfe from all Witches and defied them; and then the said Isabel said twice together, would you defie me? & afterwards the said Isabel went away not well pleased.
The witness says that one time, the said Isabel Robey came to her house. This witness asked her how Peter Chaddock was doing, and Isabel replied that she didn’t know because she hadn’t gone to see him. Then the witness asked how Iane Wilkinson was doing, since she had been sick recently and was thought to have been bewitched. Isabel then said twice, "I’ve bewitched her too." The witness said she hoped she could protect herself from all witches and disavowed them. Then Isabel asked twice, "Would you disavow me?" After that, Isabel left, clearly upset.
Here the Gentlemen of the last Iurie of Life and Death hauing taken great paines, the time being farre spent, and the number of the Prisoners great, returned into the Court to deliuer vp their Verdict against them as followeth. viz.
Here, the gentlemen of the last jury of Life and Death, having put in a lot of effort, and with time running late and the number of prisoners being high, returned to the court to deliver their verdict against them as follows: viz.
The Verdict of Life and
Death.
WHo vpon their Oathes found the said Isabel Robey guiltie of the Fellonie by Witch-craft, contained in the Indictment against her. And Margaret Pearson guiltie of the offence by Witch-craft, contained in the Indictment against her.
Who upon their oaths found the said Isabel Robey guilty of the felony of witchcraft, as stated in the indictment against her. And Margaret Pearson guilty of the offense of witchcraft, as stated in the indictment against her.
Whereupon Master Couell was commaunded by the Court in the afternoone to bring forth all the Prisoners that stood Conuicted, to receiue their Iudgment of Life and Death.
Whereupon Master Couell was ordered by the Court in the afternoon to bring forward all the prisoners who had been convicted, to receive their judgment of life and death.
For his Lordship now intended to proceed to a finall dispatch of the Pleas of the Crowne. And heere endeth the Arraignement and Triall of the Witches at Lancaster.
For his Lordship now intended to move forward with the final resolution of the Crown's Pleas. And here ends the arraignment and trial of the witches at Lancaster.
THus at the length haue we brought to perfection this intended Discouery of Witches, with the Arraignement and Triall of euery one of them in order, by the helpe of Almightie God, and this Reuerend Iudge; the Lanterne from whom I haue received light to direct me in this course to the end. And as in the beginning, I presented vnto their view a Kalender containing the names of all the witches: So now I shall present vnto you in the conclusion and end, such as stand conuicted, and come to the Barre to receiue the iudgement of the Law for their offences, and the proceedings of the Court against such as were acquitted, and found not guiltie: with the religious Exhortation of this Honorable Iudge, as eminent in gifts and graces, as in place and preeminence, which I may lawfully affirme without base flattery (the canker of all honest and worthie minds) drew the eyes and reuerend respect of all that great Audience present, to heare their Iudgement, and the end of these proceedings.
This is how we have successfully completed this investigation of witches, including the arraignment and trial of each one of them, with the help of Almighty God and this esteemed judge; the beacon from whom I have gained insight to guide me through this process to the conclusion. Just as I presented a calendar at the beginning with the names of all the witches, now in this conclusion, I will present to you those who have been convicted and come to the bar to receive the law's judgment for their offenses, as well as the proceedings of the court regarding those who were acquitted and found not guilty. This will include the solemn exhortation from this honorable judge, renowned for both his talents and grace, as well as his position and prominence, which I can assert without resorting to insincere flattery (the bane of all honest and worthy minds) that captured the attention and respect of all the esteemed audience present, eager to hear their judgment and the outcome of these proceedings.
The Prisoners being brought to the Barre.
THe Court commanded three solemne Proclamations for silence, vntill Iudgement for Life and Death were giuen.
The Court ordered three formal announcements for silence until the verdict on life or death was given.
Whereupon I presented to his Lordship the
names of the Prisoners in order, which
were now to receiue their
Iudgement.
* *
*
Whereupon I presented to his Lordship the
names of the Prisoners in order, which
were now to receive their
Judgment.
* *
*
¶ The names of the Prisoners at the
Barre to receiue their Judgement
of Life and Death.
The names of the prisoners at the __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Barre to receive their judgment
of life and death.
Anne Whittle, alias
Chattox.
Anne Whittle, also known as
Chattox.
Elizabeth Deuice.
Elizabeth Deuice.
James Deuice.
James Deuice.
Anne Redferne.
Anne Redferne.
Alice Nutter.
Alice Nutter.
Katherine Hewet,
Katherine Hewet,
John Bulcock.
John Bulcock.
Jane Bulcock.
Jane Bulcock.
Alizon Deuice.
Alizon Deuice.
Isabel Robey.
Isabel Robey.
T H E I V D G E M E N T
OF THE RIGHT HONORABLE
Sir Edward Bromley, Knight, one
of his Maiesties Iustices of Assize
at Lancaster vpon the Witches conuicted,
as followeth.
THE IVDGEMENT
OF THE HONORABLE
Sir Edward Bromley, Knight, one
of his Majesty's Justices of Assize
at Lancaster regarding the convicted witches,
as stated.
Here is no man aliue more vnwilling to pronounce this wofull and heauy Iudgement against you, then my selfe: and if it were possible, I would to God this cup might passe from me. But since it is otherwise prouided, that after all proceedings of the Law, there must be a Iudgement; and the Execution of that Iudgement must succeed and follow in due time: I pray you haue patience to receiue that which the Law doth lay vpon you. You of all people haue the least cause to complaine: since in the Triall of your liues there hath beene great care and paines taken, and much time spent: and very few or none of you, but stand conuicted vpon your owne voluntarie confessions and Examinations, Ex ore proprio. Few Witnesses examined against you, but such as were present, and parties in your Assemblies. Nay I may further affirme, What persons of your nature and condition, euer were Arraigned and Tried with more solemnitie, had more libertie giuen to pleade or answere to euerie particular point of Euidence against you? In conclusion such hath beene the generall care of all, that had to deale with you, that you haue neither cause to be offended in the proceedings of the Iustices, that first tooke paines in these businesses, nor with the Court that hath had great care to giue nothing in euidence against you, but matter of fact; Sufficient matter vpon Record, and not to induce or leade the Iurie to finde any one of you guiltie vpon matter of suspition or presumption, nor with the witnesses who haue beene tried, as it were in the fire: Nay, you cannot denie but must confesse what extraordinarie meanes hath beene vsed to make triall of their euidence, and to discouer the least intended practice in any one of them, to touch your liues vniustly.
There is no one alive more reluctant to deliver this sorrowful and heavy judgment against you than I am. If it were possible, I would pray that this burden could be taken from me. But since things are arranged otherwise, and after all legal proceedings, there must be a judgment; and the execution of that judgment must follow in due time: I ask you to have patience in receiving what the law imposes on you. Of all people, you have the least reason to complain: since in the trial of your lives, great care and effort have been taken, and a lot of time spent: and very few, if any of you, can deny that you stand convicted based on your own voluntary confessions and examinations, Ex ore proprio. Few witnesses have been examined against you, aside from those present and involved in your gatherings. I can further affirm, what individuals of your kind have ever been arraigned and tried with more solemnity, and were given more freedom to plead or respond to every specific piece of evidence against you? In conclusion, there has been such general care from all who dealt with you, that you have no reason to be offended by the actions of the justices who first took the time on these matters, nor with the court that has been careful to present only factual evidence against you; sufficient evidence on record, and not to guide or sway the jury to find any of you guilty based on suspicion or presumption, nor with the witnesses who have been tested, as it were, in a crucible: You cannot deny but must acknowledge the extraordinary means used to evaluate their evidence and uncover any hint of a scheme against you that would unjustly threaten your lives.
As you stand simply (your offences and bloudie practises not considered) your fall would rather moue compassion, then exasperate any man. For whom would not the ruine of so many poore creatures at one time, touch, as in apparance simple, and of little vnderstanding?
As you stand there, disregarding your offenses and bloody actions, your downfall would evoke more sympathy than anger in anyone. Who wouldn't be affected by the destruction of so many innocent lives at once, as they seem simple and not very insightful?
But the bloud of those innocent children, and others his Maiesties Subiects, whom cruelly and barbarously you haue murdered, and cut off, with all the rest of your offences, hath cryed out vnto the Lord against you, and sollicited for satisfaction and reuenge, and that hath brought this heauie iudgement vpon you at this time.
But the blood of those innocent children and other subjects of His Majesty that you have cruelly and barbarically murdered and cut down, along with all your other offenses, has cried out to the Lord against you and sought justice and revenge, which has brought this heavy judgment upon you at this time.
It is therefore now time no longer wilfully to striue, both against the prouidence of God, and the Iustice of the Land: the more you labour to acquit your selues, the more euident and apparant you make your offences to the World. And vnpossible it is that they shall either prosper or continue in this World, or receiue reward in the next, that are stained with so much innocent bloud.
It’s no longer the time to intentionally struggle against the will of God and the justice of the land. The harder you try to justify yourselves, the more clearly you show your wrongdoings to the world. It’s impossible for those who are stained with so much innocent blood to succeed or thrive in this life, or to receive a reward in the next.
The worst then I wish to you, standing at the Barre conuicted, to receiue your Iudgement, is, Remorse, and true Repentance, for the safegard of your Soules, and after, an humble, penitent, and heartie acknowledgement of your grieuous sinnes and offences committed both against God and Man.
The worst I wish for you, standing at the bar convicted, to receive your judgment, is remorse and true repentance, for the safety of your soul, and afterward, a humble, penitent, and heartfelt acknowledgment of your serious sins and offenses committed against God and man.
First, yeeld humble and heartie thankes to Almightie God for taking hold of you in your beginning, and making stay of your intended bloudie practises (although God knowes there is too much done alreadie) which would in time have cast so great a weight of Iudgement vpon your Soules.
First, give humble and heartfelt thanks to Almighty God for guiding you at the start and stopping you from carrying out your planned bloody actions (even though God knows there has already been too much done) that would have eventually placed a heavy burden of judgment on your souls.
Then praise God that it pleased him not to surprize or strike you suddenly, euen in the execution of your bloudie Murthers, and in the middest of your wicked practises, but hath giuen you time, and takes you away by a iudiciall course and triall of the Law.
Then praise God that it pleased Him not to surprise or strike you suddenly, even in the midst of your bloody murders and while carrying out your wicked schemes, but has given you time and is taking you away through a legal process and trial.
Last of all, craue pardon of the World, and especially of all such as you haue iustly offended, either by tormenting themselues, children, or friends, murder of their kinsfolks, or losse of any their goods.
Finally, seek forgiveness from the world, and especially from those you have rightly hurt, whether by causing them pain, their children, or friends, by killing their relatives, or by causing them to lose any of their possessions.
And for leauing to future times the president of so many barbarous and bloudie murders, with such meetings, practises, consultations, and meanes to execute reuenge, being the greatest part of your comfort in all your actions, which may instruct others to hold the like course, or fall in the like sort:
And to leave for future generations the record of so many brutal and bloody murders, along with the gatherings, schemes, discussions, and ways to carry out revenge, which are a significant part of your comfort in all your actions, might instruct others to follow the same path or end up in the same way:
It only remaines I pronounce the Iudgement of the Court against you by the Kings authoritie, which is; You shall all goe from hence to the Castle, from whence you came; from thence you shall bee carried to the place of Execution for this Countie: where your bodies shall bee hanged vntill you be dead; And God Have Mercie Vpon Yovr Sovles; For your comfort in this world I shall commend a learned and worthie Preacher to instruct you, and prepare you, for an other World: All I can doe for you is to pray for your Repentance in this World, for the satisfaction of many; And forgiuenesse in the next world, for sauing of your Soules. And God graunt you may make good vse of the time you haue in this world, to his glorie and your owne comfort.
It only remains for me to deliver the Court's judgment against you by the King's authority, which is; You will all go from here to the Castle, from where you came; from there you will be taken to the execution site for this county: where your bodies will be hung until you are dead; And may God have mercy on your souls.; For your comfort in this world, I will recommend a knowledgeable and worthy preacher to guide you and prepare you for another world: All I can do for you is to pray for your repentance in this world, for the satisfaction of many; and forgiveness in the next world, for the salvation of your souls. And may God grant you the ability to make good use of the time you have in this world, for His glory and your own comfort.
Margaret Pearson.
THe Iudgement of the Court against you, is, You shall stand vpon the Pillarie in open Market, at Clitheroe, Paddiham, Whalley, and Lancaster, foure Market dayes, with a Paper vpon your head, in great Letters, declaring your offence, and there you shall confesse your offence, and after to remaine in Prison for one yeare without Baile, and after to be bound with good Sureties, to be of the good behauiour.
The court's judgment against you is that you will stand on the pillory in a public market at Clitheroe, Paddiham, Whalley, and Lancaster, for four market days, with a paper on your head in large letters, declaring your offense. There, you will confess your wrongdoing, and afterwards, you will remain in prison for a year without bail. Following that, you will need to be bound with good sureties to ensure good behavior.
To the Prisoners found not guiltie
by the Ivries.
To the prisoners who were found not guilty
by the Juries.
Elizabeth Astley.
John Ramsden.
Alice Gray.
Isabel Sidegraues.
Lawrence Hay.[Xa]
O you that are found not guiltie, and are by the Law to bee acquited, presume no further of your Innocencie then you haue just cause: for although it pleased God out of his Mercie, to spare you at this time, yet without question there are amongst you, that are as deepe in this Action, as any of them that are condemned to die for their offences: The time is now for you to forsake the Deuill: Remember how, and in what sort hee hath dealt with all of you: make good vse of this great mercie and fauour: and pray unto God you fall not againe: For great is your happinesse to haue time in this World, to prepare your selues against the day when you shall appeare before the Great Iudge of all.
Oh you who are found not guilty and are to be acquitted by the law, don’t assume your innocence is absolute beyond what is justified: for although God, in His mercy, has spared you this time, there are certainly among you some who are just as implicated in this action as those condemned to die for their offenses. Now is the time for you to turn away from evil: Remember how he has treated you all: make the most of this great mercy and favor: and pray to God that you do not fall again: For it is a great blessing to have time in this world to prepare yourselves for the day when you will stand before the Great Judge of all.
Notwithstanding, the iudgement of the Court, is, You shall all enter Recognizances with good sufficient Suerties, to appeare at the next Assizes at Lancaster, and in the meane time to be of the good behauiour. All I can say to you:
Nevertheless, the judgment of the Court is, You all must enter into Recognizances with reliable sureties to appear at the next Assizes at Lancaster, and in the meantime, behave properly. All I can say to you:
Jennet Bierley,
Ellen Bierley,
Jane Southworth,
is, That God hath deliuered you beyond expectation, I pray God you may vse this mercie and fauour well; and take heed you fall not hereafter: And so the Court doth order you shall be deliuered.
is, That God has delivered you beyond what you expected. I pray God that you use this mercy and favor wisely; and be careful not to fall again. And so the Court has decided you shall be released.
What more can bee written or published of the proceedings of this honourable Court: but to conclude with the Execution of the Witches,[Xb] who were executed the next day following at the common place of Execution, neare vnto Lancaster. Yet in the end giue mee leaue to intreate some fauour that haue beene afraid to speake vntill my worke were finished. If I haue omitted any thing materiall, or published any thing imperfect, excuse me for that I haue done: It was a worke imposed vpon me by the Iudges, in respect I was so wel instructed in euery particular. In hast I haue vndertaken to finish it in a busie Tearme amongst my other imploiments.
What more can be written or published about the proceedings of this honorable Court? To conclude with the execution of the witches, who were executed the next day at the public execution site near Lancaster. However, I would like to ask for some grace, as I have been hesitant to speak up until my work was completed. If I have left out anything important or published anything incomplete, please forgive me for what I have done. This task was assigned to me by the judges because I was well-informed on every detail. In haste, I undertook to finish it during a busy term alongside my other commitments.
My charge was to publish the proceedings of Iustice, and matter of Fact, wherein I wanted libertie to write what I would, and am limited to set forth nothing against them, but matter vpon Record, euen in their owne Countrie tearmes, which may seeme strange. And this I hope will giue good satisfaction to such as vnderstand how to iudge of a businesse of this nature. Such as haue no other imploiment but to question other mens Actions, I leaue them to censure what they please, It is no part of my profession to publish any thing in print, neither can I paint in extraordinarie tearmes.[X2a] But if this discouerie may serue for your instruction, I shall thinke my selfe very happie in this Seruice, and so leaue it to your generall censure.
My task was to publish the proceedings of Justice and the matter of fact, where I needed the freedom to write what I wanted, but I'm restricted to presenting only what is on record, even in their own country’s terms, which may seem unusual. I hope this will provide good satisfaction to those who know how to judge a matter like this. For those who have nothing else to do but question other people’s actions, I leave them to criticize as they see fit. It’s not part of my job to publish anything in print, nor can I express it in extraordinary terms.[X2a] But if this discovery can serve as your guidance, I will consider myself very fortunate to be of service, and I leave it to your general judgment.
Hurry up, studies that pleased you.
THE
ARRAIGNEMENT
A N D T R I A L L OF
I ennet Preston, Of
GISBORNE IN CRAVEN,
in the Countie of Yorke.
At the Assises and Generall Gaole-
Deliuerie holden at the Castle of Yorke
in the Countie of Yorke, the xxvij. day of
Iuly last past, Anno Regni Regis Iacobi
Angliæ, &c. Decimo, & Scotiæ
quadragesimo quinto.
At the Assizes and General Gaol-
Delivery held at the York Castle
in the County of York, on the 27th day of
July last year, Year of the Reign of King James
of England, etc. Tenth year, and of Scotland
45th.
Before
Before
Sir I a m e s A l t h a m Knight, one
of the Barons of his Maiesties Court of Exchequer;
and Sir E d w a r d B r o m l e y Knight, another of
the Barons of his Maiesties Court of Exchequer;
his Maiesties Iustices of Assise, Oyer and Terminer,
and generall Gaole-Deliuerie, in the Circuit
of the North-parts.
Sir I am Es Altam Knight, one
of the Barons of His Majesty's Court of Exchequer;
and Sir Edward Bromley Knight, another of
the Barons of His Majesty's Court of Exchequer;
The Justices of Assize, Oyer and Terminer, appointed by His Majesty,
and general jail delivery, in the circuit
from the North.
LONDON.
London.
Printed by W. Stansby for Iohn Barnes, and
are to be sold at his Shoppe neere Holborne
Conduit. 1612.
Printed by W. Stansby for John Barnes, and
are to be sold at his shop near Holborn
Conduit. 1612.
THE ARRAIGNMENT
and Triall of Iennet Preston
of Gisborne in Crauen, in the Countie of Yorke, at
the Assises and generall Gaole-deliuerie, holden at the
Castle of Yorke, in the Countie of Yorke, the seuen and
twentieth day of Iuly last past. Anno Regni Regis Iacobi
Angliæ &c. Decimo & Scotiæ xlvj.
The Arraignment
and Trial of Jennet Preston
of Gisborne in Craven, in the County of York, at
the Assizes and general Jail delivery, held at the
Castle of York, in the County of York, on the
twenty-seventh day of July last year. In the tenth year of the reign of King James
of England & etc. and the forty-sixth year of Scotland.
Jennet Preston.
ANY haue vndertaken to write great discourses of Witches and many more dispute and speake of them. And it were not much if as many wrote of them as could write at al, to set forth to the world the particular Rites and Secrets of their vnlawfull Artes, with their infinite and wonderfull practises which many men little feare till they seaze vpon them. As by this late wonderfull discouerie of Witches in the Countie of Lancaster may appeare, wherein I find such apparant matter to satisfie the World, how dangerous and malitious a Witch this Iennet Preston was, How vnfit to liue, hauing once so great mercie extended to her: And againe to reuiue her practises, and returne to her former course of life; that I thinke it necessarie not to let the memorie of her life and death die with her; But to place her next to her fellowes and to set forth the Arraignement Triall and Conviction of her, with her offences for which she was condemned and executed.
Many have taken it upon themselves to write extensive discussions about witches, and many more debate and talk about them. It wouldn't be surprising if as many people wrote about them as could actually write at all, to reveal to the world the specific rites and secrets of their illegal arts, along with their countless and amazing practices that many people don’t worry about until they face them. This is evident in the recent astonishing discovery of witches in Lancashire, where I find such clear evidence to show the world how dangerous and malicious a witch this Iennet Preston was. She was unfit to live, having once received such great mercy: yet she chose to revive her practices and return to her old ways. I believe it's necessary not to let the memory of her life and death fade away with her, but to place her alongside her peers and present the details of her arraignment, trial, and conviction, along with the offenses for which she was condemned and executed.
And although shee died for her offence before the rest, I yet can afford her no better place then in the end of this Booke in respect the proceedings was in an other Countie;
And although she died for her crime before the others, I still can't give her a better place than at the end of this book since the events took place in a different county;
You that were husband to this Iennet Preston; her friends and kinsfolkes, who haue not beene sparing to deuise so scandalous a slander out of the malice of your hearts, as that shee was maliciously prosecuted by Master Lister and others; Her life vniustly taken away by practise; and that (euen at the Gallowes where shee died impenitent and void of all feare or grace) she died an Innocent woman, because she would confesse nothing: You I say may not hold it strange, though at this time, being not only moued in conscience, but directed, for example sake, with that which I haue to report of her, I suffer you not to wander any further, but with this short discourse oppose your idle conceipts able to seduce others: And by Charmes of Imputations and slander, laid vpon the Iustice of the Land, to cleare her that was iustly condemned and executed for her offence; That this Iennet Preston was for many yeares well thought of and esteemed by Master Lister who afterwards died for it Had free accesse to his house, kind respect and entertainment; nothing denied her she stood in need of. Which of you that dwelleth neare them in Crauen but can and will witnesse it? which might haue incouraged a Woman of any good condition to haue runne a better course.
You who were married to this Iennet Preston; her friends and family members, who haven’t hesitated to create such a scandalous accusation out of the malice in your hearts, claiming that she was unfairly pursued by Master Lister and others; that her life was unjustly taken away by conspiracy; and that (even at the Gallows where she died unrepentant and without any fear or grace) she died an innocent woman because she wouldn't confess to anything: I say to you, don't be surprised, as I am not only moved by my conscience but guided, as an example, by what I have to recount about her. I will not allow you to go any further, but with this brief discussion, I challenge your baseless beliefs that could mislead others. And through the false accusations and slander laid against the justice of the land, to clear her who was justly condemned and executed for her crime; that this Iennet Preston was for many years well thought of and respected by Master Lister, who later died for it. She had free access to his home, received kind treatment and hospitality; nothing was denied to her that she needed. Which of you living near them in Craven can witness this? This could have encouraged a woman of any good character to choose a better path.
The fauour and goodnesse of this Gentleman Master Lister now liuing, at his first entrance after the death of his Father extended towards her, and the reliefe she had at all times, with many other fauours that succeeded from time to time, are so palpable and euident to all men as no man can denie them. These were sufficient motiues to haue perswaded her from the murder of so good a friend.
The kindness and generosity of this gentleman, Master Lister, who is still alive, when he first came into the picture after his father's death, along with the support she received from him at all times and many other favors over time, are so clear and obvious to everyone that no one can deny them. These were strong enough reasons to have convinced her not to betray such a good friend.
But such was her execrable Ingratitude, as euen this grace and goodnesse was the cause of his miserable and vntimely death. And euen in the beginning of his greatest fauours extended to her, began shee to worke this mischiefe, according to the course of all Witches.
But her terrible ingratitude was the reason for his unfortunate and premature death, even though this kindness and goodness was meant to support her. And right from the start of his greatest favors to her, she began to cause this trouble, following the pattern of all witches.
This Iennet Preston, whose Arraignment and Triall, with the particular Euidence against her I am now to set forth vnto you, one that liued at Gisborne in Crauen, in the Countie of Yorke, neare Master Lister of Westbie, against whom she practised much mischiefe; for hauing cut off Thomas Lister Esquire, father to this gentleman now liuing,[Ya1] shee reuenged her selfe vpon his sonne: who in short time receiued great losse in his goods and cattell by her meanes.
This Iennet Preston, whose trial and the specific evidence against her I am about to present to you, lived in Gisborne in Craven, in the County of York, near Mr. Lister of Westbie, against whom she caused a lot of trouble; after having harmed Thomas Lister Esquire, the father of the gentleman who is now alive, she took her revenge on his son, who soon faced significant losses in his property and livestock because of her actions.
These things in time did beget suspition, and at the Assizes and Generall Gaole deliuerie holden at the Castle of Yorke in Lent last past, before my Lord Bromley, shee was Indicted and Arraigned for the murder of a Child of one Dodg-sonnes,[Ya2] but by the fauour and mercifull consideration of the Iurie thereof acquited.
These events eventually raised suspicion, and at the Assizes and General Gaol Delivery held at the Castle of York during the past Lent, before my Lord Bromley, she was indicted and arraigned for the murder of a child of one Dodg-sonnes, [Ya2] but was acquitted by the favor and mercy of the jury.
But this fauour and mercie was no sooner extended towardes her, and shee set at libertie, But shee began to practise the utter ruine and ouerthrow of the name and bloud of this Gentleman.
But this favor and mercy was no sooner shown to her, and she set free, than she started plotting the complete destruction and downfall of this gentleman's name and lineage.
And the better to execute her mischiefe and wicked intent, within foure dayes after her deliuerance out of the Castle at Yorke, went to the great Assembly of Witches at Malking-Tower vpon Good-friday last: to praye aide and helpe, for the murder of Master Lister, in respect he had prosecuted against her at the same Assizes.
And to better carry out her evil plans, just four days after she was released from the Castle at York, she went to the big gathering of witches at Malking-Tower on Good Friday: to ask for help in murdering Master Lister, since he had prosecuted her at the same court session.
Which it pleased God in his mercie to discouer, and in the end, howsoeuer he had blinded her, as he did the King of Ægypt and his Instruments, for the brighter euidence of his own powerfull glory: Yet by a Iudiciall course and triall of the Law, cut her off, and so deliuered his people from the danger of her Deuilish and wicked practises: which you shall heare against her, at her Arraignement and Triall, which I shall now set forth to you in order as it was performed, with the wonderfull signes and tokens of God, to satisfie the Iurie to finde her guiltie of this bloudie murther, committed foure yeares since.
Which it pleased God, in His mercy, to reveal, and in the end, although He had blinded her, just as He did with the King of Egypt and his followers, for the clearer demonstration of His powerful glory: Yet through a legal process and trial, she was cut off, thus delivering His people from the danger of her wicked and evil practices: you will hear about this against her at her arraignment and trial, which I will now present to you in order as it was carried out, with the wonderful signs and tokens of God, to satisfy the jury in finding her guilty of this bloody murder committed four years ago.
Indictment.
THis Iennet Preston being Prisoner in the Castle at Yorke, and indicted, for that shee felloniously had practised, vsed, and exercised diuerse wicked and deuillish Arts, called Witchcrafts, Inchauntments, Charmes, and Sorceries, in and vpon one Thomas Lister of Westby in Crauen, in the Countie of Yorke Esquire, and by force of the same Witchcraft felloniously the said Thomas Lister had killed, Contra Pacem &c. beeing at the Barre, was arraigned.
This Iennet Preston was imprisoned in the castle at York and charged with felony for having maliciously practiced, used, and engaged in various wicked and evil arts, known as witchcraft, enchantments, charms, and sorcery, against one Thomas Lister of Westby in Craven, in the county of York, Esquire, and by means of that witchcraft, it was claimed that she had feloniously caused the death of Thomas Lister Contra Pacem &c. When she was brought to the bar, she was arraigned.
To this Indictment vpon her Arraignement, shee pleaded not guiltie, and for the Triall of her life put her selfe vpon God and her Countrey.
To this indictment at her arraignment, she pleaded not guilty, and for the trial of her life, she relied on God and her country.
Whereupon my Lord Altham commaunded Master Sheriffe of the Countie of Yorke, in open Court to returne a Iurie of sufficient Gentlemen of vnderstanding, to passe betweene our Soueraigne Lord the Kings Majestie and her, and others the Prisoners, vpon their liues and deaths; who were afterwards sworne, according to the forme and order of the Court, the prisoner being admitted to her lawfull challenge.
Whereupon my Lord Altham commanded the Sheriff of York County, in open court, to bring in a jury of qualified gentlemen to deliberate between our Sovereign Lord the King and her, as well as the other prisoners, regarding their lives and deaths; who were then sworn in, according to the rules and procedures of the court, with the prisoner allowed to make her legal challenge.
Which being done, and the Prisoner at the Barre to receiue her Tryall, Master Heyber,[Y2a] one of his Maiesties Iustices of Peace in the same County, hauing taken great paines in the proceedings against her; and being best instructed of any man of all the particular points of Euidence against her, humbly prayed, the witnesses hereafter following might be examined against her, and the seuerall Examinations, taken before Master Nowel, and certified, might openly bee published against her; which hereafter follow in order, viz.
Which being done, and the Prisoner at the Bar ready to receive her trial, Master Heyber, one of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace in the same County, having put in a lot of effort in the proceedings against her; and being the most informed person about all the specific points of evidence against her, humbly requested that the witnesses listed below be examined against her, and the various examinations taken before Master Nowel, and certified, be published publicly against her; which follow in order, viz.
The Euidence for the Kings Maiestie
Against
Against
Iennet Preston, Prisoner at the Barre.
Iennet Preston, Prisoner at the Bar.
HEreupon were diuerse Examinations taken and read openly against her, to induce and satisfie the Gentlemen of the Iurie of Life and Death, to finde she was a Witch; and many other circumstances for the death of M. Lister. In the end Anne Robinson and others were both examined, who vpon their Oathes declared against her, That M. Lister lying in great extremitie, vpon his death bedde, cried out vnto them that stood about him; that Iennet Preston was in the house, looke where shee is, take hold of her: for Gods sake shut the doores, and take her, shee cannot escape away. Looke about for her, and lay hold on her, for shee is in the house: and so cryed very often in his great paines, to them that came to visit him during his sicknesse.
HThere were several examinations conducted and read aloud against her, to convince the gentlemen of the Jury of Life and Death that she was a witch; along with many other details regarding the death of Mr. Lister. In the end, Anne Robinson and others were also examined, and they testified under oath against her. They said that Mr. Lister, in his final moments, cried out to those around him, urging them to find Jennet Preston, saying, "Look for her; she’s in the house! For God's sake, shut the doors and catch her; she can’t get away." He repeatedly called out for them to search for her and seize her, as she was present in the house, as he suffered greatly during his illness.
Anne Robinson,
and
Thomas Lister,
Being examined further, they both gaue this in euidence against her, That when Master Lister lay vpon his death-bedde, hee cryed out in great extremitie; Iennet Preston lyes heauie vpon me, Prestons wife lies heauie vpon me; helpe me, helpe me: and so departed, crying out against her.
Being examined further, they both gave this as evidence against her, that when Master Lister was on his deathbed, he cried out in great pain, Iennet Preston weighs heavily on me, Preston's wife weighs heavily on me; help me, help me: and then he passed away, shouting against her.
These, with many other witnesses, were further examined, and deposed, That Iennet Preston, the Prisoner at the Barre, being brought to M. Lister after hee was dead, & layd out to be wound vp in his winding-sheet, the said Iennet Preston comming to touch the dead corpes, they bled fresh bloud presently,[Y3a] in the presence of all that were there present: Which hath euer beene held a great argument to induce a Iurie to hold him guiltie that shall be accused of Murther, and hath seldome, or neuer, fayled in the Tryall.
These witnesses, along with many others, were further examined and testified that Iennet Preston, the defendant, was brought to M. Lister after he had died and was laid out to be wrapped in his burial shroud. When Iennet Preston came to touch the dead body, it bled fresh blood immediately, in front of everyone present. This has always been considered a strong argument to persuade a jury to find someone guilty of murder, and it has rarely, if ever, failed in trial.
But these were not alone: for this wicked and bloud-thirstie Witch was no sooner deliuered at the Assises holden at Yorke in Lent last past, being indicted, arraigned, and by the fauor and mercie of the Iurie found not guiltie, for the murther of a Child by Witch-craft: but vpon the Friday following, beeing Good-Friday, shee rode in hast to the great meeting at Malking-Tower, and there prayed aide for the murther of M. Thomas Lister: as at large shall appeare, by the seuerall Examinations hereafter following; sent to these Assises from Master Nowel and other his Maiesties Iustices of Peace in the Countie of Lancaster, to be giuen in euidence against her, vpon her Triall, viz.
But she wasn't alone: this wicked and bloodthirsty witch was no sooner brought to trial at the Assizes held in York last Lent, where she was indicted, arraigned, and, thanks to the jury's mercy, found not guilty of murdering a child by witchcraft. However, on the following Friday, Good Friday, she hurried to the large gathering at Malking Tower and there asked for help concerning the murder of Mr. Thomas Lister: as will be detailed in the various examinations that follow; sent to these Assizes from Master Nowel and other Justices of the Peace in Lancaster County, to be presented as evidence against her during her trial, viz.
The Examination and Euidence of
Iames Device, of the Forrest of Pendle, in the Countie
of Lancaster, Labourer, taken at the house of Iames
Wilsey, of the Forrest of Pendle in the Countie of
Lancaster, the seuen and twentieth day of Aprill, Anno
Reg. Regis Iacobi Angliæ, &c. Decimo ac Scotiæ
quadragesimo quinto.
The Exam and Evidence of
James Device, from the Forest of Pendle, in the County
of Lancaster, Laborer, taken at the home of James Wilsey, from the Forest of Pendle in the County of
Lancaster, on the twenty-seventh day of April, Year of
Reg. King James of England, & etc. Tenth and of Scotland
forty-fifth.
Before
Before
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banester,
Esquires, two of his Maiesties Iustices of the Peace
within the Countie of Lancaster, viz.
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banester,
Esquires, two of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace
within the County of Lancaster, viz.
THis Examinate saith, That vpon Good-Friday last about twelue of the clocke in the day-time, there dined in this Examinates said mothers house a number of persons, whereof three were men, with this Examinate, and the rest women: and that they met there for these three causes following (as this Examinates said mother told this Examinate): First was for the naming of the Spirit, which Alizon Deuice, now Prisoner at Lancaster, had, but did not name him, because shee was not there. The second cause was for the deliuery of his said Grand-mother, this Examinates said sister Alizon, the said Anne Chattox, and her daughter Redferne: Killing the Gaoler at Lancaster; and before the next Assizes to blow vp the Castle there; to that end the aforesaid Prisoners might by that meanes make an escape and get away. All which this Examinate then heard them conferre of. And the third cause was, for that there was a woman dwelling in Gilburne Parish, who came into this Examinates said Grand-mothers house, who there came, and craued assistance of the rest of them that were then there, for the killing of Master Lister of Westby: because, as she then said, he had borne malice vnto her, and had thought to haue put her away at the last Assizes at Yorke; but could not. And then this Examinat heard the said woman say, that her power was not strong enough to doe it her selfe, being now lesse then before time it had beene.
This witness states that on Good Friday around noon, a group of people, including three men and this witness, gathered at this witness's mother's house, along with several women. They met for the following three reasons (as this witness's mother explained to this witness): First, to discuss the naming of the Spirit that Alizon Device, currently imprisoned in Lancaster, had, but did not name because she was not there. The second reason was to plan the release of this witness's grandmother, this witness's sister Alizon, Anne Chattox, and her daughter Redferne: to kill the jailer in Lancaster and blow up the castle before the next Assizes, so that the aforementioned prisoners could escape. This witness heard them discussing all of this. The third reason was that a woman living in Gilburne Parish came to this witness's grandmother's house and asked for help from the others present to kill Master Lister of Westby. She claimed that he held a grudge against her and had tried to get rid of her at the last Assizes in York, but failed. This witness then heard the woman say that her own powers were now weaker than before, making her unable to do it herself.
And he also further saith, that the said Prestons wife had a Spirit with her like unto a white Foale, with a blacke-spot in the forehead. And further, this Examinat saith, That since the said meeting, as aforesaid, this Examinate hath beene brought to the wife of one Preston in Gisburne Parish aforesaid, by Henry Hargreiues of Goldshey, to see whether shee was the woman that came amongst the said Witches, on the said last Good-Friday, to craue their aide and assistance for the killing of the said Master Lister: and hauing had full view of her; hee this Examinate confesseth, That shee was the selfe-same woman which came amongst the said Witches on the said last Good-Friday, for their aide for the killing of the said Master Lister; and that brought the Spirit with her, in the shape of a White Foale, as aforesaid.
And he also says that the wife of the said Preston had a spirit with her that looked like a white foal, with a black spot on its forehead. Furthermore, this witness says that since the mentioned meeting, he has been taken to the wife of one Preston in Gisburne Parish, by Henry Hargreaves of Goldshey, to see if she was the one who came among the witches on the last Good Friday to ask for their help to kill the said Master Lister: and after getting a good look at her, this witness admits that she was indeed the same woman who came among the witches on that last Good Friday to seek their help to kill Master Lister; and that she brought the spirit with her, in the form of a white foal, as mentioned.
And this Examinate further saith, That all the said Witches went out of the said house in their owne shapes and likenesses, and they all, by that they were forth of the doores, were gotten on horse-backe like vnto Foales, some of one colour, some of another, and Prestons wife was the last; and when she got on horse-backe, they all presently vanished out of this Examinats sight: and before their said parting away, they all appointed to meete at the said Prestons wifes house that day twelue-month; at which time the said Prestons wife promised to make them a great feast; and if they had occasion to meet in the meane time, then should warning bee giuen that they all should meete vpon Romles-Moore. And this Examinate further saith, That at the said feast at Malking-Tower, this Examinat heard them all giue their consents to put the said Master Thomas Lister of Westby to death: and after Master Lister should be made away by Witchcraft, then al the said Witches gaue their consents to ioyne altogether to hancke Master Leonard Lister,[Za] when he should come to dwell at the Sowgill, and so put him to death.
And this witness further says that all the witches left the house in their own shapes and forms. Once they were outside, they got on horseback like foals, some of one color, some of another. Preston's wife was the last to mount, and as soon as she got on, they all disappeared from this witness's sight. Before they left, they arranged to meet at Preston's wife's house a year later, at which time she promised to host a big feast. If they needed to meet before then, they would be notified to gather at Romles-Moore. This witness also says that during the feast at Malking-Tower, they all agreed to put Master Thomas Lister of Westby to death. After Master Lister was killed by witchcraft, all the witches agreed to join together to hang Master Leonard Lister when he moved to Sowgill, and thus kill him.
The Examination of Henrie Hargreives
of Goldshey-booth, in the Forrest of
Pendle, in the Countie of Lancaster Yeoman, taken the
fifth day of May, Anno Reg. Regis Iacobi Angliæ,
&c. Decimo, ac Scociæ quadragesimo quinto.
The Exam of Henrie Hargreives
of Goldshey-booth, in the Forest of
Pendle, in the County of Lancaster, Yeoman, taken on the
fifth day of May, Year of King James of England,
&c. Tenth, and the fortieth-fifth of Scotland.
Before
Prior
Roger Nowel, Nicholas Bannester,
and Robert Holden, Esquires; three of his
Maiesties Iustices of Peace within the said Countie.
Roger Nowel, Nicholas Bannester,
and Robert Holden, Esquires; three of his
Majesty's Justices of the Peace within the said County.
THis Examinat vpon his oath saith, That Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, confessed vnto him, that she knoweth one Prestons wife neere Gisburne, and that the said Prestons wife should haue beene at the said feast, vpon the said Good-Friday, and that shee was an ill woman, and had done Master Lister of Westby great hurt.
This witness, under oath, says that Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox, confessed to him that she knows someone who is the wife of Preston near Gisburne, and that this Preston's wife was supposed to be at the feast on Good Friday, and that she was a bad woman who had done serious harm to Master Lister of Westby.
The Examination of Elizabeth
Device, mother of Iames Device, taken before
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banester,
Esquires, the day and yeare aforesaid, viz.
The Examination of Elizabeth
Gadget, mother of James Device, taken before
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banester,
Esquires, on the date mentioned above, viz.
THe said Elizabeth Deuice vpon her Examination confesseth, That vpon Good-Friday last, there dined at this Examinats house, which she hath said are Witches, and doth verily thinke them to be Witches; and their names are those whom Iames Deuice hath formerly spoken of to be there.
The said Elizabeth Deuice during her questioning admitted that on Good Friday last, some women she believes are witches had dinner at her house, and she truly thinks they are witches; their names are those that Iames Deuice has previously mentioned being there.
She also confesseth in all things touching the killing of Master Lister of Westby, as the said Iames Deuice hath before confessed.
She also admits to everything regarding the killing of Master Lister of Westby, just as Iames Deuice has confessed before.
And the said Elizabeth Deuice also further saith, That at the said meeting at Malking-Tower, as aforesaid, the said Katherine Hewyt and Iohn Bulcock, with all the rest then there, gaue their consents, with the said Prestons wife, for the killing of the said Master Lister. And for the killing of the said Master Leonard Lister, she this Examinate saith in all things, as the said Iames Deuice hath before confessed in his Examination.
And Elizabeth Deuice also states that at the meeting at Malking-Tower, as mentioned earlier, Katherine Hewyt, Iohn Bulcock, and everyone else present agreed, along with Preston's wife, to kill Master Lister. Regarding the murder of Master Leonard Lister, she confirms everything as Iames Deuice has already admitted in his examination.
The Examination of Iennet Device,
daughter of Elizabeth late wife of Iohn
Device, of the Forrest of Pendle, in the Countie of Lancaster,
about the age of nine yeares or thereabouts, taken
the day and yeare aboue-said:
The Review of Iennet Device,
daughter of Liz who was the late wife of John
Device, from the Forest of Pendle, in Lancashire,
around the age of nine years or so, taken
on the day and year mentioned above:
Before
Before
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banester,
Esquires, two of his Maiesties Iustices of Peace in
the Countie of Lancaster.
Roger Nowel and Nicholas Banester,
Esquires, two of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace in
the County of Lancaster.
THe said Examinate vpon her Examination saith, that vpon Good-friday last there was about twenty persons, whereof only two were men, to this Examinats remembrance, at her said Grand-mothers house, called Malking-Tower aforesaid, about twelue of the clocke: all which persons, this Examinates said mother told her were Witches, and that she knoweth the names of diuers of the said Witches.
The said that upon her examination, she mentioned that on Good Friday last, there were about twenty people, only two of whom were men, at her grandmother's house, known as Malking-Tower, around twelve o'clock. All of these people, her mother told her, were witches, and she knew the names of several of them.
AFter all these Examinations, Confessions, and Euidence, deliuered in open Court against her, His Lordship commanded the Iurie to obserue the particular circumstances;[Z2a] first, Master Lister in his great extremitie, to complaine hee saw her, and requested them that were by him to lay hold on her.
After all these examinations, confessions, and evidence presented openly in court against her, His Lordship instructed the jury to consider the specific details; [Z2a] first, Mr. Lister, in his distress, complained that he saw her and asked those around him to seize her.
After he cried out shee lay heauie vpon him, euen at the time of his death.
After he cried out, she lay heavily on him, even at the moment of his death.
But the Conclusion is of more consequence then all the rest, that Iennet Preston being brought to the dead corps, they bled freshly. And after her deliuerance in Lent, it is proued shee rode vpon a white Foale, and was present in the great assembly at Malkin Tower with the Witches, to intreat and pray for aide of them, to kill Master Lister, now liuing, for that he had prosequuted against her.
But the conclusion is more important than everything else, that Iennet Preston was brought to the dead body, which was still bleeding. And after her release during Lent, it is shown that she rode on a white horse and was present at the big meeting at Malkin Tower with the witches, to ask for their help in killing Master Lister, who is still alive, because he had pursued charges against her.
And against these people you may not expect such direct euidence, since all their workes are the workes of darkenesse, no witnesses are present to accuse them, therefore I pray God direct your consciences.
And you can’t expect direct evidence against these people since all their actions are shrouded in darkness, and there are no witnesses to accuse them. So, I pray that God guides your consciences.
After the Gentlemen of the Iurie of Life and Death
had
spent the most part of the day, in consideration of
the euidence against her, they returned into the
Court and deliuered vp their Verdict
of
Life and Death.
* *
*
After the Gentlemen of the Jury of Life and Death had
spent most of the day considering the
evidence against her, they returned to the
Court and delivered their Verdict
of
Life and Death.
* *
*
The Verdict of Life and Death.
WHo found Iennet Preston guiltie of the fellonie and murder by Witch-craft of Thomas Lister, Esquire; conteyned in the Indictment against her, &c.
Who found Iennet Preston guilty of the felony and murder by witchcraft of Thomas Lister, Esquire; contained in the indictment against her, etc.
Afterwards, according to the course and order of the Lawes, his Lordship pronounced Iudgement against her to bee hanged for her offence. And so the Court arose.
After that, following the procedures and rules of the law, his Lordship delivered a verdict against her to be hanged for her crime. And so the court adjourned.
Ere was the wonderfull discouerie of this Iennet Preston, who for so many yeares had liued at Gisborne in Crauen, neare Master Lister: one thing more I shall adde to all these particular Examinations, and euidence of witnesses, which I saw, and was present in the Court at Lancaster, when it was done at the Assizes holden in August following.
Ere was the amazing discovery of this Iennet Preston, who had lived for so many years in Gisborne in Craven, near Master Lister: one more thing I want to add to all these specific examinations and witness testimonies that I saw and was present for in the Court at Lancaster, when it took place at the Assizes held in August that year.
My Lord Bromley being very suspicious of the accusation of Iennet Deuice, the little Wench, commanded her to looke vpon the Prisoners that were present, and declare which of them were present at Malkin Tower, at the great assembly of Witches vpon Good-Friday last: shee looked vpon and tooke many by the handes, and accused them to be there, and when shee had accused all that were there present, shee told his Lordship there was a Woman that came out of Crauen that was amongst the Witches at that Feast, but shee saw her not amongst the Prisoners at the Barre.
My Lord Bromley, suspicious of the accusations made by Iennet Deuice, the young girl, ordered her to look at the prisoners present and identify who was at Malkin Tower during the witches' gathering on Good Friday last. She looked around, took many of them by the hand, and accused them of being there. Once she had named everyone present, she told his Lordship that there was a woman from Craven who was among the witches at that feast, but she didn’t see her among the prisoners at the bar.
What a singular note was this of a Child, amongst many to misse her, that before that time was hanged for her offence, which shee would neuer confesse or declare at her death? here was present old Preston her husband, who then cried out and went away: being fully satisfied his wife had Iustice, and was worthie of death.
What a unique situation this was with a child, among many who missed her, who had been hanged for her crime, which she would never confess or reveal at her death. Here was old Preston, her husband, who then shouted and left, completely convinced that his wife had received justice and deserved her fate.
To conclude then this present discourse, I heartilie desire you, my louing Friends and Countrie-men, for whose particular instructions this is added to the former of the wonderfull discouerie of Witches in the Countie of Lancaster: And for whose particular satisfaction this is published; Awake in time, and suffer not your selues to be thus assaulted.
To wrap up this discussion, I sincerely urge you, my dear friends and fellow countrymen, for whom this is specifically added to the earlier remarkable account of the discovery of witches in Lancashire: And for your own satisfaction, this is published; Wake up in time, and don’t allow yourselves to be attacked like this.
Consider how barbarously this Gentleman hath been dealt withall; and especially you that hereafter shall passe vpon any Iuries of Life and Death, let not your conniuence, or rather foolish pittie, spare such as these, to exequute farther mischiefe.
Consider how brutally this gentleman has been treated; and especially you who will later serve on any juries deciding life and death, do not let your indifference, or rather misguided pity, allow those like him to commit further harm.
Remember that shee was no sooner set at libertie, but shee plotted the ruine and ouerthrow of this Gentleman, and his whole Familie.
Remember that she was no sooner set free than she plotted the ruin and downfall of this gentleman and his entire family.
Expect not, as this reuerend and learned Iudge saith, such apparent proofe against them, as against others, since all their workes, are the workes of darkenesse: and vnlesse it please Almightie God to raise witnesses to accuse them, who is able to condemne them?
Expect not, as this respected and knowledgeable judge says, such clear proof against them as against others, since all their actions are the actions of darkness; and unless it pleases Almighty God to raise witnesses to accuse them, who is able to condemn them?
Forget not the bloud that cries out vnto God for reuenge, bring it not vpon your owne heads.
Forget not the blood that cries out to God for revenge; don’t bring it upon your own heads.
Neither doe I vrge this any farther, then with this, that I would alwaies intreat you to remember, that it is as great a crime (as Salomon sayth, Prov. 17.) to condemne the innocent, as to let the guiltie escape free.
Neither do I urge this any further than to say that I always ask you to remember that it is just as serious a crime (as Solomon says in Proverbs 17) to condemn the innocent as it is to let the guilty go free.
Looke not vpon things strangely alledged, but iudiciously consider what is justly proued against them.
Look not at things that are strangely claimed, but wisely consider what is justly proven against them.
And that as well all you that were witnesses, present at the Arraignement and Triall of her, as all other strangers, to whome this Discourse shall come, may take example by this Gentlemen to prosecute these hellish Furies to their end:[Z3b1] labor to root them out of the Commonwealth, for the common good of your Countrey. The greatest mercie extended to them, is soone forgotten.
And for all of you who witnessed the arraignment and trial of her, as well as any outsiders who come across this account, take a cue from this gentleman to pursue these wicked Furies to the end:[Z3b1] work to eliminate them from the community, for the greater good of your country. The greatest mercy shown to them is quickly forgotten.
God graunt vs the long and prosperous cotinuance of these Honorable and Reuerend Iudges, vnder whose Gouernment we liue in these North parts: for we may say, that God Almightie hath singled them out, and set him on his Seat, for the defence of Iustice.
God grant us the long and prosperous continuation of these Honorable and Revered Judges, under whose governance we live in these northern areas: for we can say that God Almighty has chosen them and placed them in their positions to defend Justice.
And for this great deliuerance, let vs all pray to
God Almightie, that the memorie of
these worthie Iudges may bee
blessed to all Posterities.
[Z3b2]
And for this great deliverance, let us all pray to
God Almighty, that the memory of
these worthy judges may be
blessed to all future generations.
[Z3b2]
FINIS.
NOTES.
[The references are to the alphabetical letters or signatures at the bottom of each page: a is intended for the first and b the second page, marked with such letter or signature.]
[The references are to the alphabetical letters or signatures at the bottom of each page: a stands for the first page and b for the second page, marked with that letter or signature.]
Transcriber's Notes: In the original text, a single note reference sometimes applies to more than one note. For clarity's sake, in this e-text a number has been added to the end of such references to distinguish among the notes.
Transcriber's Notes: In the original text, a single note reference sometimes points to more than one note. To make it clearer, this e-text has a number added at the end of those references to differentiate between the notes.
There are a few phrases in Greek. In the original text, some of the Greek characters have diacritical marks which do not display properly in some browsers, such as Internet Explorer. In order to make this e-text as accessible as possible, the diacritical marks have been ignored. All text in Greek has a mouse-hover transliteration, e.g., καλος.
There are a few phrases in Greek. In the original text, some of the Greek characters have accent marks that don’t show up correctly in some browsers, like Internet Explorer. To make this e-text as accessible as possible, the accent marks have been left out. All text in Greek has a mouse-hover transliteration, e.g., beautiful.
Dedication. "The Right Honorable Thomas Lord Knyvet."] Sir Thomas Knivet, or Knyvet, Gentleman of the Privy Chamber to James the First, was afterwards created Baron of Escricke, in the county of York. He it was who was intrusted to search the vaults under the Parliament House, and who discovered the thirty-six barrels of gunpowder, and apprehended Guido Fawkes, who declared to him, that if he had happened to be within the house when he took him, as he was immediately before, he would not have failed to blow him up, house and all. (Howell's State Trials, vol. ii., p. 202.) His courage and conduct on this occasion seem to have recommended him to the especial favour of James. Dying without issue, the title of Lord Howard of Escrick was conferred on Sir Edward Howard, son of Thomas Howard, Earl of Suffolk, who had married the eldest daughter and co-heir of Sir H. Knivet; and, having been enjoyed successively by his two sons, ended in his grandson Charles, in the beginning of the last century. It must be admitted that the writer has chosen his patron very felicitously. Who so fit to have the book dedicated to him as one who had acted so conspicuous a part on the memorable occasion at Westminster? The blowing up of Lancaster Castle and good Mr. Covel, by the conclave of witches at Malkin's Tower, was no discreditable imitation of the grand metropolitan drama on provincial boards.
Dedication. "The Right Honorable Thomas Lord Knyvet."] Sir Thomas Knyvet, a Gentleman of the Privy Chamber to James I, was later made Baron of Escricke in Yorkshire. He was tasked with searching the vaults beneath the Parliament House, where he found thirty-six barrels of gunpowder and caught Guido Fawkes, who told him that if he had been inside the house when he captured him, just as he had been moments before, he would have definitely blown him up, along with the house. (Howell's State Trials, vol. ii., p. 202.) His bravery and actions during this event seem to have earned him the special favor of James. Dying without children, the title of Lord Howard of Escrick was passed to Sir Edward Howard, the son of Thomas Howard, Earl of Suffolk, who had married the eldest daughter and co-heir of Sir H. Knyvet. It was then held successively by his two sons and ended with his grandson Charles at the beginning of the last century. It must be noted that the writer has chosen his patron very wisely. Who better to dedicate the book to than someone who played such a significant role during that remarkable event in Westminster? The explosion of Lancaster Castle and good Mr. Covel by the group of witches at Malkin's Tower was not an unworthy imitation of the grand drama taking place in the capital on the local stages.
A 2. First Imprimatur. "Ja. Altham, Edw. Bromley."] These two judges were Barons of the Court of Exchequer, but neither of them seems to[2] have left a name extraordinarily distinguished for legal learning. Altham was one of the assistants named in the commission for the trial of the Countess of Somerset for the murder of Sir Thomas Overbury in 1616. Bromley appears, from incidental notices contained in the diary of Nicholas Assheton, (see Whitaker's Whalley, third edition, page 300,) and other sources, to have frequently taken the northern circuit. He was not of the family of Lord Chancellor Bromley, but of another stock.
A 2. First Approval. "Ja. Altham, Edw. Bromley."] These two judges were Barons of the Court of Exchequer, but neither of them seems to [2] have made a particularly notable name for their legal knowledge. Altham was one of the assistants appointed in the commission for the trial of the Countess of Somerset for the murder of Sir Thomas Overbury in 1616. Bromley seems to have often taken the northern circuit, as noted in the diary of Nicholas Assheton (see Whitaker's Whalley, third edition, page 300) and other sources. He was not related to Lord Chancellor Bromley, but came from a different family.
A 3. Second Imprimatur: "Edward Bromley. I took upon mee to reuise and correct it."] This revision by the judge who presided at the trial gives a singular and unique value and authority to the work. We have no other report of any witch trial which has an equal stamp of authenticity. How many of the rhetorical flourishes interspersed in the book are the property of Thomas Potts, Esquier, and how many are the interpolation of the "excellent care" of the worthy Baron, it is scarcely worth while to investigate. Certainly never were judge and clerk more admirably paired. The Shallow on the bench was well reflected in the Master Slender below.
A 3. Second Approval: "Edward Bromley. I took it upon myself to review and correct it."] This revision by the judge who oversaw the trial adds a distinct and unique value and authority to the work. There isn’t any other report of a witch trial that carries the same level of authenticity. It's not really worth examining how many of the rhetorical embellishments in the book belong to Thomas Potts, Esquire, and how many are the result of the "excellent care" of the esteemed Baron. Clearly, a judge and clerk have never been more perfectly matched. The Shallow on the bench was well mirrored in the Master Slender below.
B a. "The number of them being knowen to exceed all others at any time heretofore at one time to be indicted, arraigned, and receiue their tryall."] Probably this was the case, at least in England; but a greater number had been convicted before, even in this country, at one time, than were found guilty on this occasion, as it appears from Scot, (Discovery of Witchcraft, page 543, edition 1584,) that seventeen or eighteen witches were condemned at once, at St. Osith, in Essex, in 1576, of whom an account was written by Brian Darcy, with the names and colours of their spirits.
B a. "The number of them is known to exceed all others indicted, arraigned, and tried at any time before."] This was likely true, at least in England; however, a larger number had been convicted before, even in this country, at one time than those found guilty on this occasion. According to Scot, (Discovery of Witchcraft, page 543, edition 1584), seventeen or eighteen witches were condemned at once in St. Osith, Essex, in 1576, and an account was written by Brian Darcy, including the names and descriptions of their spirits.
B b. "She was a very old woman, about the age of fourescore."] Dr. Henry More would have styled old Demdike "An eximious example of Moses, his Mecassephah, the word which he uses in that law,—Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live." Margaret Agar and Julian Cox, (see Glanvill's Collection of Relations, p. 135, edition 1682,) on whom he dwells with such delighted interest, were very inferior subjects to what, in his hands, Elizabeth Sothernes would have made. They had neither of them the finishing attribute of blindness, so fearful in a witch, to complete the sketch; nor such a fine foreground for the painting as the forest of Pendle presented; nor the advantage, for grouping, of a family of descendants in which witchcraft might be transmitted to the third generation.[3]
B b. "She was a very old woman, about eighty years old."] Dr. Henry More would have referred to old Demdike as "An exemplary case of Moses, his Mecassephah, the term he uses in that law,—You shall not allow a witch to live." Margaret Agar and Julian Cox, (see Glanvill's Collection of Relations, p. 135, edition 1682,) whom he discusses with such enjoyment, were significantly less impressive subjects than what, in his perspective, Elizabeth Sothernes could have turned them into. Neither of them had the dramatic feature of blindness, which is so terrifying in a witch, to complete the depiction; nor did they have a compelling setting like the forest of Pendle; nor the advantage of a family line where witchcraft could be passed down to the third generation.[3]
B 2 a. "Roger Nowell, Esquire."] This busy and mischievous personage who resided at Read Hall, in the immediate neighbourhood of Pendle, was sheriff of Lancashire in 1610. He married Katherine, daughter of John Murton, of Murton, and was buried at Whalley, January 31st, 1623. He was of the same family as Alexander Nowell, the Dean of St. Paul's, and Lawrence Nowell, the restorer of Saxon literature in England; and tarnished a name which they had rendered memorable, by becoming, apparently, an eager and willing instrument in that wicked persecution which resulted in the present trial. His ill-directed activity seems to have fanned the dormant embers into a blaze, and to have given aim and consistency to the whole scheme of oppression. From this man was descended, in the female line, one whose merits might atone for a whole generation of Roger Nowells, the truly noble-minded and evangelical Reginald Heber.
B 2 a. "Roger Nowell, Esquire."] This busy and playful individual who lived at Read Hall, close to Pendle, was the sheriff of Lancashire in 1610. He married Katherine, the daughter of John Murton from Murton, and was buried at Whalley on January 31st, 1623. He belonged to the same family as Alexander Nowell, the Dean of St. Paul's, and Lawrence Nowell, who was instrumental in reviving Saxon literature in England; unfortunately, he tarnished their notable legacy by seemingly becoming a willing participant in the cruel persecution that led to the current trial. His misguided actions seem to have ignited the dormant tensions into flames and provided direction and coherence to the entire oppression scheme. From this man descended, through the female line, someone whose virtues could redeem an entire generation of Roger Nowells, the truly noble and evangelical Reginald Heber.
B 2 b 1. "Gouldshey,"] so commonly pronounced, but more properly Goldshaw, or Goldshaw Booth.
B 2 b 1. "Gouldshey,"] often pronounced this way, but more accurately Goldshaw, or Goldshaw Booth.
B 2 b 2. "The spirit answered, his name was Tibb."] Bernard, who is learned in the nomenclature of familiar spirits, gives, in his Guide to Grand Jurymen, 1630, 12mo, the following list of the names of the more celebrated familiars of English witches. "Such as I have read of are these: Mephistophiles, Lucifer, Little Lord, Fimodes, David, Jude, Little Robin, Smacke, Litefoote, Nonsuch, Lunch, Makeshift, Swash, Pluck, Blue, Catch, White, Callico, Hardname, Tibb, Hiff, Ball, Puss, Rutterkin, Dicke, Prettie, Grissil, and Jacke." In the confession of Isabel Gowdie, a famous Scotch witch, (in Pitcairne's Trials, vol. iii. page 614,) we have the following catalogue of attendant spirits, rather, it must be confessed, a formidable band. "The names of our Divellis, that waited upon us, ar thes: first, Robert the Jakis; Sanderis, the Read Roaver; Thomas the Fearie; Swain, the Roaring Lion; Thieffe of Hell; Wait upon Hirself; Mak Hectour; Robert the Rule; Hendrie Laing; and Rorie. We would ken them all, on by on, from utheris. Some of theim apeirit in sadd dunn, som in grasse-grein, som in sea-grein, and some in yallow." Archbishop Harsnet, in his admirable Declaration of Popish Impostures, under the pretence of casting out Devils, 1605, 4to, a work unsurpassed for rich humour and caustic wit, clothed in good old idiomatic English, has a chapter "on the strange names of these devils," in which he observes, (p. 46,) "It is not amiss that you be acquainted with[4] these extravagant names of devils, least meeting them otherwise by chance you mistake them for the names of tapsters, or juglers." Certainly, some of the names he marshalls in array smell strongly of the tavern. These are some of them: Pippin, Philpot, Modu, Soforce, Hilco, Smolkin, Hillio, Hiaclito, Lustie Huffe-cap, Killico, Hob, Frateretto, Fliberdigibbet, Hoberdidance, Tocobatto, and Lustie Jollie Jenkin.
B 2 b 2. "The spirit answered, his name was Tibb."] Bernard, who knows a lot about the names of familiar spirits, provides in his Guide to Grand Jurymen, 1630, 12mo, the following list of the more famous familiars of English witches. "The ones I've read about include: Mephistophiles, Lucifer, Little Lord, Fimodes, David, Jude, Little Robin, Smacke, Litefoote, Nonsuch, Lunch, Makeshift, Swash, Pluck, Blue, Catch, White, Callico, Hardname, Tibb, Hiff, Ball, Puss, Rutterkin, Dicke, Prettie, Grissil, and Jacke." In the confession of Isabel Gowdie, a well-known Scottish witch, (in Pitcairne's Trials, vol. iii. page 614,) we have the following list of attending spirits, which must be admitted is quite an impressive crew. "The names of our devils who waited on us were these: first, Robert the Jakis; Sanderis, the Read Roaver; Thomas the Fearie; Swain, the Roaring Lion; Thieffe of Hell; Wait upon Hirself; Mak Hectour; Robert the Rule; Hendrie Laing; and Rorie. We recognized them all, one by one, among others. Some appeared in dull brown, some in grassy green, some in sea green, and some in yellow." Archbishop Harsnet, in his excellent Declaration of Popish Impostures, under the pretence of casting out Devils, 1605, 4to, a work unmatched for its rich humor and sharp wit, written in good old idiomatic English, has a chapter "on the strange names of these devils," where he notes, (p. 46,) "It’s helpful for you to be familiar with[4] these ridiculous names of devils, so that if you happen to come across them you don’t mistake them for the names of bartenders or jugglers." Certainly, some of the names he lists do have a strong tavern vibe. These include: Pippin, Philpot, Modu, Soforce, Hilco, Smolkin, Hillio, Hiaclito, Lustie Huffe-cap, Killico, Hob, Frateretto, Fliberdigibbet, Hoberdidance, Tocobatto, and Lustie Jollie Jenkin.
B 2 b 3. "About Day-light Gate."] Day-light Gate, i.e. Evening, the down gate of daylight. See Promptuarium Parvulorum, (edited by Way for the Camden Society,) page 188, "Gate down, or downe gate of the Sunne or any other planet."—Occasus. Palgrave gives, "At the sonne gate downe; sur le soleil couchant."
B 2 b 3. "About Day-light Gate."] Day-light Gate, meaning Evening, is the closing gate of daylight. See Promptuarium Parvulorum, (edited by Way for the Camden Society), page 188, "Gate down, or downe gate of the Sun or any other planet."—Occasus. Palgrave states, "At the sun gate down; sur le soleil couchant."
B 3 a 1. "The said Deuill did get blood vnder her left arme."] It would seem (see Elizabeth Device's Examination afterwards) as if some preliminary search were made, in the case of this poor old woman, for the marks which were supposed to come by the sucking or drawing of the Spirit or Familiar. Most probably her confession was the result of this and other means of annoyance and torture employed in the usual unscrupulous manner, upon a blind woman of eighty. Of those marks supposed to be produced by the sucking of the Spirit or Familiar, the most curious and scientific (if the word may be applied to such a subject) account will be found in a very scarce tract, which seems to have been unknown to the writers on witchcraft. Its title is "A Confirmation and Discovery of Witchcraft, containing these several particulars; That there are Witches called bad Witches, and Witches untruly called good or white Witches, and what manner of people they be, and how they may be knowne, with many particulars thereunto tending. Together with the Confessions of many of those executed since May, 1645, in the several Counties hereafter mentioned. As also some objections Answered. By John Stearne, now of Lawshall, neere Burie Saint Edmunds in Suffolke, sometimes of Manningtree in Essex. Prov. xvii. 15, He that justifieth the wicked, and he that condemneth the just, even they both are an abomination to the Lord. Deut. xiii. 14, Thou shall therefore enquire, and make search, and aske diligently whether it be truth and the thing certaine. London, Printed by William Wilson, dwelling in Little Saint Bartholomews, neere Smithfield, 1648, pages 61, besides preface." Stearne, in whom Remigius and De Lancre would have recognized a congenial soul, had a sort of joint commission with[5] Hopkins, as Witch-finder, and tells us (see address to Reader) that he had been in part an agent in finding out or discovering about 200 witches in Essex, Suffolk, Northamptonshire, Huntingtonshire, Bedfordshire, Norfolk, Cambridgeshire, and the Isle of Ely. He deals with the subject undoubtedly like a man whose extensive experience and practice had enabled him to reduce the matter to a complete system. (See his account of their marks, pp. 43 to 50.) He might, like John Kincaid in Tranent, (see Pitcairne's Criminal Trials, vol. iii. p. 599,) have assumed the right of Common Pricker, i.e. Searcher for the devil's marks, and had his own tests, which were infallible. He complains, good man, "that in many places I never received penny as yet, nor any am like, notwithstanding I have hands for satisfaction, except I should sue; [he should have sued by all means, we might then have had his bill of particulars, which would have been curious;] but many rather fall upon me for what hath been received, but I hope such suits will be disannulled, and that where I have been out of moneys for Towns in charges and otherwise such course will be taken that I may be satisfied and paid with reason." He was doubtless well deserving of a recompense, and his neighbours were much to blame if he did not receive a full and ample one. Of the latter end of his coadjutor, Hopkins, whom Sir Walter Scott (see Somers's Tracts, vol. iii. p. 97, edit. 1810,) and several other writers represent as ultimately executed himself for witchcraft, he gives a very different, and no doubt more correct account; which, singularly enough, has hitherto remained entirely unnoticed. "He died peaceably at Manningtree, after a long sicknesse of a consumption, as many of his generation had done before him, without any trouble of conscience for what he had done, as was falsely reported of him. He was the son of a godly minister, and therefore, without doubt, within the Covenant." Were not the interests of truth too sacred to be compromised, it might seem almost a pity to demolish that merited and delightful retribution which Butler's lines have immortalized.
B 3 a 1. "The said Devil did get blood under her left arm."] It seems (as seen in Elizabeth Device's later examination) that there was some initial search conducted regarding this poor old woman, looking for the marks believed to be caused by the sucking or drawing of the Spirit or Familiar. Most likely, her confession stemmed from this and other forms of harassment and torture used in the typical unscrupulous manner, targeting a blind woman of eighty. Among those marks thought to be produced by the sucking of the Spirit or Familiar, the most intriguing and scientific (if that term can be applied to such a topic) account can be found in a rare tract that appears to have been overlooked by writers on witchcraft. Its title is "A Confirmation and Discovery of Witchcraft, containing several details; that there are Witches termed bad Witches, and Witches incorrectly called good or white Witches, and the nature of these people, along with how they can be identified, along with many details related to this subject. Together with the Confessions of many of those executed since May, 1645, in the various Counties mentioned below. Also, some objections addressed. By John Stearne, now of Lawshall, near Bury Saint Edmunds in Suffolk, formerly of Manningtree in Essex. Prov. xvii. 15, He that justifies the wicked, and he that condemns the just, both are an abomination to the Lord. Deut. xiii. 14, Therefore, you shall inquire, search, and ask diligently whether it is truth and the thing certain. London, Printed by William Wilson, living in Little Saint Bartholomews, near Smithfield, 1648, pages 61, plus preface." Stearne, whom Remigius and De Lancre would have found a like-minded ally, had a sort of joint role with[5] Hopkins, as a Witch-finder, and tells us (see address to Reader) that he had partially been responsible for discovering about 200 witches in Essex, Suffolk, Northamptonshire, Huntingtonshire, Bedfordshire, Norfolk, Cambridgeshire, and the Isle of Ely. He certainly approached the subject like someone whose extensive experience and practice allowed him to systematize the matter completely. (See his account of their marks, pp. 43 to 50.) He might, like John Kincaid in Tranent, (see Pitcairne's Criminal Trials, vol. iii. p. 599,) have claimed the right of Common Pricker, meaning Searcher for the devil's marks, and had his own tests, which were infallible. He complains, good man, “that in many places I have yet to receive even a penny, nor am I likely to, even though I have done work for satisfaction, unless I go to court; [he really should have sued, we would then have had his list of specifics, which would have been interesting;] but many instead attack me for what has been received, yet I hope such claims will be dismissed, and that where I have been without money for Towns in expenses and otherwise, a reasonable remedy will be ensured so that I can be compensated and paid fairly.” He surely deserved a reward, and his neighbors were much to blame if he did not receive a full and adequate one. Regarding his coadjutor, Hopkins, whom Sir Walter Scott (see Somers's Tracts, vol. iii. p. 97, edit. 1810,) and several other writers depict as ultimately executed himself for witchcraft, he provides a very different, and undoubtedly more accurate account; which, curiously enough, has so far gone completely unnoticed. "He died peacefully at Manningtree, after a long illness from consumption, as many of his generation had before him, without any remorse for what he had done, as was falsely claimed about him. He was the son of a godly minister, and certainly, within the Covenant." Were it not for the sacred interests of truth being too important to compromise, it might almost seem a shame to dismantle that deserved and delightful retribution which Butler's lines have immortalized.
B 3 a 2. "I will burne the one of you and hang the other."] The following extracts from that fine old play, "The Witch of Edmonton," bear a strong resemblance to the scene described in the text. Mother Sawyer, in whom the milk of human kindness is turned to gall by destitution, imbittered by relentless outrage and insult, and who, driven out of the pale of human fellowship, is thrown upon strange and fearful allies, would almost appear to be the counterpart of Mother Demdike. The weird sisters of our[6] transcendant bard are wild and wonderful creations, but have no close relationship to the plain old traditional witch of our ancestors, which is nowhere represented by our dramatic writers with faithfulness and truth except in the Witch of Edmonton:—
B 3 a 2. "I will burn one of you and hang the other."] The following excerpts from the classic play, "The Witch of Edmonton," closely resemble the scene described in the text. Mother Sawyer, whose kindness has turned to bitterness due to poverty, driven by constant mistreatment and scorn, and who is pushed out of human connection and forced to align with strange and terrifying allies, seems almost like a twin to Mother Demdike. The strange sisters of our[6] remarkable playwright are wild and extraordinary creations but don’t closely relate to the straightforward old traditional witch from our past, which is only authentically represented by our playwrights in the Witch of Edmonton:—
Enter Elizabeth Sawyer, gathering sticks.
Enter Elizabeth Sawyer, collecting sticks.
Saw. And why on me? why should the envious world
Throw all their scandalous malice upon me?
'Cause I am poor, deform'd, and ignorant,
And like a bow buckled and bent together,
By some more strong in mischiefs than myself,
Must I for that be made a common sink,
For all the filth and rubbish of men's tongues
To fall and run into? Some call me Witch,
And being ignorant of myself, they go
About to teach me how to be one; urging,
That my bad tongue (by their bad usage made so)
Forespeaks their cattle, doth bewitch their corn,
Themselves, their servants, and their babes at nurse.
This they enforce upon me; and in part
Make me to credit it; and here comes one
Of my chief adversaries.
Saw. And why me? Why should the jealous world
Dump all their hurtful gossip on me?
Just because I’m poor, ugly, and uneducated,
And like a bow that’s twisted and bent,
By someone stronger in their mischief than I am,
Do I have to be the common trash can,
For all the dirt and garbage of people’s words
To pour into? Some call me a Witch,
And since I don’t even know who I am, they go
Around trying to teach me how to be one; insisting,
That my bad words (made so by their bad treatment)
Hurt their livestock, curse their crops,
Themselves, their workers, and their little ones.
They push this onto me; and to some extent
They make me believe it; and here comes one
Of my biggest enemies.
Enter Old Banks.
Enter Old Banks.
Banks. Out, out upon thee, witch!
Banks. Get out, witch!
Saw. Dost call me witch?
Saw. Do you call me a witch?
Banks. I do, witch, I do; and worse I would, knew I a name more hateful. What makest thou upon my ground?
Banks. I do, witch, I do; and worse I would, if I knew a name more hated. What are you doing on my land?
Saw. Gather a few rotten sticks to warm me.
Saw. Grab some rotting sticks to keep me warm.
Banks. Down with them when I bid thee, quickly; I'll make thy bones rattle in thy skin else.
Banks. Get rid of them quickly, or I’ll make your bones shake in your skin.
Saw. You won't, churl, cut-throat, miser!—there they be; [Throws them down.] would they stuck across thy throat, thy bowels, thy maw, thy midriff.
Saw. You won’t, you rude, heartless miser!—there they are; [Throws them down.] would they stick across your throat, your insides, your stomach, your midsection.
Banks. Say'st thou me so, hag? Out of my ground!
Banks. Are you really saying that to me, witch? Get off my land!
[Beats her.
Beats her.
Saw. Dost strike me, slave, curmudgeon! Now thy bones aches, thy joints cramps, and convulsions stretch and crack thy sinews!
Saw. You hit me, slave, grump! Now your bones ache, your joints cramp, and spasms stretch and crack your muscles!
Banks. Cursing, thou hag! take that, and that.
Banks. Damn you, witch! Take this, and this.
[Beats her, and exit.
Beats her and leaves.
Saw. Strike, do!—and wither'd may that hand and arm
Whose blows have lamed me, drop from the rotten trunk!
Abuse me! beat me! call me hag and witch!
What is the name? where, and by what art learn'd,
What spells, what charms or invocations?
May the thing call'd Familiar be purchased?
Saw. Go ahead and strike! May that hand and arm, Which have injured me, fall off from the decayed trunk! Abuse me! Hit me! Call me a hag and a witch! What is the name? Where did you learn this art? What spells, charms, or invocations do you use? Can something called a Familiar be bought?
* * * * * * *
* * * * * * *
Saw. Still vex'd! still tortured! that curmudgeon Banks
Is ground of all my scandal; I am shunn'd
And hated like a sickness; made a scorn
To all degrees and sexes. I have heard old beldams
Talk of familiars in the shape of mice,
Rats, ferrets, weasels, and I wot not what,
That have appear'd, and suck'd, some say, their blood;
But by what means they came acquainted with them,
I am now ignorant. Would some power, good or bad,
Instruct me which way I might be revenged
Upon this churl, I'd go out of myself,
And give this fury leave to dwell within
This ruin'd cottage, ready to fall with age!
Abjure all goodness, be at hate with prayer,
And study curses, imprecations,
Blasphemous speeches, oaths, detested oaths,
Or anything that's ill; so I might work
Revenge upon this miser, this black cur,
That barks and bites, and sucks the very blood
Of me, and of my credit. 'Tis all one,
To be a witch, as to be counted one:
Vengeance, shame, ruin light upon that canker!
Saw. Still angry! still tortured! that grouchy Banks
Is the source of all my troubles; I am avoided
And hated like a disease; made a joke
To everyone, no matter who they are. I've heard old women
Talk about spirits taking the form of mice,
Rats, ferrets, weasels, and I don't know what else,
That have shown up and supposedly sucked their blood;
But I don't know how they got to know them.
If only some power, good or bad,
Would tell me how I could get back at
This jerk, I'd lose control,
And let this rage take over
This crumbling cottage, ready to fall apart with age!
Renounce all goodness, be at odds with prayer,
And focus on curses, imprecations,
Blasphemous words, oaths, hated oaths,
Or anything that's bad; so I could get
Revenge on this miser, this ugly dog,
That growls and bites, and drains the very life
Out of me and my reputation. It's all the same,
To be a witch, as to be seen as one:
Vengeance, shame, ruin fall upon that parasite!
Enter a Black Dog.
Enter a Black Dog.
Dog. Ho! have I found thee cursing? now thou art
Mine own.
Dog. Hey! Have I caught you swearing? Now you're mine.
Saw. Thine! what art thou?
Saw. Yours! What are you?
Dog. He thou hast so often
Importuned to appear to thee, the devil.
Dog. You have so often
Asked to see you, the devil.
Saw. Bless me! the devil!
Saw. Bless me! The devil!
Dog. Come, do not fear; I love thee much too well
To hurt or fright thee; if I seem terrible,
It is to such as hate me. I have found
Thy love unfeign'd; have seen and pitied
Thy open wrongs, and come, out of my love,
To give thee just revenge against thy foes.
Dog. Come, don’t be afraid; I care about you too much
To hurt or scare you; if I seem frightening,
It’s only to those who hate me. I’ve found
Your love to be genuine; I’ve seen and felt sorry for
Your obvious wrongs, and I’ve come, out of my love,
To help you get the justice you deserve against your enemies.
Saw. May I believe thee?
Saw. Can I trust you?
Dog. To confirm't, command me
Do any mischief unto man or beast.
And I'll effect it, on condition
That, uncompell'd, thou make a deed of gift
Of soul and body to me.
Saw. Out, alas!
[8]My soul and body?
Dog. And that instantly,
And seal it with thy blood: if thou deniest,
I'll tear thy body in a thousand pieces.
Saw. I know not where to seek relief: but shall I,
After such covenants seal'd, see full revenge
On all that wrong me?
Dog. Ha, ha! silly woman!
The devil is no liar to such as he loves—
Didst ever know or hear the devil a liar
To such as he affects?
Saw. Then I am thine; at least so much of me
As I can call mine own—
Dog. Equivocations?
Art mine or no? speak, or I'll tear—
Dog. To confirm it, command me
To do any harm to man or beast.
And I'll make it happen, but only if
You willingly give your soul and body to me.
Saw. Oh no!
[8]My soul and body?
Dog. And do it right away,
And seal it with your blood: if you refuse,
I'll rip your body into a thousand pieces.
Saw. I don’t know where to find help: but will I,
After such promises are made, get full revenge
On everyone who wrongs me?
Dog. Ha, ha! Silly woman!
The devil isn't a liar to those he loves—
Have you ever heard of the devil lying
To those he cares about?
Saw. Then I’m yours; at least as much of me
As I can claim as my own—
Dog. Are you being ambiguous?
Are you mine or not? Speak, or I'll tear—
Saw. All thine.
Saw. All yours.
Dog. Seal't with thy blood.
Dog. Sealed with your blood.
[She pricks her arm, which he sucks.—Thunder and lightning.
She pricks her arm, and he sucks it. —Thunder and lightning.
See! now I dare call thee mine!
For proof, command me: instantly I'll run
To any mischief; goodness can I none.
Saw. And I desire as little. There's an old churl,
One Banks—
See! Now I confidently claim you as mine!
For proof, just give me a command: I'll immediately rush
To any trouble; I can't be good at all.
Saw. And I want as little of that. There's an old miser,
One Banks—
Dog. That wrong'd thee: he lamed thee, call'd thee witch.
Dog. That person who harmed you: he injured you and called you a witch.
Saw. The same; first upon him I'd be revenged.
Saw. The same; I would get my revenge on him first.
Dog. Thou shalt; do but name how?
Dog. You will; just explain how?
Saw. Go, touch his life.
Saw. Go, make a difference.
Dog. I cannot.
Dog. I can't.
Saw. Hast thou not vow'd? Go, kill the slave!
Saw. Haven't you made a vow? Go, kill the slave!
Dog. I will not.
Dog. I won't.
Saw. I'll cancel then my gift.
Got it. I'll cancel my gift then.
Dog. Ha, ha!
Dog. Haha!
Saw. Dost laugh!
Why wilt not kill him?
Dog. Fool, because I cannot.
Though we have power, know, it is circumscribed,
And tied in limits: though he be curst to thee,
Yet of himself, he is loving to the world,
And charitable to the poor; now men, that,
As he, love goodness, though in smallest measure,
Live without compass of our reach: his cattle
And corn I'll kill and mildew; but his life
(Until I take him, as I late found thee,
Cursing and swearing) I have no power to touch.
[9]
Saw. You laugh!
Why won't you kill him?
Dog. Fool, because I can't.
Even though we have power, it's limited,
And bound by restrictions: although he's cursed to you,
By himself, he's kind to the world,
And generous to the poor; now people who,
Like him, love goodness, even just a little,
Live beyond our reach: I'll destroy his cattle
And crops, but his life
(Until I catch him, like I found you earlier,
Cursing and swearing) I have no power to harm.
[9]
Saw. Work on his corn and cattle then.
Saw. Work on his corn and cattle at that time.
Dog. I shall.
The Witch of Edmonton shall see his fall.
Dog. I will.
The Witch of Edmonton will witness his downfall.
Ford's Plays, edit. 1839, p. 190.
Ford's Plays, edit. 1839, p. 190.
B 3 a 3. "Alizon Device."] Device is merely the common name Davies spelled as pronounced in the neighbourhood of Pendle.
B 3 a 3. "Alizon Device."] Device is just the name that Davies is known by, pronounced the way people in the Pendle area say it.
Hecate. What death is't you desire for Almachildes?
Hecate. What kind of death do you want for Almachildes?
Duchess. A sudden and a subtle.
Duchess. Unexpected and understated.
Hecate. Then I've fitted you.
Here be the gifts of both; sudden and subtle:
His picture made in wax and gently molten
By a blue fire kindled with dead men's eyes
Will waste him by degrees.
Hecate. Then I’ve prepared you.
Here are the gifts of both; quick and discreet:
His likeness made in wax and slowly melted
By a blue flame ignited with the eyes of the dead
Will gradually weaken him.
Duchess. In what time, prithee?
Duchess. At what time, please?
Hecate. Perhaps in a moon's progress.
Hecate. Maybe during a moon phase.
Middleton's Witch, edit. 1778, p. 100.
Middleton's Witch, edit. 1778, p. 100.
None of the offices in the Witches rubric had higher classical warrant than this method, a favourite one, it appears, of Mother Demdike, but in which Anne Redfern had the greatest skill of any of these Pendle witches, of victimizing by moulding and afterwards pricking or burning figures of clay representing the individual whose life was aimed at. Horace, Lib. i. Sat. 8, mentions both waxen and woollen images—
None of the offices in the Witches section had a more traditional basis than this method, which seems to have been a favorite of Mother Demdike. However, Anne Redfern was the most skilled among these Pendle witches at using it to harm others by shaping and then pricking or burning clay figures that represented the person they targeted. Horace, in Book I, Satire 8, mentions both wax and wool figures—
Lanea et effigies erat altera cerea, &c.
Lanea et effigies erat altera cerea, &c.
And it appears from Tacitus, that the death of Germanicus was supposed to have been sought by similar practices. By such a Simulachrum, or image, the person was supposed to be devoted to the infernal deities. According to the Platonists, the effect produced arose from the operation of the sympathy and synergy of the Spiritus Mundanus, (which Plotinus calls τον μεγαν γοητα, the grand magician,) such as they resolve the effect of the weaponsalve and other magnetic cures into. The following is the Note in Brand on this part of witchcraft:—
And it seems from Tacitus that the death of Germanicus was believed to have been caused by similar methods. With such a Simulacrum, or image, the person was thought to be dedicated to the underworld deities. According to the Platonists, the effect was due to the influence of the Spiritus Mundanus, which Plotinus refers to as τον μεγάλο γοητευτή, the great magician, as they attribute the effects of weaponsalve and other magnetic remedies to this. The following is the Note in Brand on this aspect of witchcraft:—
King James, in his "Dæmonology," book ii., chap. 5, tells us, that "the Devil teacheth how to make pictures of wax or clay, that, by roasting thereof, the persons[10] that they bear the name of may be continually melted or dried away by continual sickness."
King James, in his "Dæmonology," book ii., chap. 5, informs us that "the Devil teaches how to create wax or clay figures, so that by heating them, the individuals they represent may slowly deteriorate or suffer from ongoing illness."
See Servius on the 8th Eclogue of Virgil; Theocritus, Idyll, ii., 22; Hudibras, part II., canto ii., l. 351.
See Servius on the 8th Eclogue of Virgil; Theocritus, Idyll, ii., 22; Hudibras, part II., canto ii., l. 351.
Ovid says:
Ovid says:
See also "Grafton's Chronicle," p. 587, where it is laid to the charge (among others) of Roger Bolinbrook, a cunning necromancer, and Margery Jordane, the cunning Witch of Eye, that they, at the request of Eleanor, Duchess of Gloucester, had devised an image of wax, representing the king, (Henry the Sixth,) which by their sorcery a little and a little consumed; intending thereby in conclusion to waste and destroy the king's person. Shakspeare mentions this, Henry VI., P. II., act i., sc. 4.
See also "Grafton's Chronicle," p. 587, where it is alleged (among others) that Roger Bolinbrook, a sly sorcerer, and Margery Jordane, the clever Witch of Eye, created a wax figure of the king (Henry the Sixth) at the request of Eleanor, Duchess of Gloucester, which they slowly melted away with their magic, intending to ultimately harm and destroy the king. Shakespeare mentions this in Henry VI, Part II, Act I, Scene 4.
It appears, from Strype's "Annals of the Reformation,", vol. i., p. 8, under anno 1558, that Bishop Jewel, preaching before the queen, said, "It may please your grace to understand that witches and sorcerers within these few last years are marvellously increased within your grace's realm. Your grace's subjects pine away, even unto the death; their colour fadeth, their flesh rotteth, their speech is benumbed, their senses are bereft. I pray God they never practise further than upon the subject." "This," Strype adds, "I make no doubt was the occasion of bringing in a bill, the next parliament, for making enchantments and witchcraft felony." One of the bishop's strong expressions is, "These eyes have seen most evident and manifest marks of their wickedness."
It seems, from Strype's "Annals of the Reformation," vol. i., p. 8, from the year 1558, that Bishop Jewel, while preaching before the queen, said, "It may please your grace to know that witches and sorcerers have greatly increased in your grace's realm in recent years. Your grace's subjects are wasting away, even to the point of death; their color is fading, their flesh is rotting, their speech is numb, and their senses are lost. I pray God they never practice further than upon the subject." "This," Strype adds, "I have no doubt was the reason for introducing a bill in the next parliament, making enchantments and witchcraft a felony." One of the bishop's strong statements is, "These eyes have seen the most evident and clear signs of their wickedness."
It appears from the same work, vol. iv., p. 6, sub anno 1589, that "one Mrs. Dier had practised conjuration against the queen, to work some mischief to her majesty; for which she was brought into question: and accordingly her words and doings were sent to Popham, the queen's attorney, and Egerton, her solicitor, by Walsingham, the secretary, and Sir Thomas Heneage, her vice-chamberlain, for their judgment, whose opinion was that Mrs. Dier was not within the compass of the statute touching witchcraft, for that she did no act, and spake certain lewd speeches tending to that purpose, but neither set figure nor made pictures." Ibid., vol. ii., p. 545, sub anno 1578, Strype says: "Whether it were the effect of magic, or proceeded from some natural cause, but the queen was in some part of this year under excessive anguish by pains of her teeth, insomuch that she took no rest for divers nights, and endured very great torment night and day."
It looks like from the same work, vol. iv., p. 6, under the year 1589, that "a woman named Mrs. Dier practiced conjuration against the queen to cause her some trouble; for which she was questioned. Her words and actions were sent to Popham, the queen's attorney, and Egerton, her solicitor, by Walsingham, the secretary, and Sir Thomas Heneage, her vice-chamberlain, for their judgement. Their opinion was that Mrs. Dier was not covered by the witchcraft statute, as she did no actual deed and only made some inappropriate remarks aimed at that purpose, but neither cast a spell nor drew any images." Ibid., vol. ii., p. 545, under the year 1578, Strype mentions: "Whether it was the result of magic or came from some natural cause, the queen experienced extreme distress during part of this year due to tooth pain, so much so that she couldn't sleep for several nights and suffered great agony day and night."
Andrews, in his "Continuation of Henry's History of Great Britain," 4to, p. 93, tells us, speaking of Ferdinand, Earl of Derby, who in the reign of Queen Elizabeth died by poison, "The credulity of the age attributed his death to witchcraft. The disease was odd, and operated as a perpetual emetic; and a waxen image, with hair like that of the unfortunate earl, found in his chamber, reduced every suspicion to certainty."[11]
Andrews, in his "Continuation of Henry's History of Great Britain," 4to, p. 93, mentions Ferdinand, Earl of Derby, who died by poison during Queen Elizabeth's reign. He writes, "People at that time believed his death was caused by witchcraft. The illness was unusual and acted as a constant emetic; and a wax figure, with hair like that of the unfortunate earl, discovered in his room, confirmed all suspicions."[11]
"The wife of Marshal d'Ancre was apprehended, imprisoned, and beheaded for a witch, upon a surmise that she had inchanted the queen to dote upon her husband; and they say the young king's picture was found in her closet, in virgin wax, with one leg melted away. When asked by her judges what spells she had made use of to gain so powerful an ascendancy over the queen, she replied, 'that ascendancy only which strong minds ever gain over weak ones.'" Seward's "Anecdotes of some Distinguished Persons," &c., vol. ii., p. 215.
"The wife of Marshal d'Ancre was arrested, imprisoned, and executed for witchcraft, based on the suspicion that she had enchanted the queen to fall in love with her husband; and they say the young king's picture was discovered in her closet, made of virgin wax, with one leg melted away. When asked by her judges what spells she had used to gain such a powerful influence over the queen, she replied, 'that influence only which strong minds always hold over weak ones.'" Seward's "Anecdotes of some Distinguished Persons," &c., vol. ii., p. 215.
Blagrave, in his "Astrological Practice of Physick," p. 89, observes that "the way which the witches usually take for to afflict man or beast in this kind is, as I conceive, done by image or model, made in the likeness of that man or beast they intend to work mischief upon, and by the subtlety of the devil made at such hours and times when it shall work most powerfully upon them, by thorn, pin, or needle, pricked into that limb or member of the body afflicted."
Blagrave, in his "Astrological Practice of Physick," p. 89, notes that "the method that witches typically use to harm a person or animal is, as I understand it, carried out through an image or model made to resemble the person or animal they want to harm, and, aided by the cunning of the devil, created at specific hours and times when it will be most effective, by using a thorn, pin, or needle to prick the affected limb or part of the body."
This is farther illustrated by a passage in one of Daniel's Sonnets:
This is further illustrated by a passage in one of Daniel's Sonnets:
And hidden harm on some unspoken spirit,
Frames enhance, shaped to represent correctly The poor unsuspecting person he's planning to kill,
And pierces the image, shaped by magic's skill,
"To annoy the person day and night." Sonnet 10; from Poems and Sonnets included in "Astrophil and Stella," 4to, 1591.
Again, in "Diaria, or the Excellent Conceitful Sonnets of H.C.," (Henry Constable,) 1594:
Again, in "Diaria, or the Excellent Conceitful Sonnets of H.C.," (Henry Constable,) 1594:
And in that part where they hit the picture,
The parties themselves are suffering until the end. Decad. II., Son. ii.
Coles, in his "Art of Simpling," &c., p. 66, says that witches "take likewise the roots of mandrake, according to some, or, as I rather suppose, the roots of briony, which simple folke take for the true mandrake, and make thereof an ugly image, by which they represent the person on whom they intend to exercise their witchcraft." He tells us, ibid., p. 26, "Some plants have roots with a number of threads, like beards, as mandrakes, whereof witches and impostors make an ugly image, giving it the form of the face at the top of the root, and leave those strings to make a broad beard down to the feet."—Brand's Antiquities, vol. iii. p. 9.
Coles, in his "Art of Simpling," &c., p. 66, says that witches "also use the roots of mandrake, according to some, or, as I think, the roots of briony, which simple folks mistake for the real mandrake, and create an ugly image from it to represent the person they intend to cast their spell upon." He tells us, ibid., p. 26, "Some plants have roots with many threads, like beards, such as mandrakes, from which witches and tricksters make an ugly image, shaping it to have a face at the top of the root, and leaving those threads to form a wide beard down to the feet."—Brand's Antiquities, vol. iii. p. 9.
Ben Johnson has not forgotten this superstition in his learned and fanciful Masque of Queens, in which so much of the lore of witchcraft is embodied. There are few finer things in English poetry than his 3rd Charm:—
Ben Johnson hasn't forgotten this superstition in his knowledgeable and imaginative Masque of Queens, which captures so much of the lore of witchcraft. There are few things finer in English poetry than his 3rd Charm:—
And so is the cat mountain,
[12] The ant and the mole are both sitting in a hole,
And the frog peeks out of the fountain; The dogs bark, and the tambourines play,
The spindle is now spinning;
The moon is red, and the stars have disappeared,
But the whole sky is on fire:
The ditch is dug, and we're using our nails as the spade,
With pictures full of wax and wool;
I jab their livers with quick needles; All that's needed is the blood to complete the flood.
Hurry up, lady, then contribute your share, Spur on little Martin,
Joyfully, help him sail,
A worm in his mouth and a thorn in his tail,
Fire above, fire below,
With a whip in your hand, to urge him on.
Ben Johnson's Works, by Gifford, vol. 7, p. 121.
Meric Casaubon, who is always an amusing writer, and whose works, notwithstanding his appetite for the wonderful, do not merit the total oblivion into which they have fallen, is very angry with Jerome Cardan, an author not generally given to scepticism, for the hesitation he displays on the subject of these waxen images:—
Meric Casaubon, who is always an entertaining writer, and whose works, despite his taste for the extraordinary, don’t deserve the complete neglect they’ve received, is quite upset with Jerome Cardan, an author not typically known for skepticism, for the doubts he shows regarding these wax figures:—
I know some who question not the power of devils or witches; yet in this particular are not satisfied how such a thing can be. For there is no relation or sympathy in nature, (saith one, who hath written not many years ago,) between a man and his effigies, that upon the pricking of the one the other should grow sick. It is upon another occasion that he speaks it; but his exception reacheth this example equally. A wonder to me he should so argue, who in many things hath very well confuted the incredulity of others, though in some things too credulous himself. If we must believe nothing but what we can reduce to natural, or, to speak more properly, (for I myself believe the devil doth very little, but by nature, though to us unknown,) manifest causes, he doth overthrow his own grounds, and leaves us but very little of magical operations to believe. But of all men, Cardan had least reason to except against this kind of magick as ridiculous or incredible, who himself is so full of incredible stories in that kind, upon his own credit alone, that they had need to be of very easie belief that believe him, especially when they know (whereof more afterwards) what manner of man he was. But I dare say, that from Plato's time, who, among other appurtenances of magic, doth mention these, κηρινα μιμηματα that is, as Ovid doth call them, Simulachra cerea, or as Horace, cereas imagines, (who also in another place more particularly describes them,) there is not any particular rite belonging to that art more fully attested by histories of all ages[13] than this is. Besides, who doth not know that it is the devil's fashion (we shall meet with it afterwards again) to amuse his servants and vassals with many rites and ceremonies, which have certainly no ground in nature, no relation or sympathy to the thing, as for other reasons, so to make them believe, they have a great hand in the production of such and such effects; when, God knows, many times all that they do, though taught and instructed by him, is nothing at all to the purpose, and he, in very deed, is the only agent, by means which he doth give them no account of. Bodinus, in his preface to his "Dæmonology," relateth, that three waxen images, whereof one of Queen Elizabeth's, of glorious memory, and two other, Reginæ proximorum, of two courtiers, of greatest authority under the queen, were found in the house of a priest at Islington, a magician, or so reputed, to take away their lives. This he doth repeat again in his second book, chap. 8, but more particularly that it was in the year of the Lord 1578, and that Legatus Angliæ and many Frenchmen did divulge it so; but withal, in both places he doth add, that the business was then under trial, and not yet perfectly known. I do not trust my memory: I know my age and my infirmities. Cambden, I am sure, I have read; and read again; but neither in him, nor in Bishop Carleton's "Thankful Remembrancer," do I remember any such thing. Others may, perchance. Yet, in the year 1576, I read in both of some pictures, representing some that would have kill'd that glorious queen with a motto, Quorsum hæc, alio properantibus! which pictures were made by some of the conspiracy for their incouragement; but intercepted, and showed, they say, to the queen. Did the time agree, it is possible these pictures might be the ground of those mistaken, if mistaken, waxen images, which I desire to be taught by others who can give a better account.—Casaubon's (M.) Treatise, proving Spirits, Witches, and Supernatural Operations, 1672. 12mo., p. 92.
I know some people who don't doubt the power of devils or witches; however, they are not convinced about how such things can exist. One person, who wrote not that long ago, argues that there is no connection or sympathy in nature between a person and their effigy, suggesting that if you prick one, the other shouldn't become sick. He brings this up in another context, but his point applies here as well. I find it surprising that he argues this, given that he has successfully refuted the skepticism of others on many topics, even though he is sometimes too gullible himself. If we should only believe what can be explained by natural, or to be more accurate (since I personally believe that the devil usually operates through natural means, albeit ones unknown to us), evident causes, he undermines his own reasoning and leaves us with hardly anything credible to believe about magical operations. Yet of all people, Cardan had the least reason to dismiss this type of magic as absurd or unbelievable, given that he himself is full of incredible stories in that realm, which rely solely on his credibility, needing to be easily believable by those who know (as will be explained later) what kind of person he was. I can confidently say that since Plato's time, who, among other aspects of magic, mentions these wax replicas, also referred to by Ovid as Simulachra cerea, or by Horace as cereas imagines (who describes them in more detail elsewhere), there is no specific rite tied to that art more thoroughly documented in histories throughout the ages[13]. Besides, who doesn’t know that the devil likes to entertain his followers with many rites and ceremonies that certainly have no basis in nature, and no link or sympathy to the subject, so that for various reasons, they believe they are significantly involved in bringing about certain effects; when, truth be told, often all that they do, though guided and taught by him, is completely irrelevant, and he is, in reality, the only true agent, using methods he doesn’t explain to them. Bodinus, in the preface to his "Dæmonology," recounts that three wax figures were found in the house of a priest in Islington, a man thought to be a magician—one of them representing Queen Elizabeth, may she rest in glory, and two others depicting the closest queens, or courtiers of high rank under her, intended to take their lives. He mentions this again in his second book, chapter 8, being specific that this occurred in the year 1578, and that the Legate of England and many French people spread the word; however, he adds in both instances that the matter was still under investigation and not yet fully understood. I can’t rely on my memory: I know my age and my weaknesses. I am sure I’ve read Cambden, and I’ve read it again, but neither he nor Bishop Carleton’s "Thankful Remembrancer" mentions anything like this. Others might, perhaps. Yet, in the year 1576, I read in both about some illustrations depicting individuals who tried to kill that glorious queen, with the caption, Quorsum hæc, alio properantibus! These illustrations were made by some of the conspirators to encourage themselves; however, they were intercepted and reportedly shown to the queen. If the timeline fits, it’s possible those images could be the source of the possibly misidentified, wax figures, which I’d like to learn more about from others who can provide a clearer account.—Casaubon's (M.) Treatise, proving Spirits, Witches, and Supernatural Operations, 1672. 12mo., p. 92.
In Scotland this practice was in high favour with witches, both in ancient and modern times. The lamentable story of poor King Duff, as related by Hector Boethius, a story which has blanched the cheek and spoiled the rest of many a youthful reader, is too well known to need extracting. Even so late as 1676, Sir George Maxwell, of Pollock, (See Scott's Letters on Demonology and Witchcraft, p. 323,) apparently a man of melancholy and valetudinarian habits, believed himself bewitched to death by six witches, one man and five women, who were leagued for the purpose of tormenting a clay image in his likeness. Five of the accused were executed, and the sixth only escaped on account of extreme youth.
In Scotland, this practice was highly favored by witches, both in ancient and modern times. The tragic tale of poor King Duff, as told by Hector Boethius, is well known and has shocked many young readers. Even as late as 1676, Sir George Maxwell of Pollock (See Scott's Letters on Demonology and Witchcraft, p. 323), a man who seemed to be melancholic and in poor health, believed he was cursed to death by six witches—a man and five women—who teamed up to torment a clay figure made in his likeness. Five of the accused were executed, while the sixth escaped due to their extreme youth.
Isabel Gowdie, the famous Scotch witch before referred to, in her confessions gives a very particular account of the mode in which these images were manufactured. It is curious, and worth quoting:—
Isabel Gowdie, the famous Scottish witch mentioned earlier, provides a very detailed account of how these images were created in her confessions. It's interesting and worth quoting:—
Johne Taylor and Janet Breadhead, his wyff, in Bellnakeith, Bessie Wilsone, in Aulderne, and Margret Wilsone, spows to Donald Callam in Aulderne, and I,[14] maid an pictur of clay, to distroy the Laird of Parkis meall[62] children. Johne Taylor browght hom the clay, in his plaid newk;[63] his wyff brak it verie small, lyk meall,[64] and sifted it with a siew,[65] and powred in water among it, in the Divellis nam, and vrought it werie sore, lyk rye-bowt;[66] and maid of it a pictur of the Lairdis sones. It haid all the pairtis and merkis of a child, such as heid, eyes, nose, handis, foot, mowth, and little lippes. It wanted no mark of a child; and the handis of it folded down by its sydes. It was lyk a pow,[67] or a flain gryce.[68] We laid the face of it to the fyre, till it strakned;[69] and a cleir fyre round abowt it, till it ves read lyk a cole.[70] After that, we wold rest it now and then; each other day[71] ther wold be an piece of it weill rosten. The Laird of Parkis heall maill children by it ar to suffer, if it be not gotten and brokin, als weill as thes that ar borne and dead alreadie. It ves still putt in and taken out of the fyre, in the Divellis name. It wes hung wp wpon an knag. It is yet in Johne Taylor's hows, and it hes a cradle of clay abowt it. Onlie Johne Taylor and his wyff, Janet Breadhead, Bessie and Margret Wilsones in Aulderne, and Margret Brodie, thair, and I, were onlie at the making of it. All the multitud of our number of Witches, of all the Coevens, kent[72] all of it, at owr nixt meitting after it was maid.
Johne Taylor and his wife, Janet Breadhead, in Bellnakeith, Bessie Wilsone, in Aulderne, and Margret Wilsone, married to Donald Callam in Aulderne, and I,[14] made a clay figure to harm the Laird of Parkis’s children. Johne Taylor brought home the clay in his plaid bag;[62] his wife broke it down very finely, like flour,[63] and sifted it with a sieve,[64] pouring in water with the name of the Devil, and worked it hard, like rye dough;[65] and made it into a figure of the Laird's sons. It had all the parts and marks of a child, such as head, eyes, nose, hands, feet, mouth, and little lips. It had no lack of any childlike feature; its hands were folded down by its sides. It looked like a doll,[66] or a dead pig.[67] We laid its face to the fire until it hardened;[68] and a clear fire around it, until it was reddened like coal.[69] After that, we would rest it now and then; every other day[70] there would be a piece of it well roasted. The Laird of Parkis’s children are all meant to suffer from it if it’s not found and broken, just like those who are already born and dead. It was continually placed in and taken out of the fire, in the Devil's name. It was hung up on a hook. It is still in Johne Taylor's house, and it has a cradle of clay around it. Only Johne Taylor and his wife, Janet Breadhead, Bessie and Margret Wilsones in Aulderne, and Margret Brodie, there, and I were the only ones involved in making it. All the multitude of our number of Witches, from all the Witch groups, knew[71] all about it at our next meeting after it was made.
The wordis which we spak, quhan we maid the pictur, for distroyeing of the Laird of Parkis meall-children, wer thus:
The words we spoke when we created the picture, for destroying the Laird of Parkis meal-children, were as follows:
For long-lasting and poor health; We put it in the fire,
That it may be burned both stick and straw.
It shall be done, with our will,
As any stick __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ upon a kill.
The Divell taught ws the wordis; and quhan ve haid learned them, we all fell downe wpon owr bare kneyis, and owr hair abowt owr eyes, and owr handis lifted wp, looking steadfast wpon the Divell, still saying the wordis thryse ower, till it wes maid. And then, in the Divellis nam, we did put it in, in the midst of the fyre. Efter it had skrukned[75] a little before the fyre, and quhan it ves read lyk a coale, we took it owt in the Divellis nam. Till it be broken, it will be the deathe of all the meall children that the Laird of Park will ewer get. Cast it ower an Kirk, it will not brak quhill[76] it be broken with an aix, or som such lyk thing, be a man's handis. If it be not broken, it will last an hundreth yeir. It hes ane cradle about it of clay, to preserue it from skaith;[77] and it wes rosten each vther day, at the[15] fyr; som tymes on pairt of it, som tymes an vther pairt of it; it vold be a litle wat with water, and then rosten. The bairn vold be brunt and rosten, ewin as it ves by ws.—Pitcairne's Criminal Trials, Vol. iii. pp. 605 and 612.
The Devil taught us the words; and when we had learned them, we all fell down on our bare knees, our hair in our eyes, and our hands lifted up, looking steadily at the devil, still repeating the words three times until it was done. Then, in the Devil's name, we put it in the middle of the fire. After it had shrunk[75] a little before the fire, and when it looked like a coal, we took it out in the Devil's name. Until it is broken, it will be the death of all the male children that the Laird of Park will ever have. Cast it over a church, it will not break unless[76] it is broken with an axe, or something similar, by a man's hand. If it is not broken, it will last a hundred years. It has a cradle made of clay around it to protect it from harm;[77] and it was roasted each other day at the[15] fire; sometimes one part of it, sometimes another part of it; it would be a little wet with water, and then roasted. The child would be burned and roasted, just as it was by us.—Pitcairne's Criminal Trials, Vol. iii. pp. 605 and 612.
B 4 b 1. "And sayd that she should haue gould, siluer, and worldly wealth at her will."] These familiars, to use Warburton's expression, always promised with the lavishness of a young courtier, and performed with the indifference of an old one. Nothing seems to puzzle Dr. Dee more, in the long and confidential intercourse he carried on so many years with his spirits, than to account for the great scarcity of specie they seemed to be afflicted with, and the unsatisfactory and unfurnished state of their exchequer. Bills, to be sure, they gave at long dates; but these constantly required renewing, and were never honoured at last. Any application for present relief, in good current coin of the realm, was invariably followed by what Meric Casaubon very significantly calls "sermonlike stuff." The learned professor in witchery, John Stearne, seems to fix six shillings as the maximum of money payment at one time which in all his experience he had detected between witches and their familiars. He was examining Joan Ruccalver, of Powstead, in Suffolk, who had been promised by her spirit that she should never want meat, drink, clothes, or money. "Then I asked her whether they brought her any money or no; and she said sometimes four shillings at a time, and sometimes six shillings at a time; but that is but seldom, for I never knew any that had any money before, except of Clarke's wife, of Manningtree, who confessed the same, and showed some, which, she said, her impe brought her, which was proper money." Confirmation, page 27. Judging from the anxiety which this worthy displays to be "satisfied and paid with reason" for his itinerant labours, such a scanty and penurious supply would soon have disgusted him, if he had been witch, instead of witch-finder.
B 4 b 1. "And she said that she should have gold, silver, and worldly wealth at her command."] These spirits, as Warburton put it, always made grand promises like a young courtier but delivered with the indifference of an old one. Dr. Dee seems most puzzled by the long and close relationship he maintained for many years with his spirits regarding the significant lack of money they appeared to suffer from and the unsatisfactory state of their finances. They did provide promissory notes with long dates, but these constantly needed renewing and were never honored in the end. Any request for immediate help in solid currency was always met with what Meric Casaubon aptly termed "sermonlike stuff." The learned professor of witchcraft, John Stearne, noted that six shillings was the most money he had found exchanged between witches and their spirits in all his experience. He was questioning Joan Ruccalver from Powstead in Suffolk, who had been assured by her spirit that she would never lack food, drink, clothes, or money. "So I asked her if they brought her any money at all, and she said sometimes four shillings at a time, and sometimes six shillings at a time; but that's rare, for I never knew anyone who had any money before, except for Clarke's wife from Manningtree, who admitted the same and showed some, which she claimed her familiar brought her, and it was real money." Confirmation, page 27. Based on the concern this man shows to be "satisfied and compensated fairly" for his traveling efforts, such a meager supply would have likely repulsed him if he were a witch instead of a witch-finder.
B 4 b 2. "She had bewitched to death Richard Ashton, sonne of Richard Ashton, of Downeham, Esquire."] Richard Assheton, (as the name is more properly spelled,) thus done to death by witchcraft, was the son of Richard Assheton, of Downham, an old manor house, the scite of which is now supplied by a modern structure, which Dr. Whitaker thinks, in point of situation, has no equal in the parish of Whalley. Richard, the son, married Isabel, daughter and heiress of Mr. Hancock, of Pendleton Hall, and died without offspring. The family estate accordingly descended to the younger brother, Nicholas Assheton, whose diary for part of the year 1617 and part of the year following is given, page 303 of Whitaker's History of Whalley,[16] edition 1818, and is a most valuable record of the habits, pursuits, and course of life of a Lancashire country gentleman of that period. It well deserves detaching in a separate publication, and illustrating with a more expanded commentary.
B 4 b 2. "She had bewitched to death Richard Ashton, son of Richard Ashton, of Downeham, Esquire."] Richard Assheton, (as the name is more accurately spelled,) died due to witchcraft, and he was the son of Richard Assheton, of Downham, an old manor house, the site of which is now occupied by a modern building that Dr. Whitaker believes has no equal in the parish of Whalley in terms of location. Richard, the son, married Isabel, the daughter and heiress of Mr. Hancock, of Pendleton Hall, and passed away without any children. Consequently, the family estate went to his younger brother, Nicholas Assheton, whose diary for part of the year 1617 and part of the following year is published on page 303 of Whitaker's History of Whalley,[16] edition 1818, and serves as a highly valuable record of the habits, pursuits, and lifestyle of a Lancashire country gentleman from that era. This diary deserves to be published separately and accompanied by a more detailed commentary.
C b. "Piggin full."] Piggin is properly a sort of bowl, or pail, with one of the staves much longer than the rest, made for a handle, to lade water by, and used especially in brewhouses to measure out the liquor with.
C b. "Full of piggin." A piggin is essentially a type of bowl or bucket, with one of the staves significantly longer than the others, designed to serve as a handle for scooping water, and is mainly used in breweries to measure out liquids.
C 2 a. "Nicholas Banister."] Dr. Whitaker, in the pedigree of the Banisters, of Altham, (genealogy was, it is well known, one of the vulnerable parts of this Achilles of topography,) erroneously states this Nicholas Banister to have been buried at Altham, December 7, 1611. It appears, however, from a deed, an inspection of which I owe to the kindness of my friend, Dr. Fleming, that his will was dated the 15th August, 1612. In all probability he did not die for some years after that date. He married, first, Elizabeth, daughter and heiress of Richard Elston, of Brockall, Esq.; and, second, Catherine, daughter of Edmund Ashton, of Chaderton, Esq. The manor house of Altham, for more than five centuries the residence of this ancient family, stands, to use Dr. Whitaker's words, upon a gentle elevation on the western side of the river Calder, commanding a low and fertile domain. It has been surrounded, according to the prudence or jealousy of the feudal times, with a very deep quadrangular moat, which must have included all the apparatus of the farm.
C 2 a. "Nicholas Banister."] Dr. Whitaker, in the family history of the Banisters of Altham, (genealogy is known to be one of the weak points of this Achilles of topography,) mistakenly claims that Nicholas Banister was buried in Altham on December 7, 1611. However, a deed I got from my friend, Dr. Fleming, shows that his will was dated August 15, 1612. He likely didn’t die for several years after that. He was married first to Elizabeth, the daughter and heiress of Richard Elston of Brockall, Esq.; and second to Catherine, the daughter of Edmund Ashton of Chaderton, Esq. The manor house of Altham, which has been the home of this ancient family for over five centuries, is, in Dr. Whitaker's words, situated on a gentle rise on the western side of the river Calder, overlooking a low and fertile landscape. It has been surrounded, following the caution or jealousy of feudal times, by a very deep square moat that must have encompassed all the farm's facilities.
C 3 a. "At Malking Tower, in the forrest of Pendle."] Malkin Tower was the habitation of Mother Demdike, the situation of which is preserved, for the structure no longer exists, by local tradition. Malkin is the Scotch or north country word for hare, as this animal was one into which witches were supposed to be fond of transforming themselves. Malkin Tower is, in fact, the Witches' Tower. The term is used in the following passage in Morison's Poems, p. 7, which bears upon the above explanation:—
C 3 a. "At Malking Tower, in the forest of Pendle."] Malkin Tower was the home of Mother Demdike, which is remembered through local tradition since the building no longer exists. Malkin is the Scottish or northern term for hare, as this animal was believed to be one that witches liked to transform into. Malkin Tower is, in fact, the Witches' Tower. The term is used in the following passage in Morison's Poems, p. 7, which relates to the earlier explanation:—
How Satan ignites strange lights;
Or how he holds a core meeting On a witch-frequented green,
With spells and tricks, hellish rants,
"Like kids running through the fields they're playing." [17]
C 4 b. "We want old Demdike, who dyed in the castle before she came to her tryall."] Worn out most probably with her imprisonment, she having been committed in April, and the cruelties she had undergone, both before and after her commitment. Master Nowell and Master Potts both wanted her, we may readily conceive, to fill up the miserable pageant; but she was gone where the wicked cease from troubling, and the weary are at rest. With the exception of Alice Nutter, in whom interest is excited from very different grounds, Mother Demdike attracts attention in a higher degree than any other of these Pendle witches. She was, beyond dispute, the Erictho of Pendle. Mother Chattox was but second in rank. There is something fearfully intense in the expression of the former,—blind, on the last verge of the extreme limit of human existence, and mother of a line of witches,—"that she would pray for the said Baldwin, both still and loud." She is introduced in Shadwell's play, the Lancashire Witches, 1682, as a persona dramatis, along with Mother Dickinson and Mother Hargrave, two of the witches convicted in 1633, but without any regard to the characteristic circumstances under which she appears in the present narrative. The following invocation, which is put into her mouth, is rather a favourable specimen of that play, certainly not one of the worst of Shadwell's, in which there are many vigorous strokes, with an alloy of coarseness not unusual in his works, and some powerful conceptions of character:
C 4 b. "We want old Demdike, who died in the castle before her trial."] She was probably worn out from her imprisonment, having been locked up since April, and from the horrors she endured both before and after her confinement. Master Nowell and Master Potts likely needed her to complete the pathetic spectacle; but she was gone to a place where the wicked no longer trouble and the weary find peace. Aside from Alice Nutter, who interests people for very different reasons, Mother Demdike draws more attention than any of the other Pendle witches. She was undoubtedly the most powerful witch in Pendle. Mother Chattox came in second. There’s something terrifyingly intense about the former—blind, on the brink of death, and the mother of a line of witches—“that she would pray for the said Baldwin, both silently and loudly.” She appears in Shadwell's play, the Lancashire Witches, 1682, as a persona dramatis, along with Mother Dickinson and Mother Hargrave, two of the witches convicted in 1633, but without consideration for the specific circumstances that surround her in this narrative. The following invocation attributed to her is a relatively decent example from that play, certainly not among the worst of Shadwell's work, which contains many strong moments, along with a typical roughness and some powerful character concepts:
Wolves howl, bats fly, and the faint beams
The light of glow-worms brightens quickly; The stars have disappeared, and the moon is hiding her face.
The spindle is now spinning around,
Mandrakes are groaning underground:
In the hole in the ditch (where our nails have made) Now all our images are displayed,
Of wax and wool, which we need to poke,
With needles pushing to the quick.
Into the hole I'll pour a flood Of the blood of black lambs, to make everything right.
The lamb with nails and teeth will tear. Come, where's the offering?
Of children's fat, taken from the grave:
The juice of celery and nightshade,
Of poplar leaves and aconite, made
With these. The fragrant reed I boil, With water parsnip and cinquefoil;
With a supply of soot, and on top of that The smelly blood of many bats.
Lancashire Witches, pp. 10, 41.
One of the peculiarities of Shadwell's play is the introduction of the Lancashire dialect, which he makes his clown Clod speak. The subjoined extract may perhaps amuse my readers. Collier would have enjoyed it:
One of the unique features of Shadwell's play is the inclusion of the Lancashire dialect, which his clown Clod uses. The following excerpt might amuse my readers. Collier would have appreciated it:
Clod. An yeow been a mon Ay'st talk wy ye a bit, yeow mun tack a care o your sells, the plecs haunted with Buggarts, and Witches, one of 'em took my Condle and Lanthorn out of my hont, and flew along wy it; and another Set me o top o'th tree, where I feel dawn now, Ay ha well neegh brocken my theegh.
Clod. If you’re going to talk to me for a bit, you need to take care of yourself. The place is haunted by Bogarts and Witches. One of them took my Candle and Lantern right out of my hand and flew off with it. Another one set me on top of a tree, and I just fell down from there. I nearly broke my thigh.
Doubt. The fellows mad, I neither understand his words, nor his Sence, prethee how far is it to Whalley?
Doubt. The guys are crazy, I don’t understand what he’s saying or his meaning. Please, how far is it to Whalley?
Clod. Why yeow are quite besaid th' road mon, yeow Shoulden a gon dawn th' bonk by Thomas o Georges, and then ee'n at yate, and turn'd dawn th' Lone, and left the Steepo o'th reeght hont.
Clod. Why you are quite beside the road, man, you should have gone down the bank by Thomas or Georges, and then even at the gate, and turned down the Lane, and left the Steep on the right hand.
Bell. Prithee don't tell us what we should have done, but how far is it to Whalley?
Bell. Please don't tell us what we should have done, but how far is it to Whalley?
Clod. Why marry four mail and a bit.
Clod. Why get married four men and a bit.
Doubt. Wee'l give thee an Angel and show us the way thither.
Doubt. We'll give you an angel and show us the way there.
Clod. Marry thats Whaint. I canno see my hont, haw con Ay show yeow to Whalley to neeght.
Clod. Well, that's strange. I can't see my hand, how can I show you to Whalley tonight?
Bell. Canst thou show us to any house where we may have Shelter and Lodging to night? we are Gentlemen and strangers, and will pay you well for't.
Bell. Can you show us to a house where we can get shelter and lodging for the night? We are gentlemen and strangers, and we will pay you well for it.
Clod. Ay byr Lady con I, th' best ludging and diet too in aw Lancashire. Yonder at th' hough where yeow seen th' leeghts there.
Clod. Oh by my lady, I have the best lodging and food in all of Lancashire. Over there at the hill where you saw the lights.
Doubt. Whose house is that?
Doubt. Whose place is that?
Clod. Why what a pox, where han yeow lived? why yeow are Strongers indeed! why, 'tis Sir Yedard Harfourts, he Keeps oppen hawse to all Gentry, yeou'st be welcome to him by day and by neeght he's Lord of aw here abauts.
Clod. What the heck, where have you been living? You are definitely strangers! It’s Sir Yedard Harfourts; he keeps his house open to all the gentry. You’re welcome to him both day and night; he’s in charge of everything around here.
Bell. My Mistresses Father, Luck if it be thy will, have at my Isabella, Canst thou guide us thither?
Bell. My mistress's father, if it’s your will, take me to my Isabella. Can you lead us there?
Clod. Ay, Ay, there's a pawer of Company there naw, Sir Jeffery Shaklehead, and the Knight his Son, and Doughter.
Clod. Yeah, yeah, there's quite a crowd of Company there now, Sir Jeffery Shaklehead, and the Knight, his Son, and Daughter.
Doubt. Lucky above my wishes, O my dear Theodosia, how my heart leaps at her! prethee guide us thither, wee'l pay thee well.
Doubt. Lucky beyond my wishes, oh my dear Theodosia, how my heart jumps when I think of her! Please help us get there, we’ll pay you well.
Clod. Come on, I am e'n breed aut o my sences, I was ne'er so freeghtened sin I was born, give me your hont.—Lancashire Witches, p. 14.
Clod. Come on, I’m completely out of my mind, I’ve never been so scared in my life, give me your hand.—Lancashire Witches, p. 14.
D b. "Ann Whittle, alias Chattox."] Chattox, from her continually chattering.
D b. "Ann Whittle, a.k.a. Chattox."] Chattox, known for her nonstop talking.
D 2 a 1. "Her lippes euer chattering and walking."] Walking, i.e., working. Old Chattox might have sat to Archbishop Harsnet for her portrait. What can exceed the force and graphic truth, the searching wit and sarcasm, of the picture he sketches in 1605?
D 2 a 1. "Her lips always chattering and moving."] Walking, i.e., working. Old Chattox might have posed for Archbishop Harsnet's portrait. What can surpass the power and vivid truth, the sharp humor and sarcasm, of the picture he paints in 1605?
Out of these is shaped vs the true Idœa of a Witch, an old weather-beaten Croane, hauing her chinne, & her knees meeting for age, walking like a bow leaning on a shaft, hollow eyed, vntoothed, furrowed on her face, hauing her lips trembling with the palsie, going mumbling in the streetes, one that hath forgottē her pater noster, and hath yet a shrewd tongue in her head, to call a drab, a drab. If shee haue learned of an olde wife in a chimnies end: Pax, max, fax, for a spel: or can say Sir Iohn of Grantams curse, for the Millers Eeles, that were stolne: All you that haue stolne the Millers Eeles, Laudate dominum de cœlis: And all they that haue consented thereto, benedicamus domino: Why then ho, beware, looke about you my neighbours; if any of you haue a sheepe sicke of the giddies, or an hogge of the mumps, or an horse of the staggers, or a knauish boy of the schoole, or an idle girle of the wheele, or a young drab of the sullens, and hath not fat enough for her porredge, nor her father, and mother, butter enough for their bread; and she haue a little helpe of the Mother, Epilepsie, or Cramp, to teach her role her eyes, wrie her mouth, gnash her teeth, startle with her body, holde her armes and hands stiffe, make anticke faces, grine, mow, and mop like an Ape, tumble like a Hedge-hogge, and can mutter out two or three words of gibridg, as obus, bobus: and then with-all old mother Nobs hath called her by chaunce, idle young huswife, or bid the deuill scratch her, then no doubt but mother Nobs is the Witch: the young girle is Owle-blasted, and possessed: and it goes hard but ye shall haue some idle adle, giddie, lymphaticall, illuminate dotrel, who being out of credite, learning, sobriety, honesty, and wit, will take this holy aduantage, to raise the ruines of his desperate decayed name, and for his better glory wil be-pray the iugling drab, and cast out Mopp the deuil.
Out of these is shaped the true Idœa of a witch, an old weather-beaten crow, with her chin and knees bent with age, walking like a bow leaning on a shaft, hollow-eyed, toothless, wrinkled, with trembling lips due to palsy, mumbling in the streets. She’s someone who has forgotten her pater noster but still has a sharp tongue to call a woman a drab. If she has learned from an old woman in a chimney corner: Pax, max, fax, for a spell; or can recite Sir Iohn of Grantams curse for the Miller's eels that got stolen: “All of you who stole the Miller's eels, Laudate dominum de cœlis: And all those who consented to it, benedicamus domino: then, hey, watch out, look around you, my neighbors; if any of you have a sheep sick with the giddies, or a pig with the mumps, or a horse with the staggers, or a mischievous boy from school, or a lazy girl with a spinning wheel, or a young drab sulking, who doesn't have enough fat for her porridge, nor enough butter for her parents' bread; and if she has a little help from Mother, Epilepsie, or Cramp, to roll her eyes, twist her mouth, grind her teeth, jerk her body, keep her arms and hands stiff, make silly faces, grimace, and act like an ape, flip like a hedgehog, and can mumble a few words of gibberish like obus, bobus: and then if old Mother Nobs happens to call her idle young housewife, or tells the devil to scratch her, then there’s no doubt that Mother Nobs is the witch; the young girl is owl-blasted and possessed. It’s likely that you'll get some idle and foolish, giddy, lethargic, misguided dimwit, who, being out of favor, fresh ideas, sobriety, honesty, and intelligence, will take this holy opportunity to resurrect the ruins of his desperate decayed name, and for his own glory will command the trickster drab, and cast out Mopp, the devil.
They that haue their braines baited, and their fancies distempered with the imaginations, and apprehensions of Witches, Coniurers, and Fayries, and all that Lymphatical Chimæra: I finde to be marshalled in one of these fiue rankes, children, fooles, women, cowards, sick, or blacke, melancholicke, discomposed wits. The Scythians being a warlike Nation (as Plutarch reports) neuer saw any visions.—Harsnet's Declaration, p. 136.
Those who have their minds disturbed and their imaginations unsettled by the thoughts and fears of witches, conjurers, fairies, and all that emotional chimera: I find are grouped into one of these five categories: children, fools, women, cowards, the sick, or those with black, melancholic, disordered minds. The Scythians, being a warrior nation (as Plutarch says), never experienced any visions.—Harsnet's Declaration, p. 136.
Elizabeth Sothernes, alias Old Demdike, died in prison in 1612, about 80 years old. | Anne Whittle, alias Chattox, executed at Lancaster, 1612, about 80 years old. | ||||||||||
1 | 2 | ||||||||||
Christopher == Eliz. Howgate. Both of them were reputed to be at the witches meeting on Good Friday, 1612, but were not indicted. Perhaps they were the "one Holgate and his wife" mentioned amongst the witches in 1633. | Elizabeth, executed at Lancaster, 1612. | == | John Device, or Davies, supposed to have been bewitched to death, by Widow Chattox, because he had not paid her his yearly aghen dole of meal. | Anne, executed in 1612. | == | Thomas Redferne. | |||||
Mary. | |||||||||||
1 | 2 | 3 | |||||||||
James Device, or Davies, executed at Lancaster in 1612. | Alizon, executed at Lancaster in 1612. | Jennet, 9 years old in 1612, and an evidence in the present trial. Condemned herself, along with 16 other persons, for witchcraft, in 1633, when she appears to have been unmarried, but not executed. |
D 3 a. "Commaunded this examinate to call him by the name of Fancie."] The fittest name for a familiar she could possibly have chosen. Sir Walter Scott (Letters on Demonology, p. 242) unaccountably speaks of Fancie as a female devil. Master Potts would have told him, (see M 2 b,) "that Fancie had a very good face, and was a very proper man."
D 3 a. "Ordered this person to call him by the name of Fancie."] The best name for a spirit she could have picked. Sir Walter Scott (Letters on Demonology, p. 242) strangely refers to Fancie as a female devil. Master Potts would have told him, (see M 2 b,) "that Fancie had a really nice face, and was a very decent man."
D 3 b 1. "The wife of Richard Baldwin, of Pendle."] Richard Baldwin was the miller who accosted Old Dembdike so unceremoniously.
D 3 b 1. "The wife of Richard Baldwin, of Pendle."] Richard Baldwin was the miller who confronted Old Dembdike in such a rude way.
D 3 b 2. "Robert Nutter."] The family of the Nutters, of Pendle, bore a great share in the proceedings referred to in this trial. It seems to have been a family of note amongst the inferior gentry or yeomanry of the forest. A Nutter held courts for many years about this period, as deputy steward at Clitheroe. (See Whitaker's Whalley, p. 307.) Three of the name are stated in the evidence to have been killed by witchcraft, Christopher Nutter, Robert Nutter, and Anne, the daughter of Anthony Nutter;[21] and one of the unfortunate persons convicted is Alice Nutter. The branch to which Robert belonged is shewn in the following table:
D 3 b 2. "Robert Nutter."] The Nutter family from Pendle played a significant role in the events discussed in this trial. They were known among the lesser gentry or yeomanry of the area. One Nutter served as court deputy at Clitheroe for many years around this time. (See Whitaker's Whalley, p. 307.) The evidence states that three members of the family were identified as having been killed by witchcraft: Christopher Nutter, Robert Nutter, and Anne, the daughter of Anthony Nutter; [21] and one of the individuals convicted was Alice Nutter. The branch of the family to which Robert belonged is detailed in the following table:
Robert Nutter, the elder, of Pendle, called old Robert Nutter. | = | Elizabeth, who is reputed to
have employed Anne Chattox, Loomeshaw's wife, and Jane Boothman to bewitch to death
young Robert Nutter, that other relations might inherit. |
|||||||
Christopher, reputed to have died of witchcraft about 18 years before. | |||||||||
1 | 2 | 3 | |||||||
Robert, of Greenhead, in Pendle, a retainer of Sir Richard Shuttleworth, reputed to have been bewitched to death 18 or 19 years before the trial took place. | = | Mary | John, of Higham Booth | Margaret | = | Crooke | |||
gave evidence at the trial | |||||||||
D 4 a. "One Mr. Baldwyn (the late Schoole-maister at Coulne) did by his learning, stay the sayd Loomeshaws wife, and therefore had a Capon from Redfearne."] I regret that I can give no account of this learned Theban, who appears to have stayed the plague, and who taught at the school at which Archbishop Tillotson was afterwards educated. He well deserved his capon. Had he continued at Colne up to the time of this trial, he might perhaps, on the same easy terms, have kept the powers of darkness in check, and prevented some imputed crimes which cost ten unfortunates their lives.
D 4 a. "One Mr. Baldwyn (the late schoolmaster at Coulne) used his knowledge to help the said Loomeshaw's wife, and as a result, received a capon from Redfearne."] I regret that I can't provide any details about this learned individual, who seems to have helped stop the plague and taught at the school where Archbishop Tillotson was later educated. He truly earned his capon. If he had stayed in Colne until this trial, he might have been able to keep dark forces at bay and prevented some alleged crimes that cost ten unfortunate lives.
E b 1. "Iames Robinson."] Baines, in his History of Lancashire, vol. i. p. 605, speaks of Edmund Robinson, the father of the boy on whose evidence the witches were convicted in 1633, as if he had been a witness at the present trial; which is probably a mistake for this James Robinson, as no Edmund Robinson appears amongst the witnessses whose depositions are given.
E b 1. "James Robinson."] Baines, in his History of Lancashire, vol. i. p. 605, mentions Edmund Robinson, the father of the boy whose testimony led to the witches' conviction in 1633, as if he were a witness in the current trial; this is likely a mix-up for James Robinson, since there is no Edmund Robinson listed among the witnesses whose statements are provided.
E b 2. "Anne Whittle alias Chattox was hired by this examinates wife to card wooll."] She seems to have been by occupation a carder of wool, and to have filled up the intervals, when she had no employment, by mendicancy.
E b 2. "Anne Whittle, also known as Chattox, was hired by this examinee's wife to card wool."] She appears to have worked as a wool carder and filled her free time with begging when she had no work.
E 2 a. "Sir Richard Shuttleworth."} Of the family of the Shuttleworths of Gawthorp, "where they resided" Whitaker observes, "in the[22] condition of inferior gentry till the lucrative profession of the law raised them, in the reign of Elizabeth, to the rank of knighthood and an estate proportioned to its demands." Sir Richard was Sergeant-at-law, and Chief Justice of Chester, 31st Elizabeth, and died without issue about 1600.
E 2 a. "Sir Richard Shuttleworth."} From the Shuttleworth family of Gawthorp, "where they lived," Whitaker notes, "in the[22] status of lower gentry until the profitable profession of law elevated them, during the reign of Elizabeth, to the level of knighthood and an estate that matched its expectations." Sir Richard was a Sergeant-at-law and Chief Justice of Chester, 31st Elizabeth, and he passed away without children around 1600.
E 2 b. "A Charme."] Evidently in so corrupted a state as to bid defiance to any attempt at elucidation.
E 2 b. "A Charme."] Clearly in such a corrupted condition that it resists any effort at explanation.
E 3 a 1. "Perceiuing Anthonie Nutter of Pendle to fauour Elizabeth Sothernes alias Dembdike."] The Sothernes and Davies's and the Whittles and Redfernes were the Montagus and Capulets of Pendle. The poor cottager whose drink was forsepoken or bewitched, or whose cow went mad, and who in his attempt to propitiate one of the rival powers offended the other, would naturally exclaim from the innermost recesses of his heart, "A plague on both your houses."
E 3 a 1. "Noticing Anthonie Nutter of Pendle supporting Elizabeth Sothernes, also known as Dembdike."] The Sothernes, Davies, Whittles, and Redfernes were like the Montagues and Capulets of Pendle. The unfortunate villager whose drink was cursed or bewitched, or whose cow went crazy, and who, in trying to appease one of the opposing sides, offended the other, would surely cry out from the depths of his heart, "A curse on both your families."
E 3 a 2. "Gaping as though he would haue wearied this Examinate."] Wearied for worried.
E 3 a 2. "Staring as if he wanted to exhaust this witness."] Wearied for worried.
E 3 b. "Examination of Iames Device."] This is a very curious examination. The production of the four teeth and figure of clay dug up at the west-end of Malkin Tower would look like a "damning witness" to the two horror-struck justices and the assembled concourse at Read, who did not perhaps consider how easily such evidences may be furnished, and how readily they who hide may find. The incident deposed to at the burial at the New Church in Pendle is a wild and striking one.
E 3 b. "Examination of Iames Device."] This is a very intriguing examination. The discovery of the four teeth and a clay figure found at the west end of Malkin Tower would seem like a "damning witness" to the two terrified justices and the crowd gathered at Read, who might not realize how easily such evidence can be provided, and how swiftly those who conceal can uncover. The incident mentioned about the burial at the New Church in Pendle is wild and eye-catching.
E 4 a. "About eleuen yeares agoe, this Examinate and her mother had their firehouse broken."] The inference intended is, that Whittle's family committed the robbery from Old Demdike's house. This was, in all probability, the origin of their feuds. The abstraction of the coif and band, tempting articles to the young daughter of Old Chattox, not destitute, if we may judge from one occurrence deposed to, of personal attractions, may be said to have convulsed Lancashire from the Leven to the Mersey,—to have caused a sensation, the shock of which, after more than two centuries, has scarcely yet subsided, and to have actually given a new name to the fair sex.[23]
E 4 a. "About eleven years ago, this witness and her mother had their house broken into."] The implication is that Whittle's family committed the robbery at Old Demdike's house. This was likely the start of their conflicts. The theft of the coif and band, appealing items to Old Chattox's young daughter, who was not lacking in personal attractiveness if we can rely on one account that was testified to, can be said to have stirred up Lancashire from the Leven to the Mersey—causing a disturbance whose impact, even after more than two centuries, is still felt, and has even resulted in a new term for women.[23]
E 4 b 1. "One Aghen-dole of meale."] This Aghen-dole, a word still, I believe, in use for a particular measure of any article, was, I presume, a kind of witches' black mail. My friend, the Rev. Canon Parkinson, informs me that Aghen-dole, sometimes pronounced Acken-dole, signifies an half-measure of anything, from half-hand-dole. Mr. Halliwell has omitted it in his Glossary, now in progress.
E 4 b 1. "One Aghen-dole of meal."] This Aghen-dole, a term that I think is still used for a specific measure of any item, was likely a type of witches' blackmail. My friend, Rev. Canon Parkinson, tells me that Aghen-dole, sometimes pronounced Acken-dole, means a half-measure of anything, derived from half-hand-dole. Mr. Halliwell has left it out of his Glossary, which is currently being worked on.
E 4 b 2. "Iohn Moore of Higham, Gentleman."] Sir Jonas Moore, of whom an account is contained in Whitaker's Whalley, p. 479, and whom he characterizes as a sanguine projector, was born in Pendle Forest, and was probably of this family.
E 4 b 2. "John Moore of Higham, Gentleman." Sir Jonas Moore, about whom there's a description in Whitaker's Whalley, p. 479, and who is described as an optimistic planner, was born in Pendle Forest and was likely part of this family.
E 4 b 3. "She would meet with the said Iohn Moore, or his."] i.e. She would be equal with him.
E 4 b 3. "She would meet with the mentioned John Moore, or his."] i.e. She would be equal to him.
F a 2. "With weeping teares she humbly acknowledged them to be true."] She seems to have confessed in the hope of saving her daughter, Anne Redfern. But from such a judge as Sir Edward Bromley, mercy was as little to be expected as common sense from his "faithful chronicler," Thomas Potts.
F a 2. "With tearful eyes, she humbly admitted that they were true."] She appears to have confessed in hopes of saving her daughter, Anne Redfern. But from a judge like Sir Edward Bromley, mercy was as unlikely as expecting common sense from his "faithful chronicler," Thomas Potts.
F 2 b. "Sparing no man with fearefull execrable curses and banning."] Nothing seems to shock the nerves of these witch historiographers so much as the utter want of decorum and propriety exhibited by these unhappy creatures in giving vent to these indignant outbreaks, which a sense of the wicked injustice of their fate, and seeing their own offspring brought up in evidence against them, through the most detestable acts, and by the basest subornation, would naturally extort from minds even of iron mould. If ever Lear's or Timon's power of malediction could be justifiably called into exercise, it would be against such a tribunal and such witnesses as they had generally to encounter.
F 2 b. "Sparing no one with fearful and terrible curses and condemnations."] Nothing seems to rattle these witch historians more than the complete lack of decorum and decency displayed by these unfortunate individuals when they express their outrage. The deep injustice of their situation, along with seeing their own children used as evidence against them through the most horrible actions and the lowest forms of manipulation, would provoke such reactions even from those with the toughest resolve. If there were ever a moment when Lear's or Timon's ability to curse could be justified, it would be against such a court and such witnesses as they usually had to face.
F 4 a. "That at the third time her Spirit."] Something seems to be wanting here, as she does not state what occurred at the two previous interviews. The learned judge may have exercised a sound discretion in this omission, as the particulars might be of a nature unfit for publication. The[24] present tract is, undoubtedly, remarkably free from those disgusting details of which similar reports are generally full to overflowing.
F 4 a. "That at the third time her Spirit."] It feels like some information is missing since she doesn't mention what happened during the two earlier meetings. The knowledgeable judge might have used good judgment in leaving this out, as the details could have been inappropriate for publication. The[24] current document is, without a doubt, notably free from the unpleasant details that similar reports usually contain in excess.
F 4 b. "The said Iennet Deuice, being a yong Maide, about the age of nine yeares."] This child must have been admirably trained, (some Master Thomson might have been near at hand to instruct her,) or must have had great natural capacity for deception. She made an excellent witness on this occasion. What became of her after the wholesale extinction of her family, to which she was so mainly instrumental, is not now known. In all likelihood she dragged on a miserable existence, a forlorn outcast, pointed at by the hand of scorn, or avoided with looks of horror in the wilds of Pendle. As if some retributive punishment awaited her, she is reported to have been the Jennet Davies who was condemned in 1633, on the evidence of Edmund Robinson the younger, with Mother Dickenson and others, but not executed. Her confession, if she made one at the second trial, might not have been unsimilar to that of Alexander Sussums, of Melford in Suffolk, who, Hearne tells us, confessed "that he had things which did draw those marks I found upon him, but said he could not help it, for that all his kinred were naught. Then I asked him how it was possible they could suck without his consent. He said he did consent to that. Then I asked him again why he should do it when as God was so merciful towards him, as I then told him of, being a man whom I had been formerly acquainted withal, as having lived in town. He answered again, he could not help it, for that all his generation was naught; and so told me his mother and aunt were hanged, his grandmother burnt for witchcraft, and ten others of them questioned and hanged. This man is yet living, notwithstanding he confessed the sucking of such things above sixteen years together."—Confirmation, p. 36.
F 4 b. "The mentioned Jennet Device, being a young girl, about nine years old."] This child must have been exceptionally trained (perhaps Master Thomson was nearby to teach her) or she must have had a natural talent for deception. She was an outstanding witness in this case. What happened to her after the complete destruction of her family, which she played a major role in, is unknown now. Likely, she lived a miserable life, a homeless outcast, ridiculed and avoided with horror in the wilds of Pendle. As if some sort of punishment awaited her, she is reported to be the Jennet Davies who was condemned in 1633, based on the testimony of Edmund Robinson the younger, along with Mother Dickenson and others, but she was not executed. Her confession, if she made one at the second trial, might have been similar to that of Alexander Sussums from Melford in Suffolk, who, according to Hearne, confessed "that he had things that drew the marks I found on him, but said he couldn't help it because all his relatives were wicked. Then I asked him how it was possible they could suck without his consent. He said he did give consent to that. Then I asked him again why he would do it when God had been so merciful to him, as I mentioned, being a man I was previously familiar with, having lived in town. He replied again that he couldn't help it, because all his lineage was wicked; and he told me his mother and aunt were hanged, his grandmother burned for witchcraft, and ten others of them questioned and hanged. This man is still alive, even though he confessed to being involved in such things for over sixteen years."—Confirmation, p. 36.
G 3 b 1. "Vpon Good Friday last there was about twentie persons."] This meeting, if not a witches' Sabbath, was a close approximation to one. On the subject of the Sabbath, or periodical meeting of witches, De Lancre is the leading authority. He who is curious cannot do better than consult this great hierophant, (his work is entitled Tableau de l'Inconstance des mauvais Anges et Demons. Paris, 1613, 4to.) whose knowledge and experience well qualified him to have been constituted the Itinerant Master[25] of Ceremonies, an officer who, he assures us, was never wanting on such occasions. In that singular book, The History of Monsieur Oufle, p. 288, (English Translation, 1711, 8vo.) are collected from various sources all the ceremonies and circumstances attending the holding the Sabbath. It appears that non-attendance invariably incurred a penalty, which is computed upon the average at the eighth part of a crown, or in French currency at ten sous—that, though the contrary has been maintained by many grave authors, egress and ingress by the chimney (De Lancre had depositions without number, he tells us, vide p. 114, on this important head,) was not a matter of solemn obligation, but was an open question—that no grass ever grows upon the place where the Sabbath is kept; which is accounted for by the circumstance of its being trodden by so many of those whose feet are constitutionally hot, and therefore being burnt up and consequently very barren—that two devils of note preside on the occasion, the great negro, who is called Master Leonard, and a little devil, whom Master Leonard sometimes substitutes in his place as temporary vice-president; his name is Master John Mullin. (De Lancre, p. 126.) With regard to a very important point, the bill of fare, great difference of opinion exists: some maintaining that every delicacy of the season, to use the newspaper phrase, is provided; others stoutly asserting that nothing is served up but toads, the flesh of hanged criminals, dead carcases fresh buried taken out of Churchyards, flesh of unbaptized infants, or beasts which died of themselves—that they never eat with salt, and that their bread is of black millet. (De Lancre, pp. 104, 105.) In this diversity of opinion I can only suggest, that difference of climate, habit, and fashion, might possibly have its weight, and render a very different larder necessary for the witches of Pendle and those of Gascony or Lorrain. The fare of the former on this occasion appears to have been of a very substantial and satisfactory kind, "beef, bacon, and roasted mutton:" the old saying so often quoted by the discontented masters of households applying emphatically in this case:—
G 3 b 1. "Last Good Friday, there were about twenty people."] This gathering, if it wasn't a witches' Sabbath, was pretty close to one. When it comes to the topic of the Sabbath, or regular meetings of witches, De Lancre is the top expert. Anyone curious should definitely check out this important work, (it's called Tableau de l'Inconstance des mauvais Anges et Demons. Paris, 1613, 4to.), as his knowledge and experience made him perfectly suited to be the Itinerant Master[25] of Ceremonies, a position he insists was always needed on such occasions. In that remarkable book, The History of Monsieur Oufle, p. 288, (English Translation, 1711, 8vo.), you can find a compilation from different sources of all the rituals and details surrounding the Sabbath. It seems that not attending would usually incur a fine, typically about one-eighth of a crown, or in French money, ten sous—that, despite what many serious authors claim, entering and leaving through the chimney (De Lancre had countless testimonies on this important issue, as he tells us, vide p. 114) was not a strict requirement, but rather a matter open for debate—that no grass grows where the Sabbath is held, explained by the fact that it is trampled by many whose feet tend to be hot, leading to it being burnt and thus very barren—that two significant devils oversee the event, the prominent black one known as Master Leonard, and a smaller devil who Master Leonard sometimes replaces as the acting vice-president; his name is Master John Mullin. (De Lancre, p. 126.) Regarding a key issue, the menu, there's a big disagreement: some argue that every seasonal delicacy, to use a newspaper term, is available; others firmly state that the only dishes served are toads, the flesh of hanged criminals, corpses recently dug up from graveyards, the flesh of unbaptized infants, or animals that died naturally—that they never eat with salt and that their bread is made from black millet. (De Lancre, pp. 104, 105.) In this mix of opinions, I can only suggest that differences in climate, customs, and trends might play a role and make a very different spread necessary for the witches of Pendle compared to those of Gascony or Lorraine. The food for the former during this gathering seems to have been quite hearty and satisfying, consisting of "beef, bacon, and roasted mutton:" the old saying often cited by dissatisfied heads of households applies strongly in this instance:—
"God sends us good meat, but the devil sends cooks."
"God gives us good meat, but the devil gives us cooks."
We find in the present report no mention made of the
We find in this report no mention of the
"Dance and provencal song"
"Dance and Provençal music"
which formed one great accompaniment of the orgies of the southern witches. Bodin's authority is express, that each, the oldest not excused, was expected to perform a coranto, and great attention was paid to the[26] regularity of the steps. We owe to him the discovery, which is not recorded in any annals of dancing I have met with, that the lavolta, a dance not dissimilar, according to his description, to the polka of the present day, was brought out of Italy into France by the witches at their festive meetings. Of the language spoken at these meetings, De Lancre favours us with a specimen, valuable, like the Punic fragment in the Pœnolus, for its being the only one of the kind. In nomine patrica araguenco petrica agora, agora, Valentia jouando goure gaiti goustia. As it passes my skill, I can only commend it to the especial notice of Mr. Borrow against his next journey into Spain. What was spoken at Malkin Tower was, doubtless, a dialect not yet obsolete, and which Tummus and Meary would have had no difficulty in comprehending. On the subject of these witches' Sabbaths, Dr. Ferriar remarks, in his curious and agreeable Essay on Popular Illusions, (see Memoirs of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society, vol. iii., p. 68,) a sketch which it is much to be regretted that he did not subsequently expand and revise, and publish in a separate form:—
which formed one major part of the rituals of the southern witches. Bodin clearly states that each witch, even the oldest, was expected to perform a coranto, and great care was taken with the[26] precision of the steps. He is credited with the discovery, not documented in any dance history I've encountered, that the lavolta, a dance that he described as similar to today's polka, was brought from Italy to France by witches during their celebrations. De Lancre provides us with a sample of the language spoken at these gatherings, which is valuable, like the Punic fragment in the Pœnolus, for being the only example of its kind. In nomine patrica araguenco petrica agora, agora, Valentia jouando goure gaiti goustia. Since it's beyond my expertise, I can only recommend it to Mr. Borrow for his next trip to Spain. What was spoken at Malkin Tower was undoubtedly a dialect still in use at the time, which Tummus and Meary would have easily understood. Regarding these witches' Sabbaths, Dr. Ferriar notes, in his interesting and enjoyable Essay on Popular Illusions, (see Memoirs of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society, vol. iii., p. 68,) a sketch that it’s unfortunate he didn’t later expand, refine, and publish separately:—
The solemn meetings of witches are supposed to be put beyond all doubt by the numerous confessions of criminals, who have described their ceremonies, named the times and places of meeting, and the persons present, and who have agreed in their relations, though separately delivered.[78] But I would observe, first, that the circumstances told of those festivals are ridiculous and incredible in themselves; for they are represented as gloomy and horrible, yet with a mixture of childish and extravagant fancies, more likely to disgust and alienate than to conciliate the minds of the guests. They have every appearance of uneasy dreams; sometimes the devil and his subjects say mass, sometimes he preaches to them, more commonly he was seen in the form of a black goat, surrounded by imps in a thousand frightful shapes; but none of these forms are new, they all resemble known quadrupeds or reptiles. Secondly, I observe, that there is direct proof furnished even by demonologists, that all these supposed journies and entertainments are nothing more than dreams. Persons accused of witchcraft have been repeatedly watched, about the time which they had fixed for the meeting; they have been seen to anoint themselves with soporific compositions, after which they fell into profound sleep, and on awaking, several hours afterwards, they have related their journey through the air, their amusement at the festival, and have named the persons whom they saw there. In[27] the instance told by Hoffman, the dreamer was chained to the floor. Common sense would rest satisfied here, but the enthusiasm of demonology has invented more than one theory to get rid of these untoward facts. Dr. Henry More, as was formerly mentioned, believed that the astral spirit only was carried away: other demonologists imagined that the witch was really removed to the place of meeting, but that a cacodemon was left in her room, as an ειδωλον, to delude the spectators. Thirdly, some stories of the festivals are evidently tricks. Such is that related by Bodinus, with much gravity: a man is found in a gentleman's cellar, and apprehended as a thief; he declares his wife had brought him thither to a witch-meeting, and on his pronouncing the name of God, she and all her companions had vanished, and left him inclosed. His wife is immediately seized, on this righteous evidence, and hanged, with several other persons, named as present at the meeting.
The serious gatherings of witches are supposed to be confirmed by the numerous confessions of criminals, who have detailed their rituals, named the times and places of their meetings, and identified those present, with their accounts matching up even though they were given separately.[78] But I want to point out, first, that the descriptions of these festivals are ridiculous and unbelievable; they are portrayed as dark and terrifying, yet mixed with childish and over-the-top elements that are more likely to repulse and alienate than to charm those attending. They look like the product of troubled dreams; sometimes the devil and his followers say mass, sometimes he preaches to them, and more often he appears as a black goat surrounded by imps in a thousand scary forms; but none of these shapes are new, they all resemble familiar animals or reptiles. Secondly, I note that there is clear evidence, even from demonologists, that all these so-called trips and gatherings are nothing more than dreams. People accused of witchcraft have been closely watched around the time they said they would meet; they have been seen applying sleep-inducing substances to themselves, after which they fell into a deep sleep, and upon waking several hours later, they recounted their journey through the air, their enjoyment at the festival, and named the people they saw there. In[27] one case reported by Hoffman, the dreamer was chained to the floor. Common sense would find closure here, but the fervor of demonology has concocted more than one theory to dismiss these inconvenient facts. Dr. Henry More, as previously mentioned, believed that only the astral spirit was taken away: other demonologists thought the witch was truly transported to the meeting place, but that a cacodemon was left in her room as a sort of idol to trick onlookers. Thirdly, some accounts of the festivals are clearly tricks. Take, for example, the one told by Bodinus with much seriousness: a man is found in a gentleman's cellar and arrested for theft; he claims his wife brought him there for a witch gathering, and as soon as he pronounced the name of God, she and all her companions vanished, leaving him trapped. His wife is immediately arrested on this clear evidence and hanged, along with several others named as being at the meeting.
G 3 b 2. "Christopher Iackes, of Thorny-holme, and his wife."] This would appear to be Christopher Hargreaves, called here Christopher Jackes, for o' or of Jack, according to the Lancashire mode of forming patronymics.
G 3 b 2. "Christopher Iackes, of Thorny-holme, and his wife."] This seems to be Christopher Hargreaves, referred to here as Christopher Jackes, which is a form of patronymic based on the Lancashire custom of using 'o' or 'of Jack.'
G 4 a. "The first was, for the naming of the Spirit, which Alizon Deuice, now Prisoner at Lancaster, had: But did not name him, because shee was not there."] Gaule says, speaking of the ceremonies at the witches' solemn meetings: "If the witch be outwardly Christian, baptism must be renounced, and the party must be rebaptized in the Devil's name, and a new name is also imposed by him; and here must be godfathers too, for the Devil takes them not to be so adult as to promise and vow for themselves." (Cases of Conscience touching Witches, page 59. 1646, 12mo.) But Gaule does not mention any naming or baptism of spirits and familiars on such occasions.
G 4 a. "The first was about naming the Spirit that Alizon Deuice, who is now a prisoner in Lancaster, had: But she didn't name him because she wasn't there."] Gaule mentions the rituals at the witches' gatherings: "If the witch appears to be a Christian, she must renounce her baptism and be rebaptized in the Devil's name, and a new name is also given by him; there must also be godfathers, as the Devil considers them not old enough to make promises and vows for themselves." (Cases of Conscience touching Witches, page 59. 1646, 12mo.) However, Gaule does not mention any naming or baptism of spirits and familiars during these events.
G 4 b. "Romleyes Moore."] Romilly's or Rumbles Moor, a wild and mountainous range in Craven, not unaptly selected for a meeting on a special emergency of a conclave of witches.
G 4 b. "Romleyes Moore."] Romilly's or Rumbles Moor, a rugged and hilly area in Craven, was fittingly chosen for a gathering during a special emergency of a witches' meeting.
H 2 a 1. "Was so insensible, weake, and vnable in all thinges, as he could neither speake, heare, or stand, but was holden vp."] Pitiable, truly, was the situation of this unhappy wretch. Brought out from the restraint of a long imprisonment, before and during which he had, as we may conjecture, been subjected to every inhumanity, in a state more dead than alive, into a court which must have looked like one living mass, with every eye lit up with horror, and curses, not loud but deep, muttered with harmonious concord from the mouths of every spectator.[28]
H 2 a 1. "Was so unconscious, weak, and unable in every way that he could neither speak, hear, nor stand, but had to be held up."] Pitiable, indeed, was the situation of this unfortunate soul. After being released from a long imprisonment, during which we can only imagine he faced every cruelty, he was brought into a courtroom that must have seemed like a living nightmare, with every eye filled with horror and quiet curses muttered in eerie unison from the lips of every onlooker.[28]
H 2 a 2. "Anne Towneley, wife of Henrie Townely, of the Carre."] Would this be Anne, the daughter and co-heiress of Thomas Catterall, of Catterall and Little Mitton, Esq., who married Henry Townley, the son of Lawrence Townley? (See Whitaker's Whalley, p. 396.) The Townleys of Barnside and Carr were a branch of the Townleys, of Townley. Barnside, or Barnsete, is an ancient mansion in the township of Colne, which, Whitaker observes, was abandoned by the family, for the warmer situation of Carr, about the middle of the last century.
H 2 a 2. "Anne Towneley, wife of Henrie Townely, of the Carre."] Could this be Anne, the daughter and co-heiress of Thomas Catterall, of Catterall and Little Mitton, Esq., who married Henry Townley, the son of Lawrence Townley? (See Whitaker's Whalley, p. 396.) The Townleys of Barnside and Carr were a branch of the Townleys of Townley. Barnside, or Barnsete, is an old mansion in the township of Colne, which, according to Whitaker, was left by the family for the warmer location of Carr around the middle of the last century.
H 2 a 3. "Master Nowel humbly prayed Master Towneley might be called."] It is to be regretted we have no copy of the viva voce examination of Mr. Townley, the husband of the lady whose life was said to have been taken away by witchcraft. The examinations given in this tract are altogether those of persons in a humble rank of life. The contrast between their evidence and that of an individual occupying the position of the descendant of one of the oldest families in the neighbourhood, with considerable landed possessions, might have been amusing and instructive.
H 2 a 3. "Master Nowel politely asked that Master Towneley be summoned."] It's unfortunate that we don't have a transcript of Mr. Townley's oral examination, the husband of the woman who was said to have been killed by witchcraft. The testimonies presented in this document come solely from people of lower social status. The difference between their accounts and those of someone from one of the oldest families in the area, who has significant land holdings, could have been both entertaining and educational.
H 2 a 4. "Master Nowell humbly prayed, that the particular examinations taken before him and others might be openly published and read in court."] This kind of evidence, the witnesses being in court, and capable of being examined, would not be received at the present day. At that time a greater laxity prevailed.
H 2 a 4. "Master Nowell humbly requested that the specific examinations conducted in front of him and others be published and read in court."] This type of evidence, with the witnesses present in court and able to be questioned, wouldn't be accepted today. At that time, the standards were more relaxed.
H 3 a. "Sheare Thursday."] The Thursday before Easter, and so called, for that, in the old Fathers' days, the people would that day, "shave their hedes, and clypp their berdes, and pool their heedes, and so make them honest against Easter Day."—Brand's Popular Antiquities, vol. i., p. 83, edition 1841.
H 3 a. "Sheare Thursday."] The Thursday before Easter, named because, in the ancient days, people would on that day, "shave their heads, and trim their beards, and clean their heads, to prepare for Easter Day."—Brand's Popular Antiquities, vol. i., p. 83, edition 1841.
K b 1. "A Charme."] Sinclair, in his Satan's Invisible World Discovered, informs us, that "At night, in the time of popery, when folks went to bed, they believed the repetition of this following prayer was effectual to preserve them from danger, and the house too.
K b 1. "A Charme."] Sinclair, in his Satan's Invisible World Discovered, tells us that "At night, during the time of Catholicism, when people went to bed, they believed that saying this prayer would effectively protect them and their home from harm."
They sing it every night.
Saint Bryde and her partner,
Saint Colme and his hat, Saint Michael and his spear, Keep this house away from the weir;
From a running thief,
And blazing thief; And from an ill Rea,
That is the gate you can go through; And from a bad weight,
That is the gate that can light. Nine reeds around the house; Keep it all night,
What is that? What I'm seeing? So red, so bright, across the sea? It was he who was pierced through the hands,
Through the feet, through the throat,
Through the mouth; Through the liver and the lung.
Blessed are those who can. Fasting on Good Friday.
which lines are not unlike some of those in the present "charme," which, evidently much corrupted by recitation, is a very singular and interesting string of fragments handed down from times long anterior to the Reformation, when they had been employed as armour of proof by the credulous vulgar against the Robin Goodfellows, urchins, elves, hags, and fairies of earlier superstition. I regret that I cannot throw more light upon it. The concluding lines are not deficient in poetical spirit.
which lines are similar to some in the current "charme," which, clearly much altered from recitation, is a very unique and fascinating collection of fragments passed down from times well before the Reformation, when they were used as protection by the believing common people against the Robin Goodfellows, mischievous kids, elves, hags, and fairies of earlier superstitions. I wish I could provide more insight on it. The final lines are not lacking in poetic spirit.
K b 2. "Ligh in leath wand."] Leath is no doubt lithe, flexible. What "ligh in" is intended for, unless it be lykinge, which the Promptorium Parvulorum (vide part i. p. 304) explains by lusty, or craske, Delicativus, crassus, I am unable to conjecture. It is clear, that the wand in one hand is to steck, i.e. stake, or fasten, the latch of hell door, while the key in his other hand is to open heaven's lock.
K b 2. "Light in leather wand." Leather is definitely flexible and agile. What "light in" means, unless it refers to liking, which the Promptorium Parvulorum (see part i. p. 304) explains as lively or strong, Delicativus, heavy, is unclear to me. It's obvious that the wand in one hand is meant to secure, i.e. stake, or latch the door of hell, while the key in his other hand is to unlock heaven's door.
K b 3. "Let Crizum child goe to it Mother mild."] The chrisom, according to the usual explanation, was a white cloth placed upon the head of an infant at baptism, when the chrism, or sacred oil of the Romish Church, was used in that sacrament. If the child died within a month of its birth, that cloth was used as a shroud; and children so dying were called chrisoms in the old bills of mortality.
K b 3. "Let the Crizum child go to it, gentle mother." The chrisom, as commonly explained, was a white cloth placed on the head of a baby during baptism, when the chrism, or sacred oil of the Roman Church, was used in that rite. If the child passed away within a month of birth, that cloth was used as a shroud; and children who died during that time were referred to as chrisoms in the old death records.
K 2 a 1. "Vpon the ground of holy weepe."] I know not how to explain this, unless it mean the ground of holy weeping, i.e., the Garden of Gethsemane.
K 2 a 1. "On the ground of holy weeping."] I’m not sure how to explain this, unless it refers to the ground of holy weeping, i.e., the Garden of Gethsemane.
K 2 a 2. "Shall neuer deere thee."] The word to dere, or hurt, says Mr. Way, Promptorium Parvulorum, p. 119, is commonly used by Chaucer and most other writers until the sixteenth century:
K 2 a 2. "Will never harm you."] The term to dere, or hurt, as Mr. Way mentions in Promptorium Parvulorum, p. 119, was commonly used by Chaucer and most other writers until the sixteenth century:
Fabyan observes, under the year 1194, "So fast besyed this good Kyng
Richarde to vex and dere the infydelys of Sury." Palsgrave gives, "To
dere or hurte a noye nuire, I wyll never dere you by my good wyll."
Ang. Sax.,
nocere,
læsio.
Fabyan notes, in the year 1194, "Good King Richard acted swiftly to trouble and harm the infidels of Syria." Palsgrave translates, "To harm or hurt a bothersome nuisance, I will never harm you willingly." Ang. Sax.,
nocere,
læsio.
K 3 a. "The Witches of Salmesbvry."] Or, more properly, Samlesbury. This wicked attempt on the part of this priest, or Jesuit, Thompson, alias Southworth, to murder the three persons whose trial is next reported, by suborning a child of the family to accuse them of what, in the excited state of the public mind at the time, was almost certain to consign them to a public execution, has few parallels in the annals of atrocity. The plot was defeated, and the lives of the persons accused, Jennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley, and Jane Southworth, saved, by no sagacity of the judge or wisdom of the jury, but by the effect of one simple question, wrung from the intended victims on the verge of anticipated condemnation, and which, natural as it might appear, was one the felicity of which Garrow or Erskine might have envied. It demolished, like Ithuriel's spear, the whole fabric of imposture, and laid it open even to the comprehension of Sir Edward Bromley and Master Thomas Potts. This was a case which well deserved Archbishop Harsnet for its historian. His vein of irony, which Swift or Echard never surpassed, and the scorching invective of which he was so consummate a master, would have been well employed in handing down to posterity a scene of villainy to which the frauds of Somers and the stratagems of Weston were mere child's play. We might then have had, from the most[31] enlightened man of his age, a commentary on the statute 1st James First, which would have neutralized its mischief, and spared a hecatomb of victims. His resistless ridicule would, perhaps, have accomplished at once what was slowly and with difficulty brought about by the arguments of Scot and Webster, the establishment of the Royal Society, and a century's growth of intelligence and knowledge.
K 3 a. "The Witches of Salmesbvry."] Or, more accurately, Samlesbury. This wicked scheme by the priest or Jesuit, Thompson, alias Southworth, to kill the three people whose trial is reported next, by coaching a child from the family to falsely accuse them of a crime that, given the public uproar at the time, was almost guaranteed to lead to their execution, has few equals in history. The plot was foiled, and the lives of the accused—Jennet Bierley, Ellen Bierley, and Jane Southworth—were saved not through any cleverness of the judge or wisdom of the jury, but by the impact of one straightforward question, forced out of the intended victims on the brink of what seemed like inevitable condemnation, which, as simple as it sounded, was one that even Garrow or Erskine would have envied. It shattered the whole structure of deception, revealing it clearly even to Sir Edward Bromley and Master Thomas Potts. This case deserved the attention of Archbishop Harsnet as its historian. His touch of irony, which Swift or Echard never surpassed, and his masterful scorn would have been well used to document a scene of villainy where the deceptions of Somers and the schemes of Weston were mere child's play. We could have then received, from the most[31] enlightened man of his time, a commentary on the statute 1st James First that would have neutralized its harm and saved countless victims. His unrelenting satire might have achieved what took Scot and Webster so long and with great difficulty—the establishment of the Royal Society and a century's growth of knowledge and understanding.
K 3 b 1. "A Seminarie Priest."] Of this Thompson, alias Southworth, I find no account in Dodd's Catholic Church History. A John Southworth is noticed, vol. iii. p. 303, who is described as of an ancient family in Lancashire, and who was executed at Tyburn, June 28th, 1655. His dying speech is to be found in the same volume, p. 360. The interval of time, as well as the difference of surname, excludes the presumption of his being identical with the person referred to in the text, the hero of this extraordinary conspiracy, and who was probably of the family of Sir John Southworth, after mentioned.
K 3 b 1. "A Seminarie Priest."] I can't find any information about this Thompson, also known as Southworth, in Dodd's Catholic Church History. There's mention of a John Southworth in vol. iii, p. 303, who comes from an ancient family in Lancashire and was executed at Tyburn on June 28th, 1655. His final speech is recorded in the same volume, p. 360. The time gap and the different surname suggest that he is not the same person as the one mentioned in the text, the central figure of this remarkable conspiracy, who likely belonged to the family of Sir John Southworth, mentioned later.
K 3 b 2. "A Iesuite, whereof this Countie of Lancaster hath good store."] Lancashire was, about this period, the great hot-bed of Popish recusants. From the very curious list of recusants given (Baines's Lancashire, vol. i. p. 541,) it would seem that Samlesbury was one of their strongholds:—
K 3 b 2. "A Jesuit, of which this County of Lancaster has a good number."] Around this time, Lancashire was a significant center for Catholic recusants. From the intriguing list of recusants provided (Baines's Lancashire, vol. i. p. 541), it appears that Samlesbury was one of their strongholds:—
James Cowper a seminarie prieste receipted releived and mainteined att the lodge of Sir John Southworthe in Samlesburie Parke by Mr. Tho: Southworthe, one of the younger sonnes of the said Sir John. And att the howse of John Warde dwellinge in Samlesburie Park syde. And the said Prieste sayeth Masse att the said lodge and att the said Wards howse. Whether resorte, Mr. Sowthworthe, Mres. An Sowthworthe, John Walmesley servante to Sir John Southworthe, Tho. Southworthe dwellinge in the Parke, John Gerrerde, servante to Sir John Southworthe, John Singleton, John Wrighte, James Sherples iunior, John Warde of Samlesburie, John Warde of Medler thelder, Henrie Potter of Medler, John Gouldon of Winwicke, Thomas Gouldon of the same, Roberte Anderton of Samlesburie and John Sherples of Stanleyhurst in Samlesburie.—Baines's Lancashire, vol. i. p. 543.
James Cowper, a seminarian priest, was supported and provided for at the lodge of Sir John Southworth in Samlesbury Park by Mr. Thomas Southworth, one of the younger sons of Sir John. He also stayed at the house of John Warde, who lived by Samlesbury Park. The priest holds Mass at both the lodge and at Warde's house. Attending are Mr. Southworth, Mrs. Ann Southworth, John Walmesley, a servant of Sir John Southworth, Thomas Southworth living in the park, John Gerrard, a servant of Sir John Southworth, John Singleton, John Wright, James Sherples Jr., John Warde of Samlesbury, John Warde of Medlar the Elder, Henry Potter of Medlar, John Gouldon of Winwick, Thomas Gouldon of the same place, Robert Anderton of Samlesbury, and John Sherples of Stanleyhurst in Samlesbury.—Baines's Lancashire, vol. i. p. 543.
Att the lodge in Samlesburie Parke there be masses daylie and Seminaries dyuerse Resorte thither as James Cowpe, Harrisson Bell and such like, The like vnlawfull meetings are made daylie att the howse of John Warde by the Parke syde of Samlesburie all wiche matters, masses, resorte to Masses, receipting of Seminaries wilbe Justifyed by Mr. Adam Sowtheworthe Thomas Sherples and John Osbaldston.—Ibid., p. 544.
At the lodge in Samlesbury Park, there are daily Masses and various seminary gatherings, including people like James Cowpe and Harrison Bell. Illegal meetings also take place daily at the house of John Warde by the park side of Samlesbury. All these matters—Masses, gatherings for Mass, and receiving seminarians—will be justified by Mr. Adam Southworth, Thomas Sherples, and John Osbaldston.—Ibid., p. 544.
L a. "Hugh Walshmans."] The wife of Hugh Walshman, of Samlesbury, is mentioned in the list of recusants; Baines, vol. i. p. 544.
L a. "Hugh Walshmans."] The wife of Hugh Walshman from Samlesbury is listed among the recusants; Baines, vol. i. p. 544.
L 2 a 1. "Brought a little child."] The evidence against the Pendle witches exhibits meagreness and poverty of imagination compared with the accumulated horrors with which the Jesuit, fresh, it may be, from Bodin and Delrio, made his "fire burn and cauldron bubble." With respect to this old story of the magical use made of the corpses of infants, Ben Jonson, in a note on
L 2 a 1. "Brought a little child."] The evidence against the Pendle witches shows a lack of depth and creativity compared to the horrific tales that the Jesuit, possibly inspired by Bodin and Delrio, used to make his "fire burn and cauldron bubble." Regarding the old story about the magical use of infants' bodies, Ben Jonson, in a note on
tells us with great gravity:
says seriously:
Their killing of infants is common, both for confection of their ointment (whereto one ingredient is the fat boiled, as I have shewed before out of Paracelsus and Porta) as also out of a lust to do murder. Sprenger in Mal. Malefic. reports that a witch, a midwife in the diocese of Basil, confessed to have killed above forty infants (ever as they were new born, with pricking them in the brain with a needle) which she had offered to the devil. See the story of the three witches in Rem. Dæmonola lib. cap. 3, about the end of the chapter. And M. Phillippo Ludwigus Elich Quæst. 8. And that it is no new rite, read the practice of Canidia, Epod. Horat. lib. ode 5, and Lucan, lib. 6, whose admirable verses I can never be weary to transcribe:—
Their killing of infants is common, both for making their ointment (one ingredient is the boiled fat, as I’ve mentioned before from Paracelsus and Porta) and out of a desire to commit murder. Sprenger in Mal. Malefic. reports that a witch, a midwife in the diocese of Basel, confessed to having killed over forty infants (right after they were born, by pricking their brains with a needle) which she had offered to the devil. See the story of the three witches in Rem. Dæmonola lib. cap. 3, near the end of the chapter. And M. Phillippo Ludwigus Elich Quæst. 8. And that it’s not a new practice, read about Canidia's rituals, Epod. Horat. lib. ode 5, and Lucan, lib. 6, whose amazing verses I can never get tired of transcribing:—
The slaughter does not retreat if the living are sacred blood. The trembling tables ask for a feast. If wounded in the belly, not where nature called, The warm offspring is to be placed on the altars; And whenever it is necessary, and in the presence of fierce shadows, She makes the mornings. The death of every person is commonplace.
Ben Johnson's Works, by Gifford, vol. 7, p. 130.
L 2 a 2. "They said they would annoint themselues."] Ben Jonson informs us:
L 2 a 2. "They said they would anoint themselves."] Ben Jonson informs us:
When they are to be transported from place to place, they use to anoint themselves, and sometimes the things they ride on. Beside Apul. testimony, see these later, Remig. Dæmonolatriæ lib. 1. cap. 14. Delrio, Disquis. Mag. l. 2. quæst. 16. Bodin Dæmonoman. lib. 2 c. 14. Barthol. de Spina. quæst. de Strigib. Phillippo[33] Ludwigus Elich. quæst. 10. Paracelsus in magn. et occul. Philosophia, teacheth the confection. Unguentum ex carne recens natorum infantium, in pulmenti, forma coctum, et cum herbis somniferis, quales sunt Papaver, Solanum, Cicuta, &c. And Giov. Bapti. Porta, lib. 2. Mag. Natur. cap. 16.—Ben Jonson's Works by Gifford, vol. vii. p. 119.
When they need to be transported from one place to another, they tend to anoint themselves, and sometimes the things they ride on. Besides Apul's testimony, see these later references: Remig. Dæmonolatriæ lib. 1. cap. 14. Delrio, Disquis. Mag. l. 2. quæst. 16. Bodin Dæmonoman. lib. 2 c. 14. Barthol. de Spina. quæst. de Strigib. Phillippo[33] Ludwigus Elich. quæst. 10. Paracelsus in magn. et occul. Philosophia, teaches the preparation. Unguentum ex carne recens natorum infantium, in pulmenti, forma coctum, et cum herbis somniferis, quales sunt Papaver, Solanum, Cicuta, &c. And Giov. Bapti. Porta, lib. 2. Mag. Natur. cap. 16.—Ben Jonson's Works by Gifford, vol. vii. p. 119.
L 3 a. "Did carrie her into the loft."] There is something in this strange tissue of incoherencies, for knavery has little variety, which forcibly reminds us of the inventions of Elizabeth Canning, who ought to have lived in the days when witchcraft was part of the popular creed. What an admirable witch poor old Mary Squires would have made, and how brilliantly would her persecutor have shone in the days of the Baxters and Glanvilles, who acquitted herself so creditably in those of the Fieldings and the Hills.
L 3 a. "Did carry her into the loft."] There’s something in this odd mix of inconsistencies, since deceit has little variation, that strongly reminds us of the stories made up by Elizabeth Canning, who would have fit right in during the times when witchcraft was widely believed in. Poor old Mary Squires would have made an amazing witch, and how brilliantly her accuser would have stood out in the times of the Baxters and Glanvilles, where she performed so well in the eras of the Fieldings and the Hills.
L 4 b 1. "Robert Hovlden, Esquire."] This individual would be of the ancient family of Holden, of Holden, the last male heir of which died without issue, 1792. (See Whitaker's Whalley, 418.)
L 4 b 1. "Robert Hovlden, Esquire."] This person belongs to the old family of Holden, from Holden, whose last male heir died without children in 1792. (See Whitaker's Whalley, 418.)
L 4 b 2. "Sir John Southworth."] In this family the manor of Samlesbury remained for three hundred and fifty years. This was, probably, the John (for the pedigree contained in Whitaker's Whalley, p. 430, does not give the clearest light on the subject) who married Jane, daughter of Sir Richard Sherburne, of Stonyhurst, and who took a great lead amongst the Catholics of Lancashire. What was the degree of relationship between Sir John and the husband of the accused, Jane Southworth, there is nothing in the descent to show. Family bickering might have a share, as well as superstition, in the opinion he entertained, "that she was an evil woman." Of the old hall at Samlesbury, the residence of the Southworths, a most interesting account will be found in Whitaker's Whalley, p. 431. He considers the centre of very high antiquity, probably not later than Edward III; and observes, "There is about the house a profusion and bulk of oak that must almost have laid prostrate a forest to erect it."
L 4 b 2. "Sir John Southworth."] This family owned the Samlesbury manor for three hundred and fifty years. This John was likely the one who married Jane, the daughter of Sir Richard Sherburne of Stonyhurst, and he played a significant role among the Catholics of Lancashire. The connection between Sir John and Jane Southworth's husband isn't clear from the lineage provided. Family disagreements, alongside superstition, may have influenced his belief that “she was an evil woman.” You'll find a fascinating account of the old hall at Samlesbury, home of the Southworths, in Whitaker's Whalley, p. 431. He suggests that the center of the hall is extremely old, likely dating back to the time of Edward III, and notes, “The house has so much oak that it must have required a whole forest to build it.”
M 1 b. "The particular points of the Evidence."] What a waste of ingenuity Master Potts displays in this recapitulation, where he is merely slaying the slain, and where his wisdom was not needed. Had he applied it to the service of the Pendle witches, he would have found still grosser contrarieties, and as great absurdity. But in that case, there was no horror[34] of Popery to sharpen his faculties, or Jesuit in the background to call his humanity into play.
M 1 b. "The specific points of the evidence."] Master Potts really wastes his cleverness here, going over things that have already been dealt with, where his insight wasn't needed at all. If he had focused it on the Pendle witches, he would have encountered even bigger contradictions and just as much nonsense. But in that situation, there wasn't the horror[34] of Popery to sharpen his mind, nor a Jesuit in the background to stir his compassion.
M 2 a. "The wrinkles of an old wiues face is good euidence to the Iurie against a Witch."] Si sic omnia! For once the worthy clerk in court has a lucid interval, and speaks the language of common sense.
M 2 a. "The wrinkles on an old woman's face are solid evidence for the jury against a witch."] So it is with everything! For once, the respectable clerk in court has a moment of clarity and speaks the language of common sense.
M 2 b. "But old Chattox had Fancie."] A great truth, though Master Potts might not be aware of the extent of it.
M 2 b. "But old Chattox had Fancie."] A significant truth, even if Master Potts might not fully grasp its importance.
M 4 a. "M. Leigh, a very religious Preacher."] Parson of Standish, a man memorable in his day. He published several pieces, amongst others the two following: 1. "The Drumme of Devotion," by W. Leigh, of Standish, 1613.—2. "News of a Prodigious Monster in Aldington, in the Parish of Standish, in Lancashire," 1613, 4to, which show him to have been an adept in the science of title-making. He was one of the tutors of Prince Henry, and was great-grandfather of Dr. Leigh, author of the History of Lancashire.
M 4 a. "M. Leigh, a deeply religious preacher."] Parson of Standish, a notable figure in his time. He published several works, including these two: 1. "The Drum of Devotion," by W. Leigh, of Standish, 1613.—2. "News of a Prodigious Monster in Aldington, in the Parish of Standish, in Lancashire," 1613, 4to, which demonstrate his talent for creating interesting titles. He was one of the tutors for Prince Henry and was the great-grandfather of Dr. Leigh, the author of the History of Lancashire.
N 3 b. "The Arraignment and Triall of Anne Redferne."] This poor woman seems to have been regularly hunted to death by her prosecutors, who pursued her with all the dogged pertinacity of blood-hounds. Neither the imploring appeal for mercy, in her case, from her wretched mother, who did not ask for any in her own, nor the want of even the shadow of a ground for the charge, had the slightest effect upon the besotted prejudices of the judge and jury. Acquitted on one indictment, she is now put on her trial on another; the imputed crime being her having caused the death of a person, who did not even accuse her of being accessory to it, nearly eighteen years before, by witchcraft; the only evidence, true or false, being, that she had been seen, about the same period, making figures of clay or marl. Her real offence, it may well be conjectured, was her having rejected the improper advances of the ill-conditioned young man whose death she was first indicted for procuring, and to which circumstance the rancour of his relations, the prosecutors, may evidently be traced. It is gratifying to know that she had firmness of mind to persist in the declaration of her innocence to the last.
N 3 b. "The Arraignment and Trial of Anne Redferne." This unfortunate woman seems to have been relentlessly pursued to her death by her accusers, who followed her with the same relentless determination as bloodhounds. Neither the desperate plea for mercy from her suffering mother, who did not ask for any mercy for herself, nor the complete lack of any basis for the accusation, had any impact on the biased views of the judge and jury. Acquitted on one charge, she is now being tried for another; the alleged crime being that she caused the death of someone who hadn’t even claimed she was involved, nearly eighteen years prior, through witchcraft. The only evidence, whether true or false, is that she was seen making figures out of clay or marl around the same time. It can be inferred that her real offense was rejecting the inappropriate advances of the ill-natured young man whose death she was first accused of causing, and this is clearly linked to the bitterness of his relatives, the accusers. It is reassuring to know that she had the strength of mind to maintain her innocence until the very end.
O 3 a. "Alice Nutter."] We now come to a person of a different[35] description from any of those who have preceded as parties accused, and on whose fate some extraordinary mystery seems to hang. Alice Nutter was not, like the others, a miserable mendicant, but was a lady of large possessions, of a respectable family, and with children whose position appears to have been such as, it might have been expected, would have afforded her the means of escaping the fate which overtook her humbler companions.
O 3 a. "Alice Nutter."] We now turn to a person who is quite different[35] from those who have been accused before her, and whose fate seems to be surrounded by an extraordinary mystery. Alice Nutter was not, like the others, a poor beggar; she was a wealthy lady from a respected family, with children whose status should have provided her the means to avoid the fate that befell her less privileged companions.
Of an unquestioned demeanor, well-respected "Among her neighbors, she was considered one of the best." Heywood's Lancashire Witches.
She is described as the wife of Richard Nutter of the Rough Lee, and mother of Miles Nutter, who were in all likelihood nearly related to the other Nutters whose descent has been given. The tradition is, that she was closely connected by relationship or marriage with Eleanor Nutter, the daughter of Ellis Nutter of Pendle Forest, the grandmother of Archbishop Tillotson. That she was the victim of a foul and atrocious conspiracy, in which the movers were some of her own family, there seems no reason to doubt. The anxiety of her children to induce her to confess may possibly have originated in no impure or sinister motive, but it is difficult altogether to dismiss from the mind the suspicion that her wealth was her great misfortune; and that to secure it within their grasp her own household were passive, if not active, agents in her destruction. Any thing more childish or absurd than the evidence against her—as, for instance, that she joyned in killing Henry Mitton because he refused a penny to Old Demdike—it would not be easy, even from the records of witch trials, to produce. As regards Alice Nutter, Potts is singularly meagre, and it is to be lamented that the deficiency of information cannot at present be supplied. Almost the only fact he furnishes us with is, that she died maintaining her innocence. It would have been most interesting to have had the means of ascertaining how she conducted herself at her trial and after her condemnation; and how she met the iniquitous injustice of her fate, sharpened, as it must have been, by the additional bitterness of the insults and execrations of the blind and infuriated populace at her execution. It is far from improbable that some of the correspondence now deposited in the family archives in the county hitherto unpublished may ultimately furnish these particulars.
She is described as the wife of Richard Nutter from Rough Lee and the mother of Miles Nutter, who were likely closely related to the other Nutters descended from the same family. The tradition suggests that she was closely connected by blood or marriage to Eleanor Nutter, the daughter of Ellis Nutter from Pendle Forest and the grandmother of Archbishop Tillotson. It seems without a doubt that she was a victim of a terrible conspiracy, with some of her own family members involved. Her children’s urgent desire for her to confess might not have stemmed from any impure intent, but it’s hard to completely shake the thought that her wealth was her great misfortune and that her own household may have been passive, if not active, in her downfall to secure her riches. It would be hard to find anything more ridiculous than the evidence against her—for example, that she joined in the killing of Henry Mitton because he refused to give a penny to Old Demdike—even within the records of witch trials. As for Alice Nutter, Potts provides very limited information, and it’s unfortunate that we currently lack the means to fill these gaps. Almost the only fact he gives us is that she died insisting on her innocence. It would have been very interesting to know how she behaved during her trial and after her condemnation, and how she dealt with the gross injustice of her fate, which was likely made even worse by the insults and rage of the blind, furious crowd at her execution. It’s quite possible that some of the correspondence now stored in the family archives in the county, which hasn’t been published yet, may eventually provide these details.
Alice Nutter was doubtless the original of the story of which Heywood availed himself in The Late Lancashire Witches, 1634, 4to, which is[36] frequently noticed by the writers of the 17th century—that the wife of a Lancashire country gentleman had been detected in practising witchcraft and unlawful arts, and condemned and executed. In that play there can be little hesitation in ascribing to Heywood the scenes in which Mr. Generous and his wife are the interlocutors, and to Broome, Heywood's coadjutor, the subordinate and farcical portions. It is a very unequal performance, but not destitute of those fine touches, which Heywood is never without, in the characters of English country gentlemen and the pathos of domestic tragedy. The following scene, which I am tempted to extract, though very inferior to the noble ones in his Woman Killed by Kindness, between Mr. and Mrs. Frankford, which it somewhat resembles in character, is not unworthy of this great and truly national dramatic writer:—
Alice Nutter was likely the inspiration for the story that Heywood used in The Late Lancashire Witches, 1634, 4to, which is[36] often mentioned by writers of the 17th century—about the wife of a Lancashire gentleman who was caught practicing witchcraft and other illegal activities, then condemned and executed. In that play, there is little doubt that the scenes featuring Mr. Generous and his wife belong to Heywood, while the lighter, comedic parts are attributed to Broome, Heywood's collaborator. It's an uneven piece, but it does contain those fine details that Heywood is known for, particularly in his portrayals of English country gentlemen and the emotional weight of domestic tragedy. The following scene, which I am inclined to share, although it is noticeably less impressive than the powerful scenes in his Woman Killed by Kindness, featuring Mr. and Mrs. Frankford, and bears some resemblance in style, is still worthy of this great and truly national playwright:—
Mr. Generous. Wife. Robin, a groom.
Gen. My blood is turn'd to ice, and all my vitals
Have ceas'd their working. Dull stupidity
Surpriseth me at once, and hath arrested
That vigorous agitation, which till now
Exprest a life within me. I, methinks,
Am a meer marble statue, and no man.
Unweave my age, O time, to my first thread;
Let me lose fifty years, in ignorance spent;
That, being made an infant once again,
I may begin to know. What, or where am I,
To be thus lost in wonder?
Wife. Sir.
Gen. Amazement still pursues me, how am I chang'd,
Or brought ere I can understand myself
Into this new world!
Rob. You will believe no witches?
Gen. This makes me believe all, aye, anything;
And that myself am nothing. Prithee, Robin,
Lay me to myself open; what art thou,
Or this new transform'd creature?
Rob. I am Robin;
And this your wife, my mistress.
Gen. Tell me, the earth
Shall leave its seat, and mount to kiss the moon;
Or that the moon, enamour'd of the earth,
Shall leave her sphere, to stoop to us thus low.
What, what's this in my hand, that at an instant
Can from a four-legg'd creature make a thing
[37]So like a wife!
Rob. A bridle; a jugling bridle, Sir.
Gen. A bridle! Hence, enchantment.
A viper were more safe within my hand,
Than this charm'd engine.—
A witch! my wife a witch!
The more I strive to unwind
Myself from this meander, I the more
Therein am intricated. Prithee, woman,
Art thou a witch?
Wife. It cannot be denied,
I am such a curst creature.
Gen. Keep aloof:
And do not come too near me. O my trust;
Have I, since first I understood myself,
Been of my soul so chary, still to study
What best was for its health, to renounce all
The works of that black fiend with my best force;
And hath that serpent twined me so about,
That I must lie so often and so long
With a devil in my bosom?
Wife. Pardon, Sir. [She looks down.]
Gen. Pardon! can such a thing as that be hoped?
Lift up thine eyes, lost woman, to yon hills;
It must be thence expected: look not down
Unto that horrid dwelling, which thou hast sought
At such dear rate to purchase. Prithee, tell me,
(For now I can believe) art thou a witch?
Wife. I am.
Gen. With that word I am thunderstruck,
And know not what to answer; yet resolve me.
Hast thou made any contract with that fiend,
The enemy of mankind?
Wife. O I have.
Gen. What? and how far?
Wife. I have promis'd him my soul.
Gen. Ten thousand times better thy body had
Been promis'd to the stake; aye, and mine too,
To have suffer'd with thee in a hedge of flames,
Than such a compact ever had been made. Oh—
Resolve me, how far doth that contract stretch?
Wife. What interest in this Soul myself could claim,
I freely gave him; but his part that made it
I still reserve, not being mine to give.
[38]Gen. O cunning devil: foolish woman, know,
Where he can claim but the least little part,
He will usurp the whole. Thou'rt a lost woman.
Wife. I hope, not so.
Gen. Why, hast thou any hope?
Wife. Yes, sir, I have.
Gen. Make it appear to me.
Wife. I hope I never bargain'd for that fire,
Further than penitent tears have power to quench.
Gen. I would see some of them.
Wife. You behold them now
(If you look on me with charitable eyes)
Tinctur'd in blood, blood issuing from the heart.
Sir, I am sorry; when I look towards heaven,
I beg a gracious pardon; when on you,
Methinks your native goodness should not be
Less pitiful than they; 'gainst both I have err'd;
From both I beg atonement.
Gen. May I presume 't?
Wife. I kneel to both your mercies.
Gen. Knowest thou what
A witch is?
Wife. Alas, none better;
Or after mature recollection can be
More sad to think on 't.
Gen. Tell me, are those tears
As full of true hearted penitence,
As mine of sorrow to behold what state,
What desperate state, thou'rt fain in?
Wife. Sir, they are.
Gen. Rise; and, as I do you, so heaven pardon me;
We all offend, but from such falling off
Defend us! Well, I do remember, wife,
When I first took thee, 'twas for good and bad:
O change thy bad to good, that I may keep thee
(As then we past our faiths) 'till Death us sever.
O woman, thou hast need to weep thyself
Into a fountain, such a penitent spring
As may have power to quench invisible flames;
In which my eyes shall aid: too little, all.
Late Lancashire Witches, Act 4.
Mr. Nice Guy. Spouse. Robin, a groom.
Gen. I'm completely frozen, and all my insides
Have stopped working. A heavy confusion
Surprises me at once, and has taken
That lively energy that used to express
A life within me. I feel like a marble statue,
Not a real person.
Unravel my age, O time, back to my very beginning;
Let me lose fifty years, spent in ignorance;
So that, becoming a child again,
I can start to learn. What am I,
To be so lost in wonder?
Wife. Sir.
Gen. I'm still amazed at how I've changed,
Or how I’ve been brought into this new world
Before I can understand myself!
Rob. Do you really not believe in witches?
Gen. This makes me believe everything; yes, anything;
And that I’m nothing. Please, Robin,
Help me understand myself; what are you,
Or this strange new being?
Rob. I am Robin;
And this is your wife, my mistress.
Gen. Tell me, the earth
Should leave its place and rise to kiss the moon;
Or the moon, in love with the earth,
Should leave its orbit to come down to us. What is this in my hand, that in an instant
Turns a four-legged creature into something
[37] So similar to a wife?
Rob. A bridle; a trick bridle, Sir.
Gen. A bridle! Away with this magic.
A viper would be safer in my hand
Than this enchanted device.—
A witch! My wife is a witch!
The more I try to untangle
Myself from this confusion, the more
I get caught up in it. Please, woman,
Are you a witch?
Wife. It cannot be denied,
I am such a cursed creature.
Gen. Stay away:
And don’t come too near me. Oh my trust;
Have I, since I first recognized myself,
Been so careful with my soul, always trying
To figure out what was best for its health, to renounce all
The works of that black fiend with all my strength;
And has that serpent twisted me so tightly,
That I must lie so often and so long
With a devil in my heart?
Wife. Forgive me, Sir. [She looks down.]
Gen. Forgive me! Can such a thing be hoped for?
Look up, lost woman, to those hills;
I must expect it from there: don’t look down
At that horrible place, which you have sought
At such a dear price. Please, tell me,
(For now I can believe) are you a witch?
Wife. I am.
Gen. With that word I’m stunned,
And don’t know how to respond; yet answer me.
Have you entered into any pact with that fiend,
The enemy of mankind?
Wife. Oh, I have.
Gen. What? And how far does it go?
Wife. I promised him my soul.
Gen. Ten thousand times better your body had
Been promised to the flames; yes, and mine too,
To have suffered alongside you in a hedge of fire,
Than for such a deal to have ever been made. Oh—
Tell me, how far does that contract extend?
Wife. Any interest in this soul I could claim,
I freely gave him; but his part, which made it,
I still keep, as it’s not mine to give.
[38]Gen. Oh cunning devil: foolish woman, understand,
Where he can claim even the slightest piece,
He will take over the whole. You are a lost woman.
Wife. I hope not.
Gen. Why do you have any hope?
Wife. Yes, sir, I do.
Gen. Show it to me.
Wife. I hope I never bargained for that fire,
More than my tearful repentance can extinguish.
Gen. I would like to see some of those tears.
Wife. You see them now
(If you look at me with kind eyes)
Tinged with blood, blood flowing from my heart.
Sir, I am sorry; when I look towards heaven,
I plead for your mercy; when I look at you,
I think your natural goodness should not be
Less compassionate than they; against both I have sinned;
From both I seek atonement.
Gen. May I presume it?
Wife. I kneel to both your mercies.
Gen. Do you know what
A witch is?
Wife. Alas, none better;
Or after careful thought can be
More sorrowful to contemplate.
Gen. Tell me, are those tears
Filled with genuine remorse,
As mine are with sorrow to see what state,
What desperate state, you’re caught in?
Wife. Sir, they are.
Gen. Get up; and, as I do for you, may heaven forgive me;
We all sin, but from such downfalls
May we be protected! Well, I remember, wife,
When I first took you, it was for good and bad:
Oh change your bad into good, so that I may keep you
(As then we pledged our vows) until death separates us.
Oh woman, you need to cry yourself
Into a fountain, such a penitent spring
As may have the power to quench invisible flames;
In which my eyes shall help: too little, all.
Late Lancashire Witches, Act 4.
P 2 a 1. "Being examined by my Lord."] She had evidently learned her lesson well; but this was, with all submission to his Lordship, if adopted as a test, a mighty poor one. Jennet Device must have known[39] well the persons of the parties she accused, and who were now upon their trial, as they were all her near neighbours.
P 2 a 1. "Being examined by my Lord."] She had clearly learned her lesson; however, with all due respect to his Lordship, if this was used as a test, it was a pretty poor one. Jennet Device must have known[39] the identities of the people she was accusing, who were now on trial, since they were all her close neighbors.
P 2 a 2. "Whether she knew Iohan a Style?"] His Lordship's introduction of this apocryphal legal personage on such an occasion is very amusing. Had he studied Littleton and Perkins a little less, and given some attention to the Lancashire dialect, and some also to the study of that great book, in which even a judge may find valuable matter, the book of human nature, he might have been more successfull in his examination. Jack's o' Dick's o' Harry's would have been more likely to have been recognised as a veritable person of this world by Jennet Device, than such a name as Johan a Style; which, though very familiar at Westminster, would scarcely have its prototype at Pendle. But Jennet Device, young as she was, in natural shrewdness was far more than a match for his lordship.
P 2 a 2. "Did she know Johan a Style?"] His Lordship's introduction of this fictional legal figure at such a moment is quite amusing. If he had spent a bit less time studying Littleton and Perkins, and had paid more attention to the Lancashire dialect, as well as the great book where even a judge might find valuable insights—the book of human nature—he might have been more successful in his questioning. Jack’s or Dick’s or Harry’s would have been more likely to be recognized as a real person in this world by Jennet Device than a name like Johan a Style, which, while very familiar at Westminster, would hardly have a counterpart at Pendle. But Jennet Device, though young, was far more than a match for his lordship in natural cleverness.
P 3 a. "Katherine Hewit, alias Movld-heeles."] Of this person, who comes next in the list of witches, our information is very scanty. She was not of Pendle, but of Colne; and as her husband is described as a "clothier," may be presumed to have been in rather better circumstances than Elizabeth Southernes or Anne Whittle's families. She made no confession.
P 3 a. "Katherine Hewit, also known as Movld-heeles." Our knowledge about her, who appears next in the list of witches, is quite limited. She was from Colne, not Pendle; and since her husband is referred to as a "clothier," we can assume they were in somewhat better financial circumstances than Elizabeth Southernes or Anne Whittle's families. She did not confess.
P 4 a 1. "Anne Foulds of Colne. Michael Hartleys of Colne."] Folds and Hartley are still the names of families at and in the neighbourhood of Colne.
P 4 a 1. "Anne Foulds of Colne. Michael Hartleys of Colne."] Folds and Hartley are still the names of families in and around Colne.
P 4 a 2. "Had then in hanck a child."] The meaning of this term is clear, the origin rather dubious. It may come from the Scotch word, to hanck, i.e. to have in holdfast or secure, vide Jamieson's Scotch Dictionary, tit. hanck, or from handkill, to murder, vide Jamieson, under that word; or lastly, may be metaphorically used, from hanck, also signifying a skein of yarn or worsted which is tied or trussed up.
P 4 a 2. "Had then in hand a child." The meaning of this term is clear, but the origin is quite uncertain. It might come from the Scottish word, to hanck, meaning to hold or secure, see Jamieson's Scottish Dictionary, title hanck, or from handkill, meaning to murder, see Jamieson, under that word; or lastly, it could be used metaphorically, from hanck, which also means a bundle of yarn or worsted that is tied up.
Q 2 a. "Iohn Bulcocke, Iane Bulcocke his mother."] The condition of these persons is not stated. It may be conjectured that they were of the lowest class.
Q 2 a. "John Bulcock, Jane Bulcock, his mother." The status of these individuals is not mentioned. It can be assumed they were from the lowest class.
Q 3 a 2. "Crying out in very violent and outrageous manner, even to the gallowes."] The latter end of these unfortunate people was perhaps similar to that of Isobel Crawford, executed in Scotland the year after for witchcraft, who, on being sentenced, openly denied all her former confessions, and died without any sign of repentance, offering repeated interruption to the minister in his prayer, and refusing to pardon the executioner.
Q 3 a 2. "Screaming in a very violent and outrageous way, even to the gallows."] The fate of these unfortunate individuals was probably similar to that of Isobel Crawford, who was executed in Scotland the following year for witchcraft. When she was sentenced, she boldly denied all her previous confessions and died without showing any sign of remorse, frequently interrupting the minister during his prayer and refusing to forgive the executioner.
Q 4 b. "The said Bulcockes wife doth know of some Witches to bee about Padyham and Burnley."] Precious evidence this to put the lives of two poor creatures into jeopardy.
Q 4 b. "The wife of the said Bulcocke knows of some witches around Padiham and Burnley." This is troubling evidence that could put the lives of two innocent people at risk.
R a. "Accused the said Iohn Bulcock to turne the Spitt there."] What a fact this would have been for De Lancre. With all his accurate statistics on the subject of the witches' Sabbath, he was not aware that a turnspit was a necessary officer on such occasions, as well as a master of ceremonies. This artful and well instructed jade, Jennet Device, must have borne especial malice against John Bulcock.
R a. "Accused the said John Bulcock of turning the spit there."] What a fact this would have been for De Lancre. With all his precise statistics on the topic of the witches' Sabbath, he didn’t realize that a turnspit was a necessary role at such events, as well as a master of ceremonies. This clever and well-informed girl, Jennet Device, must have had a particular grudge against John Bulcock.
R 1 b. "The names of the Witches at the Great Assembly and Feast at Malking-Tower, viz. vpon Good-Friday last, 1612."] In this list of fourteen individuals, Master Potts has omitted "the painful steward so careful to provide mutton," James Device, who made up the number to fifteen. Of these persons seven were not indicted: Jennet Hargraves, the wife of Hugh Hargraves, of Barley under Pendle; Elizabeth Hargraves, the wife of Christopher Hargraves; Christopher Howgate, the son of Old Demdike; Christopher Hargraves, who is described as of Thurniholme, or Thornholme, and as Christopher o' Jacks, and was husband of Elizabeth Hargraves; Grace Hay, of Padiham; Anne Crunkshey, of Marchden, or more properly, Cronkshaw of Marsden; and Elizabeth Howgate, the wife of Christopher Howgate. The two Howgates were, it may be, the "one Holgate and his wife," mentioned in Robinson's deposition in 1633. Alice Graie, or Gray, included in the list, was indicted, though no copy of the indictment is afforded by Potts, and, singular as it may seem, acquitted. Richard Miles' wife, of the Rough Lee, stated to have been present in some of the depositions, (G 3 b,) was, beyond doubt, Alice Nutter, so called as the wife of Richard and mother of Miles Nutter.
R 1 b. "The names of the Witches at the Great Assembly and Feast at Malking-Tower, namely on Good Friday last, 1612."] In this list of fourteen people, Master Potts left out "the diligent steward who was so careful to provide mutton," James Device, who would have brought the total to fifteen. Of these individuals, seven were not charged: Jennet Hargraves, the wife of Hugh Hargraves from Barley under Pendle; Elizabeth Hargraves, the wife of Christopher Hargraves; Christopher Howgate, the son of Old Demdike; Christopher Hargraves, who is described as from Thurniholme, or Thornholme, and as Christopher o' Jacks, and who was married to Elizabeth Hargraves; Grace Hay from Padiham; Anne Crunkshey from Marchden, or more accurately, Cronkshaw of Marsden; and Elizabeth Howgate, the wife of Christopher Howgate. The two Howgates may have been the "one Holgate and his wife," mentioned in Robinson's deposition in 1633. Alice Graie, or Gray, who was included in the list, was indicted, but, strangely enough, was acquitted, even though Potts does not provide a copy of the indictment. Richard Miles' wife, of Rough Lee, who was mentioned in some of the depositions, (G 3 b,) was undoubtedly Alice Nutter, identified as Richard's wife and Miles Nutter's mother.
It may afford matter for speculation, whether any real meeting took[41] place of any of the persons above enumerated, which gave occasion for the monstrous versions of the witnesses at this trial. It is far from unlikely, that on the apprehension and commitment of Old Demdike, Old Chattox, Alizon Device, and Anne Redfern to Lancaster, a meeting would take place of their near relations, and others who might attend from curiosity, or from its being rumoured that they were themselves implicated by the confessions of those apprehended, and who by such attendance sealed their dooms. In all similar fabrications there is generally some slight foundation of fact, some scintilla of homely truth, from which, like the inverted apex of a pyramid, the disproportioned fabric expands. It is possible that, from the simple occurrence of an unusual attendance at Malking Tower on Good Friday, not unnatural under the circumstances, some of the witnesses, ignorant and easily persuaded, might be afterwards led to believe in the existence of those monstrous superadditions with which the convention was afterwards clothed. However this may be, there must have been at hand for working up the materials into a plausible form, some drill sergeant of evidence behind the curtain, who had his own interest to serve or revenge to gratify. The two particulars in the narrative that one feels least disposed to question, are, that James Device stole a wether from John Robinson of Barley, to provide a family dinner on Good Friday, and that when the meat was roasted John Bulcock performed the humble, but very necessary, duty of turning the spit.
It’s worth considering whether any real meeting actually took[41] place among any of the people mentioned above, which led to the outrageous testimonies from the witnesses at this trial. It’s quite possible that when Old Demdike, Old Chattox, Alizon Device, and Anne Redfern were taken to Lancaster, their close relatives and others who might have been curious gathered together, especially since there were rumors that they were implicated by the confessions of those arrested, thus sealing their own fates. In most similar instances, there’s usually some small kernel of truth, some tiny bit of reality, from which, much like the inverted tip of a pyramid, the exaggerated story grows. It’s possible that, due to the unusual attendance at Malking Tower on Good Friday—something not too surprising under the circumstances—some of the witnesses, being naive and easily influenced, might later convince themselves of the monstrous additions that were later attached to the story. Nevertheless, there must have been someone manipulating the evidence behind the scenes, someone with their own interests to protect or a grudge to settle. The two things in the story that seem most credible are that James Device stole a sheep from John Robinson of Barley to serve at a family dinner on Good Friday, and that when the meat was roasted, John Bulcock did the humble but essential job of turning the spit.
R 3 a. "My Lord Gerrard."] Thomas Gerard, son and heir of Sir Gilbert Gerard, Master of the Robes 23d Elizabeth, was raised to the peerage by the title of Lord Gerard of Gerard's Bromley, in Staffordshire, 1603. He died 1618.
R 3 a. "My Lord Gerrard." Thomas Gerard, the son and heir of Sir Gilbert Gerard, Master of the Robes during the reign of Elizabeth I, was elevated to the peerage as Lord Gerard of Gerard's Bromley in Staffordshire in 1603. He passed away in 1618.
S a. "Kniues, Elsons, and Sickles." In the Promptorium Parvulorum, p. 138, to Elsyn (elsyngk) Sibula, Mr. Way appends this note: "This word occurs in the Gloss on Gautier de Bibelesworth, Arund. MS. 220, where a buckled girdle is described:—
S a. "Kniues, Elsons, and Sickles." In the Promptorium Parvulorum, p. 138, to Elsyn (elsyngk) Sibula, Mr. Way adds this note: "This word appears in the Gloss on Gautier de Bibelesworth, Arund. MS. 220, where a buckled belt is described:—
Passing through the town of Subiloun (a dull place to be).
"An elsyne,—acus, subula. Cath. Ang. Sibula, an elsyn, an alle or a bodkyn. Ortus. In the inventory of the goods of a merchant at Newcastle, A.D. 1571, occur, 'vj. doss' elsen heftes, 12d; 1 clowte and ½ a C elsen blades,[42] viijs. viijd; xiij. clowtes of talier, needles, &c.' Wills and Inventories published by the Surtees Society, l. 361. The term is derived from the French alene; elson for cordwayners, alesne. Palsg. In Yorkshire and some other parts of England an awl is still called an elsen."
"An elsyne,—acus, subula. Cath. Ang. Sibula, an elsyn, an alle or a bodkyn. Rise. In the inventory of a merchant's goods in Newcastle, A.D. 1571, there are listings for '6 dozen elsen handles, 12d; 1 rag and ½ a C elsen blades,[42] 8s 8d; 13 rags of tailoring, needles, &c.' Wills and Inventories published by the Surtees Society, l. 361. The term comes from the French alene; elson for shoemakers, alesne. Palsg. In Yorkshire and some other regions of England, an awl is still referred to as an elsen."
S b. "Which the said Alizon confessing."] In the case of this paralytic pedlar, John Law, his mishap could scarcely be called such, as it would for the remainder of his life, be an all-sufficient stock-in-trade for him, and popular wonder and sympathy, without the judge's interposition, would provide for his relief and maintenance. The near apparent connection and correspondence of the damnum minatum and damnum secutum, in this instance, imposed upon this unfortunate woman, as it had done upon many others, and gave to her confession an earnestness which would appear to the unenlightened spectator to spring only from reality and truth.
S b. "Which the said Alizon confessing."] In the case of this paralyzed peddler, John Law, his accident could barely be called that, as it would for the rest of his life serve as more than enough for him, and the public's wonder and sympathy, without the judge having to step in, would take care of his support and upkeep. The clear connection between the damnum minatum and damnum secutum in this situation weighed heavily on this unfortunate woman, just as it had for many others, and gave her confession a sincerity that would seem to the unthinking observer to come only from genuine reality and truth.
S 3 b. "Margaret Pearson."] This Padiham witch fared better than her neighbours, being sentenced only to the pillory. Nothing affords a stronger proof of the vindictive pertinacity with which these prosecutions were carried on than the fact of this old and helpless creature being put on her trial three several times upon such evidence as follows. Chattox, like many other persons in her situation, was disposed to have as many companions in punishment, crime or no crime, as she could compass, and denounced her accordingly: "The said Pearson's wife is as ill as shee."
S 3 b. "Margaret Pearson."] This witch from Padiham had a better outcome than her neighbors, receiving only a sentence in the pillory. Nothing demonstrates the relentless and spiteful nature of these prosecutions more than the fact that this old and vulnerable woman was tried three times based on the following evidence. Chattox, like many others in her predicament, wanted to drag as many people down with her, regardless of whether they were guilty or not, and accused her accordingly: "The said Pearson's wife is just as bad as she is."
T a. "The said Margerie did carrie the said Toade out of the said house in a paire of tonges."] This toad was disposed of more easily than that of Julian Cox, as to which see Glanvil's Collection of Relations, p. 192:—
T a. "The mentioned Margerie took the said toad out of the house with a pair of tongs."] This toad was handled more easily than Julian Cox's, which can be found in Glanvil's Collection of Relations, p. 192:—
Another witness swore, that as he passed by Cox her door, she was taking a pipe of tobacco upon the threshold of her door, and invited him to come in and take a pipe, which he did. And as he was talking Julian said to him, Neighbour, look what a pretty thing there is. He look't down, and there was a monstrous great toad betwixt his leggs, staring him in the face. He endeavoured to kill it by spurning it, but could not hit it. Whereupon Julian bad him forbear, and it would do him no hurt. But he threw down his pipe and went home, (which was about two miles off of Julian Cox her house,) and told his family what had happened, and that he believed it was one of Julian Cox her devils. After, he was taking a pipe of tobacco at home, and the same toad appeared betwixt his leggs. He took the toad out to kill it, and to his thinking cut it in several pieces, but returning to his pipe,[43] the toad still appeared. He endeavoured to burn it, but could not. At length he took a switch and beat it. The toad ran several times about the room to avoid him he still pursuing it with correction. At length the toad cryed and vanish't, and he was never after troubled with it.
Another witness swore that as he walked past Cox's door, she was smoking a pipe of tobacco on the threshold and invited him to come in and smoke one with her, which he did. While they were talking, Julian said to him, "Neighbor, look at this pretty thing." He looked down and saw a huge toad between his legs, staring right at him. He tried to kick it away but couldn't hit it. Julian then told him to stop and said it wouldn't harm him. But he dropped his pipe and went home—about two miles away from Julian Cox's house—and told his family what had happened, saying he believed it was one of Julian Cox's devils. Later, while he was smoking a pipe at home, the same toad appeared between his legs. He tried to kill the toad and thought he cut it into several pieces, but when he returned to his pipe,[43] the toad reappeared. He tried to burn it but couldn't. Finally, he grabbed a stick and started hitting it. The toad ran around the room trying to escape while he chased it, still hitting it. Eventually, the toad cried out and vanished, and he was never bothered by it again.
Dr. More's comment on the circumstance is written with all the seriousness so important a part of a witch's supellex deserves. He commences defending the huntsman, who swore that he hunted a hare, and when he came to take it up, he found it to be Julian Cox:
Dr. More's comment on the situation is expressed with all the seriousness that such an important aspect of a witch's paraphernalia deserves. He starts by defending the huntsman, who claimed he was hunting a hare, and when he went to retrieve it, he discovered it to be Julian Cox:
Those half-witted people thought he swore false, I suppose because they imagined that what he told implied that Julian Cox was turned into an hare. Which she was not, nor did his report imply any such real metamorphosis of her body, but that these ludicrous dæmons exhibited to the sight of this huntsman and his doggs the shape of an Hare, one of them turning himself into such a form, and others hurrying on the body of Julian near the same place, and at the same swiftness, but interposing betwixt that hare-like spectre and her body, modifying the air so that the scene there, to the beholders sight, was as if nothing but air were there, and a shew of earth perpetually suited to that where the hare passed. As I have heard of some painters that have drawn the sky in an huge large landskip, so lively that the birds have flown against it, thinking it free air, and so have fallen down. And if painters and juglers by the tricks of legerdemain can do such strange feats to the deceiving of the sight, it is no wonder that these airy invisible spirits as far surpass them in all such præstigious doings as the air surpasses the earth for subtilty.
Those foolish people thought he was lying, probably because they assumed what he said meant that Julian Cox had been turned into a hare. She hadn’t, and his account didn’t suggest any real transformation of her body. Instead, these ridiculous spirits showed the huntsman and his dogs the shape of a hare, with one of them transforming into that form while others hurriedly moved Julian’s body nearby, keeping pace with the hare. They intervened between the hare-like apparition and her body, altering the air so that, to the observers, it appeared as if only air was present, with a visual of the ground constantly adjusting to where the hare traveled. I’ve heard of painters who have depicted the sky in a vast landscape so vividly that birds flew into it, believing it was real air, and then fell. If painters and magicians can perform such amazing feats to deceive the eye, it’s not surprising that these airy, invisible spirits can outdo them in all such tricks, just as air is more subtle than the earth.
And the like præstigiæ may be in the toad. It might be a real toad (though actuated and guided by a dæmon) which was cut in pieces, and that also which was whipt about, and at last snatcht out of sight (as if it had vanished) by these aerial hocus-pocus's. And if some juglers have tricks to take hot coals into their mouth without hurt, certainly it is not surprising that some small attempt did not suffice to burn that toad. That such a toad, sent by a witch and crawling up the body of the man of the house as he sate by the fire's side, was overmastered by him and his wife together, and burnt in the fire; I have heard credibly reported by one of the Isle of Ely. Of these dæmoniack vermin, I have heard other stories also, as of a rat that followed a man some score of miles trudging through thick and thin along with him. So little difficulty is there in that of the toad.—Glanvil's Collection of Relations, p. 200.
And similar tricks might happen with a toad. It could be a real toad (though controlled by a demon) that was cut into pieces, and the same goes for the one that was whipped around and eventually made to disappear (as if it had vanished) by these aerial illusions. If some magicians can take hot coals into their mouths without getting hurt, then it's not surprising that a little effort wasn’t enough to burn that toad. I’ve heard credible reports from someone in the Isle of Ely that a toad sent by a witch crawled up the body of a man sitting by the fire and was eventually overpowered by him and his wife together, then burned in the fire. I've also heard other stories about these demon-like pests, like a rat that followed a man for several miles, trudging along with him through thick and thin. So there’s really not much difficulty with the toad. —Glanvil's Collection of Relations, p. 200.
T 2 a 1. "Isabel Robey." This person was of Windle, in the parish of Prescot, a considerable distance from Pendle. The Gerards were lords of the manor of Windle. Sir Thomas Gerard, before whom the examinations were taken, was created baronet, 22nd May, 9th James I.; and thrice married. From him the present Sir John Gerard, of New Hall, near[44] Warrington, is descended. Sir Thomas was determined that the hundred of West Derby should have its witch as well as the other parts of the county. A more melancholy tissue of absurd and incoherent accusations than those against this last of the prisoners convicted on this occasion, it would not be easy to find; who was hanged, for all that appears, because one person was suddenly "pinched on her thigh, as she thought, with four fingers and a thumb," and because another was "sore pained with a great warch in his bones."
T 2 a 1. "Isabel Robey." This individual was from Windle, in the parish of Prescot, which is quite far from Pendle. The Gerards held the title of lords of the manor of Windle. Sir Thomas Gerard, who oversaw the examinations, was made a baronet on May 22, during the 9th year of James I's reign; he was married three times. Sir John Gerard, of New Hall, near [44] Warrington, is his descendant. Sir Thomas was set on ensuring that the hundred of West Derby had its own witch trial, like the other areas of the county. It would be hard to find a more tragic collection of ridiculous and nonsensical accusations than those against this last prisoner convicted at this time, who was hanged, apparently, because one person suddenly felt "pinched on her thigh, as she thought, with four fingers and a thumb," and another was "very much pained with a severe ache in his bones."
T 2 a 2. "This Countie of Lancaster, which now may lawfully bee said to abound asmuch in Witches of diuers kindes as Seminaries, Iesuites, and Papists."] Truly, the county palatine was in sad case, according to Master Potts's account. If the crop of each of these was over abundant, it was from no fault of the learned judges, who, in their commissions of Oyer and Terminer, subjected it pretty liberally to the pruning-hook of the executioner.
T 2 a 2. "This County of Lancaster, which can now rightfully be said to have as many witches of various kinds as seminaries, Jesuits, and Catholics."] Honestly, the county palatine was in a bad state, based on Master Potts's report. If there was an overabundance of any of these, it wasn't due to the learned judges' shortcomings, who, in their commissions of Oyer and Terminer, subjected it quite liberally to the executioner's axe.
T 2 a 3. "This lamentable and wofull Tragedie, wherein his Maiestie hath lost so many Subjects, Mothers their Children, Fathers their Friends and Kinsfolk." The Lancashire bill of mortality, under the head witchcraft, so far as it can be collected from this tract, will run thus:—
T 2 a 3. "This tragic and sorrowful event, where his Majesty has lost so many subjects, mothers their children, fathers their friends and family." The Lancashire report on deaths, specifically under witchcraft, can be summarized from this document as follows:—
1. Robert Nutter, of Greenhead, in Pendle.
2. Richard Assheton, son of Richard Assheton, of Downham, Esquire.
3. Child of Richard Baldwin, of Wheethead, within the forest of Pendle.
4. John Device, or Davies, of Pendle.
5. Anne Nutter, daughter of Anthony Nutter, of Pendle.
6. Child of John Moore, of Higham.
7. Hugh Moore, of Pendle.
8. John Robinson, alias Swyer.
9. James Robinson.
10. Henry Mytton, of the Rough Lee.
11. Anne Townley, wife of Henry Townley, of the Carr, gentleman.
12. John Duckworth.
13. John Hargraves, of Goldshaw Booth.
14. Blaze Hargraves, of Higham.
15. Christopher Nutter.
16. Anne Folds, of Colne.
[45]
1. Robert Nutter, from Greenhead in Pendle.
2. Richard Assheton, son of Richard Assheton, from Downham, Esquire.
3. Child of Richard Baldwin, from Wheethead, located in the Pendle forest.
4. John Device, or Davies, from Pendle.
5. Anne Nutter, daughter of Anthony Nutter, from Pendle.
6. Child of John Moore from Higham.
Hugh Moore from Pendle.
8. John Robinson, aka Swyer.
James Robinson.
10. Henry Mytton, from the Rough Lee.
11. Anne Townley, wife of Henry Townley, from the Carr, gentleman.
12. John Duckworth.
13. John Hargraves, from Goldshaw Booth.
14. Blaze Hargraves, from Higham.
15. Christopher Nutter.
16. Anne Folds, from Colne.
[45]
Sixteen persons reported dead of this common epidemic, besides a countless number with pains and "starkness in their limbs," and "a great warch in their bones!" No wonder that Doctors Bromley and Potts thought active treatment necessary, with a decided preference for hemp, as the leading specific.
Sixteen people have been reported dead from this widespread epidemic, along with countless others suffering from pain and stiffness in their limbs, and a severe ache in their bones! It’s no surprise that Doctors Bromley and Potts believed that aggressive treatment was needed, with a strong preference for hemp as the primary remedy.
T 3 b. "With great warch in his bones."] Warch is a word well known and still used in this sense, i.e., pain, in Lancashire.
T 3 b. "With great pain in his bones."] Pain is a word well known and still used in this sense, i.e., discomfort, in Lancashire.
T 4 b 1. "The said Peter was now satisfied that the said Isabel Robey was no Witch, by sending to one Halseworths, which they call a wiseman."] I honour the memory of this Halsworth, or Houldsworth, as I suppose it should be spelled, for he was indeed a wise man in days when wisdom was an extremely scarce commodity.
T 4 b 1. "Peter was now convinced that Isabel Robey was not a witch after consulting a so-called wise man named Halseworth."] I respect the memory of this Halseworth, or Houldsworth, as I think it should be spelled, because he was truly a wise man in a time when wisdom was very rare.
T 4 b 2. "To abide vpon it."] i.e., my abiding opinion is.
T 4 b 2. "To rely on it."] i.e., my consistent opinion is.
X a. "Elizabeth Astley, John Ramsden, Alice Gray, Isabel Sidegraues, Lawrence Hay."] The specific charges against these persons, with the exception of Alice Gray, do not appear, nor is it said where their places of residence were. Alice Gray was reputed to have been at the meeting of witches at Malkin's Tower, and to her the judge refers, perhaps, in particular, when he says, "Without question, there are amongst you that are as deepe in this action as any of them that are condemned to die for their offences."
X a. "Elizabeth Astley, John Ramsden, Alice Gray, Isabel Sidegraues, Lawrence Hay."] The specific allegations against these individuals, except for Alice Gray, are not mentioned, nor is there any information about where they lived. Alice Gray was said to have been at the witches' gathering at Malkin's Tower, and the judge might be alluding to her specifically when he states, "Without a doubt, there are among you those who are as deeply involved in this matter as any of those who are condemned to die for their crimes."
X b. "The Execution of the Witches."] We could have dispensed with many of the flowers of rhetoric with which the pages of this discovery are strewed, if Master Potts would have favoured us with a plain, unvarnished account of what occurred at this execution. It is here, in the most interesting point of all, that his narrative, in other respects so full and abundant, stops short, and seems curtailed of its just proportions. The "learned and worthy preacher," to whom the prisoners were commended by the judge, was probably Mr. William Leigh, of Standish, before mentioned. Amongst his papers or correspondence, if they should happen to have been preserved, some account may eventually be found of the sad closing scene of these melancholy victims of superstition.[46]
X b. "The Execution of the Witches."] We could have done without many of the flowery phrases that fill these pages if Master Potts had provided us with a straightforward, honest account of what happened at this execution. It's at this most crucial point that his otherwise detailed narrative falls short and seems incomplete. The "learned and worthy preacher" to whom the judge entrusted the prisoners was likely Mr. William Leigh of Standish, as mentioned earlier. If his papers or correspondence happen to have been preserved, we might eventually find some record of the tragic final moments of these unfortunate victims of superstition.[46]
X 2 a. "Neither can I paint in extraordinarie tearmes."] The worthy clerk is too modest. He is a great painter, the Tintoretto of witchcraft.
X 2 a. "I can't paint in extraordinary terms either."] The talented writer is too humble. He is an amazing painter, the Tintoretto of witchcraft.
Y a 1. "Hauing cut off Thomas Lister, Esquire, father to this gentleman now liuing."] Thomas Lister, of Westby, ancestor of the Listers, Lords Ribblesdale, married Jane, daughter of John Greenacres, Esquire, of Worston, county of Lancaster, and was buried at Gisburn, February 8th, 1607. His son, Thomas Lister, referred to as the "gentleman now living," married Jane, daughter of Thomas Heber, Esq., of Marton, after mentioned, and was buried at Gisburn, July 10th, 1619.
Y a 1. "Having cut off Thomas Lister, Esquire, the father of this gentleman who is currently living."] Thomas Lister, from Westby, the ancestor of the Listers, Lords Ribblesdale, married Jane, the daughter of John Greenacres, Esquire, from Worston, in Lancashire, and was buried in Gisburn on February 8th, 1607. His son, Thomas Lister, who is referred to as the "gentleman now living," married Jane, the daughter of Thomas Heber, Esq., from Marton, as mentioned earlier, and was buried in Gisburn on July 10th, 1619.
Y a 2. "Was Indicted and Arraigned for the murder of a Child of one Dodg-sonnes."] One acquittal was no protection to these unhappy creatures. It caused only additional exasperation, and, sooner or later, they were brought within what Donne calls "the hungry statutes' gaping jaws." Whether superstition or malice prompted this prosecution, on the part of Mr. Lister, it is difficult to say. Some grudge he entertained, or cause of offence he had taken up against this Jennet Preston, might be her death warrant in those days, when it was penal for a woman to be old, helpless, ugly, and poor. She was not so fortunate as the females tried at York, nine years afterwards, for bewitching the children of Edward Fairfax, of Fuyston, in the forest of Knaresborough, to whom we owe the only English translation of Tasso worthy of the name. These females, six in number, were indicted at two successive assizes, and every effort was made by the
Y a 2. "Was Indicted and Arraigned for the murder of a child of one Dodg-sonnes."] One acquittal didn’t protect these unfortunate people. It only added to the frustration, and sooner or later, they were caught in what Donne describes as "the hungry statutes' gaping jaws." It's hard to say whether Mr. Lister was driven by superstition or malice in this prosecution. He likely held some grudge or had some reason to target Jennet Preston, which could have been her death sentence in those times when it was criminal for a woman to be old, vulnerable, unattractive, and poor. She wasn’t as lucky as the women tried in York nine years later for supposedly bewitching the children of Edward Fairfax of Fuyston, in the Knaresborough forest, to whom we owe the only truly worthy English translation of Tasso. These six women were indicted at two back-to-back court sessions, and every effort was made by the
"Believed in the magical wonders he sang about,"
to procure their conviction. Never was a more unequal contest. On the one side was a relentless antagonist, armed with wealth, influence, learning, and accomplishments, and whose family connections gave him an unlimited power in the county; and on the other, six helpless persons, whose sex, age, and poverty were almost sufficient for their condemnation, without any evidence at all. Yet, owing to the magnanimous firmness of the judge, whose name, deserving of immortal honour, I regret has not been preserved, these efforts were frustrated, and the women accused delivered from the gulph which yawned before them. The disappointment he experienced in this instance, in being defrauded, as he thought, of a conviction for which[47] he had strained every nerve and sinew, and in not being allowed to render the forest of Knaresborough as famous as that of Pendle, cast a gloom of despondency over the remaining days of this admirable poet, who has left a narration of the whole transaction, of most singular interest and curiosity, yet unpublished. The MSS. now in my possession, and which came from Mr. Bright's collection, consists of seventy-eight closely-written folio pages. It is entitled "A Discourse of Witchcraft, as it was enacted in the family of Mr. Edward Fairfax, of Fuystone, coun. Ebor, 1621." From page 78 to 144 are a series of ninety-three most extraordinary and spirited sketches, made with the pen, of the witches, devils, monsters, and apparitions referred to in the narrative.
to secure their conviction. Never was a more unfair battle. On one side was a relentless opponent, equipped with wealth, influence, knowledge, and achievements, whose family ties gave him unlimited power in the county; and on the other side were six vulnerable individuals, whose gender, age, and poverty could easily lead to their condemnation, even without any evidence. Yet, thanks to the remarkable determination of the judge, whose name deserves eternal honor, though I regret it has not been preserved, these efforts were thwarted, and the accused women were saved from the abyss that loomed before them. The disappointment he felt in this situation, thinking he had been cheated out of a conviction for which[47] he had exerted every effort, and in not being able to make the forest of Knaresborough as famous as that of Pendle, cast a shadow of despair over the remaining days of this exceptional poet, who left behind a narrative of the entire event, of great interest and curiosity, yet unpublished. The manuscripts now in my possession, which came from Mr. Bright's collection, consist of seventy-eight densely written folio pages. It is titled "A Discourse of Witchcraft, as it was enacted in the family of Mr. Edward Fairfax, of Fuystone, coun. Ebor, 1621." From page 78 to 144 are a series of ninety-three extraordinary and lively sketches, created with the pen, of the witches, devils, monsters, and apparitions mentioned in the narrative.
Y 2 a. "Master Heyber."] This was Thomas Hayber, or Heber, of Marton, in Craven, Esquire, who was buried at Marton, 7th February, 1633. He was the ancestor of Bishop Reginald Heber and the late Richard Heber, Esq.
Y 2 a. "Master Heyber."] This was Thomas Hayber, or Heber, of Marton, in Craven, Esquire, who was buried at Marton on February 7, 1633. He was the ancestor of Bishop Reginald Heber and the late Richard Heber, Esq.
Y 3 a. "The said Iennet Preston comming to touch the dead corpes, they bled fresh bloud presently."] On the popular superstition of touching the corpse of a murdered person, as an ordeal or test for the discovery of the innocence or guilt of suspected murderers, the reader cannot better be referred than to the very learned and elaborate essay in Pitcairne's Criminal Trials, vol. iii. p. 182-189. Amongst the authors there quoted, Webster is omitted, who, (see Displaying of supposed Witchcraft, p. 304,) discusses the point at considerable length, and with an earnest and implicit faith singularly at variance with his enlightened scepticism in other matters. But there were regions of superstition in which even this Sampson of logic became imbecile and powerless. The rationale of the bleeding of a murdered corpse at the touch of the murderer is given by Sir Kenelm Digby with his usual force and spirit:
Y 3 a. "When Iennet Preston touched the dead body, it started to bleed fresh blood immediately."] Regarding the common superstition of touching the corpse of a murdered person as a trial to determine the innocence or guilt of suspected murderers, you can refer to the detailed and scholarly essay in Pitcairne's Criminal Trials, vol. iii. p. 182-189. Among the authors mentioned there, Webster is not included, who, (see Displaying of supposed Witchcraft, p. 304,) explores this issue in depth and with a strong belief that contrasts sharply with his usual enlightened skepticism on other topics. However, there were areas of superstition where even this champion of logic found himself confused and ineffectual. Sir Kenelm Digby explains the reasoning behind the bleeding of a murdered corpse at the touch of the murderer with his typical clarity and vigor:
To this cause, peradventure, may be reduced the strange effect which is frequently seen in England, when, at the approach of the Murderer, the slain body suddenly bleedeth afresh. For certainly the Souls of them that are treacherously murdered by surprise, use to leaue their bodies with extreme unwillingness, and with vehement indignation against them that force them to so unprovided and abhorred a passage! That Soul, then, to wreak its evil talent against the hated Murderer, and to draw a just and desired revenge upon his head, would do all it can to manifest the author of the fact! To speak it cannot—for in itself it wanteth the organs of voice; and those it is parted from are now grown too heavy, and are too benummed, for to give motion unto: Yet some change it desireth to[48] make in the body, which it hath so vehement inclination to; and therefore is the aptest for it to work upon. It must then endeavour to cause a motion in the subtilest and most fluid parts (and consequently the most moveable ones) of it. This can be nothing but the blood, which then being violently moved, must needs gush out at those places where it findeth issue!
To this cause, perhaps, can be linked the strange effect often seen in England when, as the Murderer approaches, the slain body suddenly bleeds anew. For surely, the souls of those who are treacherously murdered by surprise tend to leave their bodies with extreme reluctance and intense anger towards those who force them to such an unprepared and dreadful departure! That soul, then, wanting to take revenge on the hated Murderer and bring about a just and desired retribution upon him, would do everything it can to reveal the perpetrator of the act! To speak it cannot—because it lacks vocal organs; and those it is separated from have become too heavy and numb to move: Yet it desires some change in the body, which it is strongly inclined to do; and so it is most suitable for it to act upon. It must then strive to create movement in the most subtle and fluid parts (and therefore the most movable ones) of it. This can only be the blood, which, when violently agitated, must inevitably gush out at the points where it finds an outlet!
In the two following Scotch cases of witchcraft, this test was resorted to. The first was that of
In the two following Scottish cases of witchcraft, this test was used. The first was that of
Marioun Peebles,[79] alias Pardone, spouse to Swene, in Hildiswick, who was, on March 22, 1644, sentenced to be strangled at a stake, and burnt to ashes, at the Hill of Berrie, for Witchcraft and Murder. Marion and her husband having 'ane deadlie and venefical malice in her heart' against Edward Halero in Overure, and being determined 'to destroy and put him down,' being 'transformed in the lyknes of ane pellack-quhaill, (the Devill changing her spirit, quhilk fled in the same quhaill,') and the said Edward and other four individuals being in a fishing-boat, coming from the Sea, at the North-banks of Hildiswick, 'on ane fair morning, did cum under the said boat, and overturnit her with ease, and drowned and devoired thame in the sey, right at the shore, when there wis na danger wtherwayis.' The bodies of Halero and another of these hapless fishermen having been found, Marion and Swene 'wir sent for, and brought to see thame, and to lay thair hands on thame, ... dayis after said death and away-casting, quhaire thair bluid was evanished and desolved, from every natural cours or caus, shine, and run; the said umquhill Edward bled at the collir-bain or craig-bane, and the said ...,[80] in the hand and fingers, gushing out bluid thairat, to the great admiration of the beholders—and revelation of the judgement of the Almytie! And by which lyk occasionis and miraculous works of God, made manifest in Murders and the Murderers; whereby, be many frequent occasiones brought to light, and the Murderers, be the said proof brought to judgment, conuict and condemned, not only in this Kingdom, also this countrie, but lykwayis in maist forrin Christiane Kingdomis; and be so manie frequent precedentis and practising of and tuitching Murderis and Murdereris, notourlie known: So, the forsaid Murder and Witchcraft of the saidis persons, with the rest of their companions, through your said Husband's deed, art, part, rad,[81] and counsall, is manifest and cleir to all, not onlie through and by the foirsaid precedentis of your malice, wicked and malishes[82] practises, by Witchcraft, Confessionis, and Declarationis of the said umquill Janet Fraser, Witch, revealed to her, as said is, and quha wis desyrit by him to concur and assist with you to the doing thereof; but lykways be the declaration and revelation of the justice and judgementis of God, through the said issuing of bluid from the bodies!' &c.
Marioun Peebles,[79] also known as Pardone, wife of Swine, from Hildiswick, was sentenced on March 22, 1644, to be strangled at a stake and burned to ashes at the Hill of Berrie, for Witchcraft and Homicide. Marion and her husband had 'a deadly and harmful malice in her heart' against Edward Halero in Overure, and were determined 'to destroy and ruin him.' They were said to have 'been transformed into the form of a pelican (with the Devil changing her spirit, which fled into the same pelican),' and when Edward and four others were in a fishing-boat returning from the sea at the North-banks of Hildiswick 'on a fair morning, they came under the boat, easily overturned it, and drowned and devoured them in the sea, right at the shore, when there was no danger otherwise.' The bodies of Halero and another unfortunate fisherman were found, and Marion and Swene 'were summoned, brought to see them, and to lay their hands on them,... days after the mentioned death and disposal, where their blood had vanished and dissolved, from every natural course or cause, shined, and flowed; the deceased Edward bled at the collarbone, and the others,[80] in the hand and fingers, blood gushing out from there, astonishing all who saw it—and revealing the judgment of the Almighty! Through such instances and miraculous works of God, made evident in Murders and those who commit them; many frequent occasions were brought to light, and the murderers, by this proof, brought to trial, convicted and condemned, not only in this Kingdom and country, but also in many foreign Christian kingdoms; and by so many frequent precedents and practices concerning Murders and murderers, notably known: Thus, the aforementioned Murder and Witchcraft committed by these individuals, along with their companions, through your husband’s actions, involvement, role,[81] and counsel, is evident and clear to all, not only by the stated precedents of your malice, wicked and harmful[82] practices involving Witchcraft, Confessions, and Declarations of the late Janet Fraser, Witch, who was said to have been asked by him to cooperate and assist you in carrying this out; but also through the declaration and revelation of the justice and judgments of God, through the blood issuing from the bodies!' &c.
A similar and very remarkable instance is related in the following Triall: In the Dittay of Christian Wilson, alias the Lanthorne,[83] accused of Murder, Witchcraft, &c., (which is founded upon the examinations of James Wilson, Abraham[49] Macmillan, William Crichton, and Fyfe and George Erskine, &c. led before Sir William Murray of Newtoun, and other Commissioners, at Dalkeith, Jun. 14, 1661,) it is stated, that 'Ther being enimitie betuixt the said Christiane and Alexander Wilsone, her brother, and shoe having often tymes threatned him, at length, about 7 or 8 monthes since, altho' the said Alexander was sene that day of his death, at three houres afternoone, in good health, walking about his bussnesse and office; yitt, at fyve howres in that same night, he was fownd dead, lying in his owne howse, naked as he was borne, with his face torne and rent, without any appearance of a spot of blood either wpon his bodie or neigh to it. And altho' many of the neiboures in the toune (Dalkeith) come into his howse to see the dead corpe, yitt shoe newar offered to come, howbeit her dwelling was nixt adjacent thairto; nor had shoe so much as any seiming greiff for his death. Bot the Minister and Bailliffes of the towne, taking great suspitione of her, in respect of her cairiage comand it that shoe showld be browght in; bot when shoe come, shoe come trembling all the way to the howse—bot shoe refuised to come nigh the corps or to tuitch it saying, that shoe "nevir tuitched a dead corpe in her lyfe!" Bot being arnestly desyred by the Minister, Bailliffes, and hir brother's friends who was killed, that shoe wold "bot tuitch the corpes softlie," shoe granted to doe it—but before shoe did it, the Sone being shyning in at the howse, shoe exprest her selfe thus, humbly desyring, that "as the Lord made the Sone to shyne and give light into that howse, that also he wald give light to discovering of that Murder!" And with these words, shoe tuitcheing the wound of the dead man, verie saftlie, it being whyte and cleane, without any spot of blod or the lyke!—yitt imediatly, whill her fingers was wpon it, the blood rushed owt of it, to the great admiratioune[84] of all the behoulders, who tooke it for discoverie of the Murder, according to her owne prayers.—For ther was ane great lumpe of flesh taken out of his cheik, so smowthlie, as no rasor in the world cowld have made so ticht ane incisioune, wpon flesh, or cheis—and ther wes no blood at all in the wownd—nor did it at all blead, altho' that many persones befor had tuitched it, whill[85] shoe did tuitche it! And the howse being searched all over, for the shirt of the dead man, yitt it cowld[50] not be found; and altho' the howse was full of people all that night, ever vatching the corpes;[86] neither did any of them tuitch him that night—which is probable[87]—yitt, in the morneing, his shirt was fownd tyed fast abowt his neck, as a brechame,[88] non knowing how this come to pass! And this Cristian did immediatlie transport all her owne goods owt of her own howse into her dowghter's, purposing to flie away—bot was therwpon apprehendit and imprisoned.'—Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. iii. p. 194.
A similar and very remarkable case is documented in the following trial: In the indictment of Christian Wilson, also known as the Lanthorne, accused of murder, witchcraft, etc. (which is based on the testimonies of James Wilson, Abraham[49] Macmillan, William Crichton, Fyfe, and George Erskine, etc. presented before Sir William Murray of Newtoun and other commissioners at Dalkeith on June 14, 1661), it is stated that there was animosity between Christian and her brother Alexander Wilson. She had often threatened him, and about seven or eight months prior, although Alexander was seen alive and well that afternoon at three o'clock, walking around and attending to his business, by five o'clock that same night, he was found dead in his own house, completely naked, with his face torn and scratched, and there was no sign of blood anywhere on his body or nearby. Although many neighbors in the town (Dalkeith) came to his house to see the dead body, she never offered to come, despite living very close, nor did she appear to grieve at all for his death. However, the minister and the bailiffs of the town, growing suspicious of her because of her behavior, ordered that she be brought in. When she arrived, she trembled all the way to the house—but she refused to come near the body or to tap it, saying she "never touched a dead body in her life!" But being urgently requested by the minister, the bailiffs, and her brother's friends who were mourning his death, to "just touch the corpse lightly", she agreed to do it—but before she did, with the sun shining into the house, she expressed herself like this, humbly asking, "as the Lord made the sun shine and bring light into that house, may he also provide clarity in discovering that murder!" And with those words, while emotional the wound of the dead man very gently, it was smooth and clean, without any blood or anything like it!—yet right away, while her fingers were on it, blood poured out of it, to the great astonishment[84] of all the bystanders, who considered it a revelation of the murder, just as she had prayed.—For there was a large piece of flesh taken out of his cheek, so neatly, that no razor in the world could have made such a precise incision on flesh or skin—and there was no blood at all in the wound—nor did it bleed at all, although many people had touched it before [85] she did! And after searching the house thoroughly for the dead man's shirt, they could[50] not find it; even though the house was full of people all night, all watching the corpse;[86] none of them touched him that night—which is likely[87]—yet in the morning, his shirt was found tightly tied around his neck, as if it were a necklace,[88] with no one knowing how this came to be! And then Christian immediately moved all her belongings out of her own house into her daughter's, planning to escape—but was subsequently apprehended and imprisoned.'—Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. iii. p. 194.
Z a. "Master Leonard Lister."] This Leonard Lister was the brother of Master Thomas Lister, for whose murder Jennet Preston was indicted; and married Ann, daughter of —— Loftus, of Coverham Abbey, county of York.
Z a. "Master Leonard Lister."] Leonard Lister was the brother of Master Thomas Lister, who was murdered, leading to Jennet Preston's indictment; he was married to Ann, the daughter of —— Loftus, from Coverham Abbey in York County.
Z 2 a. "His Lordship commanded the Iurie to obserue the particular circumstances."] The judge in this case was Altham, who seems even to have been more superstitious, bigotted, and narrow-minded than his brother in commission, Bromley. Fenner, who tried the witches of Warbois, and Archer, before whom the trial of Julian Cox took place, are the only judges I can meet with, quite on a level with this learned baron in grovelling absurdity, upon whom "Jennet Preston would lay heavy at the time of his death," whether she had so lain upon Mr. Thomas Lister or not, if bigotry, habit, and custom did not render him seared and callous to conscience and pity.
Z 2 a. "His Lordship ordered the jury to pay attention to the specific details."] The judge in this case was Altham, who seemed to be even more superstitious, narrow-minded, and biased than his colleague, Bromley. Fenner, who handled the cases of the witches at Warbois, and Archer, who oversaw the trial of Julian Cox, are the only judges I can find who were on par with this learned baron in absurdity. Jennet Preston would heavily weigh on his mind at the time of his death, whether she had truly been a burden to Mr. Thomas Lister or not, as bigotry, routine, and tradition had left him hardened and indifferent to both conscience and compassion.
Z 3 b 1. "Take example by this Gentlemen to prosecute these hellish Furies to their end."] It is marvellous that Potts does not, like Delrio, recommend the rack to be applied to witches "in moderation, and according to the regulations of Pope Pius the Third, and so as not to cripple the criminal for life." Not that this learned Jesuit is much averse to simple dislocations occasioned by the rack. These, he thinks, cannot be avoided in the press of business. He is rather opposed, though in this he speaks doubtfully and with submission to authority, to those tortures which fracture the bones or lacerate the tendons. Verily, the Catholic and the Protestant author might have shaken hands; they were, beyond dispute, pœne Gemelli.
Z 3 b 1. "Take this gentleman as an example to pursue these hellish Furies to the very end."] It’s amazing that Potts doesn’t, like Delrio, suggest using the rack on witches “in moderation, following the guidelines of Pope Pius the Third, and in a way that doesn’t permanently disable the criminal.” Not that this learned Jesuit is particularly against simple dislocations caused by the rack. He believes these can’t be avoided with so much going on. He is, however, somewhat opposed, though he expresses this hesitantly and respectfully to authority, to tortures that break bones or tear tendons. Truly, the Catholic and Protestant authors could have shaken hands; they were, without a doubt, pœne Gemelli.
Z 3 b 2. "Posterities."] Master Potts, of the particulars of whose life nothing is known, made, as far as can be discovered, no further attempt to[51] acquire fame in the character of an author. No subject so interesting probably again occurred, as that which had diversified his legal pursuits "in his lodgings in Chancery-lane," from the pleasing recollections associated with his Summer Circuit of 1612. He was not, however, the only person of the name of Pott, or Potts, who distinguished himself in the field of Witchcraft. The author of the following tract, in my possession, might have garnished it with various flowers from the work now reprinted, if he had been aware of such a repository: "Pott (Joh. Henr.) De nefando Lamiarum cum Diabolo coitu." 4to. Lond. 1689. The other celebrated cases of supposed witchcraft occurring in the county of Lancaster, besides those connected with the foregoing republication, are, the extraordinary one of Ferdinand, Earl of Derby, who died at Latham in 1594, for which the reader is referred to Camden's Annals of Elizabeth, years 1593, 1594; Kennet, 2. 574, 580; or Pennant's Tour from Downing to Alston Moor, p. 29;—the case of Edmund Hartley, hanged at Lancaster in 1597, for bewitching some members of the family of Mr. Starkie, of Cleworth, which will be fully considered in the proposed republication of the Chetham Society, which gives the history of that event;—and lastly, that of a person of the name of Utley, (Whitaker, p. 528; Baines, vol. i. p. 604,) who was hanged at Lancaster about 1630, for having bewitched to death Richard, the son of Ralph Assheton, Esq., Lord of Middleton, of whose trial, unfortunately, no report is in existence. Webster also mentions two supposed witches as having been put to death at Lancaster, within eighteen years before his Displaying of supposed Witchcraft was published; and which occurrence, not referred to by any other historian, must therefore have taken place about the year 1654.
Z 3 b 2. "Posterities."] Master Potts, whose life details are largely unknown, didn't seem to seek fame as an author beyond what we can find out. There's probably no topic as compelling that came up again as the one that had added variety to his legal work "in his lodgings on Chancery Lane," tied to the pleasant memories of his Summer Circuit in 1612. However, he wasn't the only person named Pott or Potts who made a mark in the field of witchcraft. The author of the tract I have, could have included various insights from the work now being reprinted, if he had known about such a source: "Pott (Joh. Henr.) De nefando Lamiarum cum Diabolo coitu." 4to. Lond. 1689. Other notable cases of alleged witchcraft in Lancaster, apart from those related to the current reprint, include the extraordinary case of Ferdinand, Earl of Derby, who passed away at Latham in 1594; for more information, readers can check Camden's Annals of Elizabeth, years 1593, 1594; Kennet, 2. 574, 580; or Pennant's Tour from Downing to Alston Moor, p. 29;—the case of Edmund Hartley, executed at Lancaster in 1597 for allegedly bewitching members of Mr. Starkie's family from Cleworth, which will be fully explored in the upcoming publication by the Chetham Society documenting that event;—and finally, the case of someone named Utley, (Whitaker, p. 528; Baines, vol. i. p. 604,) who was hanged at Lancaster around 1630 for allegedly causing the death of Richard, the son of Ralph Assheton, Esq., Lord of Middleton, although unfortunately, no records of his trial exist. Webster also notes that two supposed witches were executed at Lancaster within eighteen years before he published Displaying of supposed Witchcraft; this incident, not mentioned by any other historian, likely occurred around 1654.
Manchester:
Printed by Charles Simms and Co.
Manchester:
Printed by Charles Simms and Co.
Chetham Society
FOR THE PUBLICATION OF
HISTORICAL AND LITERARY REMAINS
CONNECTED WITH THE PALATINE COUNTIES OF
LANCASTER & CHESTER.
Patrons.
The Right Honourable The EARL OF DERBY.
The Right Honourable The EARL OF BALCARRES.
The Right Honourable The EARL OF WILTON.
The Right Honourable The EARL OF BURLINGTON.
The Right Honourable the EARL GROSVENOR.
The Right Honourable LORD FRANCIS EGERTON, M.P.
The Right Honourable LORD STANLEY.
The Right Reverend The Lord BISHOP OF CHESTER.
The Right Reverend The Lord BISHOP OF ELY.
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The Right Honourable LORD DELAMERE.
The Right Honourable LORD DE TABLEY.
The Right Honourable LORD SKELMERSDALE.
The Right Honourable SIR ROBERT PEEL, Bart., M.P.
SIR PHILIP DE MALPAS GREY EGERTON, Bart., M.P.
GEORGE CORNWALL LEGH, Esq., M.P.
JOHN WILSON PATTEN, Esq., M.P.
The Right Honourable The Earl of Derby.
The Right Honourable The Earl of Balcarres.
The Right Honourable The Earl of Wilton.
The Right Honourable The Earl of Burlington.
The Right Honourable The Earl Grosvenor.
The Right Honourable Lord Francis Egerton, M.P.
The Right Honourable Lord Stanley.
The Right Reverend The Lord Bishop of Chester.
The Right Reverend The Lord Bishop of Ely.
The Right Reverend The Lord Bishop of Norwich.
The Right Reverend The Lord Bishop of Chichester.
The Right Honourable Lord Delamere.
The Right Honourable Lord De Tabley.
The Right Honourable Lord Skelmersdale.
The Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, Bart., M.P.
Sir Philip de Malpas Grey Egerton, Bart., M.P.
George Cornwall Legh, Esq., M.P.
John Wilson Patten, Esq., M.P.
Council.
Edward Holme, M.D., President.
Rev. Richard Parkinson, B.D., Canon of Manchester, Vice-President.
The Hon. and Very Rev. William Herbert, Dean of Manchester.
George Ormerod, D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.G.S.
Sam. Hibbert Ware, M.D. F.R.S.E.
Rev. Thomas Corser, M.A.
Rev. George Dugard, M.A.
Rev. C.G. Hulton, M.A.
Rev. J. Piccope, M.A.
Rev. F.R. Raines, M.A., F.S.A.
James Crossley.
James Heywood, F.R.S.
Treasurer.
William Langton.
Hon. Secretary.
William Fleming, M.D.
Edward Holme, M.D., President.
Rev. Richard Parkinson, B.D., Canon of Manchester, Vice-President.
The Hon. and Very Rev. Will Herbert, Dean of Manchester.
George Ormerod, D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.G.S.
Sam. Hibbert Ware, M.D. F.R.S.E.
Rev. Thomas Corser, M.A.
Rev. George Dugard, M.A.
Rev. C.G. Hulton, M.A.
Rev. J. Piccope, M.A.
Rev. F.R. Raines, M.A., F.S.A.
James Crossley.
James Heywood, F.R.S.
Treasurer.
William Langton.
Hon. Secretary.
Will Fleming, M.D.
RULES OF THE CHETHAM SOCIETY.
1. That the Society shall be limited to three hundred and fifty members.
1. The Society will have a limit of three hundred and fifty members.
2. That the Society shall consist of members being subscribers of one pound annually, such subscription to be paid in advance, on or before the day of general meeting in each year. The first general meeting to be held on the 23rd day of March, 1843, and the general meeting in each year afterwards on the 1st day of March, unless it should fall on a Sunday, when some other day is to be named by the Council.
2. The Society will be made up of members who subscribe one pound each year, with payment due in advance by the day of the general meeting every year. The first general meeting will take place on March 23, 1843, and subsequent annual meetings will occur on March 1, unless that date falls on a Sunday, in which case the Council will select another day.
3. That the affairs of the Society be conducted by a Council, consisting of a permanent President and Vice-President, and twelve other members, including a Treasurer and Secretary, all of whom, with the exception of the President and Vice-President, shall be elected at the general meeting of the Society.
3. The Society's activities will be managed by a Council made up of a permanent President, a Vice-President, and twelve other members, including a Treasurer and a Secretary. All members, except for the President and Vice-President, will be elected at the Society's general meeting.
4. That any member may compound for his future subscriptions, by the payment of ten pounds.
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7. That twenty copies of each work shall be allowed to the Editor of the same, in addition to the one to which he may be entitled as a member.
7. The Editor will be permitted to have twenty copies of each work, in addition to the one copy they are entitled to as a member.
LIST OF MEMBERS
For the Year 1844.
For the Year 1844.
Ackers, James, M.P., Heath House, Ludlow
Addey, H.M., Liverpool
Ainsworth, Ralph F., M.D., Manchester
Ainsworth, Rev. Thomas, M.A., Hartford Hall, Cheshire
Ainsworth, W.H., Kensal Manor House, Harrow-road, London
Alexander, Edward N., F.S.A., Halifax
Allen, Rev. John Taylor, M.A., Stradbrooke Vicarage, Suffolk
Ambery, Charles, Manchester
Armstrong, Thomas, Higher Broughton, Manchester
Ashton, John, Warrington
Atherton, Miss, Kersal Cell, near Manchester
Atherton, James, Swinton House, near Manchester
Atkinson, F.R., Pendleton, near Manchester
Atkinson, William, Weaste, near Manchester
Balcarres, The Earl of, Haigh Hall, near Wigan
Baldwin, Rev. John, M.A., Dalton, near Ulverstone
Bannerman, Alexander, Didsbury, near Manchester
Bannerman, Henry, Burnage, near Manchester
Bannerman, John, Swinton, near Manchester
Bardsley, Samuel Argent, M.D., Green Heys, near Manchester
Barker, John, Manchester
Barker, Thomas, Oldham
Barratt, James, Jun., Manchester
Barrow, Miss, Green Bank, near Manchester
Barrow, Rev. Andrew, President of Stonyhurst College, near Blackburn
Barrow, Peter, Manchester
Bartlemore, William, Castleton Hall, Rochdale
Barton, John, Manchester
Barton, R.W., Springwood, near Manchester
Barton, Samuel, Didsbury, Manchester
Barton, Thomas, Manchester
Bayne, Rev. Thos. Vere, M.A., Broughton, Manchester
Beamont, William, Warrington
Beard, Rev. John R., D.D., Stony Knolls, near Manchester
Beardoe, James, Manchester
Beever, James F., Manchester
Bellairs, Rev. H.W., M.A., London
Bentley, Rev. T.R., M.A., Manchester
Birley, Hugh Hornby, Broom House, near Manchester
Birley, Hugh, Didsbury, near Manchester
Birley, Richard, Manchester
Birley, Thos. H., Manchester
Bohn, Henry G., London
Booth, Benjamin W., Manchester
Booth, John, Barton-upon-Irwell
Booth, William, Manchester
Boothman, Thomas, Ardwick, near Manchester
Botfield, Beriah, M.P., Norton Hall, Northamptonshire
Bower, George, London
Brackenbury, Ralph, Manchester
Bradbury, Charles, Salford
Bradshaw, John, Weaste House, near Manchester
Brooke, Edward, Manchester
Brooks, Samuel, Manchester
Broome, William, Manchester
Brown, Robert, Preston
Buckley, Edmund, M.P., Ardwick, near Manchester
Buckley, Rev. Thomas, M.A., Old Trafford, near Manchester
Buckley, Nathaniel, F.L.S., Rochdale
Burlington, The Earl of, Holkar Hall
Calvert, Robert, Salford
Cardwell, Rev. Edward, D.D., Principal of St. Alban's Hall and Camden Professor, Oxford
Cardwell, Edward, M.P., M.A., Regent's Park, London
Chadwick, Elias, M.A., Swinton Hall, near Manchester
Chesshyre, Mrs., Pendleton, near Manchester
Chester, The Bishop of
Chichester, The Bishop of
Chippindall, John, Chetham Hill, near Manchester
Clare, Peter, F.R.A.S., Manchester
Clarke, George, Crumpsall, near Manchester
Clayton, Japheth, Pendleton, near Manchester
Clifton, Rev. R.C., M.A., Canon of Manchester
Consterdine, James, Manchester
Cook, Thomas, Gorse Field, Pendleton, near Manchester
Cooper, William, Manchester
Corser, George, Whitchurch, Shropshire
Corser, Rev. Thomas, M.A., Stand, near Manchester
Cottam, S.E., F.R.A.S., Manchester
Coulthart, John Ross, Ashton-under-Lyne
Crook, Thomas A., Rochdale
Cross, William Assheton, Redscar, near Preston
Crossley, George, Manchester
Crossley, James, Manchester
Crossley, John, M.A., Scaitcliffe House, Todmorden
Currer, Miss Richardson, Eshton Hall, near Skipton
Daniel, George, Manchester
Darbishire, Samuel D., Manchester
Darwell, James, Manchester
Darwell, Thomas, Manchester
Davies, John, M.W.S., Manchester
Dawes, Matthew, F.G.S., Westbrooke, near Bolton
Dearden, James, The Orchard, Rochdale
Dearden, Thomas Ferrand, Rochdale
Delamere, The Lord, Vale Royal, near Northwich
Derby, The Earl of, Knowsley
Dilke, C.W., London
Dinham, Thomas, Manchester
Driver, Richard, Manchester
Dugard, Rev. George, M.A., Birch, near Manchester
Dyson, T.J., Tower, London
Earle, Richard, Edenhurst, near Prescott
Eccles, William, Wigan
Egerton, The Lord Francis, M.P., Worsley Hall
Egerton, Sir Philip de Malpas Grey, Bart., M.P., Oulton Park, Tarporley
Egerton, Wilbraham, Tatton Park
Ely, The Bishop of
Eyton, J.W.K., F.S.A. L. & E., Elgin Villa, Leamington
Faulkner, George, Manchester
Feilden, Joseph, Witton, near Blackburn
Fenton, James, Jun., Lymm Hall, Cheshire
Fernley, John, Manchester
Ffarrington, J. Nowell, Worden, near Chorley
Ffrance, Thomas Robert Wilson, Rawcliffe Hall, Garstang
Fleming, Thomas, Pendleton, near Manchester
Fleming, William, M.D., Ditto
Fletcher, John, Haulgh, near Bolton
Fletcher, Samuel, Broomfield, near Manchester
Fletcher, Samuel, Ardwick, near Manchester
Flintoff, Thomas, Manchester
Ford, Henry, Manchester
Fraser, James W., Manchester
Frere, W.E., Rottingdean, Sussex
Gardner, Thomas, Worcester College, Oxford
Garner, J.G., Manchester
Garnett, William James, Quernmore Park, Lancaster
Germon, Rev. Nicholas, M.A., High Master, Free Grammar School, Manchester
Gibb, William, Manchester
Gladstone, Robertson, Liverpool
Gladstone, Robert, Withington, near Manchester
Gordon, Hunter, Manchester
Gould, John, Manchester
Grant, Daniel, Manchester
Grave, Joseph, Manchester
Gray, Benjamin, B.A., Trinity Coll. Cambridge
Gray, James, Manchester
Greaves, John, Irlam Hall, near Manchester
Greenall, G., Walton Hall, near Warrington
Grey, The Hon. William Booth
Grosvenor, The Earl
Grundy, George, Chetham Fold, near Manchester
Hadfield, George, Manchester
Hailstone, Edward, F.S.A., Horton Hall, Bradford, Yorkshire
Hardman, Henry, Bury, Lancashire
Hardy, William, Manchester
Hargreaves, George J., Hulme, Manchester
Harland, John, Manchester
Harrison, William, Brearey, Isle of Man
Harter, James Collier, Broughton Hall, near Manchester
Harter, William, Hope Hall, near Manchester
Hately, Isaiah, Manchester
Hatton, James, Richmond House, near Manchester
Hawkins, Edward, F.R.S., F.S.A., F.L.S., British Museum, London
Heelis, Stephen, Manchester
Henshaw, William, Manchester
Herbert, Hon. and Very Rev. Wm., Dean of Manchester
Heron, Rev. George, M.A., Carrington, Cheshire
Heywood, Sir Benjamin, Bart., Claremont, near Manchester
Heywood, James, F.R.S., F.G.S., Acresfield, near Manchester
Heywood, John Pemberton, near Liverpool
Heywood, Thomas, F.S.A., Hope End, Ledbury, Herefordshire
Heywood, Thomas, Pendleton, near Manchester
Heyworth, Lawrence, Oakwood, near Stockport
Hibbert, Mrs., Salford
Hickson, Charles, Manchester
Hinde, Rev. Thomas, M.A., Winwick, Warrington
Hoare, G.M., The Lodge, Morden, Surrey
Hoare, P.R., Kelsey Park, Beckenham, Kent
Holden, Thomas, Summerfield, Bolton
Holden, Thomas, Rochdale
Holme, Edward, M.D., Manchester
Hughes, William, Old Trafford, near Manchester
Hulme, Davenport, M.D., Manchester
Hulme, Hamlet, Medlock Vale, Manchester
Hulton, Rev. A.H., M.A., Ashton-under-Lyne
Hulton, Rev. C.G., M.A., Chetham College, Manchester
Hulton, H.T., Manchester
Hulton, W.A., Preston
Hunter, Rev. Joseph, F.S.A., London
Jackson, H.B., Manchester
Jackson, Joseph, Ardwick, near Manchester
Jacson, Charles R., Barton Lodge, Preston
James, Rev. J.G., M.A., Habergham Eaves, near Burnley
James, Paul Moon, Summerville, near Manchester
Jemmett, William Thomas, Manchester
Johnson, W.R., Manchester
Johnson, Rev. W.W., M.A., Manchester
Jones, Jos., Jun., Hathershaw, Oldham
Jones, W., Manchester
Jordan, Joseph, Manchester
Kay, James, Turton Tower, Bolton
Kay, Samuel, Manchester
Kelsall, Strettle, Manchester
Kendrick, James, M.D., F.L.S., Warrington
Kennedy, John, Ardwick House, near Manchester
Ker, George Portland, Salford
Kershaw, James, Green Heys, near Manchester
Kidd, Rev. W.J., M.A., Didsbury, near Manchester
Langton, William, Manchester
Larden, Rev. G.E., M.A., Brotherton Vicarage, Yorkshire
Leeming, W.B., Salford
Legh, G. Cornwall, M.P., F.G.S., High Legh, Cheshire
Legh, Rev. Peter, M.A., Newton in Makerfield
Leigh, Rev. Edward Trafford, M.A., Cheadle, Cheshire
Leigh, Henry, Moorfield Cottage, Worsley
Leresche, J.H., Manchester
Lloyd, William Horton, F.S.A., L.S., Park-square, London
Lloyd, Edward Jeremiah, Oldfield House, Altringham
Lomas, Edward, Manchester
Lomax, Robert, Harwood, near Bolton
Love, Benjamin, Manchester
Lowndes, William, Egremont, Liverpool
Loyd, Edward, Green Hill, Manchester
Lycett, W.E., Manchester
Lyon, Edmund, M.D., Manchester
Lyon, Thomas, Appleton Hall, Warrington
McClure, William, Peel Cottage, Eccles
McFarlane, John, Manchester
McKenzie, John Whitefoord, Edinburgh
McVicar, John, Manchester
Mann, Robert, Manchester
Marc, E.R. Le, School Lodge, Cheshire
Markland, J.H., F.R.S., F.S.A., Bath
Markland, Thomas, Mab Field, near Manchester
Marsden, G.E., Manchester
Marsden, William, Manchester
Marsh, John Fitchett, Warrington
Marshall, Miss, Ardwick, near Manchester
Marshall, William, Penwortham Hall, Preston
Marshall, Frederick Earnshaw, Ditto
Marshall, John, Ditto
Mason, Thomas, Copt Hewick, near Ripon
Master, Rev. Robert M., M.A., Burnley
Maude, Daniel, M.A., Salford
Millar, Thomas, Green Heys, near Manchester
Molyneux, Edward, Chetham Hill, Manchester
Monk, John, Manchester
Moore, John, F.L.S., Cornbrook, near Manchester
Mosley, Sir Oswald, Bart., Rolleston Hall, Staffordshire
Murray, James, Manchester
Nield, William, Mayfield, Manchester
Nelson, George, Manchester
Neville, James, Beardwood, near Blackburn
Newall, Mrs. Robert, Littleborough, near Rochdale
Newall, W.N., Wellington Lodge, Littleborough
Newbery, Henry, Manchester
Nicholson, William, Thelwall Hall, Warrington
Norris, Edward, Manchester
Norwich, The Bishop of
Ormerod, George, D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.G.S., Sedbury Park, Gloucestershire
Ormerod, George Wareing, M.A., F.G.S., Manchester
Ormerod, Henry Mere, Manchester
Owen, John, Manchester
Parkinson, Rev. Richard, B.D., Canon of Manchester
Patten, J. Wilson, M.P., Bank Hall, Warrington
Pedley, Rev. J.T., M.A., Peakirk-cum-Glinton, Market Deeping
Peel, Sir Robert, Bart., M.P., Drayton Manor
Peel, George, Brookfield, Cheadle
Peel, Joseph, Singleton Brook, near Manchester
Peet, Thomas, Manchester
Pegge, John, Newton Heath, near Manchester
Percival, Stanley, Liverpool
Philips, Mark, M.P., The Park, Manchester
Philippi, Frederick Theod., Belfield Hall, near Rochdale
Phillips, Shakspeare, Barlow Hall, near Manchester
Phillipps, Sir Thomas, Bart., Middle Hill, Worcestershire
Piccope, Rev. John, M.A., Farndon, Cheshire
Pickford, Thomas, Mayfield, Manchester
Pickford, Thomas E., Manchester
Pierpoint, Benjamin, Warrington
Pilkington, George, Manchester
Pilling, Charles R., Caius College, Cambridge
Plant, George, Manchester
Pooley, Edward, Manchester
Pooley, John, Hulme, near Manchester
Porrett, Robert, Tower, London
Prescott, J.C., Summerville, near Manchester
Price, John Thomas, Manchester
Radford, Thomas, M.D., Higher Broughton, near Manchester
Raffles, Rev. Thomas, D.D., LL.D., Liverpool
Raikes, Rev. Henry, M.A., Hon. Can., and Chancellor of Chester
Raines, Rev. F.R., M.A., F.S.A., Milnrow Parsonage, Rochdale
Reiss, Leopold, High Field, near Manchester
Rickards, Charles H., Manchester
Ridgway, Mrs., Ridgemont, near Bolton
Ridgway, John Withenshaw, Manchester
Robson, John, Warrington
Roberts, W.J., Liverpool
Roby, John, M.R.S.L., Rochdale
Royds, Albert Hudson, Rochdale
Samuels, John, Manchester
Sattersfield, Joshua, Manchester
Scholes, Thomas Seddon, High Bank, near Manchester
Schuster, Leo, Weaste, near Manchester
Sharp, John, Lancaster
Sharp, Robert C., Bramall Hall, Cheshire
Sharp, Thomas B., Manchester
Sharp, William, Lancaster
Sharp, William, London
Simms, Charles S., Manchester
Simms, George, Manchester
Skaife, John, Blackburn
Skelmersdale, The Lord, Lathom House
Smith, Rev. Jeremiah, D.D., Leamington
Smith, Junius, Strangeways Hall, Manchester
Smith, J.R., Old Compton-street, London
Sowler, R.S., Manchester
Sowler, Thomas, Manchester
Spear, John, Manchester
Standish, W.J., Duxbury Hall, Chorley
Stanley, The Lord, Knowsley
Sudlow, John, Jun., Manchester
Swain, Charles, M.R.S.L., Cheetwood Priory, near Manchester
Swanwick, Josh. W., Hollins Vale, Bury, Lancashire
Tabley, The Lord De, Tabley, Cheshire
Tattershall, Rev. Thomas, D.D., Liverpool
Tatton, Thos., Withenshaw, Cheshire
Tayler, Rev. John James, B.A., Manchester
Taylor, Thomas Frederick, Wigan
Teale, Josh., Salford
Thomson, James, Manchester
Thorley, George, Manchester
Thorpe, Robert, Manchester
Tobin, Rev. John, M.A., Liscard, Cheshire
Townend, John, Polygon, Manchester
Townend, Thomas, Polygon, Manchester
Turnbull, W.B., D.D., Edinburgh
Turner, Samuel, F.R.S, F.S.A., F.G.S., Liverpool
Turner, Thomas, Manchester
Vitrè, Edward Denis De, M.D., Lancaster
Walker, John, Weaste, near Manchester
Walker, Samuel, Prospect Hill, Pendleton
Wanklyn, J.B., Salford
Wanklyn, James H., Crumpsall House, near Manchester
Warburton, R.E.E., Arley Hall, near Northwich
Ware, Samuel Hibbert, M.D., F.R.S.E., Edinburgh
Wareing, Ralph, Manchester
Westhead, Joshua P., Manchester
Whitehead, James, Manchester
Whitelegg, Rev. William, M.A., Hulme, near Manchester
Whitmore, Edward, Jun., Manchester
Whitmore, Henry, Manchester
Wilson, William James, Manchester
Wilton, The Earl of, Heaton House
Winter, Gilbert, Stocks, near Manchester
Worthington, Edward, Manchester
Wray, Rev. Cecil Daniel, M.A., Canon of Manchester
Wright, Rev. Henry, M.A., Mottram, St. Andrew's, near Macclesfield
Wroe, Thomas, Manchester
Yates, Joseph B., West Dingle, Liverpool
Yates, Richard, Manchester
Ackers, James, M.P., Heath House, Ludlow
Addey, H.M., Liverpool
Ainsworth, Ralph F., M.D., Manchester
Ainsworth, Rev. Thomas, M.A., Hartford Hall, Cheshire
Ainsworth, W.H., Kensal Manor House, Harrow-road, London
Alexander, Edward N., F.S.A., Halifax
Allen, Rev. John Taylor, M.A., Stradbrooke Vicarage, Suffolk
Ambery, Charles, Manchester
Armstrong, Thomas, Higher Broughton, Manchester
Ashton, John, Warrington
Atherton, Miss, Kersal Cell, near Manchester
Atherton, James, Swinton House, near Manchester
Atkinson, F.R., Pendleton, near Manchester
Atkinson, William, Weaste, near Manchester
Balcarres, The Earl of, Haigh Hall, near Wigan
Baldwin, Rev. John, M.A., Dalton, near Ulverstone
Bannerman, Alexander, Didsbury, near Manchester
Bannerman, Henry, Burnage, near Manchester
Bannerman, John, Swinton, near Manchester
Bardsley, Samuel Argent, M.D., Green Heys, near Manchester
Barker, John, Manchester
Barker, Thomas, Oldham
Barratt, James, Jun., Manchester
Barrow, Miss, Green Bank, near Manchester
Barrow, Rev. Andrew, President of Stonyhurst College, near Blackburn
Barrow, Peter, Manchester
Bartlemore, William, Castleton Hall, Rochdale
Barton, John, Manchester
Barton, R.W., Springwood, near Manchester
Barton, Samuel, Didsbury, Manchester
Barton, Thomas, Manchester
Bayne, Rev. Thos. Vere, M.A., Broughton, Manchester
Beamont, William, Warrington
Beard, Rev. John R., D.D., Stony Knolls, near Manchester
Beardoe, James, Manchester
Beever, James F., Manchester
Bellairs, Rev. H.W., M.A., London
Bentley, Rev. T.R., M.A., Manchester
Birley, Hugh Hornby, Broom House, near Manchester
Birley, Hugh, Didsbury, near Manchester
Birley, Richard, Manchester
Birley, Thos. H., Manchester
Bohn, Henry G., London
Booth, Benjamin W., Manchester
Booth, John, Barton-upon-Irwell
Booth, William, Manchester
Boothman, Thomas, Ardwick, near Manchester
Botfield, Beriah, M.P., Norton Hall, Northamptonshire
Bower, George, London
Brackenbury, Ralph, Manchester
Bradbury, Charles, Salford
Bradshaw, John, Weaste House, near Manchester
Brooke, Edward, Manchester
Brooks, Samuel, Manchester
Broome, William, Manchester
Brown, Robert, Preston
Buckley, Edmund, M.P., Ardwick, near Manchester
Buckley, Rev. Thomas, M.A., Old Trafford, near Manchester
Buckley, Nathaniel, F.L.S., Rochdale
Burlington, The Earl of, Holkar Hall
Calvert, Robert, Salford
Cardwell, Rev. Edward, D.D., Principal of St. Alban's Hall and Camden Professor, Oxford
Cardwell, Edward, M.P., M.A., Regent's Park, London
Chadwick, Elias, M.A., Swinton Hall, near Manchester
Chesshyre, Mrs., Pendleton, near Manchester
Chester, The Bishop of
Chichester, The Bishop of
Chippindall, John, Chetham Hill, near Manchester
Clare, Peter, F.R.A.S., Manchester
Clarke, George, Crumpsall, near Manchester
Clayton, Japheth, Pendleton, near Manchester
Clifton, Rev. R.C., M.A., Canon of Manchester
Consterdine, James, Manchester
Cook, Thomas, Gorse Field, Pendleton, near Manchester
Cooper, William, Manchester
Corser, George, Whitchurch, Shropshire
Corser, Rev. Thomas, M.A., Stand, near Manchester
Cottam, S.E., F.R.A.S., Manchester
Coulthart, John Ross, Ashton-under-Lyne
Crook, Thomas A., Rochdale
Cross, William Assheton, Redscar, near Preston
Crossley, George, Manchester
Crossley, James, Manchester
Crossley, John, M.A., Scaitcliffe House, Todmorden
Currer, Miss Richardson, Eshton Hall, near Skipton
Daniel, George, Manchester
Darbishire, Samuel D., Manchester
Darwell, James, Manchester
Darwell, Thomas, Manchester
Davies, John, M.W.S., Manchester
Dawes, Matthew, F.G.S., Westbrooke, near Bolton
Dearden, James, The Orchard, Rochdale
Dearden, Thomas Ferrand, Rochdale
Delamere, The Lord, Vale Royal, near Northwich
Derby, The Earl of, Knowsley
Dilke, C.W., London
Dinham, Thomas, Manchester
Driver, Richard, Manchester
Dugard, Rev. George, M.A., Birch, near Manchester
Dyson, T.J., Tower, London
Earle, Richard, Edenhurst, near Prescott
Eccles, William, Wigan
Egerton, The Lord Francis, M.P., Worsley Hall
Egerton, Sir Philip de Malpas Grey, Bart., M.P., Oulton Park, Tarporley
Egerton, Wilbraham, Tatton Park
Ely, The Bishop of
Eyton, J.W.K., F.S.A. L. & E., Elgin Villa, Leamington
Faulkner, George, Manchester
Feilden, Joseph, Witton, near Blackburn
Fenton, James, Jun., Lymm Hall, Cheshire
Fernley, John, Manchester
Ffarrington, J. Nowell, Worden, near Chorley
Ffrance, Thomas Robert Wilson, Rawcliffe Hall, Garstang
Fleming, Thomas, Pendleton, near Manchester
Fleming, William, M.D., Ditto
Fletcher, John, Haulgh, near Bolton
Fletcher, Samuel, Broomfield, near Manchester
Fletcher, Samuel, Ardwick, near Manchester
Flintoff, Thomas, Manchester
Ford, Henry, Manchester
Fraser, James W., Manchester
Frere, W.E., Rottingdean, Sussex
Gardner, Thomas, Worcester College, Oxford
Garner, J.G., Manchester
Garnett, William James, Quernmore Park, Lancaster
Germon, Rev. Nicholas, M.A., High Master, Free Grammar School, Manchester
Gibb, William, Manchester
Gladstone, Robertson, Liverpool
Gladstone, Robert, Withington, near Manchester
Gordon, Hunter, Manchester
Gould, John, Manchester
Grant, Daniel, Manchester
Grave, Joseph, Manchester
Gray, Benjamin, B.A., Trinity Coll. Cambridge
Gray, James, Manchester
Greaves, John, Irlam Hall, near Manchester
Greenall, G., Walton Hall, near Warrington
Grey, The Hon. William Booth
Grosvenor, The Earl
Grundy, George, Chetham Fold, near Manchester
Hadfield, George, Manchester
Hailstone, Edward, F.S.A., Horton Hall, Bradford, Yorkshire
Hardman, Henry, Bury, Lancashire
Hardy, William, Manchester
Hargreaves, George J., Hulme, Manchester
Harland, John, Manchester
Harrison, William, Brearey, Isle of Man
Harter, James Collier, Broughton Hall, near Manchester
Harter, William, Hope Hall, near Manchester
Hately, Isaiah, Manchester
Hatton, James, Richmond House, near Manchester
Hawkins, Edward, F.R.S., F.S.A., F.L.S., British Museum, London
Heelis, Stephen, Manchester
Henshaw, William, Manchester
Herbert, Hon. and Very Rev. Wm., Dean of Manchester
Heron, Rev. George, M.A., Carrington, Cheshire
Heywood, Sir Benjamin, Bart., Claremont, near Manchester
Heywood, James, F.R.S., F.G.S., Acresfield, near Manchester
Heywood, John Pemberton, near Liverpool
Heywood, Thomas, F.S.A., Hope End, Ledbury, Herefordshire
Heywood, Thomas, Pendleton, near Manchester
Heyworth, Lawrence, Oakwood, near Stockport
Hibbert, Mrs., Salford
Hickson, Charles, Manchester
Hinde, Rev. Thomas, M.A., Winwick, Warrington
Hoare, G.M., The Lodge, Morden, Surrey
Hoare, P.R., Kelsey Park, Beckenham, Kent
Holden, Thomas, Summerfield, Bolton
Holden, Thomas, Rochdale
Holme, Edward, M.D., Manchester
Hughes, William, Old Trafford, near Manchester
Hulme, Davenport, M.D., Manchester
Hulme, Hamlet, Medlock Vale, Manchester
Hulton, Rev. A.H., M.A., Ashton-under-Lyne
Hulton, Rev. C.G., M.A., Chetham College, Manchester
Hulton, H.T., Manchester
Hulton, W.A., Preston
Hunter, Rev. Joseph, F.S.A., London
Jackson, H.B., Manchester
Jackson, Joseph, Ardwick, near Manchester
Jacson, Charles R., Barton Lodge, Preston
James, Rev. J.G., M.A., Habergham Eaves, near Burnley
James, Paul Moon, Summerville, near Manchester
Jemmett, William Thomas, Manchester
Johnson, W.R., Manchester
Johnson, Rev. W.W., M.A., Manchester
Jones, Jos., Jun., Hathershaw, Oldham
Jones, W., Manchester
Jordan, Joseph, Manchester
Kay, James, Turton Tower, Bolton
Kay, Samuel, Manchester
Kelsall, Strettle, Manchester
Kendrick, James, M.D., F.L.S., Warrington
Kennedy, John, Ardwick House, near Manchester
Ker, George Portland, Salford
Kershaw, James, Green Heys, near Manchester
Kidd, Rev. W.J., M.A., Didsbury, near Manchester
Langton, William, Manchester
Larden, Rev. G.E., M.A., Brotherton Vicarage, Yorkshire
Leeming, W.B., Salford
Legh, G. Cornwall, M.P., F.G.S., High Legh, Cheshire
Legh, Rev. Peter, M.A., Newton in Makerfield
Leigh, Rev. Edward Trafford, M.A., Cheadle, Cheshire
Leigh, Henry, Moorfield Cottage, Worsley
Leresche, J.H., Manchester
Lloyd, William Horton, F.S.A., L.S., Park-square, London
Lloyd, Edward Jeremiah, Oldfield House, Altringham
Lomas, Edward, Manchester
Lomax, Robert, Harwood, near Bolton
Love, Benjamin, Manchester
Lowndes, William, Egremont, Liverpool
Loyd, Edward, Green Hill, Manchester
Lycett, W.E., Manchester
Lyon, Edmund, M.D., Manchester
Lyon, Thomas, Appleton Hall, Warrington
McClure, William, Peel Cottage, Eccles
McFarlane, John, Manchester
McKenzie, John Whitefoord, Edinburgh
McVicar, John, Manchester
Mann, Robert, Manchester
Marc, E.R. Le, School Lodge, Cheshire
Markland, J.H., F.R.S., F.S.A., Bath
Markland, Thomas, Mab Field, near Manchester
Marsden, G.E., Manchester
Marsden, William, Manchester
Marsh, John Fitchett, Warrington
Marshall, Miss, Ardwick, near Manchester
Marshall, William, Penwortham Hall, Preston
Marshall, Frederick Earnshaw, Ditto
Marshall, John, Ditto
Mason, Thomas, Copt Hewick, near Ripon
Master, Rev. Robert M., M.A., Burnley
Maude, Daniel, M.A., Salford
Millar, Thomas, Green Heys, near Manchester
Molyneux, Edward, Chetham Hill, Manchester
Monk, John, Manchester
Moore, John, F.L.S., Cornbrook, near Manchester
Mosley, Sir Oswald, Bart., Rolleston Hall, Staffordshire
Murray, James, Manchester
Nield, William, Mayfield, Manchester
Nelson, George, Manchester
Neville, James, Beardwood, near Blackburn
Newall, Mrs. Robert, Littleborough, near Rochdale
Newall, W.N., Wellington Lodge, Littleborough
Newbery, Henry, Manchester
Nicholson, William, Thelwall Hall, Warrington
Norris, Edward, Manchester
Norwich, The Bishop of
Ormerod, George, D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.G.S., Sedbury Park, Gloucestershire
Ormerod, George Wareing, M.A., F.G.S., Manchester
Ormerod, Henry Mere, Manchester
Owen, John, Manchester
Parkinson, Rev. Richard, B.D., Canon of Manchester
Patten, J. Wilson, M.P., Bank Hall, Warrington
Pedley, Rev. J.T., M.A., Peakirk-cum-Glinton, Market Deeping
Peel, Sir Robert, Bart., M.P., Drayton Manor
Peel, George, Brookfield, Cheadle
Peel, Joseph, Singleton Brook, near Manchester
Peet, Thomas, Manchester
Pegge, John, Newton Heath, near Manchester
Percival, Stanley, Liverpool
Philips, Mark, M.P., The Park, Manchester
Philippi, Frederick Theod., Belfield Hall, near Rochdale
Phillips, Shakspeare, Barlow Hall, near Manchester
Phillipps, Sir Thomas, Bart., Middle Hill, Worcestershire
Piccope, Rev. John, M.A., Farndon, Cheshire
Pickford, Thomas, Mayfield, Manchester
Pickford, Thomas E., Manchester
Pierpoint, Benjamin, Warrington
Pilkington, George, Manchester
Pilling, Charles R., Caius College, Cambridge
Plant, George, Manchester
Pooley, Edward, Manchester
Pooley, John, Hulme, near Manchester
Porrett, Robert, Tower, London
Prescott, J.C., Summerville, near Manchester
Price, John Thomas, Manchester
Radford, Thomas, M.D., Higher Broughton, near Manchester
Raffles, Rev. Thomas, D.D., LL.D., Liverpool
Raikes, Rev. Henry, M.A., Hon. Can., and Chancellor of Chester
Raines, Rev. F.R., M.A., F.S.A., Milnrow Parsonage, Rochdale
Reiss, Leopold, High Field, near Manchester
Rickards, Charles H., Manchester
Ridgway, Mrs., Ridgemont, near Bolton
Ridgway, John Withenshaw, Manchester
Robson, John, Warrington
Roberts, W.J., Liverpool
Roby, John, M.R.S.L., Rochdale
Royds, Albert Hudson, Rochdale
Samuels, John, Manchester
Sattersfield, Joshua, Manchester
Scholes, Thomas Seddon, High Bank, near Manchester
Schuster, Leo, Weaste, near Manchester
Sharp, John, Lancaster
Sharp, Robert C., Bramall Hall, Cheshire
Sharp, Thomas B., Manchester
Sharp, William, Lancaster
Sharp, William, London
Simms, Charles S., Manchester
Simms, George, Manchester
Skaife, John, Blackburn
Skelmersdale, The Lord, Lathom House
Smith, Rev. Jeremiah, D.D., Leamington
Smith, Junius, Strangeways Hall, Manchester
Smith, J.R., Old Compton-street, London
Sowler, R.S., Manchester
Sowler, Thomas, Manchester
Spear, John, Manchester
Standish, W.J., Duxbury Hall, Chorley
Stanley, The Lord, Knowsley
Sudlow, John, Jun., Manchester
Swain, Charles, M.R.S.L., Cheetwood Priory, near Manchester
Swanwick, Josh. W., Hollins Vale, Bury, Lancashire
Tabley, The Lord De, Tabley, Cheshire
Tattershall, Rev. Thomas, D.D., Liverpool
Tatton, Thos., Withenshaw, Cheshire
Tayler, Rev. John James, B.A., Manchester
Taylor, Thomas Frederick, Wigan
Teale, Josh., Salford
Thomson, James, Manchester
Thorley, George, Manchester
Thorpe, Robert, Manchester
Tobin, Rev. John, M.A., Liscard, Cheshire
Townend, John, Polygon, Manchester
Townend, Thomas, Polygon, Manchester
Turnbull, W.B., D.D., Edinburgh
Turner, Samuel, F.R.S, F.S.A., F.G.S., Liverpool
Turner, Thomas, Manchester
Vitrè, Edward Denis De, M.D., Lancaster
Walker, John, Weaste, near Manchester
Walker, Samuel, Prospect Hill, Pendleton
Wanklyn, J.B., Salford
Wanklyn, James H., Crumpsall House, near Manchester
Warburton, R.E.E., Arley Hall, near Northwich
Ware, Samuel Hibbert, M.D., F.R.S.E., Edinburgh
Wareing, Ralph, Manchester
Westhead, Joshua P., Manchester
Whitehead, James, Manchester
Whitelegg, Rev. William, M.A., Hulme, near Manchester
Whitmore, Edward, Jun., Manchester
Whitmore, Henry, Manchester
Wilson, William James, Manchester
Wilton, The Earl of, Heaton House
Winter, Gilbert, Stocks, near Manchester
Worthington, Edward, Manchester
Wray, Rev. Cecil Daniel, M.A., Canon of Manchester
Wright, Rev. Henry, M.A., Mottram, St. Andrew's, near Macclesfield
Wroe, Thomas, Manchester
Yates, Joseph B., West Dingle, Liverpool
Yates, Richard, Manchester
WORKS PUBLISHED BY THE CHETHAM SOCIETY FOR THE YEAR 1843.
Brereton's Travels.
Brereton's Adventures.
The Lancashire Civil War Tracts.
The Lancashire Civil War Pamphlets.
Chester's Triumph in Honor of her Prince.
Chester's Triumph in Honor of Her Prince.
WORKS IN THE PRESS.
Pott's Discovery of Witches in the County of Lancaster, from the edition of 1613.
Pott's Discovery of Witches in the County of Lancaster, from the edition of 1613.
The Life of the Rev. Adam Martindale, Vicar of Rostherne, in Cheshire, from the MS. in the British Museum. (4239 Ascough's Catalogue.)
The Life of the Rev. Adam Martindale, Vicar of Rostherne, in Cheshire, from the MS. in the British Museum. (4239 Ascough's Catalogue.)
Dee's Compendious Rehearsal, and other Autobiographical Tracts, not included in the recent Publication of the Camden Society edited by Mr. Halliwell, with his Collected correspondence.
Dee's Compendious Rehearsal and other Autobiographical Works not included in the recent publication by the Camden Society edited by Mr. Halliwell, along with his collected correspondence.
Iter Lancastrense, by Dr. Richard James; an English Poem, written in 1636, containing a Metrical Account of some of the Principal Families and Mansions in Lancashire; from the unpublished MS. in the Bodleian Library, Oxford.
Iter Lancastrense, by Dr. Richard James; an English poem, written in 1636, featuring a metrical overview of some of the main families and mansions in Lancashire; from the unpublished manuscript in the Bodleian Library, Oxford.
WORKS SUGGESTED FOR PUBLICATION.
Selections from the Unpublished Correspondence of the Rev. John Whittaker, Author of the History of Manchester, and other Works.
Selections from the Unpublished Correspondence of Rev. John Whittaker, Author of the History of Manchester and Other Works.
More's (George) Discourse concerning the Possession and Dispossession of Seven Persons in one Family in Lancashire, from a Manuscript formerly belonging to Thoresby, and which gives a much fuller Account of that Transaction than the Printed Tract of 1600; with a Bibliographical and Critical Review of the Tracts in the Darrel Controversy.
More's (George) Discourse about the Possession and Dispossession of Seven People in one Family in Lancashire, from a Manuscript that once belonged to Thoresby, which provides a much more detailed account of that incident than the Printed Tract of 1600; along with a Bibliographical and Critical Review of the Tracts in the Darrel Controversy.
A Selection of the most Curious Papers and Tracts relating to the Pretender's Stay in Manchester in 1745, in Print and Manuscript.
A Collection of the most Interesting Papers and Tracts about the Pretender's Time in Manchester in 1745, in Print and Manuscript.
Proceedings of the Presbyterian Classis of Manchester and the Neighbourhood, from 1646 to 1660, from an Unpublished Manuscript.
Proceedings of the Presbyterian Classis of Manchester and the Neighbourhood, from 1646 to 1660, from an Unpublished Manuscript.
Catalogue of the Alchemical Library of John Webster, of Clitheroe, from a Manuscript in the Rev. T. Corser's possession; with a fuller Life of him, and List of his Works, than has yet appeared.
Catalogue of the Alchemical Library of John Webster, of Clitheroe, from a manuscript in the Rev. T. Corser's possession; with a more detailed biography of him and a list of his works than has been published before.
Correspondence between Samuel Hartlib (the Friend of Milton), and Dr. Worthington, of Jesus College, Cambridge (a native of Manchester), from 1655 to 1661, on various Literary Subjects.
Correspondence between Samuel Hartlib (Milton's friend) and Dr. Worthington of Jesus College, Cambridge (who was from Manchester), from 1655 to 1661, about various literary topics.
"Antiquities concerning Cheshire," by Randall Minshull, written A.D. 1591, from a MS. in the Gough Collection.
"Antiquities concerning Cheshire," by Randall Minshull, written A.D. 1591, from a MS. in the Gough Collection.
Register of the Lancaster Priory, from a MS. (No. 3764) in the Harleian Collection.
Register of the Lancaster Priory, from a manuscript (No. 3764) in the Harleian Collection.
Selections from the Visitations of Lancashire in 1533, 1567, and 1613, in the Herald's College, British Museum, Bodleian, and Caius College Libraries.
Selections from the Visitations of Lancashire in 1533, 1567, and 1613, in the Herald's College, British Museum, Bodleian, and Caius College Libraries.
Selections from Dodsworth's MSS. in the Bodleian Library, Randal Holmes's Collections for Lancashire and Cheshire (MSS. Harleian), and Warburton's Collections for Cheshire (MSS. Lansdown).
Selections from Dodsworth's manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, Randal Holmes's collections for Lancashire and Cheshire (MSS. Harleian), and Warburton's collections for Cheshire (MSS. Lansdown).
Annales Cestrienses, or Chronicle of St. Werburgh, from the MS. in the British Museum.
Annales Cestrienses, or Chronicle of St. Werburgh, from the manuscript in the British Museum.
A Reprint of Henry Bradshaw's Life and History of St. Werburgh, from the very rare 4to of 1521, printed by Pynson.
A Reprint of Henry Bradshaw's Life and History of St. Werburgh, from the very rare 4to of 1521, printed by Pynson.
The Letters and Correspondence of Sir William Brereton, from the original MSS., in 5 vols. folio, in the British Museum.
The Letters and Correspondence of Sir William Brereton, from the original manuscripts, in 5 volumes, folio size, in the British Museum.
A Poem, by Laurence Bostock, on the subject of the Saxon and Norman Earls of Chester.
A Poem, by Laurence Bostock, about the Saxon and Norman Earls of Chester.
Bishop Gastrell's Notitia Cestriensis, on the subject of the Ecclesiastical Antiquities of the Diocese of Chester, from the original MS.
Bishop Gastrell's Notitia Cestriensis, about the Ecclesiastical Antiquities of the Diocese of Chester, from the original manuscript.
History of the Earldom of Chester, collected by Archbishop Parker, entitled De Successione Comitum Cestriæ a Hugone Lupo ad Johannem Scoticum, from the original MS. in Ben'et College Library, Cambridge.
History of the Earldom of Chester, compiled by Archbishop Parker, titled De Successione Comitum Cestriæ a Hugone Lupo ad Johannem Scoticum, from the original manuscript in Ben'et College Library, Cambridge.
Volume of Funeral Certificates of Lancashire and Cheshire.
Volume of Funeral Certificates of Lancashire and Cheshire.
Volume of Early Lancashire and Cheshire Wills.
Volume of Early Lancashire and Cheshire Wills.
A Selection of Papers relating to the Rebellion of 1715, including Clarke's Journal of the March of the Rebels from Carlisle to Preston.
A Collection of Papers about the 1715 Rebellion, including Clarke's Journal of the Rebels' March from Carlisle to Preston.
A Memoir of the Chetham Family, from original documents.
A Memoir of the Chetham Family, based on original documents.
The Diary of the Rev. Henry Newcome, M.A., from the original MS. in the possession of his descendant, the Rev. Thomas Newcome, M.A., Rector of Shenley, Herts.
The Diary of Rev. Henry Newcome, M.A., from the original manuscript in the possession of his descendant, Rev. Thomas Newcome, M.A., Rector of Shenley, Herts.
Lucianus Monacus de laude Cestrie, a Latin MS. of the 13th century, descriptive of the walls, gates, &c., of the City of Chester, formerly belonging to Thomas Allen, DD., and now in the Bodleian Library, Oxford.
Lucianus Monacus de laude Cestrie, a 13th-century Latin manuscript, describing the walls, gates, etc., of the City of Chester, previously owned by Thomas Allen, DD., and now in the Bodleian Library, Oxford.
Richard Robinson's Golden Mirrour, Bk. lett. 4to. Lond., 1580. Containing Poems on the Etymology of the names of several Cheshire Families; from the exceedingly rare copy formerly in the collection of Richard Heber, Esq., (see Cat. pt. iv. 2413,) and now in the British Museum.
Richard Robinson's Golden Mirrour, Bk. lett. 4to. Lond., 1580. Containing Poems on the Etymology of the names of several Cheshire Families; from the extremely rare copy that was once in the collection of Richard Heber, Esq., (see Cat. pt. iv. 2413,) and is now in the British Museum.
A volume of the early Ballad Poetry of Lancashire.
A book of the early Ballad Poetry from Lancashire.
The Coucher Book of Whalley Abbey.
The Coucher Book of Whalley Abbey.
FOOTNOTES
[1] Take, as an instance, the children of Mr. Throgmorton, of Warbois, for bewitching whom, Mother Samuels, her husband, and daughter, suffered in 1593. No veteran professors "in the art of ingeniously tormenting" could have administered the question with more consummate skill than these little incarnate fiends, till the poor old woman was actually induced, from their confident asseverations and plausible counterfeiting, to believe at last that she had been a witch all her life without knowing it. She made a confession, following the story which they had prompted, on their assurances that it was the only means to restore them, and then was hanged upon that confession, to which she adhered on the scaffold. Few tracts present a more vivid picture of manners than that in which the account of this case of witchcraft is contained. It is perhaps the rarest of the English tracts relating to witchcraft, and is entitled "The most strange and admirable Discoverie of the three Witches of Warboys, arraigned, convicted, and executed at the last Assizes at Huntingdon, for the bewitching of the five daughters of Robert Throckmorton, Esquire, and divers other persons with sundrie Devilish and grievous torments. And also for the bewitching to Death of the Lady Crumwell, the like hath not been heard of in this age. London, Printed by the Widdowe Orwin for Thomas Man and John Winnington, and are to be sold in Paternoster Rowe at the Signe of the Talbot." 1593, 4to. My copy was Brand's, and formed Lot 8224 in his Sale Catalogue.
[1] Consider the children of Mr. Throgmorton from Warbois; in 1593, Mother Samuels, her husband, and daughter were tormented by them. No experienced experts "in the art of cleverly tormenting" could have posed the question with more skill than these little demons, until the poor old woman was made to truly believe, through their confident claims and convincing acting, that she had been a witch her whole life without realizing it. She confessed, following the narrative they encouraged, believing it was the only way to help them, and was then hanged based on that confession, which she maintained on the scaffold. Few pamphlets give a clearer picture of social customs than the one that details this witchcraft case. It's possibly the rarest English pamphlet related to witchcraft, titled "The most strange and admirable Discoverie of the three Witches of Warboys, arraigned, convicted, and executed at the last Assizes at Huntingdon, for the bewitching of the five daughters of Robert Throckmorton, Esquire, and several other individuals with various devilish and severe torments. And also for the bewitching to Death of the Lady Crumwell; such a thing hasn’t been heard of in this age. London, Printed by the Widdowe Orwin for Thomas Man and John Winnington, and are to be sold in Paternoster Rowe at the Signe of the Talbot." 1593, 4to. My copy was Brand's and was listed as Lot 8224 in his Sale Catalogue.
[2] Lord Bacon thinks (see his Sylva Sylvarum) that soporiferous medicines "are likeliest" for this purpose, such as henbane, hemlock, mandrake, moonshade, tobacco, opium, saffron, poplar leaves, &c.
[2] Lord Bacon believes (see his Sylva Sylvarum) that sedative medicines "are the most likely" for this purpose, like henbane, hemlock, mandrake, moonshade, tobacco, opium, saffron, poplar leaves, etc.
[4] See his Table Talk, section "Witches."
[5] Sir Thomas Browne's evidence at the trial of Amy Duny and Rose Cullender at Bury St. Edmunds in 1664, is too well known to need an extract from the frequently reprinted report of the case. To adopt the words of an able writer, (Retros. Review, vol. v. p. 118,) "this trial is the only place in which we ever meet with the name of Sir Thomas Browne without pleasurable associations."
[5] Sir Thomas Browne's testimony at the trial of Amy Duny and Rose Cullender in Bury St. Edmunds in 1664 is too well known to require a quote from the often-reprinted report of the case. To use the words of a skilled writer, (Retros. Review, vol. v. p. 118), "this trial is the only instance we encounter the name of Sir Thomas Browne without positive associations."
[6] Those who wish to have presented to them a faithful likeness of Sir Matthew Hale must not consult Burnet or Baxter, for that great judge, like Sir Epicure Mammon, sought "for his meet flatterers the gravest of divines," but will not fail to find it in the pages of Roger North, who has depicted his character with a strength and accuracy of outline which no Vandyck or Lely of biography ever surpassed. Would that we could exchange some of those "faultless monsters" with which that fascinating department of literature too much abounds, for a few more such instantly recognised specimens of true but erring and unequal humanity, which are as rare as they are precious. In the unabridged life of Lord Guildford by Roger North, which, with his own most interesting and yet unpublished autobiography, are in my possession in his autograph, are found some additional touches which confirm the general accuracy of the portrait he has sketched of Hale in the work which has been printed. (Vide North's Life of Lord Guildford, by Roscoe, vol. i. p. 119.)
[6] If you want a true likeness of Sir Matthew Hale, don’t turn to Burnet or Baxter. This great judge, like Sir Epicure Mammon, sought "the gravest of divines" as his most fitting flatterers, but you'll find a true representation in the writings of Roger North. He depicts Hale's character with a clarity and precision that no biography has ever matched. I wish we could trade some of those "faultless monsters" that fill this intriguing genre of literature for more examples of genuine but flawed and uneven humanity, which are both rare and valuable. In the complete life of Lord Guildford by Roger North, which includes his own fascinating and yet unpublished autobiography, I have in my possession his autograph, and there are additional details that reinforce the overall accuracy of the portrait he has drawn of Hale in the published work. (See North's Life of Lord Guildford, by Roscoe, vol. i. p. 119.)
[9] There is no name in this catalogue that excites more poignant regret than that of Dr. Henry More. So exalted was his character, so serene and admirable his temper, so full of harmony his whole intellectual constitution, that, irradiated at once by all the lights of religion and philosophy, and with clearer glimpses of the land of vision and the glories behind the veil than perhaps uninspired mortality ever partook of before, he seems to have reached as near to the full standard of perfection as it is possible for frail and feeble humanity to attain. Dr. Outram said that he looked upon Dr. More as the holiest person upon the face of the earth; and the sceptical Hobbes, who never dealt in compliment, observed, "That if his own philosophy were not true, he knew of none that he should sooner like than More's of Cambridge." His biographer, Ward, concludes his life in the following glowing terms:—"Thus lived and died the eminent Dr. More: thus set this bright and illustrious star, vanishing by degrees out of our sight after, to the surprise and admiration of many, (like that which was observed in Cassiopeia's chair,) it had illuminated, as it were, both worlds so long at once." At the lapse of many years I have not forgotten the impassioned fondness with which the late and most lamented Robert Southey dwelt upon the memory of the Cambridge Plato, or the delight with which he greeted some works of his favourite author which I was fortunate enough to point out to him, with which he had not been previously acquainted. The sad reverse of the picture will be seen by those who consult the folio of More's philosophical works and Glanville's Sadducismus Triumphatus, the greatest part of which is derived from More's Collections. His hallucinations on the subject of witchcraft, from which none of the English writers of the Platonic school were exempt, are the more extraordinary, as a sister error, judicial astrology, met in More with its most able oppugner. His tract, which has excited much less attention than its merit deserves, (I have not been able to trace a single quotation from it in any author during the last century,) is entitled "Tetractys Anti-astrologica, or a Confutation of Astrology." Lond. 1681, 4to. I may mention while on the subject of More, that the second and most valuable part of the memoir of him by Ward, his devoted admirer and pupil, which was never printed, is in my possession, in manuscript.
[9] There's no name in this catalogue that brings more deep regret than Dr. Henry More. His character was so exceptional, his demeanor so calm and admirable, and his entire intellectual makeup so harmonious, that, illuminated by both religion and philosophy, and with clearer insights into the world beyond and the glories hidden from view than perhaps any uninspired mortal has ever experienced, he seems to have approached the highest standard of perfection that fragile and weak humanity can reach. Dr. Outram regarded Dr. More as the holiest person alive, and the skeptical Hobbes, who was known for his frankness, remarked, "If my own philosophy isn't true, I don't know any other I would prefer to believe than More's from Cambridge." His biographer, Ward, concludes his life in these glowing words:—"Thus lived and died the remarkable Dr. More: thus this brilliant and illustrious star set, gradually disappearing from our view, after, to the surprise and admiration of many, (like that seen in Cassiopeia's chair,) it had illuminated, in a sense, both worlds for so long." Even after many years, I still remember the passionate fondness with which the late and greatly missed Robert Southey reflected on the memory of the Cambridge Plato, or the joy with which he received some works by his favorite author that I was lucky enough to point out to him, ones he hadn’t known about before. The sad contrast will be evident to those who look at the folio of More's philosophical works and Glanville's Sadducismus Triumphatus, most of which is taken from More's Collections. His delusions regarding witchcraft, from which none of the English writers in the Platonic school were free, are particularly remarkable, especially since he encountered the strongest opponent of the related error, judicial astrology. His tract, which has received far less attention than it merits (I haven't found a single quotation from it in any work during the last century), is titled "Tetractys Anti-astrologica, or a Confutation of Astrology." Lond. 1681, 4to. While discussing More, I should mention that the second and most valuable part of the memoir about him by Ward, his devoted admirer and pupil, which was never published, is in my possession in manuscript form.
[11] I have always considered the conclusion of Bodin's book, De Republica, the accumulative grandeur of which is even heightened in Knolles's admirable English translation, as the finest peroration to be found in any work on government. Those who are fortunate enough to possess a copy of his interdicted Examination of Religions, the title of which is, "Colloquium heptaplomeres de abditis sublimium rerum arcanis, libris 6 digestum," which was never printed, and of which very few MSS. copies are in existence, are well aware how little he felt himself shackled in the spirit of examination which he carried into the most sacred subjects by any respect for popular notions or received systems or great authorities. My MS. copy of this extraordinary work, which came from Heber's Collection, is contained in two rather thick folio volumes.
[11] I have always thought that the conclusion of Bodin's book, De Republica, which is even more impressive in Knolles's amazing English translation, is the best closing statement in any book about government. Those who are lucky enough to have a copy of his banned Examination of Religions, whose title is "Colloquium heptaplomeres de abditis sublimium rerum arcanis, libris 6 digestum," which was never published and exists in very few manuscript copies, know how little he felt constrained by popular beliefs, established systems, or major authorities when he examined the most sacred subjects. My manuscript copy of this remarkable work, which is from Heber's Collection, is in two rather thick folio volumes.
[12] Few authors are better deserving of an extended biography, a desideratum which, in an age characterised by its want of literary research, is not likely to be soon supplied, than Thomas Erastus, whose theological, philosophical, and medical celebrity entitle him to rank with the greatest men of his century. At present we have to collect all that is known of his life from various scattered and contradictory sources. John Webster, in his Displaying of Supposed Witchcraft, contrary to the usual candour and fairness of his judgments, speaks slightingly of Erastus. There was, however, a sufficient reason for this. Erastus had shown up the empiricism of Webster's idol Paracelsus, and was in great disfavour with the writers of the Anti-Galenic school.
[12] Few authors deserve a thorough biography more than Thomas Erastus. Unfortunately, in a time lacking in literary research, it's unlikely we'll see one anytime soon. His contributions to theology, philosophy, and medicine qualify him to be regarded among the greatest figures of his century. Currently, we must piece together what we know about his life from various scattered and conflicting sources. John Webster, in his Displaying of Supposed Witchcraft, unfairly criticizes Erastus despite usually being fair in his judgments. This bias was likely due to Erastus exposing the flawed ideas of Webster's idol, Paracelsus, which made him very unpopular among writers from the Anti-Galenic school.
[13] I cannot concur with Mr. Hallam in the extremely low estimate he forms of the literary merit of Bodin's Demomanie, which he does not seem to have examined with the care and impartiality which he seldom is deficient in. Like all Bodin's works, it has a spirit peculiarly his own, and is, in my opinion, one of the most entertaining books to be found in the circle of Demonology.
[13] I can't agree with Mr. Hallam's very low opinion of the literary quality of Bodin's Demomanie, which he doesn't seem to have looked at with the usual care and fairness he typically shows. Like all of Bodin's works, it has a distinct spirit of its own and, in my view, is one of the most enjoyable books you'll find in the realm of Demonology.
[14] Reginald Scot.
[15] Sir R. Filmer.
[16] John Wagstaffe.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ John Wagstaffe.
[17] John Webster.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ John Webster.
[18] In the epistle to his kinsman Sir Thomas Scot, prefixed to his Discoverie, he observes:—
[18] In the letter to his relative Sir Thomas Scot, which is included in his Discoverie, he notes:—
"I see among other malefactors manie poore old women conuented before you for working of miracles, other wise called witchcraft, and therefore I thought you also a meet person to whom I might commend my booke."—And he then proceeds, in the following spirited and gallant strain, to run his course against the Dagon of popular superstition:—
"I see among other wrongdoers many poor old women brought before you for performing miracles, also known as witchcraft, and so I thought you would be a suitable person to whom I might recommend my book."—And he then goes on, in the following spirited and bold manner, to challenge the falsehood of popular superstition:—
"I therefore (at this time) doo onelie desire you to consider of my report, concerning the euidence that is commonlie brought before you against them. See first whether the euidence be not friuolous, & whether the proofs brought against them be not incredible, consisting of ghesses, presumptions, & impossibilities contrarie to reason, scripture, and nature. See also what persons complaine vpon them, whether they be not of the basest, the vnwisest, & most faithles kind of people. Also may it please you to waie what accusations and crimes they laie to their charge, namelie: She was at my house of late, she would haue had a pot of milke, she departed in a chafe bicause she had it not, she railed, she curssed, she mumbled and whispered, and finallie she said she would be euen with me: and soone after my child, my cow, my sow, or my pullet died, or was strangelie taken. Naie (if it please your Worship) I haue further proofe: I was with a wise woman, and she told me I had an ill neighbour, & that she would come to my house yer it were long, and so did she; and that she had a marke aboue hir waste, & so had she: and God forgiue me, my stomach hath gone against hir a great while. Hir mother before hir was counted a witch, she hath beene beaten and scratched by the face till bloud was drawne vpon hir, bicause she hath beene suspected, & afterwards some of those persons were said to amend. These are the certeinties that I heare in their euidences.
I therefore only want you to consider my report about the evidence that is usually presented against them. First, check if the evidence is not trivial, and whether the proofs against them are credible, made up of guesses, assumptions, and impossibilities that go against reason, scripture, and nature. Also, please consider who is complaining about them, and whether they are among the lowest, least wise, and most untrustworthy people. Additionally, think about the accusations and crimes they are charged with, namely: She was at my house recently, she wanted a pot of milk, she left in a huff because she didn’t get it, she insulted me, she cursed, she mumbled and whispered, and finally, she said she would get back at me; and shortly after, my child, my cow, my pig, or my chick died or was strangely taken. Furthermore, if it pleases you, I have more evidence: I was with a wise woman, and she told me I had a bad neighbor, and that she would come to my house before long, and she did; and that she had a mark above her waist, and so did she: and God forgive me, I've had a bad feeling about her for a long time. Her mother before her was considered a witch; she has been beaten and scratched on her face until blood was drawn because she has been suspected, and later some of those people were said to have recovered. These are the certainties I hear in their evidence.
"Note also how easilie they may be brought to confesse that which they neuer did, nor lieth in the power of man to doo: and then see whether I haue cause to write as I doo. Further, if you shall see that infidelitie, poperie, and manie other manifest heresies be backed and shouldered, and their professors animated and hartened, by yeelding to creatures such infinit power as is wrested out of Gods hand, and attributed to witches: finallie, if you shall perceiue that I haue faithfullie and trulie deliuered and set downe the condition and state of the witch, and also of the witchmonger, and haue confuted by reason and lawe, and by the word of God it selfe, all mine aduersaries obiections and arguments: then let me haue your countenance against them that maliciouslie oppose themselues against me.
Note how easily they can be made to confess things they never did, and which no one can actually do: and then see if I have a reason to write as I do. Furthermore, if you notice that unbelief, the Catholic Church, and many other clear heresies are supported and backed, and their followers encouraged and empowered, by attributing to beings such unlimited power that it is taken from God and given to witches: finally, if you can see that I have faithfully and accurately presented the condition and situation of the witch, as well as that of the witch-hunter, and have refuted all my opponents’ objections and arguments by reason, law, and by the word of God itself: then please support me against those who maliciously oppose me.
"My greatest aduersaries are yoong ignorance and old custome. For what follie soeuer tract of time hath fostered, it is so superstitiouslie pursued of some, as though no error could be acquainted with custome. But if the lawe of nations would ioine with such custome, to the maintenance of ignorance, and to the suppressing of knowledge; the ciuilest countrie in the world would soone become barbarous, &c. For as knowledge and time discouereth errors, so dooth superstition and ignorance in time breed them."
"My biggest enemies are youthful ignorance and outdated traditions. For whatever foolishness time has nurtured, some pursue it superstitiously, as if no error could be tied to tradition. But if the laws of nations were to support such traditions, leading to the maintenance of ignorance and the suppression of knowledge, the most civilized country in the world would quickly become barbaric, etc. For just as knowledge and time reveal errors, superstition and ignorance eventually create them."
The passage which I next quote, is a further specimen of the impressive and even eloquent earnestness with which he pleads his cause:—
The passage I’m about to quote is another example of the powerful and even eloquent sincerity with which he argues his case:—
"In the meane time, I would wish them to know that if neither the estimation of Gods omnipotencie, nor the tenor of his word, nor the doubtfulnes or rather the impossibilitie of the case, nor the small proofes brought against them, nor the rigor executed vpon them, nor the pitie that should be in a christian heart, nor yet their simplicitie, impotencie, or age may suffice to suppresse the rage or rigor wherewith they are oppressed; yet the consideration of their sex or kind ought to mooue some mitigation of their punishment. For if nature (as Plinie reporteth) haue taught a lion not to deale so roughlie with a woman as with a man, bicause she is in bodie the weaker vessell, and in hart more inclined to pitie (which Ieremie in his lamentations seemeth to confirme) what should a man doo in this case, for whome a woman was created as an helpe and comfort vnto him? In so much as, euen in the lawe of nature, it is a greater offense to slea a woman than a man: not bicause a man is not the more excellent creature, but bicause a woman is the weaker vessell. And therefore among all modest and honest persons it is thought a shame to offer violence or iniurie to a woman: in which respect Virgil saith, Nullum memorabile nomen fœminea in pœna est.
"In the meantime, I wish for them to understand that if neither the acknowledgment of God's power, the message of His word, the uncertainty or rather the impossibility of the situation, the minimal evidence against them, the severity shown towards them, the compassion that should reside in a Christian heart, nor their innocence, helplessness, or age can manage to curb the fury or harshness they face; then the fact that they are women should prompt some leniency in their punishment. Because if nature (as Pliny reports) has taught a lion not to treat a woman as roughly as a man, since she is physically the weaker vessel and more prone to compassion (which Jeremiah seems to confirm in his laments), what should a man do in this situation, for whom a woman was created to be a help and comfort? So much so that, even under the law of nature, it is considered a greater offense to kill a woman than a man: not because a man is not a more excellent being, but because a woman is the weaker vessel. Therefore, among all decent and honorable people, it is seen as shameful to inflict violence or harm on a woman; in this regard, Virgil says, Nullum memorabile nomen fœminea in pœna est."
"God that knoweth my heart is witnes, and you that read my booke shall see, that my drift and purpose in this enterprise tendeth onelie to these respects. First, that the glorie and power of God be not so abridged and abased, as to be thrust into the hand or lip of a lewd old woman: whereby the worke of the Creator should be attributed to the power of a creature. Secondlie, that the religion of the gospell may be seene to stand without such peeuish trumperie. Thirdlie, that lawfull fauour and christian compassion be rather vsed towards these poore soules, than rigor and extremitie. Bicause they, which are commonlie accused of witchcraft, are the least sufficient of all other persons to speake for themselues; as hauing the most base and simple education of all others; the extremitie of their age giuing them leaue to dote, their pouertie to beg, their wrongs to chide and threaten (as being void of anie other waie of reuenge) their humor melancholicall to be full of imaginations, from whence cheefelie proceedeth the vanitie of their confessions; as that they can transforme themselues and others into apes, owles, asses, dogs, cats, &c: that they can flie in the aire, kill children with charmes, hinder the comming of butter, &c.
"God, who knows my heart, is my witness, and you who read my book will see that my intent and purpose in this endeavor are solely focused on these points. First, that the glory and power of God not be diminished or disrespected by being placed in the hands or words of a wicked old woman; this would mean attributing the work of the Creator to the power of a creature. Second, that the religion of the gospel may be seen as standing strong without such foolish nonsense. Third, that lawful favor and Christian compassion be extended to these poor souls, rather than rigidity and harshness. Because those commonly accused of witchcraft are the least able to speak for themselves; they often have the lowest and simplest education, their old age may cause them to become addled, their poverty leads them to beg, their wrongs make them prone to complaints and threats (as they have no other way to seek revenge), and their melancholic temperament fills their minds with imaginations, from which their confessions' absurdities mainly arise, claiming they can transform themselves and others into apes, owls, asses, dogs, cats, etc.; that they can fly in the air, harm children with charms, prevent butter from forming, etc."
"And for so much as the mightie helpe themselues together, and the poore widowes crie, though it reach to heauen, is scarse heard here vpon earth: I thought good (according to my poore abilitie) to make intercession, that some part of common rigor, and some points of hastie iudgement may be aduised vpon. For the world is now at that stay (as Brentius in a most godlie sermon in these words affirmeth) that euen as when the heathen persecuted the christians, if anie were accused to beleeue in Christ, the common people cried Ad leonem: so now, if anie woman, be she neuer so honest, be accused of witchcraft, they crie Ad ignem."
"And since the powerful often join forces while the cries of poor widows, even if they reach heaven, are barely heard on earth, I thought it best (as best as I can) to make a plea that some of the common harshness and some of the quick judgments be reconsidered. The world is now in such a state (as Brentius states in a very godly sermon) that just as the pagans persecuted the Christians, if anyone was accused of believing in Christ, the public would shout To the lions: now, if any woman, no matter how virtuous, is accused of witchcraft, they cry To the fire."
[19] In the intervening period between the publication of Soot's work and the advertisement of Filmer, several books came out on the subject of witchcraft. Amongst them it is right to notice "A Dialogue concerning Witches and Witchcraft, by George Giffard, Minister of God's Word in Maldon," 1593, 4to. This tract, which has been reprinted by the Percy Society, is not free from the leading fallacies which infected the reasonings of almost all the writers on witchcraft. It is, nevertheless, exceedingly entertaining, and well deserves a perusal, if only as transmitting to us, in their full freshness, the racy colloquialisms of the age of Elizabeth. It is to be hoped that the other works of Giffard, all of which are deserving of attention, independently of their theological interest, as specimens of pure and sterling English, may appear in a collected form. The next tract requiring notice is "The Trial of Witchcraft, by John Cotta," 1616, 4to, of which a second and enlarged edition was published in 1624. Cotta, who was a physician of great eminence and experience, residing at Northampton, has supplied in this very able, learned, and vigorous treatise, a groundwork which, if pursued to its just results, for he writes very cautiously and guardedly, and rather hints at his conclusions than follows them out, would have sufficed to have overthrown many of the positions of the supporters of the system of witchcraft. His work has a strong scholastic tinge, and is not without occasional obscurity; and on these accounts probably produced no very extensive impression at the time. He wrote two other tracts—1. "Discovery of the Dangers of ignorant practisers of Physick in England," 1612, 4to; 2. "Cotta contra Antonium, or An Ant-Anthony," Oxford, 1623, 4to; the latter of which, a keen satire against the chymists' aurum potabile, is exceedingly rare. Both are intrinsically valuable and interesting, and written with great vigour of style, and are full of curious illustrations derived from his extensive medical practice. I cannot conclude this note without adverting to Gaule's amusing little work, ("Select Cases of Conscience touching Witches and Witchcraft, by John Gaule, Preacher of the Word at Great Haughton, in the county of Huntingdon," 1646, 24mo.) which gives us all the casuistry applicable to witchcraft. We can almost forgive Gaule's fundamental errors on the general question, for the courage and spirit with which he battled with the villainous witchfinder, Hopkins, who wanted sorely to make an example of him, to the terror of all gainsayers of the sovereign power of this examiner-general of witches. Gaule proved himself to be an overmatch for the itinerating inquisitor, and so effectually attacked, battled with, and exposed him, as to render him quite harmless in future. The minister of Great Haughton was made of different metal to the "old reading parson Lewis," or Lowes, to whose fate Baxter refers with such nonchalance. As the only clergyman of the Church of England, that I am aware of, who was executed for witchcraft, Lewis's case is sufficiently interesting to merit some notice. Stearne's (vide his Confirmation of Witchcraft, p. 23,) account of it, which I have not seen quoted before, is as follows:—
[19] In the time between the release of Soot's work and the promotion of Filmer, several books were published on the subject of witchcraft. Notably, we should mention "A Dialogue Concerning Witches and Witchcraft" by George Giffard, Minister of God's Word in Maldon, 1593, 4to. This tract, which has been reprinted by the Percy Society, contains some of the main misconceptions that influenced nearly all writers on witchcraft. However, it is very entertaining and well worth reading, if only for the way it captures the lively colloquialisms of the Elizabethan era. It would be great if Giffard's other works, which are all worthy of attention beyond their theological value as examples of authentic and robust English, could be published together. The next important work to mention is "The Trial of Witchcraft" by John Cotta, 1616, 4to, which had a second and expanded edition released in 1624. Cotta, an esteemed and experienced physician based in Northampton, provided in this very capable, scholarly, and vigorous treatise a foundation that, if pursued to its logical conclusions—since he writes cautiously and hints at his conclusions rather than stating them outright—could have challenged many of the beliefs held by supporters of witchcraft. His work has a strong academic flavor and is occasionally obscure; possibly for these reasons, it did not make a significant impact at the time. He also wrote two other tracts: 1. "Discovery of the Dangers of Ignorant Practitioners of Physick in England," 1612, 4to; 2. "Cotta contra Antonium, or An Ant-Anthony," Oxford, 1623, 4to; the latter, a sharp satire against the chemists' aurum potabile, is extremely rare. Both works are inherently valuable and compelling, written with great energy, and filled with fascinating examples from his vast medical experience. I can't finish this note without mentioning Gaule's entertaining little book, "Select Cases of Conscience Touching Witches and Witchcraft" by John Gaule, Preacher of the Word at Great Haughton, in Huntingdonshire, 1646, 24mo. This book provides all the moral dilemmas related to witchcraft. We can almost overlook Gaule's fundamental errors on the topic, given the bravery and determination he showed in confronting the notorious witchfinder, Hopkins, who was eager to make an example of him, scaring those who opposed the absolute power of this witch examiner. Gaule proved to be more than a match for the traveling inquisitor, effectively challenging, fighting, and exposing him, rendering him quite harmless thereafter. The minister of Great Haughton was made of tougher stuff than the "old reading parson Lewis," or Lowes, whose fate Baxter mentions so casually. As the only clergyman from the Church of England that I know of to be executed for witchcraft, Lewis's case is interesting enough to deserve some attention. Stearne's account of it (see his Confirmation of Witchcraft, p. 23), which I haven't seen quoted before, is as follows:—
"Thus was Parson Lowis taken, who had been a Minister, (as I have heard) in one Parish above forty yeares, in Suffolke, before he was condemned, but had been indited for a common imbarriter, and for Witchcraft, above thirty yeares before, and the grand Jury (as I have heard) found the bill for a common imbarriter, who now, after he was found with the markes, in his confession, he confessed, that in pride of heart, to be equall, or rather above God, the Devill tooke advantage of him, and hee covenanted with the Devill, and sealed it with his bloud, and had three Familiars or spirits, which sucked on the markes found upon his body, and did much harme, both by Sea and Land, especially by Sea, for he confessed, that he being at Lungarfort in Suffolke, where he preached, as he walked upon the wall, or workes there, he saw a great saile of Ships passe by, and that as they were sailing by, one of his three Impes, namely his yellow one, forthwith appeared to him, and asked him what hee should doe, and he bade it goe and sinke such a Ship, and shewed his Impe a new Ship, amongst the middle of the rest (as I remember) one that belonged to Ipswich, so he confessed the Impe went forthwith away, and he stood still, and viewed the Ships on the Sea as they were a sayling, and perceived that Ship immediately, to be in more trouble and danger then the rest; for he said, the water was more boystrous neere that then the rest, tumbling up and down with waves, as if water had been boyled in a pot, and soone after (he said) in a short time it sanke directly downe into the Sea, as he stood and viewed it, when all the rest sayled away in safety, there he confessed, he made fourteen widdowes in one quarter of an houre. Then Mr. Hopkin, as he told me (for he tooke his Confession) asked him, if it did not grieve him to see so many men cast away, in a short time, and that he should be the cause of so many poore widdowes on a suddaine, but he swore by his maker, no, he was joyfull to see what power his Impes had, and so likewise confessed many other mischiefes, and had a charme to keep him out of Goale, and hanging, as he paraphrased it himselfe, but therein the Devill deceived him; for he was hanged, that Michaelmas time 1645. at Burie Saint Edmunds, but he made a very farre larger confession, which I have heard hath been printed: but if it were so, it was neither of Mr. Hopkins doing nor mine owne; for we never printed anything untill now."
"Parson Lowis was captured; he had been a minister for over forty years in a parish in Suffolk before he was condemned. However, he had been charged with being a common smuggler and with witchcraft more than thirty years earlier. The grand jury found the charge of being a common smuggler to be true. After he was found with the marks, he confessed that in his pride, he sought to be equal to or even above God. The devil took advantage of him, and he made a pact with the devil, sealing it with his blood. He had three familiars or spirits that sucked on the marks found on his body, causing a lot of harm both at sea and on land, especially at sea. He confessed that while he was in Lungarfort, Suffolk, where he preached, he walked along the walls, and saw a large number of ships passing by. One of his three imps, specifically the yellow one, appeared to him and asked what it should do. He told it to go sink a particular ship and pointed out a new ship among the others that belonged to Ipswich. He confessed that the imp immediately went away while he stood still, watching the ships. He noticed that the targeted ship was in more trouble than the rest, as the water around it was much rougher, swirling about like water boiling in a pot. Shortly after, he said it sank directly into the sea while all the other ships sailed safely away, and he confessed that he caused fourteen widows in just a quarter of an hour. Mr. Hopkin, who recorded his confession, asked if he didn’t feel bad about so many men drowning so quickly and being the cause of so many poor widows. He swore by his maker that no, he was actually joyful to see the power of his imps. He confessed to many more misdeeds and had a charm to keep him out of jail and hanging, as he put it himself, but the devil deceived him because he was hanged at Michaelmas in 1645 at Bury St. Edmunds. He made a much larger confession that I’ve heard has been printed, but if that’s true, it wasn’t done by Mr. Hopkins or me; we never printed anything until now."
Hutchinson gives the explanation of this confession. What can be more atrocious than the whole story, which is yet but the common story of witch confessions?
Hutchinson explains this confession. What could be more horrific than the entire story, which is just the typical narrative of witch confessions?
"Adv. Then did not he confess this before the Commissioners, at the Time of his Tryal?
"Adv. Did he not confess this in front of the Commissioners during his trial?"
"Clerg. No, but maintained his Innocence stoutly, and challenged them to make Proof of such Things as they laid to his Charge. I had this from a Person of Credit, who was then in Court, and heard his Tryal. I may add, that tho' his Case is remembered better than others that suffered, yet I never heard any one speak of him, but with great Compassion, because of his Age and Character, and their Belief of his Innocence: And when he came to his Execution, because he would have Christian Burial, he read the Office himself, and that way committed his own Body to the Ground, in sure and certain Hope of the Resurrection to eternal Life.
"Clerg. No, but he strongly maintained his innocence and challenged them to provide evidence for the accusations against him. I heard this from a credible person who was present in court and witnessed his trial. I should add that although his case is remembered more than others who suffered, I've never heard anyone speak of him without great compassion, due to his age and character, and their belief in his innocence. When he faced his execution, he wanted a Christian burial, so he read the service himself and committed his own body to the ground, in firm hope of the resurrection to eternal life."
"In the Notes upon those Verses that I quoted out of Hudibras, it is said, that he had been a painful Preacher for many Years, I may add for Fifty, for so long he had been Vicar of Brandeston in the County of Suffolk, as appears by the Time of his Institution. That I might know the present Sense of the Chief Inhabitants of that Place, I wrote to Mr. Wilson, the Incumbent of that Town, and by his Means received the following Letter from Mr. Rivett, a worthy Gentleman who lived lately in the same Place, and whose Father lived there before him.
"In the notes on the verses I quoted from Hudibras, it mentions that he had been a dedicated preacher for many years. I can add that it was for fifty years, as he had been the vicar of Brandeston in Suffolk County for that long, according to the date of his installation. To understand the current views of the main residents of that area, I wrote to Mr. Wilson, the incumbent of that town, and through him, I received the following letter from Mr. Rivett, a respected gentleman who recently lived there and whose father lived there before him."
"'SIR,
'SIR,
"'In Answer to your Request concerning Mr. Lowes, my Father was always of the opinion, that Mr. Lowes suffered wrongfully, and hath often said, that he did believe, he was no more a Wizzard than he was. I have heard it from them that watched with him, that they kept him awake several Nights together, and run him backwards and forwards about the Room, until he was out of Breath: Then they rested him a little, and then ran him again: And thus they did for several Days and Nights together, till he was weary of his Life, and was scarce sensible of what he said or did. They swam him at Framlingham, but that was no true Rule to try him by; for they put in honest People at the same Time, and they swam as well as he."
"In response to your inquiry about Mr. Lowes, my father always believed that Mr. Lowes was wronged and often stated that he thought Mr. Lowes was no more a wizard than he was. I've heard from those who kept watch with him that they kept him awake several nights in a row, running him back and forth around the room until he was out of breath. Then they would let him rest for a bit before making him run again. They did this for several days and nights, wearing him out to the point where he could barely remember what he said or did. They also attempted to test him by swimming him at Framlingham, but that was not a fair method for judging his innocence, as they included honest people at the same time who swam just as well as he did."
[21] Between the period of the publication of Filmer's Advertisement and the appearance of Wagstaffe's work, a tract was published too important in this controversy to be passed over without notice. It is entitled A Candle in the Dark, or a Treatise concerning the Nature of Witches and Witchcraft; being Advice to Judges, Sheriffs, Justices of the Peace, and Grand Jurymen, what to do before they passe sentence on such as are arraigned for their lives as Witches. By Thomas Ady, M.A. London, printed for R.J., to be sold by Thomas Newberry, at the Three Lions in Cornhill, by the Exchange, 1656, 4to. Ady, of whom, unfortunately, nothing is known, presses the arguments against the witchmongers and witchfinders with unanswerable force. In fact, this tract comprises the quintessence of all that had been urged against the popular system, and his "Candle" was truly a burning and a shining light. His Dedication is too curious to be omitted:—
[21] Between the time Filmer's Advertisement was published and Wagstaffe's work came out, an important pamphlet was released that deserves attention in this debate. It's titled A Candle in the Dark, or a Treatise concerning the Nature of Witches and Witchcraft; being Advice to Judges, Sheriffs, Justices of the Peace, and Grand Jurymen, what to do before they pass sentence on those accused of witchcraft. By Thomas Ady, M.A. London, printed for R.J., to be sold by Thomas Newberry, at the Three Lions in Cornhill, by the Exchange, 1656, 4to. Unfortunately, not much is known about Ady, but he makes compelling arguments against the witch-hunters and witch-finders. This pamphlet truly captures the essence of all that had been argued against the prevailing beliefs, and his "Candle" was indeed a bright and enlightening message. His Dedication is too interesting to leave out:—
"To the Prince of the Kings of the Earth. It is the manner of men, O heavenly King, to dedicate their books to some great men, thereby to have their works protected and countenanced among them; but thou only art able, by thy holy Spirit of Truth, to defend thy Truth, and to make it take impression in the heart and understanding of men. Unto thee alone do I dedicate this work, entreating thy Most High Majesty to grant, that whoever shall open this book, thy holy Spirit may so possess their understanding, as that the Spirit of errour may depart from them, and that they may read and try thy Truth by the touchstone of thy Truth, the holy Scriptures; and finding that Truth, may embrace it and forsake their darksome inventions of Antichrist, that have deluded and defiled the nations now and in former ages. Enlighten the world, thou that art the Light of the World, and let darkness be no more in the world, now or in any future age; but make all people to walk as children of the Light for ever; and destroy Antichrist, that hath deceived the nations, and save us the residue by thyself alone; and let not Satan any more delude us, for the Truth is thine for ever." He then puts his "Dilemma that cannot be answered by Witchmongers." It is too long to quote, but it is a dilemma that would pose the stoutest Coryphæus of the party to whom he addressed himself.
"To the Prince of the Kings of the Earth. It’s common for people, O heavenly King, to dedicate their books to influential figures in hopes of having their work supported and recognized by them. But only you, through your holy Spirit of Truth, can defend your Truth and impress it upon the hearts and minds of people. To you alone do I dedicate this work, asking your Most High Majesty to ensure that anyone who opens this book may have their understanding filled with your holy Spirit, so that the Spirit of error may depart from them. May they read and test your Truth with the yardstick of your Truth, the holy Scriptures; and upon discovering that Truth, may they accept it and turn away from the misleading inventions of Antichrist that have deceived and corrupted nations both now and in the past. Illuminate the world, you who are the Light of the World, and let darkness no longer exist in the world, now or in the future; but inspire all people to walk as children of the Light forever; and destroy Antichrist, who has misled the nations, and save the remnant through yourself alone; and let not Satan mislead us again, for the Truth is yours forever." He then presents his "Dilemma that cannot be answered by Witchmongers." It is too lengthy to quote, but it poses a challenge that would test the strongest member of the group he addressed.
[22] I have not seen his earlier work, "Historical Reflections on the Bishop of Rome, &c." Oxford, 1660, 4to. If it be written with any portion of the power evinced in his "Question of Witchcraft Debated," the ridicule with which Wood says it was received by the wits of the university, and the oblivion into which it subsequently fell, were both equally undeserved.
[22] I haven't seen his earlier work, "Historical Reflections on the Bishop of Rome, &c." Oxford, 1660, 4to. If it's written with any of the skill shown in his "Question of Witchcraft Debated," then the mockery that Wood mentioned it faced from the clever folks at the university, and the fact that it was forgotten later, were both totally undeserved.
[23] "Poems, by the Rev. R. Parkinson, Canon of Manchester," 1845, 12mo. (Hunter's Song.) A most pleasing volume of a very accomplished author. Long may he survive to add honours to the ancient stock of which he has given so interesting an account, by well-earned trophies gathered from the fair fields of literature and theology, and by a most exemplary discharge of the appropriate duties of his own sacred profession.
[23] "Poems, by the Rev. R. Parkinson, Canon of Manchester," 1845, 12mo. (Hunter's Song.) A delightful collection from a highly skilled author. May he continue to thrive and bring further recognition to the esteemed heritage he has described so engagingly, through well-deserved achievements in the realms of literature and theology, as well as through his exemplary fulfillment of the responsibilities of his sacred vocation.
[24] "The Saints' Guide, or Christ the Rule and Ruler of Saints. Manifested by way of Positions, Consectaries, and Queries. Wherein is contained the Efficacy of Acquired Knowledge; the Rule of Christians; the Mission and Maintenance of Ministers; and the Power of Magistrates in Spiritual Things. By John Webster, late Chaplain in the Army." London, 1653, 4to.
[24] "The Saints' Guide, or Christ the Rule and Ruler of Saints. Presented through Positions, Conclusions, and Questions. It includes the Importance of Gained Knowledge; the Guidelines for Christians; the Role and Support of Ministers; and the Authority of Officials in Spiritual Matters. By John Webster, former Chaplain in the Army." London, 1653, 4to.
"The Judgement Set, and the Bookes Opened. Religion Tried whether it be of God or of men. The Lord cometh to visit his own, For the time is come that Judgement must begin at the House of God.
"The Judgment Set, and the Books Opened. Religion Tested to see if it is from God or from men. The Lord comes to visit His own, for the time has come for Judgment to begin at the House of God."
{ | The Sheep from the Goats, | |
To separate | { | and |
{ | The Precious from the Vile. |
And to discover the Blasphemy of those that say,
And to uncover the falsehood of those who say,
{ | Apostles, | } | { | Found Lyars, | ||
{ | Teachers, | } | { | Deceivers, | ||
They are | { | Alive, | } | but are | { | Dead, |
{ | Rich, | } | { | Poore, blind, naked, | ||
{ | Jewes, | } | { | The Synagogue of Satan. |
In severall Sermons at Alhallows Lumbard-street, By John Webster, A servant of Christ and his Church. Micah 3. 5. &c. Thus saith the Lord, concerning the Prophets that make my people erre, that bite with their teeth, and cry peace: and he that putteth not into their mouths, they prepare war against him: Therefore night shall be upon them, that they shall not have a vision, &c. The Sun shall goe down over the prophets, and the Day shall be dark. Their seers shall be ashamed, and the Deviners confounded: yea, they shall All cover their lips, for there is no answer of God." London, 1654. 4to.
In several sermons at Allhallows Lombard Street, by John Webster, a servant of Christ and his Church. Micah 3:5, etc. This is what the Lord says about the prophets who mislead my people, who bite with their teeth and shout peace: those who don't put something in their mouths prepare for war against him. Therefore, darkness will come upon them, and they will have no vision, etc. The sun will set over the prophets, and the day will turn dark. Their seers will be ashamed, and the fortune-tellers confused; yes, they will all cover their lips because there is no response from God. London, 1654. 4to.
[27] What would Dr. Whitaker have thought of the following explosion, in which Webster sounds the tocsin with a vehemence and vigour which no Macbriar or Kettledrumle of the period could have surpassed. The extract is from his Judgment Set and Books Opened:—
[27] What would Dr. Whitaker have made of the following outburst, where Webster sounds the alarm with a force and energy that no Macbriar or Kettledrumle of the time could have matched? The excerpt is from his Judgment Set and Books Opened:—
"All those that claim an Ordination by Man, or from Man, that speak from the Spirit of the World, from Wit, Learning and Humane Reason, who Preach for Hire, and make Merchandize of the Souls of Men; I witness they are all Baal's Priests and Idol-Shepherds, who destroy the Sheep, and are Theives and Robbers, who came not in by the Door of the Sheep-fold, but climbed up another way, and are the Magicians, Sorcerers, Inchanters, Soothsayers, Necromancers, and Consulters with Familiar Spirits, which the Lord will cut off out of the Land, so that his People shall have no more Soothsayers; and as Jannes and Jambres resisted Moses, so do these resist the Truth; Men of corrupt Minds, reprobate concerning the Faith; but they shall proceed no farther, for their Folly shall be manifest to all Men, as theirs also was. Woe unto them, for they have gone in the way of Cain, and ran greedily after the Errors of Balaam, for Reward, and Perished in the Gainsaying of Core. These are Spots in your Feasts of Charity, when they Feast with you, feeding themselves without fear: Clouds they are without Water, carried of Winds; Trees, whose Fruit withered, without Fruit, twice dead, plucked up by the Roots: Raging Waves of the Sea, foaming out their own Shame, wandring Stars, to whom is reserved the blackness of Darkness for ever."
"All those who claim to be ordained by Man, or by human authority, who speak from worldly influence, cleverness, education, and human reason, who preach for money and exploit people's souls; I declare they are all Baal's priests and false shepherds, who harm the flock and are thieves and robbers. They did not enter through the gate of the sheepfold, but climbed in another way, and are the magicians, sorcerers, spellcasters, fortune-tellers, necromancers, and those who consult familiar spirits, whom the Lord will cut off from the land, so His people will have no more fortune-tellers. Just as Jannes and Jambres opposed Moses, these people resist the truth; they are corrupt-minded and rejected in their faith. But they will not get very far, as their foolishness will be evident to everyone, just as it was with them. Woe to them, for they have followed the way of Cain and greedily pursued the errors of Balaam for financial gain, and have perished in the rebellion of Korah. These are blemishes in your charity meals, feasting with you while feeding themselves without fear: they are like clouds without water, driven by winds; trees that bear no fruit, withered away, twice dead, pulled up by the roots; wild waves of the sea, foaming with their own shame, wandering stars, for whom the blackness of darkness is reserved forever."
[28] "Metallographia: or, An History of Metals. Wherein is declared the signs of Ores and Minerals both before and after digging, the causes and manner of their generations, their kinds, sorts and differences; with the description of sundry new Metals or Semi-Metals, and many other things pertaining to Mineral knowledge. As also, the handling and shewing of their Vegetability, and the discussion of the most difficult Questions belonging to Mystical Chymistry, as of the Philosophers Gold, their Mercury, the Liquor Alkahest, Aurum potabile, and such like. Gathered forth of the most approved Authors that have written in Greek, Latine, or High Dutch; With some Observations and Discoveries of the Author himself. By John Webster, Practitioner in Physick and Chirurgery. Qui principia naturalia in seipso ignoraverit, hic jam multum remotus est ab arte nostra, quoniam non habet radicem veram supra quam intentionem suam fundet. Geber. Sum. perfect. l. c. i. p. 21.
[28] "Metallographia: or, A History of Metals. This book explains the signs of ores and minerals both before and after they are extracted, the causes and methods of their formation, their types, varieties, and differences; along with descriptions of several new metals or semi-metals, and many other topics related to mineral knowledge. It also covers their vegetative properties and dives into the most challenging questions related to mystical chemistry, such as the Philosopher's Gold, their Mercury, the Alkahest solution, Aurum potabile, and similar subjects. Compiled from the most respected authors who have written in Greek, Latin, or High Dutch; including some observations and discoveries by the author himself. By John Webster, Practitioner in Medicine and Surgery. He who is ignorant of natural principles is already far removed from our art since he lacks the true foundation on which to build his intentions. Geber. Sum. perfect. l. c. i. p. 21.
Auricomos as anyone who has picked fruit from a tree.
Virg. Aeneid. l. 6.
London, Printed by A.C. for Walter Kettilby at the Bishops-Head in Duck-lane, 1671, 4to."
London, Printed by A.C. for Walter Kettilby at the Bishops-Head in Duck-lane, 1671, 4to.
[29] Dr. Whitaker's assertion, that Webster was "neglected alike by the wise and unwise," seems to be a mere gratis dictum. The age of folios was rapidly passing away; but few folios of the period appear to have been more generally read, if we are to judge at least from its being frequently mentioned and quoted, than Webster's Displaying of Supposed Witchcraft. The same able writer's "Doubt whether Sir Matthew Hale ever read Webster's Discovery of Supposed Witchcraft," might easily have been satisfied by a reference to any common life of that great judge, which would have shown the historian of Whalley that Hale died before the book was published. Nor is Dr. Whitaker correct in stating that all tradition of Webster is now lost in the neighbourhood where he resided. The following anecdote, which would have delighted him, I had from an old inhabitant of Burnley, to whom it had been handed down by his grandfather:—In the days of Webster's fanaticism, during the usurpation, he is stated, in the zealous crusade then so common against superstitious relics, to have headed a party by whom the three venerable crosses, now set up in the churchyard of Whalley, commonly called the Crosses of Paulinus, and supposed to be coeval with the first preaching of Christianity in the North of England, were removed and taken away from their site and appropriated as a boundary fence for some adjoining fields. After the Restoration, and when his religious views had become sobered and settled, he is said, in an eager desire to atone for the desecration of which he had been guilty, to have purchased the crosses from the person who was then in possession of them, and to have been at the cost of re-erecting them on their present site, from which no sacrilegious hand will, I trust, ever again remove them. It is further said, that Webster's favourite and regular walk, in the latter part of his life, till his infirmities rendered him unable to take exercise of any kind, was to the remains of Whalley Abbey; and that a path along the banks of the stream which glides by those most picturesque and pleasing ruins, was long called "Webster's Walk." If this tradition be founded in fact, and I give it as I received it, John Webster, of Clitheroe, if not identical, as Mr. Collier has contended, with the dramatic poet of that name, must have felt something assimilated in spirit to the fine inspiration of those noble lines of the latter:—
[29] Dr. Whitaker's claim that Webster was "neglected by both the wise and the foolish" seems to be just a thoughtless remark. The era of folios was quickly fading; however, not many works from that time seem to have been more widely read, at least judging by how often it was referenced and quoted, than Webster's Displaying of Supposed Witchcraft. The same capable writer's "Doubt whether Sir Matthew Hale ever read Webster's Discovery of Supposed Witchcraft" could have easily been addressed by checking any basic biography of that great judge, which would have revealed to the historian of Whalley that Hale died before the book was published. Dr. Whitaker is also incorrect in saying that all memory of Webster has vanished in the area where he lived. I received this following story, which would have pleased him, from an old resident of Burnley, passed down from his grandfather:— During the height of Webster's fanaticism, during the usurpation, he is reported, amidst the fervent campaign that was then so common against superstitious artifacts, to have led a group that removed the three ancient crosses, now standing in the churchyard of Whalley, commonly known as the Crosses of Paulinus, which are believed to date back to the early days of Christianity in Northern England. These crosses were taken from their original location and used as a boundary fence for nearby fields. After the Restoration, when his religious views had become more measured and established, he is said to have eagerly sought to make amends for his earlier wrongdoing by purchasing the crosses from the person who owned them at that time and covering the cost of re-erecting them in their current location, from which, I trust, no sacrilegious hand will ever again remove them. Additionally, it's said that Webster’s favorite and regular stroll in the later years of his life, until his health issues prevented him from exercising at all, was to the remains of Whalley Abbey; and that a path along the stream that flows by those beautiful and charming ruins was long known as "Webster's Walk." If this tradition is based in reality, and I present it as I received it, John Webster of Clitheroe, if not the same person as the playwright Mr. Collier has argued, must have felt a connection to the inspiring spirit of those noble lines by the latter:—
We never walk on them, but we place Our foot is on some respected history; And without a doubt, here in this open court,
Which is now exposed to the injuries In stormy weather, some men are buried that Loved the Church so much and contributed so generously to it,
They believed it should have covered their bones with a canopy. Until the end of time: but everything has its conclusion.
Churches and cities, which suffer from ailments just like people,
"Must have like death that we have."
[30] Webster's death took place on the 18th June, 1682. He left an extensive library, composed principally of chemical, hermetical, and philosophical works, of which the MSS. catalogue is now in the possession of my friend, the Rev. T. Corser. I have two books which appear to have at one time formed part of his collection, from having his favourite signature, Johannes Hyphantes, in his autograph, on the title pages. Before I conclude with Webster, I ought perhaps to observe, that in the valuable edition of the works of Webster, the dramatic poet, published by the Rev. A. Dyce, that most accurate and judicious editor has proved indisputably, by an elaborate argument, that the John Webster, the writer of the Examen Academiarum, and John Webster, the author of the Displaying of Supposed Witchcraft, were one and the same person, who was not identical with the dramatic writer of the same name. Mr. Dyce does not, however, appear to have been aware, that the identity of the author of the Examen Academiarum and the writer on witchcraft is distinctly stated by Dr. Henry More, in his Præfatio Generalissima, to the Latin edition of his works, whose testimony being that of a contemporary, who was, like Webster, "a Cambridge scholar," may perhaps be considered sufficient, without resorting to internal and circumstantial evidence. The inscription on Webster's monument in the chapel of St. Mary Magdalen, at Clitheroe, is too characteristic and curious to be omitted. I give it entire:—
[30] Webster died on June 18, 1682. He left behind a large library mainly filled with chemical, hermetical, and philosophical works, and the manuscript catalog is now with my friend, the Rev. T. Corser. I have two books that seem to have once been part of his collection, as they bear his favorite signature, Johannes Hyphantes, in his handwriting on the title pages. Before I wrap up my thoughts on Webster, I should mention that in the valuable edition of the works of Webster, the dramatic poet, published by the Rev. A. Dyce, this meticulous and insightful editor has definitively argued, with substantial evidence, that John Webster, the author of the Examen Academiarum, and John Webster, the writer of Displaying of Supposed Witchcraft, are the same person, who is not the same as the playwright of that name. However, Mr. Dyce does not seem to have recognized that the connection between the author of the Examen Academiarum and the writer on witchcraft is clearly stated by Dr. Henry More in his Præfatio Generalissima to the Latin edition of his works, whose testimony, being from someone who was contemporary and, like Webster, "a Cambridge scholar," may be considered sufficient without needing to rely on internal circumstantial evidence. The inscription on Webster's monument in the chapel of St. Mary Magdalen at Clitheroe is too notable and intriguing to overlook. I will share it in full:—
I also understand, they understand.
Though I've always faced envy, my mind has remained calm.
He endured many hardships to learn the secrets of the wise.
Finally, the fire will know the strength of water.
In Villa Spinosa Supermontana, in Parish of the hooded forest, in the field
Eboracensi, born Feb. 3, 1610, He laid down the burden of his soul on June 18, 1682,
Age 72.
Golden peace for the living, eternal rest for the deceased.
[31] It was my good fortune to visit this wizard-haunted spot within the last few weeks, in company with the able and zealous Archdeacon[A] within whose ecclesiastical cure it is comprized, and to whose singularly accurate knowledge of this district, and courteous communication of much valuable information regarding it, I hold myself greatly indebted. Following, with unequal steps, such a guide, accompanied, likewise, by an excellent Canon of the Church[B] with all the "armamentaria cœli" at command against the powers of darkness, and a lay auxiliary[C], whose friendly converse would make the roughest journey appear smooth, I need scarcely say, I passed through
[31] I was lucky to visit this wizard-infested place a few weeks ago, accompanied by the knowledgeable and dedicated Archdeacon[A] who oversees it. I owe a lot to his precise understanding of the area and his generous sharing of helpful information. Following this guide, who was a bit uneven in pace, I was also joined by a great Canon of the Church[B] equipped with all the “heavenly tools” to fend off darkness, and a lay companion[C] whose friendly conversation made the toughest journey feel easy. I hardly need to mention, I passed through
Whose terrible fear and sad trembling sound Full grizzly seemed,"
unscathed by the old lords of the soil, and needed not Mengus's Fuga, Fustis et Flagellum Dæmonum, as a triple coat of mail.
unharmed by the ancient powers of the land, and didn’t require Mengus's Fuga, Fustis et Flagellum Dæmonum, as a protective layer.
[B] The Rev. Canon Parkinson.
The Rev. Canon Parkinson.
[C] J.B. Wanklyn, Esq.
J.B. Wanklyn, Esq.
[33] These bickerings were no doubt exasperated by the robbery committed upon old Demdike and Alizon Device, which is detailed in the examinations, some of the opima spolia abstracted on which occasion she detected on the person of old Chattox's daughter.
[33] These arguments were definitely made worse by the robbery that happened to old Demdike and Alizon Device, which is described in the examinations, including some of the opima spolia that she found on the person of old Chattox's daughter.
[34] Of an aghendole of meal. Since writing the Note, p. 23, I am indebted to Miss Clegg, of Hallfoot, near Clitheroe, for information as to the exact quantity contained in an aghendole, which is eight pounds. This measure, she informs me, is still in use in Little Harwood, in the district of Pendle. The Archdeacon of Manchester considers that an aghendole, or more properly, as generally pronounced, a nackendole, is a kneading-dole, the quantity of meal, &c. usually taken for kneading at one time. There can be no doubt that this is the correct derivation.
[34] Of an aghendole of meal. Since I wrote the Note, p. 23, I’m grateful to Miss Clegg from Hallfoot, near Clitheroe, for clarifying the exact amount in an aghendole, which is eight pounds. She tells me this measurement is still used in Little Harwood, in the Pendle area. The Archdeacon of Manchester believes that an aghendole, or more commonly pronounced as a nackendole, refers to a kneading-dole, the quantity of meal, etc., typically taken for kneading at one time. There's no doubt this is the correct origin.
[35] Baines confounds Malking-Tower with Hoar-stones, a place rendered famous by the second case of pretended witchcraft in 1633, but at some distance from the first-named spot, the residence of Mother Demdike, which lies in the township of Barrowford. The witch's mansion—
[35] Baines mixes up Malking-Tower with Hoar-stones, a site made famous by the second case of fake witchcraft in 1633, but it's quite a distance from the first location, the home of Mother Demdike, which is in the township of Barrowford. The witch's house—
Her home had—
Gloomy, sad, and bleak, like a selfish grave
That still craves for the carcasses of dead animals,
On top of that, a creepy owl lived there,
Screaming his ominous call, which always drove Away from that place, all the other cheerful birds, "And all around, wandering ghosts wailed and howled."
is now, alas! no more. It stood in a field a little elevated, on a brow above the building at present called Malking-Tower. The site of the house or cottage is still distinctly traceable, and fragments of the plaster are yet to be found imbedded in the boundary wall of the field. The old road to Gisburne ran almost close to it. It commanded a most extensive prospect in front, in the direction of Alkincoates, Colne, and the Yorkshire moors; while in another direction the vast range of Pendle, nearly intercepted, gloomed in sullen majesty. At the period when Mother Demdike was in being, Malking-Tower would be at some distance from any other habitation; its occupier, as the vulgar would opine—
is now, sadly, no more. It stood in a slightly elevated field, on a rise above what is now called Malking-Tower. The site of the house or cottage is still clearly visible, and pieces of plaster can still be found in the boundary wall of the field. The old road to Gisburne ran almost right next to it. It offered a wide view in front, toward Alkincoates, Colne, and the Yorkshire moors; while in another direction, the vast expanse of Pendle loomed in dark majesty, almost blocking the view. At the time when Mother Demdike was around, Malking-Tower would have been far from any other dwelling; its occupant, as people would say—
"And hurt far away whoever she envied."
[36] In a scarce little book, "The Triumph of Sovereign Grace, or a Brand plucked out of the Fire, by David Crosly, Minister, Manchester," 1743, 12mo., which I owe to the kindness of the very able historian of Cheshire, George Ormerod, Esq., Dr. Whitaker, to whom the volume formerly belonged, has been at the pains of chronicling the superstitions connected with a family, ranking amongst the more opulent yeomen of Cliviger, of the name of Briercliffe, on the execution of one of whom for murder the tract was published. The Briercliffe's, from the curious anecdotes which the Doctor gives with great unction, appear to have been one of those gloomy and fated races, dogged by some unassuageable Nemesis, in which crime and horror are transmitted from generation to generation with as much certainty as the family features and name.
[36] In a rare little book, "The Triumph of Sovereign Grace, or a Brand Plucked Out of the Fire, by David Crosly, Minister, Manchester," 1743, 12mo, which I thank the very skilled historian of Cheshire, George Ormerod, Esq., for, Dr. Whitaker, to whom the book once belonged, took the effort to document the superstitions related to a family among the wealthier yeomen of Cliviger, known as the Briercliffes. This was published following the execution of one of their members for murder. According to the interesting stories that the Doctor shares with great feeling, the Briercliffes seem to have been one of those somber and doomed families, pursued by some relentless fate, where crime and horror are passed down from generation to generation as surely as their family features and name.
[37] We yet want a full, elaborate, and satisfactory history of witchcraft. Hutchinson's is the only account we have which enters at all at length into the detail of the various cases; but his materials were generally collected from common sources, and he confines himself principally to English cases. The European history of witchcraft embraces so wide a field, and requires for its just completion a research so various, that there is little probability, I fear, of this desideratum being speedily supplied.
[37] We still need a complete, detailed, and satisfactory history of witchcraft. Hutchinson's is the only account that goes into significant detail about various cases; however, he mostly gathered his information from common sources, and he mainly focuses on English cases. The European history of witchcraft covers such a broad area and demands such diverse research for a proper completion that I fear there's little chance this desideratum will be addressed anytime soon.
[38] The explorer of Pendle will find the mansion of Alice Nutter, Rough Lee, still standing. It is impossible to look at it, recollecting the circumstances of her case, without being strongly interested. It is a very substantial, and rather a fine specimen of the houses of the inferior gentry in the time of James the first, and is now divided into cottages. On one of the side walls is an inscription, almost entirely obliterated, which contained the date of the building and the initials of the name of its first owner. At a little distance from Rough Lee, pursuing the course of the stream, he will find the foundations of an ancient mill, and the millstones still unremoved, though the building itself has been pulled down long ago. This was, doubtless, the mill of Richard Baldwin, the miller, who, as stated in Old Demdike's confession, ejected her and Alizon Device her daughter, from his land so contumeliously; immediately after which her "Spirit or divell called Tibb appeared, and sayd Revenge thee of him." Greenhead, the residence of Robert Nutter, one of the reputed victims of the prisoners tried on this occasion, is at some distance from Rough Lee, and is yet in good preservation, and occupied as a farmhouse.
[38] The explorer of Pendle will still find the mansion of Alice Nutter, Rough Lee, standing strong. It's impossible to look at it while recalling the details of her case without feeling deeply intrigued. It's a sturdy and quite fine example of the homes of lesser gentry from the time of James the First, and it's now divided into cottages. On one of the side walls, there's an inscription that is almost completely worn away, which used to show the date the building was constructed and the initials of its first owner. A little way from Rough Lee, following the stream, you'll come across the foundations of an old mill, with the millstones still in place, even though the actual building was taken down long ago. This was probably the mill of Richard Baldwin, the miller, who, as noted in Old Demdike's confession, ousted her and her daughter Alizon Device from his land in a very disrespectful manner; shortly after that, her "Spirit or devil called Tibb appeared and said, 'Get revenge on him.'" Greenhead, the home of Robert Nutter, one of the alleged victims of those tried at this time, is located some distance from Rough Lee and is still well-preserved, currently functioning as a farmhouse.
[39] The instances are very few in England in which the statute of James the first was brought to bear against any but the lowest classes of the people. Indeed, there are not many attempts reported to attack the rich and powerful with weapons derived from its provisions. One of such attempts, which did not, like that against Alice Nutter, prove successful, is narrated in a curious and scarce pamphlet, which I have now before me, with this title—"Wonderful News from the North, or a true Relation of the sad and grievous Torments inflicted upon the Bodies of three children of Mr. George Muschamp, late of the County of Northumberland, by Witchcraft, and how miraculously it pleased God to strengthen them and to deliver them; as also the prosecution of the say'd Witches, as by Oaths and their own Confessions will appear, and by the Indictment found by the Jury against one of them at the Sessions of the Peace held at Alnwick, the 24th day of April, 1650. London, printed by T.H., and are to be sold by Richard Harper at his Shop in Smithfield. 1650," 4to. This was evidently a diabolical plot, in which these children were made the puppets, and which was got up to accomplish the destruction of a person of condition, Mrs. Dorothy Swinnow, the wife of Colonel Swinnow, of Chatton, in Northumberland, and from which she had great difficulty in escaping.
[39] There are very few cases in England where the statute of James I was used against anyone other than the lower classes. In fact, there aren't many reported attempts to target the wealthy and powerful with its provisions. One such attempt, which wasn’t successful like the one against Alice Nutter, is detailed in a rare pamphlet I have in front of me titled—"Wonderful News from the North, or a true Relation of the sad and grievous Torments inflicted upon the Bodies of three children of Mr. George Muschamp, late of the County of Northumberland, by Witchcraft, and how miraculously it pleased God to strengthen them and to deliver them; as also the prosecution of the said Witches, as by Oaths and their own Confessions will appear, and by the Indictment found by the Jury against one of them at the Sessions of the Peace held at Alnwick, the 24th day of April, 1650. London, printed by T.H., and are to be sold by Richard Harper at his Shop in Smithfield. 1650," 4to. This was clearly a sinister scheme where these children were used as pawns, crafted to destroy a notable figure, Mrs. Dorothy Swinnow, the wife of Colonel Swinnow of Chatton in Northumberland, and she faced significant challenges in escaping it.
[40] The copy in Baines is from the Harl. MSS., cod. 6854, fo. 26 b, and though inserted in his history as more correct than that in Whitaker's Whalley, is so disfigured by errors, particularly in the names of persons and places, as to be utterly unintelligible. From what source Whitaker derived his transcript does not appear; for the confession of Margaret Johnson he cites Dodsworth MSS. in Bodleian Lib., vol. 61, p. 47.
[40] The version in Baines comes from the Harl. MSS., cod. 6854, fo. 26 b, and while it’s included in his history as being more accurate than the one in Whitaker's Whalley, it’s so distorted by mistakes, especially in the names of people and places, that it’s completely unclear. It’s not clear where Whitaker got his copy; for the confession of Margaret Johnson, he references Dodsworth MSS. in Bodleian Lib., vol. 61, p. 47.
[41] "The informer was one Edmund Robinson (yet living at the writing hereof, and commonly known by the name of Ned of Roughs) whose Father was by trade a Waller, and but a poor Man, and they finding that they were believed and had incouragement by the adjoyning Magistrates, and the persons being committed to prison or bound over to the next Assizes, the boy, his Father and some others besides did make a practice to go from Church to Church that the Boy might reveal and discover Witches, pretending that there was a great number at the pretended meeting whose faces he could know, and by that means they got a good living, that in a short space the Father bought a Cow or two, when he had none before. And it came to pass that this said Boy was brought into the Church of Kildwick a large parish Church, where I (being then Curate there) was preaching in the afternoon, and was set upon a stall (he being but about ten or eleven years old) to look about him, which moved some little disturbance in the Congregation for a while. And after prayers I inquiring what the matter was, the people told me that it was the Boy that discovered Witches, upon which I went to the house where he was to stay all night, where I found him, and two very unlikely persons that did conduct him, and manage the business; I desired to have some discourse with the Boy in private, but that they utterly refused; then in the presence of a great many people, I took the Boy near me, and said: Good Boy tell me truly, and in earnest, did thou see and hear such strange things of the meeting of Witches, as is reported by many that thou dost relate, or did not some person teach thee to say such things of thy self? But the two men not giving the Boy leave to answer, did pluck him from me, and said he had been examined by two able Justices of the Peace, and they did never ask him such a question, to whom I replied, the persons accused had therefore the more wrong."—Webster's Displaying of Witchcraft, p. 276.
[41] "The informant was Edmund Robinson (still living at the time of this writing, and commonly known as Ned of Roughs) whose father was a waller by trade and quite poor. They found that the authorities nearby believed them and provided encouragement, and with the people being either jailed or bound over to the next court session, the boy, his father, and a few others started going from church to church so the boy could reveal and identify witches. He pretended to recognize a large number of faces at these alleged meetings, and in this way, they made a decent living; within a short time, the father bought one or two cows when he had none before. It happened that this boy was taken to the church in Kildwick, a large parish church, where I (then the curate there) was preaching in the afternoon. He was placed on a stall (being only about ten or eleven years old) to look around, which caused a bit of commotion in the congregation for a while. After prayers, when I asked what was going on, the people told me that it was the boy who discovered witches. So I went to the place where he was staying for the night, where I found him along with two very unlikely individuals who were guiding and managing the situation. I wanted to talk to the boy privately, but they completely refused. Then, in front of a large crowd, I brought the boy closer and said, 'Good boy, tell me truly and sincerely, did you see and hear those strange things about the witches’ meeting that many say you have reported, or did someone teach you to say those things? However, the two men wouldn't let the boy answer, pulled him away from me, and said he had already been examined by two competent justices of the peace, and they never asked him such a question, to which I replied, 'That means the accused had even more injustice.'" —Webster's Displaying of Witchcraft, p. 276.
[42] This was Richard Shuttleworth of Gawthorp, Esq., who married the daughter and heiress of R. Fleetwood, Esq., of Barton, and died June 1669, aged 82.
[42] This was Richard Shuttleworth of Gawthorp, Esquire, who married the daughter and heiress of R. Fleetwood, Esquire, of Barton, and died in June 1669 at the age of 82.
[43] John Starkie, Esq., of the family of Starkie of Huntroyd, the same probably who was sheriff of Lancashire 9 Charles I, and one of the seven demoniacs at Cleworth in the year 1595, on whose evidence Hartley was hanged for witchcraft. Having commenced so early, he must by this time have qualified himself, if he only improved the advantages of his Cleworth education, to take the chair and proceed as professor, in all matters appertaining to witchcraft.
[43] John Starkie, Esq., from the Starkie family of Huntroyd, likely the same person who served as sheriff of Lancashire during the reign of Charles I, and one of the seven demoniacs at Cleworth in 1595, whose testimony led to Hartley being executed for witchcraft. Having started so early, by now he must have qualified himself, if he took advantage of his education at Cleworth, to lead and teach as a professor in all matters related to witchcraft.
[45] Wild plums.
Wild plums.
[47] What Mr. Robinson is intended does not appear. It was a common name in Pendle. It is, however, a curious fact, that a family of this name, with the alias of Swyer, (see Potts, confession of Elizabeth Device,) is even now, or very recently was, to be met with in Pendle, of whom the John Robinson, alias Swyer, one of the supposed victims of Witchcraft, was probably an ancestor. There are few instances of an alias being similarly transmitted in families for upwards of two centuries.
[47] It's unclear who Mr. Robinson was supposed to be. It was a common name in Pendle. Interestingly, there is a family with this name, known as Swyer (see Potts, confession of Elizabeth Device), that is still present, or was very recently, in Pendle. The John Robinson, also known as Swyer, who was one of the alleged victims of witchcraft, was likely one of their ancestors. There are few examples of an alias being passed down through families for over two centuries.
[50] The old barn, so famous as the scene of these exploits, is no longer extant. A more modern and very substantial one has now been erected on its site.
[50] The old barn, well-known for being the backdrop of these events, no longer exists. A newer and much more solid one has now been built in its place.
[52] Frightened.
Scared.
[54] "It is the sport to see the engineer hoist with his own petar." Her old occupation as witness having got into other hands, Janet or Jennet Davies, or Device, for the person spoken of appears to be the same with the grand-daughter of Old Demdike, on whose evidence three members of her family were executed, has now to take her place amongst the witnessed against.
[54] "It's a real treat to see the engineer taken down by his own device." Her previous role as a witness has now shifted to others, and Janet or Jennet Davies, or Device, since the person mentioned seems to be the same as the granddaughter of Old Demdike, whose testimony led to the execution of three family members, must now stand among those who are being testified against.
[55] Seale, from sele, s. a yoke for binding cattle in the stall. Sal (A.S.) denotes "a collar or bond." Somner. Sile (Isl.) seems to bear the very same sense with our sele, being exp. a ligament of leather by which cattle and other things are bound. Vide Jamieson, under "sele."
[55] Seale, from sele, s. a yoke for tying up cattle in the stable. Sal (A.S.) means "a collar or bond." Somner. Sile (Isl.) appears to have the same meaning as our sele, being explained as a leather strap used to bind cattle and other things. See Jamieson, under "sele."
[56] Heywood and Broome, in their play, "The late Lancashire Witches," 1634, 4to, follow the terms of this deposition very closely. It is very probable that they had seen and conversed with the boy, to whom, when taken up to London, there was a great resort of company. The Lancashire dialect, as given in this play, and by no means unfaithfully, was perhaps derived from conversations with some of the actors in this drama of real life, a drama quite as extraordinary as any that Heywood's imagination ever bodied forth from the world of fiction.
[56] Heywood and Broome, in their play, "The Late Lancashire Witches," 1634, 4to, closely follow the details of this deposition. It's very likely that they met and talked with the boy, who attracted a lot of attention when he was brought up to London. The Lancashire dialect presented in this play, and not inaccurately, may have come from conversations with some of the actors involved in this real-life drama, which is just as remarkable as anything Heywood's imagination ever created in fiction.
"Enter Boy with a switch.
"Enter boy with a switch."
Boy. Now I have gathered Bullies, and fild my bellie pretty well, i'le goe see some sport. There are gentlemen coursing in the medow hard by; and 'tis a game that I love better than going to Schoole ten to one.
Boy. Now I’ve gathered some bullies and filled my belly pretty well, I’m going to go see some action. There are guys coursing in the meadow nearby, and it’s a game that I love way more than going to school any day.
Enter an invisible spirit. J. Adson[D] with a brace of greyhounds.
Enter an unseen spirit. J. Adson[D] with a pair of greyhounds.
What have we here a brace of Greyhounds broke loose from their masters: it must needs be so, for they have both their Collers and slippes about their neckes. Now I looke better upon them, me thinks I should know them, and so I do: these are Mr. Robinsons dogges, that dwels some two miles off, i'le take them up, and lead them home to their master; it may be something in my way, for he is as liberall a gentleman, as any is in our countrie, Come Hector, come. Now if I c'ud but start a Hare by the way, kill her, and carry her home to my supper, I should thinke I had made a better afternoones worke of it than gathering of bullies. Come poore curres along with me.
What do we have here? A pair of Greyhounds that have gotten loose from their owners. It must be true, since they both have their collars and leashes around their necks. Now that I look at them more closely, I think I recognize them. Yep, these are Mr. Robinson's dogs, who lives about two miles away. I’ll take them in and bring them back to their owner; it might even be worth my while, since he’s one of the most generous gentlemen in our area. Come on, Hector, let’s go. Now, if I could just happen upon a hare along the way, catch it, and bring it home for dinner, I’d feel like I accomplished something better than just gathering bullies. Come on, you poor mutts, let’s go.
Exit."
Leave.
* * * * * * *
* * * * * * *
* * * * * * *
* * * * * * *
"Enter Boy with the Greyhounds.
"Enter Boy with the Greyhounds."
A Hare, a Hare, halloe, halloe, the Divell take these curres, will they not stir, halloe, halloe, there, there, there, what are they growne so lither and so lazie? Are Mr. Robinsons dogges turn'd tykes with a wanion? the Hare is yet in sight, halloe, halloe, mary hang you for a couple of mungrils (if you were worth hanging,) and have you serv'd me thus? nay then ile serve you with the like sauce, you shall to the next bush, there will I tie you, and use you like a couple of curs as you are, and though not lash you, yet lash you whilest my switch will hold, nay since you have left your speed, ile see if I can put spirit into you, and put you in remembrance what halloe, halloe meanes.
A Hare, a Hare, hey, hey, the devil take these curs, won't they move, hey, hey, there, there, there, why have they become so sluggish and so lazy? Have Mr. Robinson's dogs turned into mutts with a curse? The Hare is still in sight, hey, hey, damn you for a couple of mongrels (if you were worth hanging), and you treat me like this? Fine, then I’ll treat you the same way; you’ll go to the next bush, and there I’ll tie you up and treat you like the curs you are, and even though I won’t whip you, I’ll swat you while my switch lasts. Since you've lost your speed, let’s see if I can put some spirit back in you and remind you what hey, hey means.
As he beats them, there appeared before him Gooddy Dickison, and the Boy upon the dogs, going in.
As he was hitting them, Gooddy Dickison appeared in front of him, along with the Boy on the dogs, heading inside.
Now blesse me heaven, one of the Greyhounds turn'd into a woman, the other into a boy! The lad I never saw before, but her I know well; it is my gammer Dickison.
Now bless me, heaven, one of the Greyhounds turned into a woman, the other into a boy! The kid I’ve never seen before, but her I know well; it’s my old friend Dickison.
G. Dick. Sirah, you have serv'd me well to swindge me thus. You yong rogue, you have vs'd me like a dog.
G. Dick. Sirah, you have served me well to trick me like this. You young scoundrel, you have treated me like a dog.
Boy. When you had put your self into a dogs skin, I pray how c'ud I help it; but gammer are not you a Witch? if you bee, I beg upon my knees you will not hurt me.
Boy. When you put yourself in a dog's skin, how could I help it? But, old woman, aren’t you a witch? If you are, I’m begging you on my knees not to hurt me.
Dickis. Stand up my boie, for thou shalt have no harme,
Be silent, speake of nothing thou hast seene.
And here's a shilling for thee.
Dickis. Stand up, my boy, you won't be harmed,
Stay quiet, don’t talk about what you’ve seen.
And here’s a dollar for you.
Boy. Ile have none of your money, gammer, because you are a Witch; and now she is out of her foure leg'd shape, ile see if with my two legs I can out-run her.
Boy. I won't take any of your money, old woman, because you're a witch; and now that she's out of her four-legged form, let's see if I can outrun her on my two legs.
Dickis. Nay sirra, though you be yong, and I old, you are not so nimble, nor I so lame, but I can overtake you.
Dickis. No, my friend, even though you're young and I'm old, you're not so quick, and I'm not so slow that I can't catch up to you.
Boy. But Gammer what do you meane to do with me
Now you have me?
Boy. But Gammer, what do you plan to do with me
now that you have me?
Dickis. To hugge thee, stroke thee, and embrace thee thus,
And teach thee twentie thousand prety things,
So thou tell no tales; and boy this night
Thou must along with me to a brave feast.
Dickis. To hug you, cuddle you, and hold you like this,
And show you twenty thousand nice things,
As long as you don’t tell any secrets; and boy, tonight
You have to come with me to an awesome feast.
Boy. Not I gammer indeed la, I dare not stay out late,
My father is a fell man, and if I bee out long, will both
chide and beat me.
Boy. No way, I really can’t stay out late,
My dad is strict, and if I’m out too long, he’ll both
scold and hit me.
Dickis. Not sirra, then perforce thou shalt along,
This bridle helps me still at need,
And shall provide us of a steed.
Now sirra, take your shape and be
Prepar'd to hurrie him and me.
Dickis. Not buddy, then by necessity you'll come along,
This bridle still helps me when needed,
And will provide us with a horse.
Now buddy, take your form and be
Ready to hurry him and me.
Exit.
Exit.
Now looke and tell mee wher's the lad become.
Now look and tell me where the guy has gone.
Boy. The boy is vanisht, and I can see nothing in his stead
But a white horse readie sadled and bridled.
Boy. The boy has disappeared, and I can see nothing in his place
But a white horse, ready with a saddle and bridle.
Dickis. And thats the horse we must bestride,
On which both thou and I must ride,
Thou boy before and I behinde,
The earth we tread not, but the winde,
For we must progresse through the aire,
And I will bring thee to such fare
As thou ne're saw'st, up and away,
For now no longer we can stay.
Dickis. And that’s the horse we need to ride,
On which both you and I will get on,
You in front and me behind,
We won’t touch the ground, just the wind,
Because we need to move through the air,
And I will take you to sights you’ve never seen,
So let’s go, up and away,
Because we can’t stay any longer now.
She catches him up, and turning round.
She catches up to him and turns around.
Boy. Help, help.
Guy. Help, help.
Exit."
Leave.
* * * * * * *
* * * * * * *
* * * * * * *
* * * * * * *
"Rob. What place is this? it looks like an old barne: ile peep in at some cranny or other, and try if I can see what they are doing. Such a bevy of beldames did I never behold; and cramming like so many Cormorants: Marry choke you with a mischiefe.
"Rob. Where am I? This looks like an old barn. I'll sneak a peek through a crack and see what they're up to. I've never seen such a group of old women; they're stuffing their faces like a bunch of gluttons. I hope they choke on it!"
Gooddy Dickison. Whoope, whurre, heres a sturre,
Never a cat, never a curre,
But that we must have this demurre.
Gooddy Dickison. Whoope, hooray, here’s a stir,
Never a cat, never a cur,
But we have to deal with this delay.
Mal. A second course.
Mal. A second round.
Mrs. Gen. Pull, and pull hard
For all that hath lately him prepar'd
For the great wedding feast.
Mrs. Gen. Pull, and pull hard
For everything that’s gotten him ready
For the big wedding feast.
Mall. As chiefe
Of Doughtyes Surloine of rost Beefe.
Mall. As chief
Of Doughty’s Sirloin of roast Beef.
All. Ha, ha, ha.
All. Haha.
Meg. 'Tis come, 'tis come.
Meg. It's here, it's here.
Mawd. Where hath it all this while beene?
Mawd. Where has it been all this time?
Meg. Some
Delay hath kept it, now 'tis here,
For bottles next of wine and beere,
The Merchants cellers they shall pay for't.
Meg. Some
A delay kept it, now it’s here,
For bottles next of wine and beer,
The merchants’ cellars they’ll pay for it.
Mrs. Gener. Well,
What sod or rost meat more, pray tell.
Mrs. Gener. Well,
What season or roast meat more, please tell.
Good. Dick. Pul for the Poultry, Foule, and Fish,
For emptie shall not be a dish.
Good. Dick. Pull for the Poultry, Fowl, and Fish,
For an empty plate won't be a dish.
Robin. A pox take them, must only they feed upon hot meat, and I upon nothing but cold sallads.
Robin. A curse on them, they only need to eat hot food, while I'm stuck with nothing but cold salads.
Mrs. Gener. This meat is tedious, now some Farie,
Fetch what belongs unto the Dairie,
Mrs. Gener. This meat is boring, now some fairies,
Get what belongs to the dairy,
Mal. Thats Butter, Milk, Whey, Curds and Cheese,
Wee nothing by the bargaine leese.
Mal. That's butter, milk, whey, curds, and cheese,
We get nothing for the bargain, less.
All. Ha, ha, ha.
Everyone. Ha, ha, ha.
Goody Dickison. Boy, theres meat for you.
Goody Dickison. Boy, there's food for you.
Boy. Thanke you.
Thanks, dude.
Gooddy Dickis. And drinke too.
Gooddy Dickis. And drink too.
Meg. What Beast was by thee hither rid?
Meg. What Beast did you ride here?
Mawd. A Badger nab.
Mawd. A Badger grab.
Meg. And I bestrid
A Porcupine that never prickt.
Meg. And I rode on
A Porcupine that never poked me.
Mal. The dull sides of a Beare I kickt.
I know how you rid, Lady Nan.
Mal. I kicked the boring sides of a bear.
I know how you ride, Lady Nan.
Mrs. Gen. Ha, ha, ha, upon the knave my man.
Mrs. Gen. Ha, ha, ha, about that trickster of a man.
Rob. A murrein take you, I am sure my hoofes payd for't.
Rob. Damn you, I’m sure my hooves paid for it.
Boy. Meat lie there, for thou hast no taste, and drinke there, for thou hast no relish, for in neither of them is there either salt or savour.
Boy. The meat is there, but you have no taste for it, and the drink is there, but you have no appreciation for it, because neither has any salt or flavor.
All. Pull for the posset, pull.
All. Pull for the pudding, pull.
Robin. The brides posset on my life, nay if they come to their spoone meat once, I hope theil breake up their feast presently.
Robin. The brides are ruining my life; if they come to their food just once, I hope they'll break up their celebration right away.
Mrs. Gen. So those that are our waiters nere,
Take hence this Wedding cheere.
We will be lively all,
And make this barn our hall.
Mrs. Gen. So those who are our servers here,
Take away this wedding feast.
We will be lively all,
And make this barn our hall.
Gooddy Dick. You our Familiers, come.
In speech let all be dumbe,
And to close up our Feast,
To welcome every gest
A merry round let's daunce.
Gooddy Dick. You all familiar faces, come.
In conversation, let's be quiet,
And to finish our Feast,
To greet every guest,
Let's dance a merry round.
Meg. Some Musicke then ith aire
Whilest thus by paire and paire,
We nimbly foot it; strike.
Meg. Some music then in the air
While we pair up and pair up,
We dance nimbly; let's go.
Musick.
Music.
Mal. We are obeyd.
Mal. We are obeyed.
Sprite. And we hels ministers shall lend our aid.
Sprite. And we, the ministers of hell, will offer our assistance.
Dance and Song together. In the time of which the Boy speakes.
Dance and Song together. In the time that the Boy speaks.
Boy. Now whilest they are in their jollitie, and do not mind me, ile steale away, and shift for my selfe, though I lose my life for't.
Boy. While they’re having a good time and not paying attention to me, I’ll sneak away and take care of myself, even if it costs me my life.
Exit."
Leave.
* * * * * * *
* * * * * * *
* * * * * * *
* * * * * * *
"Dought. He came to thee like a Boy thou sayest, about thine own bignesse?
"Dought. He came to you like a boy, you say, about your own size?"
Boy. Yes Sir, and he asked me where I dwelt, and what my name was.
Boy. Yes, Sir, and he asked me where I lived and what my name was.
Dough. Ah Rogue!
Dough. Oh Rogue!
Boy. But it was in a quarrelsome way; Whereupon I was as stout, and ask'd him who made him an examiner?
Boy. But he said it in a confrontational tone; so I stood my ground and asked him who gave him the right to be an examiner?
Dough. Ah good Boy.
Dough. Ah, good boy.
Mil. In that he was my Sonne.
Military. Since he was my son.
Boy. He told me he would know or beat it out of me,
And I told him he should not, and bid him doe his worst;
And to't we went.
Boy. He said he would figure it out or force it out of me,
And I told him he shouldn't, and dared him to do his worst;
So we went at it.
Dough. In that he was my sonne againe, ha boy; I see him at it now.
Dough. Since he was my son again, hey boy; I can see him doing it now.
Boy. We fought a quarter of an houre, till his sharpe nailes made my eares bleed.
Boy. We fought for about fifteen minutes until his sharp nails made my ears bleed.
Dough. O the grand Divell pare 'em.
Dough. Oh, the great devil take them.
Boy. I wondred to finde him so strong in my hands, seeming but of mine owne age and bignesse, till I looking downe, perceived he had clubb'd cloven feet like Oxe feet; but his face was as young as mine.
Boy. I was surprised to find him so strong in my hands, seeming to be the same age and size as me, until I looked down and saw he had cloven hooves like an ox; but his face was as young as mine.
Dought. A pox, but by his feet, he may be the Club-footed Horse-coursers father, for all his young lookes.
Dought. A shame, but with those feet, he could be the father of the Club-footed Horse-coursers, despite his youthful appearance.
Boy. But I was afraid of his feet, and ran from him towards a light that I saw, and when I came to it, it was one of the Witches in white upon a Bridge, that scar'd me backe againe, and then met me the Boy againe, and he strucke me and layd mee for dead.
Boy. But I was scared of his feet and ran towards a light I saw. When I reached it, it turned out to be one of the Witches in white on a Bridge, which frightened me back again. Then I encountered the Boy once more, and he hit me and left me for dead.
Mil. Till I wondring at his stay, went out and found him in the Trance; since which time, he has beene haunted and frighted with Goblins, 40 times; and never durst tell any thing (as I sayd) because the Hags had so threatned him till in his sicknes he revealed it to his mother.
Mil. While I was wondering why he was taking so long, I went outside and found him in a trance; since then, he's been haunted and frightened by goblins 40 times and has never dared to tell anyone (as I mentioned) because the hags threatened him so much that during his illness, he finally revealed it to his mother.
Dough. And she told no body but folkes on't. Well Gossip Gretty, as thou art a Miller, and a close thiefe, now let us keepe it as close as we may till we take 'hem, and see them handsomly hanged o'the way: Ha my little Cuffe-divell, thou art a made man. Come, away with me.
Dough. And she told no one but those involved. Well Gossip Gretty, since you are a Miller and a sly thief, let's keep this as quiet as we can until we catch them and see them handsomely hanged for it. Ha, my little Cuffe-devil, you’re set for life. Come, let’s go.
Exeunt."
They exit.
Heywood and Broome's Late Lancashire Witches, Acts 2 and 3.
Heywood and Broome's Late Lancashire Witches, Acts 2 and 3.
[D] Sic in orig.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Sic in orig.
[57] These names are thus given in Baines's Transcript:—
[57] These names are listed in Baines's Transcript:—
"Dickensons
Henrie Priestleyes wife and his ladd
Alice Hargrave, widdowe
Jane Davies (als. Jennet Device)
William Davies
The wife of Henrie Offep and her sonnes
John and Myles
The wife of Duckers
James Hargrave of Maresden
Loyards wife
James wife
Sanders wife, And as hee beleeveth
Lawnes wife
Sander Pynes wife of Baraford
One Foolegate and his wife
And Leonards of the West Close."
"Dickensons
Henry Priestley's wife and his son
Alice Hargrave, widow
Jane Davies (also known as Jennet Device)
William Davies
The wife of Henry Offep and her sons
John and Myles
The wife of Duckers
James Hargrave of Maresden
Loyard's wife
James's wife
Sanders's wife, and as he believes
Lawne's wife
Sander Pyne's wife of Baraford
One Foolegate and his wife
And Leonard's of the West Close."
And thus in Webster:—
And so in Webster:—
"Dickensons Wife, Henry Priestleys Wife, and his Lad, Alice Hargreene Widow, Jane Davies, William Davies, and the Wife of Henry Fackes, and her Sons John and Miles, the Wife of —— Denneries, James Hargreene of Marsdead, Loynd's Wife, one James his Wife, Saunders his Wife, and Saunders himself sicut credit, one Laurence his Wife, one Saunder Pyn's Wife of Barraford, one Holgate and his Wife of Leonards of the West close."
"Dickenson's wife, Henry Priestley's wife, and his kid, Alice Hargreene, widow Jane Davies, William Davies, and Henry Fackes' wife, along with her sons John and Miles, the wife of —— Denneries, James Hargreene of Marsdead, Loynd's wife, James' wife, Saunders' wife, and Saunders himself sicut credit, one Laurence and his wife, one Saunder Pyn's wife of Barraford, one Holgate and his wife of Leonards of the West close."
[58] The learned "practitioner in physick," Mr. William Drage, in his "Treatise of Diseases from Witchcraft," published Lond. 1668, 4to. p. 22, recommends "birch" in such cases, "as a specifical medicine, antipathetical to demons." One can only lament that this valuable remedy was not vigorously applied in the present instance, as well as in most others in which these juvenile sufferers appear. I doubt whether, in the whole Materia Medica, a more powerful Lamia-fuge could have been discovered, or one which would have been more universally successful, if applied perseveringly, whenever the suspicious symptoms recurred. The following is, however, Drage's great panacea in these cases, a mode of treatment which must have been vastly popular, judging from its extensive adoption in all parts of the country: "Punish the witch, threaten to hang her if she helps not the sick, scratch her and fetch blood. When she is cast into prison the sick are some time delivered, some time he or she (they are most females, most old women, and most poor,) must transfer the disease to other persons, sometimes to a dog, or horse, or cow, &c. Threaten her and beat her to remove it."—Drage, p. 23.
[58] The knowledgeable "practitioner in medicine," Mr. William Drage, in his "Treatise of Diseases from Witchcraft," published in London in 1668, page 22, suggests using "birch" in such cases, "as a specific medicine, opposing to demons." It’s unfortunate that this valuable remedy wasn’t actively used in this case, as well as in many others where these young victims are concerned. I doubt there’s a more effective Lamia-fuge to be found in the entire Materia Medica, or one that would have been more successful if consistently applied whenever the suspicious symptoms showed up again. However, Drage’s main remedy in these situations is a method of treatment that must have been very popular, given its widespread use throughout the country: "Punish the witch, threaten to hang her if she doesn’t help the sick, scratch her and draw blood. When she is thrown in prison, the sick sometimes recover, or sometimes he or she (most of them are females, often old women, and usually poor) must transfer the disease to others, sometimes to a dog, or horse, or cow, etc. Threaten her and beat her to get rid of it."—Drage, p. 23.
[59] The omission here is thus supplied in Baines's Transcript; but the actual names are scarcely to be recognised, from the clerical errors of the copy:—
[59] The missing information is provided in Baines's Transcript; however, the actual names are barely recognizable due to the transcription errors.
"One Pickerne and his wife both of Wyndwall,
Rawson of Clore and his wife
Duffice wife of Clore by the water side
Cartmell the wife of Clore
And Jane of the hedgend in Maresden."
"One Pickerne and his wife, both from Wyndwall,
Rawson from Clore and his wife
Duffice, wife of Clore by the riverside
Cartmell, the wife of Clore
And Jane from the hedgend in Maresden."
[60] Webster gives the sequel of this curious case of imposture:—"Four of them, to wit Margaret Johnson, Francis Dicconson, Mary Spenser, and Hargraves Wife, were sent for up to London, and were viewed and examined by his Majesties Physicians and Chirurgeons, and after by his Majesty and the Council, and no cause of guilt appearing but great presumptions of the boys being suborned to accuse them falsely. Therefore it was resolved to separate the boy from his Father, they having both followed the women up to London, they were both taken and put into several prisons asunder. Whereupon shortly after the Boy confessed that he was taught and suborned to devise, and feign those things against them, and had persevered in that wickedness by the counsel of his Father, and some others, whom envy, revenge and hope of gain had prompted on to that devillish design and villany; and he also confessed, that upon that day when he said that they met at the aforesaid house or barn, he was that very day a mile off, getting Plums in his Neighbours Orchard. And that this is a most certain truth, there are many persons yet living, of sufficient reputation and integrity, that can avouch and testifie the same; and besides, what I write is the most of it true, upon my own knowledge, and the whole I have had from his own mouth."—Displaying of Witchcraft, p. 277.
[60] Webster recounts the follow-up to this strange case of deceit: “Four individuals, namely Margaret Johnson, Francis Dicconson, Mary Spenser, and Hargraves' Wife, were called to London and examined by the King’s Physicians and Surgeons, and later by His Majesty and the Council. No evidence of guilt was found, only strong indications that the boys had been encouraged to falsely accuse them. Consequently, it was decided to separate the boy from his father, as both had traveled to London with the women; they were taken and placed in different prisons. Shortly thereafter, the boy admitted that he had been instructed and persuaded to fabricate and pretend those accusations against them, and he continued this wrongdoing at the behest of his father and others driven by jealousy, revenge, and the hope of profit from that wicked scheme. He also confessed that on the day he claimed they gathered at the mentioned house or barn, he was actually a mile away, picking plums in his neighbor’s orchard. To confirm that this is absolutely true, there are many reputable individuals still alive who can attest to it; moreover, what I write is largely based on my own knowledge, and I have heard most of it from his own lips.” —Displaying of Witchcraft, p. 277.
[62] Male.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Male.
[64] Pounded, or powdered it, like meal.
Ground it like flour.
[67] In another deposition it is thus expressed, 'lyk a pow or feadge.' A feadge was a sort of scone, or roll, of a pretty large size. Perhaps this term signifies, as large as the quantity of dough or paste necessary for making this kind of bread.
[67] In another statement, it is described as 'like a pow or feadge.' A feadge was a type of scone or roll, quite large in size. Maybe this term indicates the amount of dough or batter needed to make this sort of bread.
[69] Shrivelled with the heat.
Shriveled from the heat.
[70] Red like a coal.
Red like a coal.
[71] Each alternate day.
Every other day.
[72] Knew.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Knew.
[74] Stubble.
Stubble.
[75] Parched; shrivelled.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Dried up; withered.
[76] Until.
Until.
[77] Harm; injury.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Harm; damage.
[78] There is a grave relation, in Delrio, of a witch being shot flying, by a Spanish centinel, at the bridge of Nieulet, near Calais, after that place was taken by the Spaniards. The soldier saw a black cloud advancing rapidly, from which voices issued: when it came near, he fired into it; immediately a witch dropped. This is undoubted proof of the meetings!—Disq. Mag., p. 708.
[78] There's a serious account in Delrio of a witch being shot at while flying by a Spanish sentinel at the bridge of Nieulet, near Calais, after the Spaniards took that place. The soldier noticed a black cloud moving quickly, from which voices were coming. When it got close, he shot into it; immediately, a witch fell down. This is undoubted proof of the meetings!—Disq. Mag., p. 708.
[80] The name left blank.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The name is missing.
[81] Rede; advice.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Rede; advice.
[82] Malicious.
Malicious.
[83] The name given at her baptism by the Devil. From "Collection of Original Documents," belonging to the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, MS. As a specimen of the other charges, take the following: "Williame Richardsone, in Dalkeith, haiving felled ane hen of the said Cristianes with ane stone, and wpone her sight thereof did imediatly threatne him, and with ane frowneing countenance told him, that he 'should newer cast ane vther stone!' And imediatly the said Williame fell into ane franicie and madnes, and tooke his bed, and newer rose agane, but died within a few dayes: And in the tyme of his sicknes, he always cryed owt, that the said Cristiane was present befor him, in the likeness of ane grey catt! And some tyme eftir his death, James Richardsone, nephew to the said Williame, being a boy playing in the said Cristiane her yaird, and be calling her Lantherne, shoe threatned, that, if he held not his peace, shoe sowld cause him to die the death his nephew (uncle) died of!' Whairby it would appeare that shoe tooke wpon hir his nepheas (uncle's) death."
[83] The name given at her baptism by the Devil. From "Collection of Original Documents," belonging to the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, MS. As a sample of the other accusations, consider this: "Williame Richardsone, in Dalkeith, having struck a hen belonging to the said Cristiane with a stone, immediately after seeing this, she threatened him and with a scowling face told him that he 'should never throw another stone!' Instantly, Williame fell into a frenzy and madness, took to his bed, and never got up again, but died within a few days. During his illness, he constantly cried out that Cristiane was present before him, in the form of a gray cat! Some time after his death, James Richardsone, the nephew of the said Williame, while playing in Cristiane's yard and calling her Lantern, was threatened by her that if he didn't keep quiet, she would cause him to die the same way his uncle did!' This suggests that she took on his nephew's (uncle's) death."
[84] Wonder; amazement.
Wonder; amazement.
[85] Until. That is, many previous trials had been made of other persons suspected, or of those who were near neighbours, perhaps living at enmity with the deceased, who had voluntarily offered themselves to this solemn ordeal, or had been called upon thus publicly to attest their innocence of his blood.
[85] Until. That is, many previous trials had involved other people suspected or those who lived nearby, possibly having conflicts with the deceased, who had willingly submitted themselves to this serious test or had been asked to publicly prove their innocence regarding his death.
[86] Holding the lyke-wake.
Holding the wake.
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