This is a modern-English version of The Northmen, Columbus and Cabot, 985-1503, originally written by unknown author(s). It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling, and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.

Scroll to the bottom of this page and you will find a free ePUB download link for this book.


Transcriber’s Note

Transcriber's Note

A number of typographical errors have been maintained in the current version of this book. They are marked and the corrected text is shown in the popup. A list of these errors is found at the end of this book.

A number of typographical errors have been kept in the latest version of this book. They are marked and the corrected text is displayed in the popup. A list of these errors is located at the end of this book.


ORIGINAL NARRATIVES
OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY

Early American History Narratives

REPRODUCED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE
AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION

REPRODUCED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE
AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION

General Editor, J. FRANKLIN JAMESON, Ph.D., LL.D.
DIRECTOR OF THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH IN THE
CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON

Lead Editor, J. FRANKLIN JAMESON, Doctorate, LL.D.
Director of the Department of Historical Research at the
Carnegie Institution of Washington


THE NORTHMEN, COLUMBUS, AND CABOT
985-1503

THE NORTHMEN, COLUMBUS, AND CABOT
985-1503


ORIGINAL NARRATIVES
OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY

Original Narratives
of Early American History


THE NORTHMEN
COLUMBUS AND CABOT
985-1503

THE NORTHMEN
COLUMBUS AND CABOT
985-1503


THE VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN

THE VOYAGES OF THE NORSEMEN

EDITED BY
JULIUS E. OLSON

Edited by Julius E. Olson

PROFESSOR OF THE SCANDINAVIAN LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES
IN THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN

PROFESSOR OF SCANDINAVIAN LANGUAGES AND LITERATURE
AT THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN

THE VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS
AND OF JOHN CABOT

THE VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS
AND OF JOHN CABOT

EDITED BY
EDWARD GAYLORD BOURNE, Ph.D.

EDITED BY
EDWARD GAYLORD BOURNE, Ph.D.

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN YALE UNIVERSITY

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AT YALE UNIVERSITY

WITH MAPS AND A FACSIMILE
REPRODUCTION

WITH MAPS AND A COPY
REPRODUCTION

CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS
NEW YORK

CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS
NEW YORK


Copyright, 1906, by
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS

Copyright, 1906, by
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS

Printed in the United States of America

Printed in the United States of America

All rights reserved. No part of this book
may be reproduced in any form without
the permission of Charles Scribner’s Sons

All rights reserved. No part of this book
may be reproduced in any form without
the permission of Charles Scribner’s Sons


GENERAL PREFACE TO THE ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY

At its annual meeting in December, 1902, the American Historical Association approved and adopted the plan of the present series, and the undersigned was chosen as its general editor. The purpose of the series was to provide individual readers of history, and the libraries of schools and colleges, with a comprehensive and well-rounded collection of those classical narratives on which the early history of the United States is founded, or of those narratives which, if not precisely classical, hold the most important place as sources of American history anterior to 1700. The reasons for undertaking such a project are for the most part obvious. No modern history, however excellent, can give the reader all that he can get from the ipsissima verba of the first narrators, Argonauts or eyewitnesses, vivacious explorers or captains courageous. There are many cases in which secondary narrators have quite hidden from view these first authorities, whom it is therefore a duty to restore to their rightful position. In a still greater number of instances, the primitive narrations have become so scarce and expensive that no ordinary library can hope to possess anything like a complete set of the classics of early American history.

At its annual meeting in December 1902, the American Historical Association approved and adopted the plan for this series, and the undersigned was chosen as the general editor. The purpose of the series is to provide individual history readers and the libraries of schools and colleges with a comprehensive and well-rounded collection of classical narratives that form the foundation of early American history, or narratives that, while not exactly classical, are crucial as sources of American history before 1700. The reasons for undertaking this project are mostly clear. No modern history, no matter how excellent, can offer readers everything they can gain from the ipsissima verba of the first narrators—whether they're Argonauts, eyewitnesses, lively explorers, or brave captains. In many cases, secondary narrators have obscured these primary sources, making it essential to restore them to their rightful place. In even more instances, these original narratives have become so rare and costly that no typical library can realistically hope to have anything close to a complete collection of the classics of early American history.

The series is to consist of such volumes as will illustrate the early history of all the chief parts of the country, with an additional volume of general index. The plan contemplates, not a body of extracts, but in general the publication or republication of whole works or distinct parts of works. In the case of narratives originally issued in some other language than English, the best available translations will be used, or fresh versions made. In a few instances, important narratives[vi] hitherto unprinted will be inserted. The English texts will be taken from the earliest editions, or those having the highest historical value, and will be reproduced with literal exactness. The maps will be such as will give real help toward understanding the events narrated in the volume. The special editors of the individual works will supply introductions, setting forth briefly the author’s career and opportunities, when known, the status of the work in the literature of American history, and its value as a source, and indicating previous editions; and they will furnish such annotations, scholarly but simple, as will enable the intelligent reader to understand and to estimate rightly the statements of the text. The effort has been made to secure for each text the most competent editor.

The series will include volumes that showcase the early history of all major regions of the country, along with an additional volume for a general index. The plan is not to provide just excerpts but to publish or republish complete works or specific sections of works. For narratives originally published in a language other than English, the best available translations will be used, or new translations will be created. In some cases, important narratives that have not been published before[vi] will be included. The English texts will be sourced from the earliest editions or those deemed to have the greatest historical significance and will be reproduced with complete accuracy. The maps included will be designed to genuinely assist in understanding the events described in the volume. The individual editors of the works will provide introductions that briefly outline the author’s background and opportunities, when known, the work's significance in the field of American history, and its value as a source, as well as mention previous editions; they will also provide simple yet scholarly annotations that will help the knowledgeable reader comprehend and accurately assess the text's statements. Every effort has been made to ensure that each text is managed by the most qualified editor.

The results of all these endeavors will be laid before the public in the confident hope that they will be widely useful in making more real and more vivid the apprehension of early American history. The general editor would not have undertaken the serious labors of preparation and supervision if he had not felt sure that it was a genuine benefit to American historical knowledge and American patriotism to make accessible, in one collection, so large a body of pioneer narrative. No subsequent sources can have quite the intellectual interest, none quite the sentimental value, which attaches to these early narrations, springing direct from the brains and hearts of the nation’s founders.

The results of all these efforts will be presented to the public with the hope that they will be widely useful in making early American history more tangible and vivid. The general editor wouldn’t have taken on the significant work of preparation and oversight if he didn’t believe it was genuinely beneficial for American historical knowledge and patriotism to compile such a large collection of pioneer narratives in one place. No later sources can match the intellectual interest or emotional value that these early accounts hold, coming straight from the minds and hearts of the nation’s founders.

Sacra recognosces annalibus eruta priscis.

Sacra recognizes ancient records.

J. FRANKLIN JAMESON.

J. Franklin Jameson.

Carnegie Institution, Washington, D.C.

Carnegie Institution, Washington, D.C.


NOTE

Special acknowledgments and thanks are due to the representatives of the late Arthur Middleton Reeves, who have kindly permitted the use of his translations of the Vinland sagas, originally printed in his Finding of Wineland the Good, published in London by the Clarendon Press in 1890; to the President and Council of the Hakluyt Society, for permission to use Sir Clements Markham’s translation of the Journal of Columbus’s first voyage, printed in Vol. LXXXVI. of the publications of that Society (London, 1893), and that of Dr. Chanca’s letter and of the letter of Columbus respecting his fourth voyage, by the late Mr. R. H. Major, in their second and forty-third volumes, Select Letters of Columbus (London, 1847, 1870); to the Honorable John Boyd Thacher, of Albany, for permission to use his version of Las Casas’s narrative of the third voyage, as printed by him in his Christopher Columbus (New York, 1904), published by Messrs. G. P. Putnam’s Sons; to Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin and Company for permission to use, out of the third volume of Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of America, the late Dr. Charles Deane’s translation, revised by Professor Bennet H. Nash, of the second letter of Raimondo de Soncino respecting John Cabot’s expedition; and to George Philip and Son, Limited, of London, for permission to use the map in Markham’s Life of Christopher Columbus as the basis for the map in the present volume, showing the routes of Columbus’s four voyages.

Special acknowledgments and thanks go to the representatives of the late Arthur Middleton Reeves, who have graciously allowed the use of his translations of the Vinland sagas, originally published in his Finding of Wineland the Good, released in London by the Clarendon Press in 1890; to the President and Council of the Hakluyt Society for granting permission to use Sir Clements Markham’s translation of the Journal of Columbus’s first voyage, printed in Vol. LXXXVI of the publications of that Society (London, 1893), as well as Dr. Chanca’s letter and Columbus’s letter about his fourth voyage, translated by the late Mr. R. H. Major, included in their second and forty-third volumes, Select Letters of Columbus (London, 1847, 1870); to the Honorable John Boyd Thacher of Albany for allowing the use of his version of Las Casas’s narrative of the third voyage, as presented in his Christopher Columbus (New York, 1904) published by G. P. Putnam’s Sons; to Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin and Company for permission to include Dr. Charles Deane’s translation, revised by Professor Bennet H. Nash, of the second letter of Raimondo de Soncino regarding John Cabot’s expedition from the third volume of Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of America; and to George Philip and Son, Limited, of London, for allowing the use of the map in Markham’s Life of Christopher Columbus as the basis for the map in this volume, illustrating the routes of Columbus’s four voyages.


CONTENTS

Edited by Professor Julius E. Olson

Edited by Professor Julius E. Olson

PAGE
Intro 3
The Story of Eric the Red 14
The Ancestry of Gudrid 14
The Colonization of Greenland 15
Gudrid’s Father emigrates to Greenland 20
The Sibyl and the Famine in Greenland 21
Leif the Lucky and the Discovery of Vinland 23
Thorstein’s Attempt to find Vinland 26
The Marriage of Gudrid to Thorstein 27
The Ancestry of Thorfinn Karlsefni; his Marriage with Gudrid 30
Karlsefni’s Voyage to Vinland 31
The First Winter in Vinland 34
Description of Vinland and the Natives 36
The Uniped; Snorri; the Captured Natives 40
Biarni Grimolfson’s Self-sacrifice 42
Karlsefni and Gudrid’s Issue 43
The Vinland History of the Flat Island Book 45
Eric the Red and the Colonization of Greenland 45
Leif Ericson’s Baptism in Norway 47
Biarni Herjulfson sights New Land 48
Biarni’s visit to Norway 50
Leif’s Voyage of Exploration 50
The Discovery of Grapes 52
Thorvald’s Expedition to Vinland 54
Thorfinn Karlsefni’s Expedition to Vinland 59
The Expedition of Freydis and her Companions 62
Karlsefni and Gudrid return to Iceland 65
From Adam of Bremen’s Descriptio Insularum Aquilonis 67
From the Icelandic Chronicles 69
Annales Regii 69
From the Elder Skálholt Annals 69[x]
Papal Letters About the Bishopric of Gardar in Greenland During the 15th Century 70
Letter of Nicholas V. 70
Letter of Alexander VI. 73

Edited by Professor Edward G. Bourne

Edited by Professor Edward G. Bourne

Articles of Agreement Between the Lords, the Catholic Sovereigns, and Christóbal Colon 77
Columbus appointed Admiral and Viceroy of such Mainland and Islands as he should Discover 77
Title Granted by the Catholic Sovereigns to Christóbal Colon of Admiral, Viceroy, and Governor of the Islands and Mainland that may be Discovered 81
The Powers and Privileges of the Office of Admiral 82
Journal of the First Voyage of Columbus 85
Introduction 87
The Voyage to the Canaries; repairs on the Pinta 91
The Double Reckoning of the Distances 94
Traces of the Nearness of Land 96
The Fears of the Sailors 99
The Chart 100
The Declination of the Compass 103
The Course changed from West to West-southwest 107
The Light on Shore 109
The Island of Guanahani 110
The Natives 111
The Islands of Santa Maria and Fernandina 115
Description of the Natives of Fernandina 121
The Island of Isabella 123
Reports of the Island of Cuba; Columbus takes it to be Cipango 126
Products of the Islands 127
Arrival at Cuba 130
Columbus thinks it to be Cathay 134
He sends an Embassy to the Gran Can 137
Return of the Messengers; their Report 140
Products of Cuba 144
Planting the Cross 149
Martin Alonso Pinzón sails away with the Pinta 152
Columbus returns to Cuba 153
Signs of Gold 154
Rumors of a Monstrous People 156[xi]
The Eastern End of Cuba 158
Columbus outlines a Colonial Policy 159
The Natives. A Large Canoe 162
An Interview with the Natives 163
Discovery of Hayti 167
First View of Hayti 168
Further Description of the Island 171
Columbus names it Española 173
The Products of the Island 174
Visit to a Native Village 176
The Life of the People 177
Another Village Visited 180
Description of an Indian Cacique 183
The Cacique visits the Ship of Columbus 185
Columbus anchors in the Bay of Acul 188
Description of Native Life 190
Trading with the Natives 194
A Large Village 196
Character of the Natives 198
Wreck of the Santa Maria 199
Helpfulness of the Indians 201
The Cacique dines on Shipboard 202
Columbus plans to have a Garrison 204
Inquiries after the Source of the Gold 206
Preparations to return to Spain 208
Spices and Pepper 209
The Garrison left at Navidad 210
The Return Voyage Begun 211
Columbus concludes that Cipango is in Española 212
News of the Pinta 213
Return of Martin Pinzon with the Pinta 214
Comment on the Pinzons 216
The Harbor where Pinzon had Tarried 219
Samana Bay Discovered 221
The Caribs. Indians with Long Hair 223
Matinino, an Island inhabited by Women Only 226
Columbus takes the Direct Course for Spain 228
Varieties of Sea Life 230
Continued Fine Weather 234
Finding their Position 235
A Terrible Storm 238
Columbus’s Reflections 240
Prepares a Brief Report which is fastened in a Barrel 241
The Storm Abates 242
Arrival at Santa Maria in the Azores 244[xii]
Suspicions and Hostility of the Governor 245
Columbus hampered by the Detention of Part of his Crew 247
The Sailors are Restored 249
Violent Gale off Portugal 251
Columbus at Lisbon 252
Interview with the King of Portugal 254
Columbus leaves Lisbon 257
Arrival at Palos 257
Letter from Columbus to Luis de Santangel 259
Intro 261
The New Islands Discovered 263
Description of their People and Products 265
Description of Española 268
Value of the Discoveries to Spain 268
A Fort built and Garrisoned 269
The Customs of the Inhabitants 270
Letter from Columbus to Ferdinand and Isabella About the Colonization and Trade of Española 273
The Regulations proposed for Settlements 274
The Regulations for Mining 275
The Regulations for Commerce 276
Letter from Dr. Chanca about Columbus's Second Voyage 279
Intro 281
The Outward Voyage. Stopping at the Canary Islands 283
First Impressions of the Lesser Antilles 285
Intercourse with the Inhabitants 285
Their Cabins; their Arts 286
The Caribbees 287
Indications of Cannibalism 288
Customs of the Caribbees. They Eat their Captives 289
Return of Diego Marquez who had been Lost 291
A Clash with the Caribbees 293
Discovery and Description of Porto Rico 294
Arrival at Española 295
Following the Coast 297
Suspicious Circumstances; Fears for the Spaniards left at Navidad 298
Navidad in Ruins and the Garrison All Dead 300
Vestiges of the Settlement 301
Fixing upon the Site for a New Settlement 302
Columbus visits the Cacique Guacamari 304
Examining Guacamari’s Wound 305
Guacamari’s Amazement at seeing Horses 305
The Site selected for the New Settlement named Isabella 307[xiii]
The Food and Clothing of the Natives 308
The Products of the Country 310
Columbus sends out Exploring Parties to Cibao and Niti 312
Conclusion 313
Narrative of Columbus's Third Voyage as Included in Las Casas's History 315
Intro 317
The Start. Arrival at Madeira 319
Three Ships despatched direct to Española 320
Columbus goes to the Canary Islands 323
The Lepers’ Colony on the Island of Boavista, one of the Cape Verde Islands 324
Columbus at the Island of Santiago 325
He sails Southwest from the Cape Verdes. Intense Heat 327
Signs of Land 327
The Course is changed to the West 328
Discovery of Trinidad 331
August 1, 1498, the Mainland of South America Sighted 332
The Dangers of the Serpent’s Mouth 334
Intercourse with Indians of the Mainland 335
Their Appearance and Arms 336
Fauna and Flora 338
Exploring the Gulf of Paria 340
Trading with the Indians 343
Columbus retains Six Indians as Captives 343
Nuggets and Ornaments of Gold 345
Indian Cabins 346
Exploring the Western End of the Gulf 347
Columbus’s Reflections upon his Discoveries 348
The Terrors and Perils of the Boca del Drago 354
The Northern Coast of Paria 355
Columbus suffers from Inflammation of the Eyes 357
Columbus begins to believe the Land is Mainland 358
His Reasons for not Exploring It 360
Observations of the Declination of the Needle 363
The Products of the Country 364
Arrival at Santo Domingo, August 31, 1498 366
Letter from Columbus to the Nurse of Prince John 367
Intro 369
The Injustice of the Treatment accorded to Columbus 371
Conditions in Española upon his Arrival 373
The Rebellion of Adrian de Muxica 374
The Conduct of the Commander Bobadilla 375
His Unwise Concessions to the Colonists 376[xiv]
Bad Character of Some of the Colonists 378
Bobadilla’s Seizure of the Gold set apart by Columbus 380
The Proper Standards by which Columbus should be Judged 381
Richness of the Mines in Española 382
Seizure of Columbus’s Papers 383
Letters from Columbus on the Fourth Voyage 385
Intro 387
Voyage to Española 389
A Terrible Storm 390
Storms on the Coast of Central America 391
Anxieties and Misfortunes of Columbus 392
Arrival at Veragua 394
Evidence that Columbus had reached the Extremity of Asia 395
Marinus’s Views of the Extent of the Earth Confirmed 396
Exploring the Coast of Veragua 398
Recurrences of Storms 399
Excursion into the Interior of Veragua 401
Difficulties with the Natives 402
Columbus’s Vision 403
Decides to return to Spain 405
Columbus arrives at Jamaica 406
No one else knows where to find Veragua 407
Some Features of the Country 408
The Arts of the Natives 409
The Gold brought to Solomon from the Far East 412
The Recovery of Jerusalem 413
Retrospect. Columbus’s Justification 415
His Distressing Plight in Jamaica 418

Edited by Professor Edward G. Bourne

Edited by Professor Edward G. Bourne

Intro 421
Letter from Lorenzo Pasqualigo to his Brothers Alvise and Francesco, Merchants in Venice 423
The First Letter from Raimondo de Soncino, Agent of the Duke of Milan, to the Duke 424
The Second Letter from Raimondo de Soncino to the Duke of Milan 425
Message to Ferdinand and Isabella from Pedro de Ayala, Junior Ambassador at the Court of England, July 25, 1498 429

MAPS AND FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION

PAGE
1. Map showing the routes, both outward and return, of Columbus's four voyages. 88
2. Copy of the First Page of the Folio (first) Edition of the Spanish Text of Columbus’s Letter, dated February 15, 1493, to Santangel, detailing his First Voyage. From the original (unique) in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building) 262
3. The New World on the Cantino Chart of 1502, illustrating the state of geographical knowledge at the time of Columbus's death. 418


INTRODUCTION

The important documents from Norse sources that may be classed as “Original Narratives of Early American History” are the Icelandic sagas (prose narratives) that tell of the voyages of Northmen to Vinland. There are two sagas that deal mainly with these voyages, while in other Icelandic sagas and annals there are a number of references to Vinland and adjacent regions. These two sagas are the “Saga of Eric the Red” and another, which, for the lack of a better name, we may call the “Vinland History of the Flat Island Book,” but which might well bear the same name as the other. This last history is composed of two disjointed accounts found in a fine vellum manuscript known as the Flat Island Book (Flateyjar-bok), so-called because it was long owned by a family that lived on Flat Island in Broad Firth, on the northwestern coast of Iceland. Bishop Brynjolf, an enthusiastic collector, got possession of this vellum, “the most extensive and most perfect of Icelandic manuscripts,” and sent it, in 1662, with other vellums, as a gift to King Frederick III. of Denmark, where it still is one of the great treasures of the Royal Library.

The important documents from Norse sources that can be categorized as “Original Narratives of Early American History” are the Icelandic sagas (prose narratives) that recount the voyages of Norsemen to Vinland. Two sagas primarily focus on these voyages, while other Icelandic sagas and annals include several references to Vinland and nearby areas. These two sagas are the “Saga of Eric the Red” and another, which we’ll refer to as the “Vinland History of the Flat Island Book” for lack of a better name, although it could just as easily have the same title as the other. This last history consists of two separate accounts found in a valuable vellum manuscript known as the Flat Island Book (Flateyjar-bok), named for the family that owned it for a long time, who lived on Flat Island in Broad Firth, on Iceland's northwestern coast. Bishop Brynjolf, an avid collector, acquired this vellum, considered “the most extensive and most perfect of Icelandic manuscripts,” and sent it in 1662, along with other vellums, as a gift to King Frederick III of Denmark, where it remains one of the great treasures of the Royal Library.

On account of the beauty of the Flat Island vellum, and the number of sagas that it contained (when printed it made 1700 octavo pages), it early attracted the attention of Old Norse collectors and scholars, and hence the narrative relating to Vinland that it contained came to be better known than the vellum called Hauk’s Book, containing the “Saga of Eric the Red,” and was the only account of Vinland that received any particular attention from the scholars of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries The Flat Island Book narrative[4] was also given first place in Rafn’s Antiquitates Americanæ (Copenhagen, 1837). This ponderous volume contained all the original sources, but it has given rise to much needless controversy on the Norse voyages, for many of the author’s conclusions were soon found to be untenable. He failed to winnow the sound historical material from that which was unsubstantiated or improbable. And so far as the original sources are concerned, it was particularly unfortunate that he followed in the footsteps of seventeenth and eighteenth century scholars and gave precedence to the Flat Island Book narrative. In various important respects this saga does not agree with the account given in the “Saga of Eric the Red,” which modern scholarship has pronounced the better and more reliable version, for reasons that we shall consider later.

Because of the beauty of the Flat Island vellum and the number of sagas it contained (when printed, it made 1,700 octavo pages), it quickly caught the attention of Old Norse collectors and scholars. As a result, the narrative about Vinland it included became better known than the vellum called Hauk’s Book, which contains the “Saga of Eric the Red,” and it was the only account of Vinland that received significant attention from scholars in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The Flat Island Book narrative[4] was also prioritized in Rafn’s Antiquitates Americanæ (Copenhagen, 1837). This heavy volume included all the original sources but sparked a lot of unnecessary debate about the Norse voyages since many of the author’s conclusions turned out to be questionable. He failed to separate credible historical material from what was unfounded or unlikely. Unfortunately, regarding the original sources, he followed the lead of seventeenth and eighteenth-century scholars, giving priority to the Flat Island Book narrative. In several important respects, this saga does not align with the account presented in the “Saga of Eric the Red,” which modern scholarship has determined to be the better and more reliable version for reasons we will discuss later.

The Flat Island Book consists of transcripts of various sagas made by the Icelandic priests Jon Thordsson and Magnus Thorhallsson. Very little of their lives is known, but there is evidence to show that the most important portion of the copying was completed about 1380. There is, however, no information concerning the original from which the transcripts were made. From internal evidence, however, Dr. Storm of the University of Christiania thinks that this original account was a late production, possibly of the fourteenth century.4-1 It is, moreover, evident that this original account was quite different from the one from which the existing “Saga of Eric the Red” was made, so that we have two distinct accounts of the same set of events, both separately derived from oral tradition, a fact which, on account of the lack of harmony in details, has been the source of much confusion, but which nevertheless gives strong testimony concerning the verity of the Vinland tradition in its general outlines.

The Flat Island Book consists of transcripts of various sagas created by the Icelandic priests Jon Thordsson and Magnus Thorhallsson. Very little is known about their lives, but there is evidence that the majority of the copying was finished around 1380. However, there is no information about the original source from which the transcripts were made. Based on internal evidence, Dr. Storm from the University of Christiania believes that this original account was a later work, possibly from the fourteenth century. Additionally, it is clear that this original account was quite different from the one that became the existing “Saga of Eric the Red,” meaning we have two distinct versions of the same events, both derived separately from oral tradition. This discrepancy in details has caused a lot of confusion, but it also strongly supports the authenticity of the Vinland tradition in its general outlines.

The saga which has best stood the test of modern criticism, namely the “Saga of Eric the Red,” has beyond this fact the[5] additional advantage of having come down to us in two different vellums. The one is found in Hauk’s Book, No. 544 of the Arne-Magnæan Collection in Copenhagen, and the other is in No. 557 of the same collection. These two narratives (in vellums 544 and 557) tell the same story. They are so closely allied that the translation which appears in this volume has been made from a collation of both texts, that of Hauk’s Book (544) having been more closely followed.5-1 The Hauk’s Book text is clearly legible; No. 557 is not in such good condition.

The saga that has best withstood modern criticism, specifically the “Saga of Eric the Red,” has the added benefit of being preserved in two different manuscripts. One is located in Hauk’s Book, No. 544 of the Arne-Magnæan Collection in Copenhagen, and the other is in No. 557 of the same collection. These two versions (in manuscripts 544 and 557) tell the same story. They are so closely related that the translation in this volume was made from a comparison of both texts, with Hauk’s Book (544) being followed more closely. The text from Hauk’s Book is clearly legible; No. 557 is in worse condition.

Many facts in the life of Hauk Erlendsson, who with the assistance of two secretaries made Hauk’s Book, are known. He was in 1294 made a “lawman” in Iceland, and died in Norway in 1334. There are reasons for believing that the vellum bearing his name was written a number of years before his death, probably during the period 1310-1320. Hauk was particularly interested in the “Saga of Eric the Red,” as he was descended from Thorfinn Karlsefni, the principal character of the saga, a fact that perhaps lends a certain authority to this version as against that of the Flat Island Book. Hauk brings the genealogical data of the saga down to his own time, which is not done in No. 557, one fact among others which shows that 557 is not a copy of 544.

Many details about Hauk Erlendsson's life, who created Hauk’s Book with the help of two secretaries, are known. In 1294, he was appointed a “lawman” in Iceland and passed away in Norway in 1334. There are reasons to believe that the vellum with his name was written several years before his death, likely between 1310 and 1320. Hauk had a particular interest in the “Saga of Eric the Red,” as he was a descendant of Thorfinn Karlsefni, the main character in the saga, which may give this version more credibility compared to that of the Flat Island Book. Hauk includes the genealogical information from the saga up to his own era, which is not provided in No. 557, among other details that indicate that 557 is not a copy of 544.

The early history of AM. 557 is not known. The orthography and hand indicate that it was made later than Hauk’s Book, probably in the early part of the fifteenth century. Vigfusson considered it a better text than the Hauk’s Book version, though rougher and less carefully written.5-2 Other critics (Jonsson and Gering) consider 544 the safer text.

The early history of AM. 557 is unclear. The writing style and handwriting suggest that it was created later than Hauk's Book, likely in the early fifteenth century. Vigfusson thought it was a better text than the version in Hauk's Book, although it’s rougher and less meticulously written.5-2 Other critics (Jonsson and Gering) believe 544 is the more reliable text.

In regard to the date of composition of the archetype, it may be remarked that both 544 and 557 speak of Bishop Brand “the Elder,” which presupposes a knowledge of the second[6] Bishop Brand, whose accession occurred in 1263. Before this date, therefore, the originals used in making 544 and 557 could not have been written. But this mention of Bishop Brand “the Elder” does not, we think, give an adequate basis for fixing the date of the composition of the saga, as Dr. Storm believes, who places it somewhere between 1263 and 1300, with an inclination toward the earlier date. Dr. Finnur Jonsson,6-1 who accepts Dr. Storm’s opinion in other respects, says on this point: “The classic form of the saga and its vivid and excellent tradition surely carry it back to about 1200.... To assume that the saga was first written down about 1270 or after, I consider to be almost an impossibility.” Nor does this conservative opinion by Dr. Jonsson preclude the possibility, or even probability, that written accounts of the Vinland voyages existed before this date. John Fiske’s6-2 well-considered opinion of this same saga (544 and 557) has weight: “Its general accuracy in the statement and grouping of so many remote details is proof that its statements were controlled by an exceedingly strong and steady tradition,—altogether too strong and steady, in my opinion, to have been maintained simply by word of mouth.” And Vigfusson,6-3 in speaking of the sagas in general, says: “We believe that when once the first saga was written down, the others were in quick succession committed to parchment, some still keeping their original form through a succession of copies, others changed. The saga time was short and transitory, as has been the case with the highest literary periods of every nation, whether we look at the age of Pericles in Athens, or of our own Elizabeth in England, and that which was not written down quickly, in due time, was lost and forgotten forever.”

Regarding the date when the original version was composed, it's worth noting that both 544 and 557 mention Bishop Brand "the Elder," which suggests familiarity with the second Bishop Brand, who began his tenure in 1263. Therefore, the originals used for 544 and 557 couldn't have been written before this date. However, we don't think that the reference to Bishop Brand "the Elder" provides a strong enough basis for determining the date of the saga's composition, as Dr. Storm argues, placing it between 1263 and 1300, leaning towards the earlier date. Dr. Finnur Jonsson, who agrees with Dr. Storm on other points, states: "The classic form of the saga and its vivid and excellent tradition certainly suggest it dates back to around 1200... I consider it almost impossible to assume that the saga was first written down around 1270 or later.” Dr. Jonsson's conservative view doesn’t rule out the likelihood that written accounts of the Vinland voyages existed before this date. John Fiske's well-reasoned perspective on this saga (544 and 557) is significant: “Its overall accuracy in detailing and organizing so many distant specifics indicates that its content was shaped by a remarkably strong and consistent tradition—too strong and steady, in my opinion, to have been maintained solely through oral transmission.” Additionally, Vigfusson, when discussing sagas in general, states: “We believe that once the first saga was written down, the others were quickly committed to parchment in succession, with some retaining their original form across copies, while others evolved. The saga era was brief and fleeting, much like the greatest literary periods in every nation, whether we consider the age of Pericles in Athens or our own Elizabeth in England; whatever wasn’t written down promptly was eventually lost and forgotten forever.”

The absence of contemporary record has caused some[7] American historians to view the narratives of the Vinland voyages as ordinary hearsay. But it is important to remember that before the age of writing in Iceland there was a saga-telling age, a most remarkable period of intellectual activity, by means of which the deeds and events of the seething life of the heroic age were carried over into the age of writing.7-1 The general trustworthiness of this saga-telling period has been attested in numerous ways from foreign records. Thus Snorri Sturlason’s “The Sagas of the Kings of Norway,” one of the great history books of the world, written in Iceland in the thirteenth century, was based primarily on early tradition, brought over the sea to Iceland. Yet the exactness of its descriptions and the reliability of its statements have been verified in countless cases by modern Norwegian historians.7-2

The lack of modern records has led some[7] American historians to dismiss the accounts of the Vinland voyages as mere hearsay. However, it's crucial to remember that prior to the writing era in Iceland, there was a saga-telling period, a fascinating time of intellectual activity, during which the actions and events of the dynamic heroic age were passed down into the age of writing.7-1 The overall reliability of this saga-telling era has been confirmed in many ways by external records. For instance, Snorri Sturlason’s “The Sagas of the Kings of Norway,” one of the world's great history books, written in Iceland in the thirteenth century, was mainly based on earlier traditions brought over to Iceland. Yet, the accuracy of its descriptions and the trustworthiness of its claims have been validated in numerous instances by modern Norwegian historians. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

With reference to the Vinland voyages, there is proof of an unusually strong tradition in the fact that it has come down from two sources, the only case of such a phenomenon among the Icelandic sagas proper. It does not invalidate the general truth of the tradition that these two sources clash in various matters. These disagreements are not so serious but that fair-minded American scholars have found it “easy to believe that the narratives contained in the sagas are true in[8] their general outlines and important features.” It lies within the province of Old Norse scholarship to determine which of the two Vinland sagas has the better literary and historical antecedents. After this point has been established, the truthfulness and credibility of the selected narrative in its details must be maintained on the internal evidence in conjunction with the geographical and other data of early America. And here American scholarship may legitimately speak.

With regard to the Vinland voyages, there is evidence of a particularly strong tradition since it has been passed down from two sources, which is the only occurrence of this kind among the Icelandic sagas. The general truth of the tradition is not undermined by the fact that these two sources differ on various points. These disagreements aren't so significant that fair-minded American scholars haven't found it “easy to believe that the narratives included in the sagas are true in[8] their general outlines and key features.” It's up to Old Norse scholarship to figure out which of the two Vinland sagas has stronger literary and historical foundations. Once this is established, the truthfulness and reliability of the selected narrative in its details must be supported by internal evidence alongside the geographical and other data of early America. Here, American scholarship can rightfully contribute.

These sagas have in recent years been subjected, especially by Dr. Gustav Storm of Christiania,8-1 to most searching textual and historical criticism, and the result has been that the simpler narrative of Hauk’s Book and AM. 557 is pronounced the more reliable account.8-2 In respect to literary quality, it has the characteristics of the Icelandic sagas proper, as distinguished from the later sagas by well-known literary men like Snorri. Where it grazes facts of Northern history it is equally strong. Thus, there is serious question as to the first sighting of land by Biarni Herjulfson, who is mentioned only in the Flat Island narrative, and nowhere else in the rich genealogical literature of Iceland, although his alleged father was an important man, of whom there are reliable accounts. On the other hand, the record of the “Saga of Eric the Red,” giving the priority of discovery to Leif Ericson, can be collaterally confirmed.8-3 The whole account of Biarni seems sus[9]picious, and the main facts, viewed with reference to Leif’s discovery, run counter to Northern chronology and history. There are, however, two incidental touches in the Flat Island Book narrative, which are absent from the other saga, namely, the observation concerning the length of the day in Vinland, and the reference to finding “three skin-canoes, with three men under each.” The improbabilities of the Flat Island Book saga are easily detected, if one uses as a guide the simpler narrative of the “Saga of Eric the Red,” the only doubtful part of which is the “uniped” episode, a touch of mediaeval superstition so palpable as not to be deceptive.

These sagas have recently been examined in depth, particularly by Dr. Gustav Storm of Christiania, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ who has applied rigorous textual and historical criticism, leading to the conclusion that the simpler narrative of Hauk’s Book and AM. 557 is considered the more reliable account.8-2 In terms of literary quality, it reflects the characteristics of traditional Icelandic sagas, which are different from the later sagas by well-known literary figures like Snorri. When it touches on facts from Northern history, it remains equally strong. Thus, there's serious doubt about the first sighting of land by Biarni Herjulfson, who is only mentioned in the Flat Island narrative and not anywhere else in Iceland's extensive genealogical literature, despite his supposedly important father, who is documented in reliable sources. On the other hand, the “Saga of Eric the Red,” which credits Leif Ericson with the discovery, can be backed up confirming. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The entire account of Biarni raises suspicions, and the main details, when considered alongside Leif’s discovery, contradict Northern chronology and history. However, there are two details in the Flat Island Book narrative that are missing from the other saga: the comment about the length of the day in Vinland and the mention of “three skin-canoes, with three men under each.” The implausibilities of the Flat Island Book saga can easily be spotted if one uses the simpler narrative of the “Saga of Eric the Red” as a reference, the only questionable part of which is the “uniped” episode, a clear example of medieval superstition that is too obvious to be misleading.

Aside from such things as picking grapes in the spring, sipping sweet dew from the grass, and the presence of an apparition, the Flat Island Book account, when read by itself, with no attempt to make it harmonize with the statements of the “Saga of Eric the Red” or other facts of Scandinavian history, is a sufficiently straightforward narrative. The difficulty begins when it is placed in juxtaposition to these facts and statements. It should not be and need not be discarded, but in giving an account of the Vinland voyages it must be used with circumspection. From an historical standpoint it must occupy a subordinate place. If Rafn in his Antiquitates Americanæ had given emphatic precedence to the saga as found in Hauk’s Book and AM. 557, had left to American scholars the Dighton Rock and the Newport Tower, and had not been so confident in the matter of identifying the exact localities that the explorers visited, he might have carried conviction, instead of bringing confusion, to American scholars.

Aside from activities like picking grapes in the spring, sipping sweet dew from the grass, and the presence of a ghost, the Flat Island Book narrative, when read on its own without trying to align it with the "Saga of Eric the Red" or other details of Scandinavian history, is a fairly clear story. The trouble starts when it's compared to these facts and statements. It shouldn't and doesn't have to be dismissed, but when discussing the Vinland voyages, it needs to be approached carefully. From a historical perspective, it should take a secondary role. If Rafn in his Antiquitates Americanæ had prioritized the saga as found in Hauk’s Book and AM. 557, left the Dighton Rock and the Newport Tower to American scholars, and hadn't been so sure about pinpointing the exact locations the explorers went to, he might have gained credibility instead of causing confusion among American scholars.

The general results of the work of the Norwegian scholar Dr. Storm, together with a unique presentation of the original narratives, are accessible in The Finding of Wineland (London, 1890 and 1895), by an American scholar, the late Arthur Middleton Reeves. This work contains a lucid account of the important investigations on the subject, photographs of[10] all the vellum pages that give the various narratives, a printed text accompanying these, page by page and line by line, and also translations into English. There is one phase of the subject that this work does not discuss: the identifications of the regions visited by the Northmen. Dr. Storm, however, has gone into this subject, and is convinced that Helluland, Markland, and Vinland of the sagas, are Labrador, Newfoundland, and Nova Scotia.10-1 The sailing directions in the “Saga of Eric the Red” are given with surprising detail. These, with other observations, seem to fit Nova Scotia remarkably well. Only one thing appears to speak against Storm’s view, and that is the abundance of grapes to which the Flat Island Book account testifies. But coupled with this testimony are statements (to say nothing of the unreliability of this saga in other respects) that indicate that the Icelandic narrators had come to believe that grapes were gathered in the spring, thus invalidating the testimony as to abundance.

The overall results of the work by Norwegian scholar Dr. Storm, along with a unique presentation of the original stories, can be found in The Finding of Wineland (London, 1890 and 1895), written by the late American scholar Arthur Middleton Reeves. This work provides a clear overview of the important research on the topic, along with photographs of[10] all the vellum pages that contain the various narratives, a printed text corresponding to these, page by page and line by line, as well as translations into English. However, this work does not explore one aspect of the topic: the identification of the areas visited by the Norsemen. Dr. Storm has delved into this subject and believes that Helluland, Markland, and Vinland from the sagas correspond to Labrador, Newfoundland, and Nova Scotia. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The sailing directions in the “Saga of Eric the Red” are detailed and surprisingly precise. These, along with other observations, seem to match Nova Scotia very well. The only argument against Storm’s view is the abundance of grapes mentioned in the Flat Island Book. However, along with this claim are statements (not to mention the saga's overall unreliability) that suggest the Icelandic narrators believed grapes were harvested in the spring, thus undermining the claim of abundance.

Whether the savages that the sagas describe were Indians or Eskimos is a question of some interest. John Fiske10-2 believes that the explorers came in contact with American Indians; Vigfusson, on the other hand, believes that the sagas describe Eskimos. Here, however, the American has the better right to an opinion.

Whether the so-called savages mentioned in the sagas were Native Americans or Eskimos is an interesting question. John Fiske__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ thinks the explorers interacted with American Indians; Vigfusson, on the other hand, believes the sagas describe Eskimos. In this case, though, Americans have a stronger claim to an opinion.

On this point, it is of importance to call attention to the fact that the Norse colonists in Greenland found no natives there, only vestiges of them. They were at that time farther north in Greenland; the colonists came in contact with them much later,—too late to admit of descriptions of them in any of the classical Icelandic sagas, in which the Greenland colonists play no inconspicuous part. Ari, the great authority on early Norse history, speaking of the Greenland colonists,[11] says in his Libellus Islandorum:11-1 “They found there men’s habitations both east and west in the land [i.e., in both the Eastern and Western settlements] both broken cayaks and stone-smithery, whereby it may be seen that the same kind of folk had been there as they which inhabited Vinland, and whom the men of Greenland [i.e., the explorers] called Skrellings.”

On this point, it's important to note that the Norse colonists in Greenland found no natives, only traces of them. At that time, the natives were further north in Greenland; the colonists only came into contact with them much later—too late for them to be described in any of the classical Icelandic sagas, where the Greenland colonists play a significant role. Ari, a key source on early Norse history, discussing the Greenland colonists,[11] states in his Libellus Islandorum:11-1 “They found there men’s dwellings both east and west in the land [i.e., in both the Eastern and Western settlements], along with broken kayaks and stone tools, which indicates that the same type of people had been there as those who lived in Vinland, whom the men of Greenland [i.e., the explorers] referred to as Skrellings.”

A sort of negative corroboration of this is offered by a work of high rank, the famous Speculum Regale, written in Old Norse in Norway in the middle of the thirteenth century. It contains much trustworthy information on Greenland; it tells, “with bald common sense,” of such characteristic things as glaciers and northern lights, discusses the question as to whether Greenland is an island or a peninsula, tells of exports and imports, the climate, the means of subsistence, and especially the fauna, but not one word concerning any natives. Moreover Ivar Bardsen’s account11-2 of Greenland, which is entirely trustworthy, gives a distinct impression that the colonists did not come into conflict with the Eskimos until the fourteenth century.

A kind of negative confirmation of this comes from a highly regarded work, the famous Speculum Regale, written in Old Norse in Norway during the mid-thirteenth century. It contains a lot of reliable information about Greenland; it describes, “with straightforward common sense,” characteristics like glaciers and the northern lights, debates whether Greenland is an island or a peninsula, and talks about exports and imports, the climate, ways to make a living, and especially the wildlife, but does not mention any natives at all. Additionally, Ivar Bardsen’s account11-2 of Greenland, which is completely trustworthy, gives a clear impression that the colonists didn't clash with the Eskimos until the fourteenth century.

There is consequently no valid reason for doubting that the savages described in the sagas were natives of Vinland and Markland. But whether it can ever be satisfactorily demonstrated that the Norse explorers came in contact with Algonquin, Micmac, or Beothuk Indians, and just where they landed, are not matters of essential importance. The incontrovertible facts of the various Norse expeditions are that Leif Ericson and Thorfinn Karlsefni are as surely historical characters as Christopher Columbus, that they visited, in the early part of the eleventh century, some part of North America where the grape grew, and that in that region the colonists found savages, whose hostility upset their plans of permanent settlement.[12]

There’s no valid reason to doubt that the people described in the sagas were natives of Vinland and Markland. However, whether it can ever be convincingly proven that the Norse explorers encountered Algonquin, Micmac, or Beothuk Indians, and exactly where they landed, aren’t crucial issues. The undeniable facts about the various Norse expeditions are that Leif Ericson and Thorfinn Karlsefni were just as real as Christopher Columbus, that they reached some part of North America where grapes grew in the early 11th century, and that in that area, the settlers encountered hostile natives, which disrupted their plans for permanent settlement.[12]

According to the usually accepted chronology, Leif’s voyage from Norway to Greenland (during which voyage he found Vinland) was made in the year 1000, and Karlsefni’s attempt at colonization within the decade following. On the basis of genealogical records (so often treacherous) some doubt has recently been cast on this chronology by Vigfusson, in Origines Islandicae12-1 (1905). Vigfusson died in 1889, sixteen years before the publication of this work. He had no opportunity to consider the investigations of Dr. Storm, who accepts without question the first decade of the eleventh century for the Vinland voyages. Nor do Storm’s evidences and arguments on this point appear in the work as published. Therefore we are obliged to say of Vigfusson’s observations on the chronology of the Vinland voyages, that they stand as question-marks which call for confirmation.

According to the generally accepted timeline, Leif's journey from Norway to Greenland (during which he discovered Vinland) took place in the year 1000, and Karlsefni's attempt to establish a colony occurred within the following decade. Recently, some doubts about this timeline have been raised by Vigfusson in Origines Islandicae12-1 (1905), based on genealogical records (which can often be misleading). Vigfusson passed away in 1889, sixteen years before this work was published. He didn't have a chance to review the research of Dr. Storm, who accepts the first decade of the eleventh century for the Vinland voyages without question. Additionally, Storm's evidence and arguments on this subject are not included in the published work. Therefore, we must regard Vigfusson's comments on the chronology of the Vinland voyages as uncertainties that require further validation.

We are surprised, moreover, to find that Origines Islandicae prints the Flat Island Book story first, apparently on account of the belief that this story contains the “truer account of the first sighting of the American continent” by Biarni Herjulfson.12-2 It is impossible to believe that this would have been done, if the editors (Vigfusson and Powell) had known the results of Dr. Storm’s work, which is not mentioned. There is, furthermore, no attempt in the Origines Islandicae to refute or explain away an opinion on AM. 557 expressed by the same authorities, in 1879,12-3 to the effect that “it is free from grave errors of fact which disfigure the latter [the Flat Island Book saga].”[13] We are almost forced to the conclusion that a hand less cunning than Vigfusson’s has had to do with the unfinished section of the work.

We are surprised to find that Origines Islandicae presents the Flat Island Book story first, likely because of the belief that this story provides the “truer account of the first sighting of the American continent” by Biarni Herjulfson. 12-2 It’s hard to believe this would have happened if the editors (Vigfusson and Powell) had been aware of Dr. Storm’s findings, which are not mentioned. Additionally, there is no effort in the Origines Islandicae to challenge or clarify an opinion regarding AM. 557 expressed by the same authorities in 1879,12-3 stating that “it is free from serious factual errors that mar the latter [the Flat Island Book saga].”[13] We are almost led to conclude that a hand less skilled than Vigfusson’s has been responsible for the incomplete section of the work.

In regard to the extract from Adam of Bremen, which we print, it should be observed that its only importance lies in the fact that it corroborates the Icelandic tradition of a land called Vinland, where there were grapes and “unsown grain,” and thus serves to strengthen faith in the trustworthiness of the saga narrative. The annals and papal letters that follow need no further discussion, we think, than that contained in the annotations.

In the excerpt from Adam of Bremen that we’re presenting, it’s important to note that its only significance is that it supports the Icelandic story of a place called Vinland, where there were grapes and “wild grain,” which helps bolster the credibility of the saga. We believe the following records and papal letters don’t require any additional discussion beyond what’s in the annotations.

Besides the texts in Icelandic, already described, by Rafn, Reeves, Vigfusson and Powell, and Storm, it may be mentioned that the Flat Island text is given in Vol. I. of Flateyjar-bok, ed. Vigfusson and Unger, Christiania, 1860. There are translations of both texts in Beamish, Discovery of North America by the Northmen (London, 1841), in Slafter, Voyages of the Northmen (Boston, 1877), and in De Costa, Pre-Columbian Discovery of America by the Northmen (Albany, 1901). But most of these are confused in arrangement, and the best is that by the late Mr. Reeves, which by the kind consent of his representatives we are permitted to use in this volume.

Besides the Icelandic texts previously mentioned by Rafn, Reeves, Vigfusson, Powell, and Storm, it's worth noting that the Flat Island text can be found in Vol. I of Flateyjar-bok, edited by Vigfusson and Unger, Christiania, 1860. There are translations of both texts in Beamish's Discovery of North America by the Northmen (London, 1841), Slafter's Voyages of the Northmen (Boston, 1877), and De Costa's Pre-Columbian Discovery of America by the Northmen (Albany, 1901). However, most of these translations are poorly organized, and the best one is by the late Mr. Reeves, which we have the kind permission of his representatives to include in this volume.

Julius E. Olson.

Julius E. Olson.

4-1 Eiriks Saga Raudha (Copenhagen, 1891), p. xv.

4-1 Eiriks Saga Raudha (Copenhagen, 1891), p. xv.

5-1 A translation, with the title “The Story of Thorfinn Carlsemne,” based on AM. 557, may be found in Origines Islandicae, II. 610.

5-1 A translation titled “The Story of Thorfinn Carlsemne,” based on AM. 557, can be found in Origines Islandicae, II. 610.

5-2 Origines Islandicae, II. 590.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Origines Islandicae, II. 590.

6-1 Den oldnorske og oldislandske Litteraturs Historie (Copenhagen, 1901), II. 648.

6-1 The History of Old Norwegian and Old Icelandic Literature (Copenhagen, 1901), II. 648.

6-2 The Discovery of America, p. 212.

6-2 The Discovery of America, p. 212.

6-3 Prolegomena, Sturlunga Saga, p. lxix.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Prolegomena, Sturlunga Saga, p. 69.

7-1 Snorri, the Icelandic historian, says that “it was more than 240 years from the settlement of Iceland (about 870) before sagas began to be written” and that “Ari (1067-1148) was the first man who wrote in the vernacular stories of things old and new.”

7-1 Snorri, the Icelandic historian, states that “it was over 240 years after the settlement of Iceland (around 870) before sagas started to be written” and that “Ari (1067-1148) was the first person to write in the local language about both old and new events.”

7-2 “Among the mediaeval literatures of Europe, that of Iceland is unrivalled in the profusion of detail with which the facts of ordinary life are recorded, and the clearness with which the individual character of numberless real persons stands out from the historic background.... The Icelanders of the Saga-age were not a secluded self-centred race; they were untiring in their desire to learn all that could be known of the lands round about them, and it is to their zeal for this knowledge, their sound historical sense, and their trained memories, that we owe much information regarding the British Isles themselves from the ninth to the thirteenth century. The contact of the Scandinavian peoples with the English race on the one hand, and the Gaelic on the other, has been an important factor in the subsequent history of Britain; and this is naturally a subject on which the Icelandic evidence is of the highest value.” Prefatory Note to Origines Islandicae.

7-2 “Among the medieval literatures of Europe, Iceland's stands out for the detail with which everyday life is recorded, and the clarity with which the unique personalities of countless real individuals appear against the historical backdrop.... The Icelanders during the Saga age weren’t a secluded, self-absorbed people; they were relentless in their quest to learn everything possible about the surrounding lands. Thanks to their eagerness for knowledge, strong historical awareness, and sharp memories, we have a wealth of information about the British Isles from the ninth to the thirteenth century. The interactions between the Scandinavian peoples and the English on one side, and the Gaelic on the other, have significantly influenced Britain's later history; consequently, the Icelandic perspective on this topic is extremely valuable.” Prefatory Note to Origines Islandicae.

8-1 Studies on the Vinland Voyages (Copenhagen, 1889) and Eiriks Saga Raudha (Copenhagen, 1891).

8-1 Studies on the Vinland Voyages (Copenhagen, 1889) and Eiriks Saga Raudha (Copenhagen, 1891).

8-2 Of the same opinion are Professor Hugo Gering of Kiel, Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, XXIV. (1892), and Professor Finnur Jonsson of Copenhagen, Den oldnorske og oldislandske Litteraturs Historie, II. 646.

8-2 Professor Hugo Gering from Kiel, in the journal Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, XXIV. (1892), and Professor Finnur Jonsson from Copenhagen, in Den oldnorske og oldislandske Litteraturs Historie, II. 646, share the same view.

8-3 The Kristni-Saga, which tells of the conversion of Iceland, says: “That summer [1000] King Olaf [of Norway] went out of the country to Wendland in the south, and he sent Leif Eric’s son to Greenland to preach the faith there. It was then that Leif discovered Vinland the Good. He also discovered a crew on the wreck of a ship out in the deep sea, and so he got the name of Leif the Lucky.” For passages from other sagas that corroborate Leif’s discovery on his voyage from Norway to Greenland (i.e., in the year that Olaf Tryggvason fell, namely, 1000), see Reeves, The Finding of Wineland the Good (London, 1895), pp. 7-18.

8-3 The Kristni-Saga, which narrates the conversion of Iceland, states: “That summer [1000] King Olaf [of Norway] left the country for Wendland in the south and sent Leif Ericson to Greenland to preach the faith there. It was during this time that Leif discovered Vinland the Good. He also came across a crew on the wreck of a ship in the open sea, which is how he earned the name Leif the Lucky.” For sections from other sagas that confirm Leif’s discovery on his voyage from Norway to Greenland (i.e., in the year that Olaf Tryggvason died, specifically, 1000), see Reeves, The Finding of Wineland the Good (London, 1895), pp. 7-18.

10-1 See, in support of Storm, Juul Dieserud’s paper, “Norse Discoveries in America,” Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, Feb., 1901.

10-1 Check out Juul Dieserud’s paper, “Norse Discoveries in America,” in the Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, February 1901, as it supports Storm.

10-2 Discovery of America, p. 182.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Discovery of America, p. 182.

11-1 See Origines Islandicae, I. 294.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See Origines Islandicae, I. 294.

11-2 See notes 6 and 8 to Papal Letters, p. 71 of this volume.

11-2 Refer to notes 6 and 8 in the Papal Letters, p. 71 of this volume.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

12-2 In other respects the editors speak highly of the saga as found in Hauk’s Book and AM. 557: “This saga has never been so well known as the other, though it is probably of even higher value. Unlike the other, it has the form and style of one of the ‘Islendinga Sogor’ [the Icelandic sagas proper]; its phrasing is broken, its dialogue is excellent, it contains situations of great pathos, such as the beautiful incident at the end of Bearne’s self-sacrifice, and scenes of high interest, such as that of the Sibyl’s prophesying in Greenland....” II. 591.

12-2 The editors have a favorable opinion of the saga as found in Hauk’s Book and AM. 557: “This saga has never been as popular as the other, yet it is likely even more valuable. Unlike the other, it has the structure and style of one of the ‘Islendinga Sogor’ [the Icelandic sagas proper]; its phrasing is fragmented, its dialogue is outstanding, it includes very emotional moments, like the touching event at the end of Bearne’s self-sacrifice, and compelling scenes, such as the Sibyl’s prophecies in Greenland....” II. 591.

12-3 Icelandic Prose Reader (where AM. 557 is printed), notes, p. 377.

12-3 Icelandic Prose Reader (where AM. 557 is printed), notes, p. 377.


THE SAGA OF ERIC THE RED

Also Called The Saga Of Thorfinn Karlsefni14-1

Also Known As The Saga Of Thorfinn Karlsefni__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

The Saga of Eric the Red, also called the Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefni and Snorri Thorbrandsson.14-2—Olaf was the name of a warrior-king, who was called Olaf the White. He was the son of King Ingiald, Helgi’s son, the son of Olaf, Gudraud’s son, son of Halfdan Whiteleg, king of the Uplands-men.14-3 Olaf engaged in a Western freebooting expedition and captured Dublin in Ireland and the Shire of Dublin, over which he became king.14-4 He married Aud the Wealthy, daughter of Ketil Flatnose, son of Biorn Buna, a famous man of Norway. Their son was called Thorstein the Red. Olaf was killed in battle in Ireland, and Aud and Thorstein went then to the Hebrides; there Thorstein married Thurid, daughter of Eyvind Easterling, sister of Helgi the Lean; they had many children. Thorstein became a warrior-king, and entered into fellowship with Earl Sigurd the Mighty, son of Eystein the Rattler. They conquered Caithness and Sutherland, Ross and Moray, and more than the half of Scotland. Over these Thorstein became king, ere he was betrayed by the Scots, and was slain there in battle. Aud was at Caithness when she heard of Thorstein’s death; she thereupon caused a ship to be secretly built in the forest, and when she was ready, she sailed out to the Orkneys. There she bestowed Groa, Thorstein the Red’s daughter, in marriage; she was the mother of Grelad, whom[15] Earl Thorfinn, Skull-cleaver, married. After this Aud set out to seek Iceland, and had on board her ship twenty freemen. Aud arrived in Iceland, and passed the first winter at Biarnarhöfn with her brother, Biorn. And afterwards took possession of all the Dale country between Dögurdar river and Skraumuhlaups river. She lived at Hvamm, and held her orisons at Krossholar, where she caused crosses to be erected, for she had been baptized and was a devout believer. With her there came out [to Iceland] many distinguished men, who had been captured in the Western freebooting expedition, and were called slaves. Vifil was the name of one of these: he was a highborn man, who had been taken captive in the Western sea, and was called a slave, before Aud freed him; now when Aud gave homesteads to the members of her crew, Vifil asked wherefore she gave him no homestead as to the other men. Aud replied, that this should make no difference to him, saying, that he would be regarded as a distinguished man wherever he was. She gave him Vifilsdal, and there he dwelt. He married a woman whose name was...;15-1 their sons were Thorbiorn and Thorgeir. They were men of promise, and grew up with their father.15-2

The Saga of Eric the Red, also called the Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefni and Snorri Thorbrandsson.14-2—Olaf was the name of a warrior-king known as Olaf the White. He was the son of King Ingiald, Helgi’s son, the son of Olaf, Gudraud’s son, and the son of Halfdan Whiteleg, king of the Uplands people.14-3 Olaf went on a raiding expedition to the West, capturing Dublin in Ireland and the surrounding area, where he became king.14-4 He married Aud the Wealthy, the daughter of Ketil Flatnose, son of Biorn Buna, a well-known man from Norway. Their son was named Thorstein the Red. Olaf was killed in battle in Ireland, and Aud and Thorstein then moved to the Hebrides; there, Thorstein married Thurid, the daughter of Eyvind Easterling, who was the sister of Helgi the Lean. They had many children. Thorstein became a warrior-king and formed an alliance with Earl Sigurd the Mighty, son of Eystein the Rattler. They conquered Caithness and Sutherland, Ross and Moray, and over half of Scotland. Thorstein became king over these territories until he was betrayed by the Scots and killed in battle. Aud was in Caithness when she heard of Thorstein’s death; she then had a ship secretly built in the forest, and when it was ready, she sailed out to the Orkneys. There she arranged the marriage of her daughter Groa, Thorstein the Red’s daughter, who was the mother of Grelad, whom[15] Earl Thorfinn, Skull-cleaver, married. After this, Aud set out to seek Iceland, taking twenty freemen with her on the ship. Aud arrived in Iceland and spent her first winter at Biarnarhöfn with her brother, Biorn. Afterward, she claimed all the Dale country between the Dögurdar river and Skraumuhlaups river. She lived at Hvamm and held her prayers at Krossholar, where she had crosses erected, as she had been baptized and was a devoted believer. Along with her came many distinguished men who had been captured during the raiding expedition, referred to as slaves. One of them was named Vifil; he was a nobleman who had been taken captive in the Western sea and was called a slave until Aud freed him. When Aud granted homesteads to her crew, Vifil asked why he wasn’t given one like the others. Aud responded that this shouldn’t matter to him, saying he would be seen as an esteemed man wherever he was. She gave him Vifilsdal, and he settled there. He married a woman whose name was...;15-1 and their sons were Thorbiorn and Thorgeir. They were promising young men who grew up with their father.15-2

Eric the Red finds Greenland.—There was a man named Thorvald; he was a son of Asvald, Ulf’s son, Eyxna-Thori’s son. His son’s name was Eric. He and his father went from Jaederen15-3 to Iceland, on account of manslaughter, and settled on Hornstrandir, and dwelt at Drangar. There Thorvald died, and Eric then married Thorhild, a daughter of Jorund, Atli’s son, and Thorbiorg the Ship-chested, who had been married before to Thorbiorn of the Haukadal family. Eric then removed from the North, and cleared land in Haukadal, and dwelt at Ericsstadir by Vatnshorn. Then Eric’s thralls caused a land-slide on Valthiof’s farm, Valthiofsstadir. Eyiolf[16] the Foul, Valthiof’s kinsman, slew the thralls near Skeidsbrekkur above Vatnshorn. For this Eric killed Eyiolf the Foul, and he also killed Duelling-Hrafn, at Leikskalar. Geirstein and Odd of Jorva, Eyiolf’s kinsmen, conducted the prosecution for the slaying of their kinsmen, and Eric was, in consequence, banished from Haukadal. He then took possession of Brokey and Eyxney, and dwelt at Tradir on Sudrey, the first winter. It was at this time that he loaned Thorgest his outer daïs-boards;16-1 Eric afterwards went to Eyxney, and dwelt at Ericsstad. He then demanded his outer daïs-boards, but did not obtain them. Eric then carried the outer daïs-boards away from Breidabolstad, and Thorgest gave chase. They came to blows a short distance from the farm of Drangar. There two of Thorgest’s sons were killed and certain other men besides. After this each of them retained a considerable body of men with him at his home. Styr gave Eric his support, as did also Eyiolf of Sviney, Thorbiorn, Vifil’s son, and the sons of Thorbrand of Alptafirth; while Thorgest was backed by the sons of Thord the Yeller, and Thorgeir of Hitardal, Aslak of Langadal and his son, Illugi. Eric and his people were condemned to outlawry at Thorsness-thing. He equipped his ship for a voyage, in Ericsvag; while Eyiolf concealed him in Dimunarvag, when Thorgest and his people were searching for him among the islands. He said to them, that it was his intention to go in search of that land which Gunnbiorn, son of Ulf the Crow, saw when he was driven out of his course, westward across the main, and discovered Gunnbiorns-skerries.16-2 He told them that he would return again to his friends, if he should succeed in finding that country. Thorbiorn, and Eyiolf, and Styr accompanied Eric out beyond the islands, and they parted with the greatest friendliness; Eric said to them that he would render them similar aid, so far as it might lie within his power, if they should ever stand in need of his help. Eric[17] sailed out to sea from Snaefells-iokul, and arrived at that ice-mountain which is called Blacksark. Thence he sailed to the southward, that he might ascertain whether there was habitable country in that direction. He passed the first winter at Ericsey, near the middle of the Western Settlement.17-1 In the following spring he proceeded to Ericsfirth, and selected a site there for his homestead. That summer he explored the western uninhabited region, remaining there for a long time, and assigning many local names there. The second winter he spent at Ericsholms beyond Hvarfsgnipa. But the third summer he sailed northward to Snaefell,17-2 and into Hrafnsfirth. He believed then that he had reached the head of Ericsfirth; he turned back then, and remained the third winter at Ericsey at the mouth of Ericsfirth. The following summer he sailed to Iceland, and landed in Breidafirth. He remained that winter with Ingolf at Holmlatr. In the spring he and Thorgest fought together, and Eric was defeated; after this a reconciliation was effected between them. That summer Eric set out to colonize the land which he had discovered, and which he called Greenland, because, he said, men would be the more readily persuaded thither if the land had a good name.17-3[18]

Eric the Red finds Greenland.—There was a man named Thorvald; he was a son of Asvald, Ulf’s son, and Eyxna-Thori’s son. His son's name was Eric. He and his father left Jaederen__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ for Iceland because of manslaughter, and settled in Hornstrandir, living at Drangar. There, Thorvald died, and Eric then married Thorhild, the daughter of Jorund, Atli’s son, and Thorbiorg the Ship-chested, who had previously been married to Thorbiorn of the Haukadal family. Eric then moved from the North, cleared land in Haukadal, and lived at Ericsstadir by Vatnshorn. Eric’s thralls caused a landslide on Valthiof’s farm, Valthiofsstadir. Eyiolf[16] the Foul, a relative of Valthiof, killed the thralls near Skeidsbrekkur above Vatnshorn. In retaliation, Eric killed Eyiolf the Foul and Duelling-Hrafn at Leikskalar. Geirstein and Odd of Jorva, Eyiolf’s relatives, pursued legal action for the deaths of their kinsmen, leading to Eric's banishment from Haukadal. He then claimed Brokey and Eyxney, living at Tradir on Sudrey during the first winter. It was around this time that he loaned Thorgest his outer daïs boards;16-1 Eric later went to Eyxney and lived at Ericsstad. He then asked for his outer daïs-boards back but didn’t get them. Eric took the outer daïs-boards from Breidabolstad, and Thorgest chased him down. They fought a short distance from Drangar, where two of Thorgest’s sons and some other men were killed. After this, both sides kept a significant number of men with them at home. Styr supported Eric, as did Eyiolf of Sviney, Thorbiorn, Vifil’s son, and the sons of Thorbrand of Alptafirth, while Thorgest had backing from the sons of Thord the Yeller, Thorgeir of Hitardal, and Aslak of Langadal and his son Illugi. Eric and his followers were declared outlaws at Thorsness-thing. He prepared his ship for a voyage in Ericsvag while Eyiolf hid him in Dimunarvag when Thorgest and his men were searching for him among the islands. He told them he planned to search for the land that Gunnbiorn, son of Ulf the Crow, had seen when he was blown off course to the west and discovered Gunnbiorn's Skerries.16-2 He mentioned that he would return to his friends if he succeeded in finding that country. Thorbiorn, Eyiolf, and Styr accompanied Eric beyond the islands, parting in a friendly manner; Eric promised to offer them help if they ever needed it. Eric[17] sailed out to sea from Snaefells-iokul and reached an ice mountain called Blacksark. From there, he sailed south to see if there was any habitable land in that direction. He spent his first winter at Ericsey, near the center of the Western Settlement.17-1 The following spring, he went to Ericsfirth and chose a location for his homestead. That summer, he explored the uninhabited western region, spending a lot of time there and naming many places. He spent the second winter at Ericsholms beyond Hvarfsgnipa. But during the third summer, he sailed northward to Snaefell, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and into Hrafnsfirth. He thought he had reached the end of Ericsfirth, turned around, and remained the third winter at Ericsey at the mouth of Ericsfirth. The next summer, he sailed to Iceland and landed in Breidafirth. He spent that winter with Ingolf at Holmlatr. In the spring, he and Thorgest fought, and Eric lost; later, they reconciled. That summer, Eric set out to colonize the land he had discovered, calling it Greenland, because he thought people would be more likely to come there if it had a good name.17-3[18]

Concerning Thorbiorn.—Thorgeir, Vifil’s son, married, and took to wife Arnora, daughter of Einar of Laugarbrekka, Sigmund’s son, son of Ketil Thistil, who settled Thistilsfirth. Einar had another daughter named Hallveig; she was married to Thorbiorn, Vifil’s son, who got with her Laugarbrekkaland on Hellisvellir. Thorbiorn moved thither, and became a very distinguished man. He was an excellent husbandman, and had a great estate. Gudrid was the name of Thorbiorn’s daughter. She was the most beautiful of her sex, and in every respect a very superior woman. There dwelt at Arnarstapi a man named Orm, whose wife’s name was Halldis. Orm was a good husbandman, and a great friend of Thorbiorn, and Gudrid lived with him for a long time as a foster-daughter. There was a man named Thorgeir, who lived at Thorgeirsfell; he was very wealthy and had been manumitted; he had a son named Einar, who was a handsome, well-bred man, and very showy in his dress. Einar was engaged in trading-voyages from one country to the other, and had prospered in this. He always spent his winters alternately either in Iceland or in Norway.

About Thorbiorn.—Thorgeir, Vifil’s son, got married to Arnora, the daughter of Einar from Laugarbrekka, who was the son of Sigmund and grandson of Ketil Thistil, the one who settled Thistilsfirth. Einar had another daughter, Hallveig, who married Thorbiorn, Vifil’s son. With her, he acquired Laugarbrekkaland on Hellisvellir. Thorbiorn moved there and became a prominent figure. He was an outstanding farmer and owned a large estate. Thorbiorn’s daughter was named Gudrid; she was the most beautiful woman of her time and exceptionally talented in every way. In Arnarstapi lived a man named Orm, whose wife was Halldis. Orm was a good farmer and a close friend of Thorbiorn, and Gudrid stayed with them for a long time as a foster daughter. There was another man named Thorgeir, living at Thorgeirsfell; he was very wealthy and had been freed from servitude. He had a son named Einar, who was handsome, well-bred, and very stylish in his clothing. Einar engaged in trading voyages between different countries and was successful at it. He always spent his winters either in Iceland or Norway.

Now it is to be told, that one autumn, when Einar was in Iceland, he went with his wares out along Snaefellsness, with the intention of selling them. He came to Arnarstapi, and Orm invited him to remain with him, and Einar accepted this invitation, for there was a strong friendship [between Orm and himself]. Einar’s wares were carried into a store-house, where he unpacked them, and displayed them to Orm and the men of his household, and asked Orm to take such of them as he liked. Orm accepted this offer, and said that Einar was a good merchant, and was greatly favored by fortune. Now, while they were busied about the wares, a woman passed before the door of the store-house. Einar inquired of Orm: “Who was that handsome woman who passed before the door? I have never seen her here before.” Orm replies: “That, is Gudrid, my foster-child, the daughter of Thorbiorn of Laugarbrekka.” “She must be a good match,” said Einar; “has she had any suitors?” Orm replies: “In good sooth she has been[19] courted, friend, nor is she easily to be won, for it is believed that both she and her father will be very particular in their choice of a husband.” “Be that as it may,” quoth Einar, “she is a woman to whom I mean to pay my addresses, and I would have thee present this matter to her father in my behalf, and use every exertion to bring it to a favorable issue, and I shall reward thee to the full of my friendship, if I am successful. It may be that Thorbiorn will regard the connection as being to our mutual advantage, for [while] he is a most honorable man and has a goodly home, his personal effects, I am told, are somewhat on the wane; but neither I nor my father are lacking in lands or chattels, and Thorbiorn would be greatly aided thereby, if this match should be brought about.” “Surely I believe myself to be thy friend,” replies Orm, “and yet I am by no means disposed to act in this matter, for Thorbiorn hath a very haughty spirit, and is moreover a most ambitious man.” Einar replied that he wished for nought else than that his suit should be broached; Orm replied, that he should have his will. Einar fared again to the South until he reached his home. Sometime after this, Thorbiorn had an autumn feast, as was his custom, for he was a man of high position. Hither came Orm of Arnarstapi, and many other of Thorbiorn’s friends. Orm came to speech with Thorbiorn, and said, that Einar of Thorgeirsfell had visited him not long before, and that he was become a very promising man. Orm now makes known the proposal of marriage in Einar’s behalf, and added that for some persons and for some reasons it might be regarded as a very appropriate match: “thou mayest greatly strengthen thyself thereby, master, by reason of the property.” Thorbiorn answers: “Little did I expect to hear such words from thee, that I should marry my daughter to the son of a thrall; and that, because it seems to thee that my means are diminishing, wherefore she shall not remain longer with thee since thou deemest so mean a match as this suitable for her.” Orm afterward returned to his home, and all of the invited guests to their respective households, while Gudrid remained behind with her father, and tarried at home that[20] winter. But in the spring Thorbiorn gave an entertainment to his friends, to which many came, and it was a noble feast, and at the banquet Thorbiorn called for silence, and spoke: “Here have I passed a goodly lifetime, and have experienced the good-will of men toward me, and their affection; and, methinks, our relations together have been pleasant; but now I begin to find myself in straitened circumstances, although my estate has hitherto been accounted a respectable one. Now will I rather abandon my farming, than lose my honor, and rather leave the country, than bring disgrace upon my family; wherefore I have now concluded to put that promise to the test, which my friend Eric the Red made, when we parted company in Breidafirth. It is my present design to go to Greenland this summer, if matters fare as I wish.” The folk were greatly astonished at this plan of Thorbiorn’s, for he was blessed with many friends, but they were convinced that he was so firmly fixed in his purpose, that it would not avail to endeavor to dissuade him from it. Thorbiorn bestowed gifts upon his guests, after which the feast came to an end, and the folk returned to their homes. Thorbiorn sells his lands and buys a ship, which was laid up at the mouth of Hraunhöfn. Thirty persons joined him in the voyage; among these were Orm of Arnarstapi, and his wife, and other of Thorbiorn’s friends, who would not part from him. Then they put to sea. When they sailed the weather was favorable, but after they came out upon the high-seas the fair wind failed, and there came great gales, and they lost their way, and had a very tedious voyage that summer. Then illness appeared among their people, and Orm and his wife Halldis died, and the half of their company. The sea began to run high, and they had a very wearisome and wretched voyage in many ways, but arrived, nevertheless, at Heriolfsness in Greenland, on the very eve of winter.20-1 At Heriolfsness lived a man named Thorkel. He was a man of ability and an excellent husbandman. He received Thorbiorn and all of his ship’s company, and entertained them well during the winter. At that time there was a[21] season of great dearth in Greenland; those who had been at the fisheries had had poor hauls, and some had not returned. There was a certain woman there in the settlement, whose name was Thorbiorg. She was a prophetess, and was called Little Sibyl. She had had nine sisters, all of whom were prophetesses, but she was the only one left alive. It was Thorbiorg’s custom in the winters, to go to entertainments, and she was especially sought after at the homes of those who were curious to know their fate, or what manner of season might be in store for them; and inasmuch as Thorkel was the chief yeoman in the neighborhood, it was thought to devolve upon him to find out when the evil time, which was upon them, would cease. Thorkel invited the prophetess to his home, and careful preparations were made for her reception, according to the custom which prevailed, when women of her kind were to be entertained. A high seat was prepared for her, in which a cushion filled with poultry feathers was placed. When she came in the evening, with the man who had been sent to meet her, she was clad in a dark-blue cloak, fastened with a strap, and set with stones quite down to the hem. She wore glass beads around her neck, and upon her head a black lamb-skin hood, lined with white cat-skin. In her hands she carried a staff, upon which there was a knob, which was ornamented with brass, and set with stones up about the knob. Circling her waist she wore a girdle of touch-wood, and attached to it a great skin pouch, in which she kept the charms which she used when she was practising her sorcery. She wore upon her feet shaggy calf-skin shoes, with long, tough latchets, upon the ends of which there were large brass buttons. She had cat-skin gloves upon her hands, which were white inside and lined with fur. When she entered, all of the folk felt it to be their duty to offer her becoming greetings. She received the salutations of each individual according as he pleased her. Yeoman Thorkel took the sibyl by the hand, and led her to the seat which had been made ready for her. Thorkel bade her run her eyes over man and beast and home. She had little to say concerning all these. The tables were brought forth in the[22] evening, and it remains to be told what manner of food was prepared for the prophetess. A porridge of goat’s beestings was made for her, and for meat there were dressed the hearts of every kind of beast, which could be obtained there. She had a brass spoon, and a knife with a handle of walrus tusk, with a double hasp of brass around the haft, and from this the point was broken. And when the tables were removed, Yeoman Thorkel approaches Thorbiorg, and asks how she is pleased with the home, and the character of the folk, and how speedily she would be likely to become aware of that concerning which he had questioned her, and which the people were anxious to know. She replied that she could not give an opinion in this matter before the morrow, after that she had slept there through the night. And on the morrow, when the day was far spent, such preparations were made as were necessary to enable her to accomplish her soothsaying. She bade them bring her those women, who knew the incantation, which she required to work her spells, and which she called Warlocks; but such women were not to be found. Thereupon a search was made throughout the house, to see whether any one knew this [incantation]. Then says Gudrid: “Although I am neither skilled in the black art nor a sibyl, yet my foster-mother, Halldis, taught me in Iceland that spell-song, which she called Warlocks.” Thorbiorg answered: “Then art thou wise in season!” Gudrid replies: “This is an incantation and ceremony of such a kind, that I do not mean to lend it any aid, for that I am a Christian woman.” Thorbiorg answers: “It might so be that thou couldst give thy help to the company here, and still be no worse woman than before; however I leave it with Thorkel to provide for my needs.” Thorkel now so urged Gudrid, that she said she must needs comply with his wishes. The women then made a ring round about, while Thorbiorg sat up on the spell-daïs. Gudrid then sang the song, so sweet and well, that no one remembered ever before to have heard the melody sung with so fair a voice as this. The sorceress thanked her for the song, and said: “She has indeed lured many spirits hither, who think it pleasant to hear this song, those who were wont[23] to forsake us hitherto and refuse to submit themselves to us. Many things are now revealed to me, which hitherto have been hidden, both from me and from others. And I am able to announce that this period of famine will not endure longer, but the season will mend as spring approaches. The visitation of disease, which has been so long upon you, will disappear sooner than expected. And thee, Gudrid, I shall reward out of hand, for the assistance, which thou hast vouchsafed us, since the fate in store for thee is now all made manifest to me. Thou shalt make a most worthy match here in Greenland, but it shall not be of long duration for thee, for thy future path leads out to Iceland, and a lineage both great and goodly shall spring from thee, and above thy line brighter rays of light shall shine, than I have power clearly to unfold. And now fare well and health to thee, my daughter!” After this the folk advanced to the sibyl, and each besought information concerning that about which he was most curious. She was very ready in her responses, and little of that which she foretold failed of fulfilment. After this they came for her from a neighboring farmstead, and she thereupon set out thither. Thorbiorn was then sent for, since he had not been willing to remain at home while such heathen rites were practising. The weather improved speedily, when the spring opened, even as Thorbiorg had prophesied. Thorbiorn equipped his ship and sailed away, until he arrived at Brattahlid.23-1 Eric received him with open arms, and said that it was well that he had come thither. Thorbiorn and his household remained with him during the winter, while quarters were provided for the crew among the farmers. And the following spring Eric gave Thorbiorn land on Stokkaness, where a goodly farmstead was founded, and there he lived thenceforward.

Now, here's the story: one autumn, when Einar was in Iceland, he set out with his goods along Snaefellsness, planning to sell them. When he reached Arnarstapi, Orm invited him to stay, and Einar happily accepted since they were good friends. Einar’s goods were taken to a storehouse, where he unpacked them and showed them to Orm and his household, asking Orm to take any items he liked. Orm appreciated the offer, stating that Einar was a good merchant and had great luck. While they were busy with the goods, a beautiful woman walked past the storehouse door. Einar asked Orm, “Who was that attractive woman? I haven’t seen her around here before.” Orm replied, “That’s Gudrid, my foster daughter, the daughter of Thorbiorn of Laugarbrekka.” “She must be a great catch,” said Einar. “Has she had any suitors?” Orm responded, “Indeed she has been courted, my friend, and she’s not easily won, as both she and her father are very particular about choosing a husband.” “Regardless,” said Einar, “I plan to court her and would like you to approach her father on my behalf, using every effort to help me succeed. I will reward you with my full friendship if it goes well. Perhaps Thorbiorn will see the benefits of our union, since he is a respectable man with a good home, but I've heard his wealth is on the decline. Neither my father nor I lack land or possessions, and this match could greatly benefit Thorbiorn.” “I consider myself your friend,” replied Orm, “but I’m not keen to involve myself in this matter, for Thorbiorn has a very proud nature and is quite ambitious.” Einar insisted that he only wanted Orm to bring up his interest, and Orm agreed to do so. Einar traveled south until he reached home. Later, Thorbiorn held an autumn feast as was his tradition, being a man of high status. Orm of Arnarstapi and many of Thorbiorn’s friends were present. Orm spoke with Thorbiorn, mentioning that Einar of Thorgeirsfell had visited not long ago and had become a promising young man. Orm then presented Einar’s proposal for marriage, noting that some might see it as a fitting match: “You could greatly strengthen your standing, master, due to the property.” Thorbiorn replied, “I never expected to hear such words from you — that I should marry my daughter to the son of a thrall; and just because you think my fortunes are declining, I wouldn’t have her lowered to such a match.” Orm returned home, and all the guests went back to their households, while Gudrid stayed behind with her father and spent the winter at home. In the spring, Thorbiorn hosted a gathering for his friends, and many attended. It was a grand feast, and at the banquet, Thorbiorn called for silence and spoke: “I have lived a good life and have felt the kindness of those around me, and I believe our relationships have been pleasant. But now I find myself in difficult circumstances, although my estate has been seen as decent. I would rather abandon farming than lose my honor and would prefer to leave this land than bring shame upon my family. Therefore, I have decided to test a promise my friend Eric the Red made when we parted in Breidafirth. I plan to go to Greenland this summer if all goes well.” The people were shocked by Thorbiorn’s intentions, for he had many friends, but they believed he was set on this decision, and it would be pointless to try to dissuade him. Thorbiorn gave gifts to his guests, and the feast came to a close, leading everyone home. Thorbiorn sold his lands and purchased a ship, which was docked at Hraunhöfn. Thirty people joined him on the voyage, including Orm of Arnarstapi and his wife, along with other friends of Thorbiorn who refused to part from him. Then they set sail. The weather was good at first, but once they reached the open sea, the fair winds died, and storms came, causing them to lose their way, resulting in a long and grueling journey that summer. Illness struck their crew, leading to the deaths of Orm, his wife Halldis, and half the company. The sea grew rough, turning their voyage into a taxing and miserable experience, but they nevertheless arrived at Heriolfsness in Greenland on the eve of winter. At Heriolfsness lived a man named Thorkel, a capable and excellent farmer. He welcomed Thorbiorn and all his crew, hosting them well throughout the winter. At that time, there was a severe famine in Greenland; those who had been fishing had poor catches, and some hadn’t returned. There was a woman in the settlement named Thorbiorg, a prophetess known as Little Sibyl. She had nine sisters, all prophetesses, but she was the only one still alive. In winter, Thorbiorg would attend gatherings, especially sought after by those curious about their futures or the upcoming seasons. Since Thorkel was the chief yeoman in the area, it was thought he should find out when the hard times would end. Thorkel invited the prophetess to his home and made careful preparations for her arrival, according to the customs of entertaining such women. A high seat was set up for her, with a cushion filled with feathers. When she arrived that evening, with the man sent to greet her, she wore a dark-blue cloak fastened with a strap and adorned with stones down to the hem. She had glass beads around her neck and a black lambskin hood lined with white cat fur on her head. In her hands, she carried a staff with a brass knob, decorated with stones. Around her waist was a girdle made of touch-wood, from which depended a large leather pouch containing the charms she used for her magic. On her feet were shaggy calfskin shoes with long, strong laces, finished with large brass buttons. She had cat-skin gloves that were white inside and lined with fur. Upon her entrance, everyone felt obligated to greet her properly. She accepted the salutations according to her liking. Yeoman Thorkel took her hand and led her to the seat prepared for her. Thorkel asked her to look over man, beast, and home. She had little to say about any of those. The tables were set for the evening meal, and it’s worth noting what food was prepared for the prophetess. They made a porridge from goat’s milk, and for meat, they prepared the hearts of all kinds of animals they could find. She had a brass spoon and a knife with a walrus tusk handle, which had a brass double ring around it, from which the tip had broken off. After the tables were cleared, Yeoman Thorkel approached Thorbiorg, inquiring about her impressions of the home, the people, and how soon she might know the answers to his questions, which everyone was eager to hear. She replied that she couldn’t give an opinion until the next day after she had spent the night there. The next day, when the day was well underway, they made the necessary preparations for her soothsaying. She asked for those women who knew the incantations she needed, which she referred to as Warlocks; however, such women were not to be found. A search was made throughout the house to find someone who knew this incantation. Then Gudrid spoke up, “Although I’m not skilled in the dark arts nor a prophetess, my foster mother, Halldis, taught me that spell in Iceland which she called Warlocks.” Thorbiorg replied, “Then you are wise indeed!” Gudrid said, “This is an incantation of such a nature that I won’t help with it because I am a Christian woman.” Thorbiorg replied, “You might very well be able to assist this company and still remain a good woman; however, I’ll leave it to Thorkel to see to my needs.” Thorkel then urged Gudrid to comply, and she felt she had to agree. The women formed a circle around Thorbiorg, who sat on the spell dais. Gudrid then sang the song so beautifully and sweetly that no one remembered ever having heard such a lovely voice before. The sorceress thanked her for the song, saying: “You have indeed summoned many spirits who enjoy hearing this song, who previously refused to come to us. Many things are now revealed to me, which have been concealed both from me and from others. I can announce that this famine will not last much longer, and the situation will improve as spring comes. The diseases that have plagued you will vanish sooner than you think. And you, Gudrid, I will reward for the help you provided us, for your fate is now clear to me. You shall make a most fitting match here in Greenland, but it will not last long for you, as your future path leads back to Iceland, and a lineage both great and noble will come from you, shining brighter above your line than I can clearly articulate. And now, farewell and good health to you, my daughter!” After this, people approached the prophetess, each seeking knowledge about what they were most curious about. She readily answered them, and little of what she foretold failed to come true. Soon, she was called to a nearby farmstead, and she set off there. Thorbiorn was summoned since he had not wanted to stay home while such pagan rites took place. The weather improved quickly when spring arrived, just as Thorborg had foretold. Thorbiorn outfitted his ship and sailed away until he reached Brattahlid. Eric welcomed him warmly, saying it was good to see him there. Thorbiorn and his household stayed with him that winter, while quarters were arranged for the crew among the farmers. The following spring, Eric granted Thorbiorn land on Stokkaness, where he established a prosperous farmstead, and from then on, he lived there.

Concerning Leif the Lucky and the Introduction of Christianity into Greenland.—Eric was married to a woman named Thorhild, and had two sons; one of these was named Thorstein, and the other Leif. They were both promising men. Thorstein lived at home with his father, and there was not at[24] that time a man in Greenland who was accounted of so great promise as he. Leif had sailed to Norway,24-1 where he was at the court of King Olaf Tryggvason. When Leif sailed from Greenland, in the summer, they were driven out of their course to the Hebrides. It was late before they got fair winds thence, and they remained there far into the summer. Leif became enamored of a certain woman, whose name was Thorgunna. She was a woman of fine family, and Leif observed that she was possessed of rare intelligence. When Leif was preparing for his departure Thorgunna asked to be permitted to accompany him. Leif inquired whether she had in this the approval of her kinsmen. She replied that she did not care for it. Leif responded that he did not deem it the part of wisdom to abduct so high-born a woman in a strange country, “and we so few in number.” “It is by no means certain that thou shalt find this to be the better decision,” said Thorgunna. “I shall put it to the proof, notwithstanding,” said Leif. “Then I tell thee,” said Thorgunna, “that I am no longer a lone woman, for I am pregnant, and upon thee I charge it. I foresee that I shall give birth to a male child. And though thou give this no heed, yet will I rear the boy, and send him to thee in Greenland, when he shall be fit to take his place with other men. And I foresee that thou wilt get as much profit of this son as is thy due from this our parting; moreover, I mean to come to Greenland myself before the end comes.” Leif gave her a gold finger-ring, a Greenland wadmal mantle, and a belt of walrus-tusk. This boy came to Greenland, and was called Thorgils. Leif acknowledged his paternity, and some men will have it that this Thorgils came to Iceland in the summer before the Froda-wonder.24-2 However, this Thorgils was afterwards in Greenland, and there seemed to be something not altogether natural about him before the end came. Leif and his com[25]panions sailed away from the Hebrides, and arrived in Norway in the autumn.25-1 Leif went to the court of King Olaf Tryggvason.25-2 He was well received by the king, who felt that he could see that Leif was a man of great accomplishments. Upon one occasion the king came to speech with Leif, and asks him, “Is it thy purpose to sail to Greenland in the summer?” “It is my purpose,” said Leif, “if it be your will.” “I believe it will be well,” answers the king, “and thither thou shalt go upon my errand, to proclaim Christianity there.” Leif replied that the king should decide, but gave it as his belief that it would be difficult to carry this mission to a successful issue in Greenland. The king replied that he knew of no man who would be better fitted for this undertaking, “and in thy hands the cause will surely prosper.” “This can only be,” said Leif, “if I enjoy the grace of your protection.” Leif put to sea when his ship was ready for the voyage. For a long time he was tossed about upon the ocean, and came upon lands of which he had previously had no knowledge. There were self-sown wheat25-3 fields and vines growing there. There were also those trees there which are called “mausur,”25-4 and of all these they took specimens. Some of the timbers were so large that they were used in building. Leif found men upon a wreck, and took them home with him, and procured quarters for them all during the winter. In this wise he showed[26] his nobleness and goodness, since he introduced Christianity into the country, and saved the men from the wreck; and he was called Leif the Lucky ever after. Leif landed in Ericsfirth, and then went home to Brattahlid; he was well received by every one. He soon proclaimed Christianity throughout the land, and the Catholic faith, and announced King Olaf Tryggvason’s messages to the people, telling them how much excellence and how great glory accompanied this faith. Eric was slow in forming the determination to forsake his old belief, but Thiodhild26-1 embraced the faith promptly, and caused a church to be built at some distance from the house. This building was called Thiodhild’s Church, and there she and those persons who had accepted Christianity, and they were many, were wont to offer their prayers. Thiodhild would not have intercourse with Eric after that she had received the faith, whereat he was sorely vexed.

About Leif the Lucky and the Introduction of Christianity into Greenland.—Eric was married to a woman named Thorhild and had two sons: one was named Thorstein and the other Leif. They were both promising young men. Thorstein lived at home with his father, and at[24] that time, there was no one in Greenland considered to have as much potential as he did. Leif had sailed to Norway, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ where he was at the court of King Olaf Tryggvason. When Leif set sail from Greenland during the summer, they were blown off course to the Hebrides. It was late before they got favorable winds to leave, and they stayed there well into the summer. Leif became infatuated with a woman named Thorgunna. She came from a distinguished family, and Leif noticed that she was exceptionally intelligent. As Leif was getting ready to leave, Thorgunna asked if she could come with him. Leif asked if her relatives approved of this. She replied that she didn't care about their approval. Leif said he didn’t think it was wise to take such a high-born woman from a foreign land, “and we’re so few.” “You may not find this to be the better choice,” Thorgunna said. “I’ll test that theory,” Leif replied. “Then I tell you,” Thorgunna said, “that I am no longer alone, as I am pregnant, and you are the father. I foresee I will give birth to a son. And even if you don’t think much of this, I will raise the boy and send him to you in Greenland when he’s ready to join society. I can see that you will receive just as much from this son as is fitting from our separation; moreover, I plan to come to Greenland myself before it's all over.” Leif gave her a gold ring, a mantle made of Greenland wadmal, and a belt of walrus tusk. This boy later came to Greenland and was named Thorgils. Leif acknowledged him as his son, and some people say that this Thorgils came to Iceland in the summer before the Froda-wonder. 24-2 However, Thorgils ended up in Greenland afterward, and there seemed to be something unusual about him before the end came. Leif and his companions sailed away from the Hebrides and reached Norway in the autumn. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Leif went to the court of King Olaf Tryggvason. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ He was warmly welcomed by the king, who recognized Leif as a man of great skills. At one point, the king spoke to Leif and asked him, “Do you plan to sail to Greenland in the summer?” “I do plan to,” Leif said, “if that’s your wish.” “I believe that will be good,” the king replied, “and you shall go there on my behalf to spread Christianity.” Leif responded that the king should make the decision but expressed his belief that it might be hard to succeed with this mission in Greenland. The king replied that he knew of no one better suited for this task, “and the cause will surely flourish under your care.” “That can only happen,” Leif said, “if I have your protection.” Leif set sail when his ship was ready. He faced many challenges at sea and encountered lands he had never seen before. There were wild fields ofwheat and vines growing there. They also found trees called“mausur,”25-4 and they took samples of everything. Some of the wood was so large that it was used for building. Leif found men from a wreck and took them back with him, providing them shelter for the winter. In this way, he demonstrated his nobility and kindness by introducing Christianity into the country and saving the shipwrecked men; from then on, he was known as Leif the Lucky. Leif landed in Ericsfirth and then returned home to Brattahlid, where he was warmly greeted by everyone. He quickly spread Christianity throughout the land and shared King Olaf Tryggvason’s messages with the people, explaining the greatness and glory that came with this faith. Eric was slow to decide to abandon his old beliefs, but Thiodhild__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ embraced the faith immediately and had a church built some distance from their house. This building was called Thiodhild’s Church, where she and many others who had accepted Christianity would pray together. After accepting the faith, Thiodhild would not have relations with Eric, which greatly upset him.

At this time there began to be much talk about a voyage of exploration to that country which Leif had discovered. The leader of this expedition was Thorstein Ericsson, who was a good man and an intelligent, and blessed with many friends. Eric was likewise invited to join them, for the men believed that his luck and foresight would be of great furtherance. He was slow in deciding, but did not say nay, when his friends besought him to go. They thereupon equipped that ship in which Thorbiorn had come out, and twenty men were selected for the expedition. They took little cargo with them, nought else save their weapons and provisions. On that morning when Eric set out from his home he took with him a little chest containing gold and silver; he hid this treasure, and then went his way. He had proceeded but a short distance, however, when he fell from his horse and broke his ribs and dislocated his shoulder, whereat he cried “Ai, ai!” By reason of this accident he sent his wife word that she should procure the treasure which he had concealed, for to the hiding of the treasure he attributed his misfortune. Thereafter they sailed cheerily out of Ericsfirth in high spirits over their plan. They[27] were long tossed about upon the ocean, and could not lay the course they wished. They came in sight of Iceland, and likewise saw birds from the Irish coast.27-1 Their ship was, in sooth, driven hither and thither over the sea. In the autumn they turned back, worn out by toil, and exposure to the elements, and exhausted by their labors, and arrived at Ericsfirth at the very beginning of winter. Then said Eric, “More cheerful were we in the summer, when we put out of the firth, but we still live, and it might have been much worse.” Thorstein answers, “It will be a princely deed to endeavor to look well after the wants of all these men who are now in need, and to make provision for them during the winter.” Eric answers, “It is ever true, as it is said, that ‘it is never clear ere the answer comes,’ and so it must be here. We will act now upon thy counsel in this matter.” All of the men, who were not otherwise provided for, accompanied the father and son. They landed thereupon, and went home to Brattahlid, where they remained throughout the winter.

During this time, there was a lot of talk about an exploration voyage to the land that Leif had discovered. The leader of this expedition was Thorstein Ericsson, who was a good and smart man, well-liked and with many friends. Eric was also invited to join them, as the men believed that his luck and foresight would be very helpful. He took his time deciding but didn’t say no when his friends asked him to go. They then outfitted the ship that Thorbiorn had arrived on, and twenty men were chosen for the expedition. They took very little with them, just their weapons and supplies. On the morning that Eric left his home, he took a small chest with gold and silver; he hid this treasure and then set out. However, he hadn’t gone far when he fell off his horse, breaking his ribs and dislocating his shoulder, which made him cry out “Ai, ai!” Because of this accident, he told his wife to get the treasure he had hidden, as he thought the hiding of it was the cause of his bad luck. After that, they sailed out of Ericsfirth in high spirits about their plans. They were tossed around at sea for a long time and couldn’t steer the course they wanted. They spotted Iceland and also saw birds from the Irish coast. Their ship was truly blown about on the ocean. In the autumn, they turned back, worn out from their struggles and exposure to the elements, and arrived back at Ericsfirth at the very start of winter. Then Eric said, “We were much happier in the summer when we left the firth, but we’re still alive, and it could have been much worse.” Thorstein replied, “It would be a noble thing to look after the needs of all these men who are now in want and to prepare for them through the winter.” Eric responded, “It is always true, as they say, that ‘it is never clear until the answer comes,’ and so it must be here. We'll follow your advice on this.” All the men who didn’t have other arrangements went with the father and son. They landed and went home to Brattahlid, where they stayed for the winter.

Thorstein Ericsson weds Gudrid; Apparitions.—Now it is to be told that Thorstein Ericsson sought Gudrid, Thorbiorn’s daughter, in wedlock. His suit was favorably received both by herself and by her father, and it was decided that Thorstein should marry Gudrid, and the wedding was held at Brattahlid in the autumn. The entertainment sped well, and was very numerously attended. Thorstein had a home in the Western Settlement at a certain farmstead, which is called Lysufirth. A half interest in this property belonged to a man named Thorstein, whose wife’s name was Sigrid. Thorstein went to Lysufirth, in the autumn, to his namesake, and Gudrid bore him company. They were well received, and remained there during the winter. It came to pass that sickness appeared in their home early in the winter. Gard was the name of the overseer there; he had few friends; he fell sick first, and died. It was not long before one after another fell sick and died. Then Thorstein, Eric’s son, fell sick, and Sigrid, the wife of Thorstein, his namesake; and one even[28]ing Sigrid wished to go to the house, which stood over against the outer-door, and Gudrid accompanied her; they were facing the outer-door when Sigrid uttered a loud cry. “We have acted thoughtlessly,” exclaimed Gudrid, “yet thou needest not cry, though the cold strikes thee; let us go in again as speedily as possible.” Sigrid answers, “This may not be in this present plight. All of the dead folk are drawn up here before the door now; among them I see thy husband, Thorstein, and I can see myself there, and it is distressful to look upon.” But directly this had passed she exclaimed, “Let us go now, Gudrid; I no longer see the band!” The overseer had vanished from her sight, whereas it had seemed to her before that he stood with a whip in his hand and made as if he would scourge the flock. So they went in, and ere the morning came she was dead, and a coffin was made ready for the corpse; and that same day the men planned to row out to fish, and Thorstein accompanied them to the landing-place, and in the twilight he went down to see their catch. Thorstein, Eric’s son, then sent word to his namesake that he should come to him, saying that all was not as it should be there, for the housewife was endeavoring to rise to her feet, and wished to get in under the clothes beside him, and when he entered the room she was come up on the edge of the bed. He thereupon seized her hands and held a pole-axe28-1 before her breast. Thorstein, Eric’s son, died before night-fall. Thorstein, the master of the house, bade Gudrid lie down and sleep, saying that he would keep watch over the bodies during the night; thus she did, and early in the night, Thorstein, Eric’s son, sat up and spoke saying that he desired Gudrid to be called thither, for that it was his wish to speak to her: “It is God’s will that this hour be given me for my own and for the betterment of my condition.” Thorstein, the master, went in search of Gudrid, and waked her, and bade her cross herself, and pray God to help her; “Thorstein, Eric’s son, has said to me that he wishes to see thee; thou must take counsel with thyself now, what thou[29] wilt do, for I have no advice to give thee.” She replies, “It may be that this is intended to be one of those incidents which shall afterward be held in remembrance, this strange event, and it is my trust that God will keep watch over me; wherefore, under God’s mercy, I shall venture to him and learn what it is that he would say, for I may not escape this if it be designed to bring me harm. I will do this, lest he go further, for it is my belief that the matter is a grave one.” So Gudrid went and drew near to Thorstein, and he seemed to her to be weeping. He spoke a few words in her ear, in a low tone, so that she alone could hear them; but this he said so that all could hear, that those persons would be blessed who kept well the faith, and that it carried with it all help and consolation, and yet many there were, said he, who kept it but ill. “This is no proper usage which has obtained here in Greenland since Christianity was introduced here, to inter men in unconsecrated earth, with nought but a brief funeral service. It is my wish that I be conveyed to the church, together with the others who have died here; Gard, however, I would have you burn upon a pyre, as speedily as possible, since he has been the cause of all of the apparitions which have been seen here during the winter.” He spoke to her also of her own destiny, and said that she had a notable future in store for her, but he bade her beware of marrying any Greenlander; he directed her also to give their property to the church and to the poor, and then sank down again a second time. It had been the custom in Greenland, after Christianity was introduced there, to bury persons on the farmsteads where they died, in unconsecrated earth; a pole was erected in the ground, touching the breast of the dead, and subsequently, when the priests came thither, the pole was withdrawn and holy water poured in [the orifice], and the funeral service held there, although it might be long thereafter. The bodies of the dead were conveyed to the church at Ericsfirth, and the funeral services held there by the clergy. Thorbiorn died soon after this, and all of his property then passed into Gudrid’s possession. Eric took her to his home and carefully looked after her affairs.[30]

Thorstein Ericsson weds Gudrid; Apparitions.—Now it’s time to share how Thorstein Ericsson sought Gudrid, Thorbiorn’s daughter, in marriage. His proposal was well-received by both her and her father, and it was agreed that Thorstein would marry Gudrid, with the wedding taking place at Brattahlid in the fall. The celebration went smoothly and was very well attended. Thorstein had a residence in the Western Settlement at a certain farm, called Lysufirth. Half of this property belonged to a man named Thorstein, whose wife was named Sigrid. Thorstein went to Lysufirth that autumn, accompanied by Gudrid. They received a warm welcome and stayed there for the winter. Unfortunately, sickness struck their home early in the winter. Gard was the overseer there; he had few friends and was the first to fall ill and die. Soon after, one by one, others became sick and died. Then Thorstein, Eric’s son, fell ill, as did Sigrid, the wife of his namesake; one evening, Sigrid wanted to go to the house that stood by the outer door, and Gudrid went with her. As they faced the outer door, Sigrid let out a loud cry. “We’ve been foolish,” said Gudrid. “But you needn’t shout, even if the cold chills you; let's go back inside quickly.” Sigrid replied, “This cannot be right in this condition. All the dead are gathered here in front of the door now; I see your husband, Thorstein, and I can see myself there, and it’s distressing to behold.” But just then, Sigrid exclaimed, “Let’s go now, Gudrid; I no longer see the group!” The overseer had disappeared from her sight, though moments before, she thought he stood there with a whip as if to punish the flock. So they went inside, and by morning, she was dead. They prepared a coffin for her body; on the same day, the men planned to go fishing, and Thorstein went with them to the landing area. In the twilight, he went down to check their catch. Thorstein, Eric’s son, then sent word to his namesake to come to him, saying that things were not as they should be, for the housewife was trying to rise and wanted to crawl under the covers with him. When he entered the room, she had pulled herself up to the edge of the bed. He then grabbed her hands and held a poleaxe28-1 against her chest. Thorstein, Eric’s son, died before night fell. Thorstein, the master of the house, advised Gudrid to lie down and sleep, assuring her he would keep watch over the bodies during the night; she complied, and early that night, Thorstein, Eric’s son, sat up and said he wanted Gudrid to be called, as he wished to speak to her: “It’s God’s will that this hour be granted to me for my own and for the improvement of my situation.” Thorstein, the master, went to find Gudrid, woke her up, and urged her to cross herself and pray to God for help; “Thorstein, Eric’s son, told me he wants to see you; you must decide what to do now, as I have no advice to offer.” She replied, “This might be one of those moments that will be remembered later, this strange event, and I trust that God will protect me; therefore, with God’s mercy, I will approach him and find out what he wants to say, as I cannot avoid this if it’s meant to bring me harm. I will do this, lest he pursue the matter further, because I believe it is serious.” So Gudrid went and approached Thorstein, who appeared to her to be crying. He whispered a few words in her ear, so only she could hear, but said aloud that those would be blessed who maintained their faith well, and that it brought all help and comfort, yet many, he noted, did not keep it well. “This is not the proper way that has occurred here in Greenland since Christianity was introduced; to bury men in unconsecrated ground with nothing more than a brief funeral service. I wish to be taken to the church, alongside the others who have died here; however, I want Gard to be burned on a pyre as soon as possible, since he has caused all the apparitions seen here during the winter.” He also spoke to her about her own future, saying she had something significant ahead of her, but cautioned her against marrying any Greenlander; he instructed her to give their property to the church and to the poor, then sank down again a second time. After Christianity’s arrival in Greenland, it became customary to bury people on the farmsteads where they died in unconsecrated ground; a pole was placed in the ground, touching the dead’s chest, and later, when priests arrived, the pole was removed, and holy water poured into the hole, followed by a funeral service, even if it was long after. The bodies of the deceased were taken to the church at Ericsfirth for the funeral services held by the clergy. Thorbiorn died soon after this, and all his property passed to Gudrid. Eric took her to his home and looked after her affairs closely.[30]

Concerning Thord of Höfdi.—There was a man named Thord, who lived at Höfdi on Höfdi-strands. He married Fridgerd, daughter of Thori the Loiterer and Fridgerd, daughter of Kiarval the King of the Irish. Thord was a son of Biorn Chestbutter, son of Thorvald Spine, Asleik’s son, the son of Biorn Iron-side, the son of Ragnar Shaggy-breeks. They had a son named Snorri. He married Thorhild Ptarmigan, daughter of Thord the Yeller. Their son was Thord Horse-head. Thorfinn Karlsefni30-1 was the name of Thord’s son. Thorfinn’s mother’s name was Thorunn. Thorfinn was engaged in trading voyages, and was reputed to be a successful merchant. One summer Karlsefni equipped his ship, with the intention of sailing to Greenland. Snorri, Thorbrand’s son, of Alptafirth accompanied him, and there were forty men on board the ship with them. There was a man named Biarni, Grimolf’s son, a man from Breidafirth, and another named Thorhall, Gamli’s son, an East-firth man. They equipped their ship, the same summer as Karlsefni, with the intention of making a voyage to Greenland; they had also forty men in their ship. When they were ready to sail, the two ships put to sea together. It has not been recorded how long a voyage they had; but it is to be told, that both of the ships arrived at Ericsfirth in the autumn. Eric and other of the inhabitants of the country rode to the ships, and a goodly trade was soon established between them. Gudrid was requested by the skippers to take such of their wares as she wished, while Eric, on his part, showed great munificence in return, in that he extended an invitation to both crews to accompany him home for winter quarters at Brattahlid. The merchants accepted this invitation, and went with Eric. Their wares were then conveyed to Brattahlid; nor was there lack there of good and commodious store-houses, in which to keep them; nor was there wanting much of that, which they needed, and the merchants were well pleased with their entertainment at Eric’s[31] home during that winter. Now as it drew toward Yule, Eric became very taciturn, and less cheerful than had been his wont. On one occasion Karlsefni entered into conversation with Eric, and said: “Hast thou aught weighing upon thee, Eric? The folk have remarked, that thou art somewhat more silent than thou hast been hitherto. Thou hast entertained us with great liberality, and it behooves us to make such return as may lie within our power. Do thou now but make known the cause of thy melancholy.” Eric answers: “Ye accept hospitality gracefully, and in manly wise, and I am not pleased that ye should be the sufferers by reason of our intercourse; rather am I troubled at the thought, that it should be given out elsewhere, that ye have never passed a worse Yule than this, now drawing nigh, when Eric the Red was your host at Brattahlid in Greenland.” “There shall be no cause for that,” replies Karlsefni, “we have malt, and meal, and corn in our ships, and you are welcome to take of these whatsoever you wish, and to provide as liberal an entertainment as seems fitting to you.” Eric accepts this offer, and preparations were made for the Yule feast, and it was so sumptuous, that it seemed to the people they had scarcely ever seen so grand an entertainment before. And after Yule, Karlsefni broached the subject of a marriage with Gudrid to Eric, for he assumed that with him rested the right to bestow her hand in marriage. Eric answers favorably, and says, that she would accomplish the fate in store for her, adding that he had heard only good reports of him. And, not to prolong this, the result was, that Thorfinn was betrothed to Thurid,31-1 and the banquet was augmented, and their wedding was celebrated; and this befell at Brattahlid during the winter.

About Thord of Höfdi.—There was a man named Thord who lived at Höfdi on Höfdi-strands. He married Fridgerd, the daughter of Thori the Loiterer, and Fridgerd, the daughter of Kiarval, the King of the Irish. Thord was the son of Biorn Chestbutter, son of Thorvald Spine, Asleik’s son, the son of Biorn Iron-side, the son of Ragnar Shaggy-breeks. They had a son named Snorri, who married Thorhild Ptarmigan, the daughter of Thord the Yeller. Their son was Thord Horse-head. Thorfinn Karlsefni__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ was the name of Thord’s son. Thorfinn’s mother was named Thorunn. Thorfinn was involved in trading voyages and was known to be a successful merchant. One summer, Karlsefni prepared his ship with the aim of sailing to Greenland. Snorri, Thorbrand’s son from Alptafirth, joined him, along with forty men aboard the ship. Another man named Biarni, the son of Grimolf from Breidafirth, and another named Thorhall, the son of Gamli from East-firth, also outfitted their ship that same summer intending to journey to Greenland; they too had forty men on board. When they were ready to sail, both ships set out together. The length of the voyage is not recorded; however, it is said that both ships reached Ericsfirth in the autumn. Eric and other locals came to the ships, and a good trade was quickly established between them. Gudrid was invited by the skippers to take whatever goods she wanted, while Eric generously invited both crews to stay with him for the winter at Brattahlid. The merchants accepted this invitation and went with Eric. Their goods were taken to Brattahlid, which had ample and convenient storerooms for keeping them, along with many necessities, and the merchants were happy with their hospitality at Eric’s[31] home that winter. As Yule approached, Eric became very reserved and less cheerful than usual. One day, Karlsefni started a conversation with Eric and said, “Is something bothering you, Eric? People have noticed that you’re quieter than you used to be. You’ve treated us with great generosity, and we should find a way to repay that. Please let us know what is making you sad.” Eric replied, “You accept hospitality graciously and with dignity, and I don’t want you to suffer because of our association; rather, I worry about the word getting out that you’ve never had a worse Yule than this one while Eric the Red was your host at Brattahlid in Greenland.” “That won’t happen,” Karlsefni responded, “We have malt, meal, and grain on our ships. You’re welcome to take whatever you need to host as grand a feast as you’d like.” Eric accepted the offer, and preparations began for the Yule feast, which turned out to be so lavish that the guests felt they had never seen such an extravagant celebration before. After Yule, Karlsefni brought up the idea of marrying Gudrid to Eric, believing he had the right to give her hand in marriage. Eric agreed, saying she would fulfill her destiny, adding that he had only heard good things about him. To keep it brief, the outcome was that Thorfinn was engaged to Thurid, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and the banquet was made even larger, culminating in their wedding, which took place at Brattahlid during the winter.

Beginning of the Wineland Voyages.—About this time there began to be much talk at Brattahlid, to the effect that Wineland the Good should be explored, for, it was said, that country must be possessed of many goodly qualities. And so it came to pass, that Karlsefni and Snorri fitted out their ship, for the purpose of going in search of that country in the spring. Biarni[32] and Thorhall joined the expedition with their ship, and the men who had borne them company. There was a man named Thorvard; he was wedded to Freydis, a natural daughter of Eric the Red. He also accompanied them, together with Thorvald, Eric’s son, and Thorhall, who was called the Huntsman. He had been for a long time with Eric as his hunter and fisherman during the summer, and as his steward during the winter. Thorhall was stout and swarthy, and of giant stature; he was a man of few words, though given to abusive language, when he did speak, and he ever incited Eric to evil. He was a poor Christian; he had a wide knowledge of the unsettled regions. He was on the same ship with Thorvard and Thorvald. They had that ship which Thorbiorn had brought out. They had in all one hundred and sixty men, when they sailed to the Western Settlement,32-1 and thence to Bear Island. Thence they bore away to the southward two “dœgr.”32-2 Then they saw land, and launched a boat, and explored the land, and found there large flat stones [hellur], and many of these were twelve ells wide; there were many Arctic foxes there. They gave a name to the country, and called it Helluland [the land of flat stones]. Then they sailed with northerly winds two “dœgr,” and land then lay before them, and upon it was a great wood and many wild beasts; an island lay off the land to the south-east, and there they found a bear, and they called this Biarney [Bear Island], while the land where the wood was they called Markland [Forest-land]. Thence they sailed southward along the land for a long time, and came to a cape; the land lay upon the starboard; there were long strands and sandy banks there. They rowed to the land and found upon the cape there the[33] keel of a ship, and they called it there Kialarnes [Keelness]; they also called the strands Furdustrandir [Wonder-strands], because they were so long to sail by.33-1 Then the country became indented with bays, and they steered their ships into a bay. It was when Leif was with King Olaf Tryggvason, and he bade him proclaim Christianity to Greenland, that the king gave him two Gaels; the man’s name was Haki, and the woman’s Haekia. The king advised Leif to have recourse to these people, if he should stand in need of fleetness, for they were swifter than deer. Eric and Leif had tendered Karlsefni the services of this couple. Now when they had sailed past Wonder-strands, they put the Gaels ashore, and directed them to run to the southward, and investigate the nature of the country, and return again before the end of the third half-day. They were each clad in a garment, which they called “kiafal,”33-2 which was so fashioned, that it had a hood at the top, was open at the sides, was sleeveless, and was fastened between the legs with buttons and loops, while elsewhere they were naked. Karlsefni and his companions cast anchor, and lay there during their absence; and when they came again, one of them carried a bunch of grapes, and the other an ear of new-sown wheat. They went on board the ship, whereupon Karlsefni and his followers held on their way, until they came to where the coast was indented with bays. They stood into a bay with their ships. There was an island out at the mouth of the bay, about which there were strong currents, wherefore they called it Straumey [Stream Isle]. There were so many birds33-3 there, that it was scarcely possible to step between[34] the eggs. They sailed through the firth, and called it Straumfiord [Streamfirth], and carried their cargoes ashore from the ships, and established themselves there. They had brought with them all kinds of live-stock. It was a fine country there. There were mountains thereabouts. They occupied themselves exclusively with the exploration of the country. They remained there during the winter, and they had taken no thought for this during the summer. The fishing began to fail, and they began to fall short of food. Then Thorhall the Huntsman disappeared. They had already prayed to God for food, but it did not come as promptly as their necessities seemed to demand. They searched for Thorhall for three half-days, and found him on a projecting crag. He was lying there, and looking up at the sky, with mouth and nostrils agape, and mumbling something. They asked him why he had gone thither; he replied, that this did not concern any one. They asked him then to go home with them, and he did so. Soon after this a whale appeared there, and they captured it, and flensed it, and no one could tell what manner of whale it was; and when the cooks had prepared it, they ate of it, and were all made ill by it. Then Thorhall, approaching them, says: “Did not the Red-beard34-1 prove more helpful than your Christ? This is my reward for the verses which I composed to Thor, the Trustworthy; seldom has he failed me.” When the people heard this, they cast the whale down into the sea, and made their appeals to God. The weather then improved, and they could now row out to fish, and thenceforward they had no lack of provisions, for they could hunt game on the land, gather eggs on the island, and catch fish from the sea.

Beginning of the Wineland Voyages.—Around this time, there was a lot of talk at Brattahlid about exploring Wineland the Good, as it was believed that this land must have many valuable qualities. So, Karlsefni and Snorri prepared their ship to search for that country in the spring. Biarni[32] and Thorhall joined the expedition with their ship and the crew that accompanied them. There was a man named Thorvard, who was married to Freydis, a natural daughter of Eric the Red. He joined them along with Thorvald, Eric’s son, and Thorhall, who was known as the Huntsman. He had spent a long time with Eric as his hunter and fisherman in the summer and as his steward in the winter. Thorhall was stout and dark-skinned, of giant stature; he was a man of few words, though he often used foul language when he did speak, and he constantly encouraged Eric to do wrong. He was not a good Christian and had considerable knowledge of unsettled lands. He was on the same ship as Thorvard and Thorvald. They had the ship that Thorbiorn had brought out. They set sail with a total of one hundred sixty men, heading to the Western Settlement, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and then to Bear Island. From there, they traveled south for two “dœgr.”32-2 Then they spotted land, launched a boat, explored the area, and found large flat stones [hellur], many of which were twelve ells wide; there were many Arctic foxes there. They named the country Helluland [the land of flat stones]. After that, they sailed northward for two “dœgr,” when land came into view, covered with a dense forest and many wild animals; an island was located to the southeast, where they found a bear, and so they named it Biarney [Bear Island], while the wooded area was called Markland [Forest-land]. They continued sailing south along the land for a long time and reached a cape; land was on their starboard side, characterized by long beaches and sandy shores. They rowed to shore and found the[33] keel of a ship on the cape, which they named Kialarnes [Keelness]; the beaches were called Furdustrandir [Wonder-strands] because they were so long to navigateby.33-1 Then the coastline became indented with bays, and they steered their ships into a bay. It was during Leif's time with King Olaf Tryggvason, when the king asked him to spread Christianity to Greenland, that he gave Leif two Gaels; one was named Haki, and the woman’s name was Haekia. The king advised Leif to seek out these individuals if he needed speed, as they were faster than deer. Eric and Leif had offered Karlsefni the help of this couple. After sailing past Wonder-strands, they set the Gaels ashore and instructed them to run south, explore the area, and return before the end of the third half-day. They each wore a garment called “kiafal,”33-2 which had a hood, was open at the sides, sleeveless, and fastened between the legs with buttons and loops, while the rest of their bodies were naked. Karlsefni and his crew anchored and stayed there while the Gaels were gone; when they returned, one of them carried a bunch of grapes, and the other had an ear of newly sown wheat. They boarded the ship, and Karlsefni and his team continued their journey until they reached a coast that was full of bays. They entered a bay with their ships. An island lay at the bay's mouth, where strong currents were present, prompting them to call it Straumey [Stream Isle]. There were so many birds__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ that it was nearly impossible to walk without stepping on eggs. They sailed through the firth and named it Straumfiord [Streamfirth], unloading their supplies from the ships and settling there. They had brought various types of livestock with them. The country was beautiful, with mountains nearby. They focused solely on exploring the area. They spent the winter there without planning for it over the summer. Fishing started to dwindle, and they began to run low on food. Then Thorhall the Huntsman went missing. They had already prayed to God for food, but it didn’t come as quickly as they desperately needed. They searched for Thorhall for three half-days and found him on a ledge. He was lying there, gazing at the sky, with his mouth and nostrils wide open, mumbling something. When asked why he had gone there, he replied it was none of their concern. They then asked him to come back with them, and he complied. Soon after, a whale appeared, and they captured it, but nobody could tell what kind of whale it was; when the cooks prepared it, everyone who ate it became ill. Then Thorhall approached them and said: “Did not the Red-beard __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ prove more helpful than your Christ? This is my reward for the verses I composed to Thor, the Trustworthy; he seldom lets me down.” When the others heard this, they threw the whale back into the sea and pleaded with God. After that, the weather improved, and they were able to row out to fish, and from then on, they had plenty of food, as they could hunt game on land, gather eggs from the island, and catch fish from the sea.

Concerning Karlsefni and Thorhall.—It is said, that Thorhall wished to sail to the northward beyond Wonder-strands, in search of Wineland, while Karlsefni desired to proceed to the southward, off the coast. Thorhall prepared for his voyage out below the island, having only nine men in his party, for all of the remainder of the company went with Karlsefni.[35] And one day when Thorhall was carrying water aboard his ship, and was drinking, he recited this ditty:35-1

About Karlsefni and Thorhall.—It's said that Thorhall wanted to sail north past Wonder-strands in search of Wineland, while Karlsefni wanted to head south along the coast. Thorhall got ready for his journey from below the island with just nine men, since the rest of the group went with Karlsefni.[35] One day, while Thorhall was carrying water onto his ship and drinking, he recited this ditty:35-1

When I arrived, these brave men told me,
Here’s the best drink I could get,
Now see me with my bucket,— Wine and I are still strangers. Bending down at the spring, I've tried All the wine this land provides;
Stripped of its celebrated charms, Its rewards are quite poor.

And when they were ready, they hoisted sail; whereupon Thorhall recited this ditty:35-2

And when they were ready, they raised the sails; then Thorhall recited this ditty:35-2

Friends, let's move forward now. Homeward to our own again! Let’s test the bravery of the sea horse,
Give the chafing horse its reins. Those who want to can wait in silence,
Let them celebrate their chosen land,
Feasting on a whale steak diet, In their home by Wonder-strand.

Then they sailed away to the northward past Wonder-strands and Keelness, intending to cruise to the westward around the cape. They encountered westerly gales, and were driven ashore in Ireland,35-3 where they were grievously maltreated and thrown into slavery. There Thorhall lost his life, according to that which traders have related.

Then they sailed north past Wonder-strands and Keelness, planning to head west around the cape. They faced strong westerly winds and were pushed ashore in Ireland,35-3 where they were badly mistreated and enslaved. There, Thorhall lost his life, according to what traders have shared.

It is now to be told of Karlsefni, that he cruised southward off the coast, with Snorri and Biarni, and their people. They[36] sailed for a long time, and until they came at last to a river, which flowed down from the land into a lake, and so into the sea. There were great bars at the mouth of the river, so that it could only be entered at the height of the flood-tide. Karlsefni and his men sailed into the mouth of the river, and called it there Hop [a small land-locked bay]. They found self-sown wheat-fields on the land there, wherever there were hollows, and wherever there was hilly ground, there were vines.36-1 Every brook there was full of fish. They dug pits, on the shore where the tide rose highest, and when the tide fell, there were halibut in the pits. There were great numbers of wild animals of all kinds in the woods. They remained there half a month, and enjoyed themselves, and kept no watch. They had their live-stock with them. Now one morning early, when they looked about them, they saw a great number of skin-canoes,36-2 and staves were brandished from the boats, with a noise like flails, and they were revolved in the same direction in which the sun moves. Then said Karlsefni: “What may this betoken?” Snorri, Thorbrand’s son, answers him: “It may be, that this is a signal of peace, wherefore let us take a white shield and display it.” And thus they did. Thereupon the strangers rowed toward them, and went upon the land, marvelling at those whom they saw before them. They were swarthy men,36-3 and ill-looking, and the hair of their heads was ugly. They had great eyes,36-4 and were broad of cheek.[37] They tarried there for a time looking curiously at the people they saw before them, and then rowed away, and to the southward around the point.

Karlsefni set out sailing south along the coast with Snorri, Biarni, and their crew. They traveled for a long time until they finally reached a river, which flowed from the land into a lake, and then into the sea. There were large sandbars at the river's mouth, allowing entry only at high tide. Karlsefni and his men sailed into the river and named it Hop [a small land-locked bay]. They discovered wild wheat fields on the land wherever there were depressions, and on the hilly ground, there were vines.36-1 Every stream was filled with fish. They dug pits along the shore where the tide was highest, and when the tide went out, there were halibut in the pits. There were many wild animals of all kinds in the woods. They stayed there for half a month, relaxing and keeping no guard, with their livestock alongside them. One early morning, as they looked around, they saw a large number of skin-canoes,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ with people waving sticks from the boats that made a noise like flails, moving in the same direction as the sun. Karlsefni said, “What could this mean?” Snorri, Thorbrand’s son, replied: “This might be a sign of peace, so let’s display a white shield.” They did just that. Then the strangers rowed toward them and landed, marvelling at those they saw. They were dark-skinned men,36-3 with a rough appearance and unkempt hair. They had large eyes,36-4 and broad faces.[37] They lingered for a time, curiously observing the people before them, then rowed away, heading south around the point.

Karlsefni and his followers had built their huts above the lake, some of their dwellings being near the lake, and others farther away. Now they remained there that winter. No snow came there, and all of their live-stock lived by grazing.37-1 And when spring opened, they discovered, early one morning, a great number of skin-canoes, rowing from the south past the cape, so numerous, that it looked as if coals had been scattered broadcast out before the bay; and on every boat staves were waved. Thereupon Karlsefni and his people displayed their shields, and when they came together, they began to barter with each other. Especially did the strangers wish to buy red cloth, for which they offered in exchange peltries and quite gray skins. They also desired to buy swords and spears, but Karlsefni and Snorri forbade this. In exchange for perfect unsullied skins, the Skrellings would take red stuff a span in length, which they would bind around their heads. So their trade went on for a time, until Karlsefni and his people began to grow short of cloth, when they divided it into such narrow pieces, that it was not more than a finger’s breadth wide, but the Skrellings still continued to give just as much for this as before, or more.

Karlsefni and his followers built their huts by the lake, some close to the water and others farther away. They stayed there for the winter. There was no snow, and all their livestock grazed. When spring arrived, they noticed a large number of skin boats rowing from the south past the cape, so many that it looked like coals scattered all over the bay, and everyone on the boats was waving sticks. Karlsefni and his group displayed their shields, and when they met, they began to trade with each other. The newcomers were especially interested in buying red cloth, offering pelts and gray skins in exchange. They also wanted swords and spears, but Karlsefni and Snorri said no. In return for perfect, unblemished skins, the Skrellings would take strips of red cloth about a span long, which they tied around their heads. This trading continued for a while, until Karlsefni and his people started running low on cloth. They cut it into very narrow strips, just a finger's width wide, but the Skrellings still traded just as much for these pieces as they had before, or even more.

It so happened, that a bull,37-2 which belonged to Karlsefni and his people, ran out from the woods, bellowing loudly. This so terrified the Skrellings, that they sped out to their canoes, and then rowed away to the southward along the coast. For three entire weeks nothing more was seen of them. At[38] the end of this time, however, a great multitude of Skrelling boats was discovered approaching from the south, as if a stream were pouring down, and all of their staves were waved in a direction contrary to the course of the sun, and the Skrellings were all uttering loud cries. Thereupon Karlsefni and his men took red shields and displayed them. The Skrellings sprang from their boats, and they met then, and fought together. There was a fierce shower of missiles, for the Skrellings had war-slings. Karlsefni and Snorri observed, that the Skrellings raised up on a pole a great ball-shaped body, almost the size of a sheep’s belly, and nearly black in color, and this they hurled from the pole up on the land above Karlsefni’s followers, and it made a frightful noise, where it fell. Whereat a great fear seized upon Karlsefni, and all his men, so that they could think of nought but flight, and of making their escape up along the river bank, for it seemed to them, that the troop of the Skrellings was rushing towards them from every side, and they did not pause, until they came to certain jutting crags, where they offered a stout resistance. Freydis came out, and seeing that Karlsefni and his men were fleeing, she cried: “Why do ye flee from these wretches, such worthy men as ye, when, meseems, ye might slaughter them like cattle. Had I but a weapon, methinks, I would fight better than any one of you!” They gave no heed to her words. Freydis sought to join them, but lagged behind, for she was not hale;38-1 she followed them, however, into the forest, while the Skrellings pursued her; she found a dead man in front of her; this was Thorbrand, Snorri’s son, his skull cleft by a flat stone; his naked sword lay beside him; she took it up, and prepared to defend herself with it. The Skrellings then approached her, whereupon she stripped down her shift, and slapped her breast with the naked sword. At this the Skrellings were terrified and ran down to their boats, and rowed away. Karlsefni and his companions, however, joined her and praised her valor. Two of Karlsefni’s men had fallen, and a great number of the Skrellings. Karlsefni’s party had been overpowered by dint[39] of superior numbers. They now returned to their dwellings, and bound up their wounds, and weighed carefully what throng of men that could have been, which had seemed to descend upon them from the land; it now seemed to them, that there could have been but the one party, that which came from the boats, and that the other troop must have been an ocular delusion. The Skrellings, moreover, found a dead man, and an axe lay beside him. One of their number picked up the axe, and struck at a tree with it, and one after another [they tested it], and it seemed to them to be a treasure, and to cut well; then one of their number seized it, and hewed at a stone with it, so that the axe broke, whereat they concluded that it could be of no use, since it would not withstand stone, and they cast it away.

It happened that a bull, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ owned by Karlsefni and his people charged out from the woods, bellowing loudly. This scared the Skrellings so much that they ran to their canoes and rowed away south along the coast. For three whole weeks, they were not seen again. At[38] the end of that time, though, a large group of Skrelling boats was spotted coming from the south, like a flood, with all their staffs waving in the opposite direction of the sun, and the Skrellings shouting loudly. So, Karlsefni and his men picked up red shields to display. The Skrellings jumped out of their boats, and they engaged in battle. A fierce rain of projectiles began since the Skrellings had war-slings. Karlsefni and Snorri saw the Skrellings raise a large, ball-shaped object, nearly as big as a sheep’s belly and almost black, on a pole, which they hurled from the pole onto the land above Karlsefni’s men, making a terrifying noise when it landed. This filled Karlsefni and his men with such fear that all they could think about was fleeing and escaping up the riverbank, as they felt the Skrellings’ force rushing toward them from all sides. They didn’t stop until they reached some rocky outcroppings, where they put up a strong fight. Freydis came out and, seeing Karlsefni and his men in retreat, shouted: “Why are you running from these scoundrels, you brave men, when I think you could slaughter them like cattle? If I had a weapon, I’m sure I could fight better than any of you!” They ignored her. Freydis tried to catch up to them but fell behind because she wasn’t hale;38-1 however, she followed them into the forest, with the Skrellings chasing her. She came across a dead man; it was Thorbrand, Snorri’s son, his skull crushed by a flat stone; his naked sword lay next to him. She picked it up, ready to defend herself. The Skrellings approached her; she tore her shift and slapped her breast with the bare sword. This terrified the Skrellings, making them run back to their boats and row away. Karlsefni and his companions then joined her and praised her bravery. Two of Karlsefni’s men had been killed, along with many of the Skrellings. Karlsefni’s group had been overpowered by sheer numbers. They returned to their homes, bandaged their wounds, and carefully considered the large group of men that seemed to come down upon them from the land; they now believed that there could only have been the one group from the boats, and the other sight must have been an optical illusion. Meanwhile, the Skrellings found a dead man next to whom lay an axe. One of them picked it up and struck a tree with it, testing it one after another, and they thought it was a treasure that cut well. Then one of them took it and struck at a stone, causing the axe to break, at which point they concluded that it was useless since it couldn’t withstand stone, and they threw it away.

It now seemed clear to Karlsefni and his people, that although the country thereabouts was attractive, their life would be one of constant dread and turmoil by reason of the [hostility of the] inhabitants of the country, so they forthwith prepared to leave, and determined to return to their own country. They sailed to the northward off the coast, and found five Skrellings, clad in skin-doublets, lying asleep near the sea. There were vessels beside them, containing animal marrow, mixed with blood. Karlsefni and his company concluded that they must have been banished from their own land. They put them to death. They afterwards found a cape, upon which there was a great number of animals, and this cape looked as if it were one cake of dung, by reason of the animals which lay there at night. They now arrived again at Streamfirth, where they found great abundance of all those things of which they stood in need. Some men say, that Biarni and Freydis remained behind here with a hundred men, and went no further; while Karlsefni and Snorri proceeded to the southward with forty men, tarrying at Hop barely two months, and returning again the same summer. Karlsefni then set out with one ship, in search of Thorhall the Huntsman, but the greater part of the company remained behind. They sailed to the northward around Keelness, and then bore to the westward,[40] having land to the larboard.40-1 The country there was a wooded wilderness, as far as they could see, with scarcely an open space; and when they had journeyed a considerable distance, a river flowed down from the east toward the west. They sailed into the mouth of the river, and lay to by the southern bank.

It became clear to Karlsefni and his crew that even though the area was appealing, their lives would be filled with constant fear and chaos due to the hostility of the local inhabitants. So, they quickly decided to leave and return to their homeland. They sailed north along the coast and discovered five Skrellings, dressed in skin doublets, sleeping near the sea. There were boats next to them that had animal marrow mixed with blood. Karlsefni and his group figured that these Skrellings must have been exiled from their land. They killed them. They then came across a cape filled with many animals, which looked like one big pile of dung because of all the animals that rested there at night. They arrived back at Streamfirth, where they found an abundance of everything they needed. Some say that Biarni and Freydis stayed behind there with a hundred men and didn't go further, while Karlsefni and Snorri went south with forty men, staying at Hop for just under two months before returning that same summer. Karlsefni then set out with one ship to look for Thorhall the Huntsman, but most of the crew stayed behind. They sailed north around Keelness and then turned west, with land to the left. The land there was a dense forest as far as they could see, with hardly any open spaces. After traveling a good distance, they found a river flowing from the east toward the west. They sailed into the river mouth and anchored by the southern bank.

The Slaying of Thorvald, Eric’s son.—It happened one morning, that Karlsefni and his companions discovered in an open space in the woods above them, a speck, which seemed to shine toward them, and they shouted at it: it stirred, and it was a Uniped,40-2 who skipped down to the bank of the river by which they were lying. Thorvald, a son of Eric the Red, was sitting at the helm, and the Uniped shot an arrow into his inwards. Thorvald drew out the arrow, and exclaimed: “There is fat around my paunch; we have hit upon a fruitful country, and yet we are not like to get much profit of it.” Thorvald died soon after from this wound. Then the Uniped ran away back toward the north. Karlsefni and his men pursued him, and saw him from time to time. The last they saw of him, he ran down into a creek. Then they turned back; whereupon one of the men recited this ditty:40-3

The Slaying of Thorvald, Eric’s son.—One morning, Karlsefni and his companions spotted a glimmer in an open area of the woods above them, and they called out to it. It moved, revealing a Uniped, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ which hopped down to the bank of the river where they were resting. Thorvald, Eric the Red’s son, was at the helm when the Uniped shot an arrow that struck him in the gut. Thorvald pulled out the arrow and said, “There’s fat around my belly; we must have stumbled upon a rich land, yet we won’t benefit much from it.” He quickly succumbed to the wound. The Uniped then dashed off to the north. Karlsefni and his men chased after him, catching occasional glimpses. The last they saw of him, he ran into a creek. They then turned back, at which point one of the men recited this ditty:40-3

Eager, our men, up hill and down dale,
Hunted a Uniped; Listen, Karlsefni, while they tell How quickly the prey escaped!

Then they sailed away back toward the north, and believed they had got sight of the land of the Unipeds; nor were they disposed to risk the lives of their men any longer. They concluded that the mountains of Hop, and those which they had[41] now found, formed one chain, and this appeared to be so because they were about an equal distance removed from Streamfirth, in either direction.41-1 They sailed back, and passed the third winter at Streamfirth. Then the men began to divide into factions, of which the women were the cause; and those who were without wives, endeavored to seize upon the wives of those who were married, whence the greatest trouble arose. Snorri, Karlsefni’s son, was born the first autumn, and he was three winters old when they took their departure. When they sailed away from Wineland, they had a southerly wind, and so came upon Markland, where they found five Skrellings,41-2 of whom one was bearded, two were women, and two were children. Karlsefni and his people took the boys, but the others escaped, and these Skrellings sank down into the earth. They bore the lads away with them, and taught them to speak, and they were baptized. They said, that their mother’s name was Vætilldi, and their father’s Uvægi. They said, that kings governed the Skrellings, one of whom was called Avalldamon, and the other Valldidida.41-3 They stated, that there were no houses there, and that the people lived in caves or holes. They said, that there was a land on the other side over against their country, which was inhabited by people who wore white garments, and yelled loudly, and carried poles before them, to[42] which rags were attached;42-1 and people believe that this must have been Hvitramanna-land [White-men’s-land], or Ireland the Great.42-2 Now they arrived in Greenland, and remained during the winter with Eric the Red.

Then they sailed back north, thinking they had spotted the land of the Unipeds; they were no longer willing to risk their men's lives. They concluded that the mountains of Hop and the ones they had now found formed one continuous chain, as they were about the same distance from Streamfirth in either direction. They returned and spent their third winter at Streamfirth. During this time, the men started to split into factions, mainly because of the women; those without wives tried to take the wives of those who were married, causing a lot of trouble. Snorri, the son of Karlsefni, was born that first autumn, and he was three winters old when they set off again. When they left Wineland, they had a southern wind and came upon Markland, where they encountered five Skrellings; one was bearded, two were women, and two were children. Karlsefni and his group captured the boys, but the others got away, and the Skrellings sank into the earth. They took the boys with them and taught them to speak; the boys were baptized. They said their mother’s name was Vætilldi and their father’s name was Uvægi. They mentioned that kings ruled the Skrellings, one named Avalldamon and the other Valldidida. They claimed there were no houses there, as the people lived in caves or holes. They also said there was a land on the other side of their country, inhabited by people who wore white garments, yelled loudly, and carried poles with rags attached to them; people believe this must have been Hvitramanna-land [White-men’s-land], or Ireland the Great. They then arrived in Greenland and spent the winter with Eric the Red.

Biarni, Grimolf’s son, and his companions were driven out into the Atlantic,42-3 and came into a sea, which was filled with worms, and their ship began to sink beneath them. They had a boat, which had been coated with seal-tar; this the sea-worm does not penetrate. They took their places in this boat, and then discovered that it would not hold them all. Then said Biarni: “Since the boat will not hold more than half of our men, it is my advice, that the men who are to go in the boat, be chosen by lot, for this selection must not be made according to rank.” This seemed to them all such a manly offer, that no one opposed it. So they adopted this plan, the men casting lots; and it fell to Biarni to go in the boat, and half of the men with him, for it would not hold more. But when the men were come into the boat, an Icelander, who was in the ship, and who had accompanied Biarni from Iceland, said: “Dost thou intend, Biarni, to forsake me here?” “It must be even so,” answers Biarni. “Not such was the promise thou gavest my father,” he answers, “when I left Iceland with thee, that thou wouldst thus part with me, when thou saidst, that we should both share the same fate.” “So be it, it shall not rest thus,” answers Biarni; “do thou come hither, and I will go to the ship, for I see that thou art eager for life.” Biarni thereupon boarded the ship, and this man entered the boat, and they went their way, until they came to Dublin in Ireland, and there they told this tale; now it is the belief of most peo[43]ple, that Biarni and his companions perished in the maggot-sea, for they were never heard of afterward.

Biarni, Grimolf’s son, and his friends were pushed out into the Atlantic,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ where they encountered a sea filled with worms, and their ship began to sink. They had a boat coated with seal-tar, which the sea-worms couldn’t penetrate. They got into the boat, only to realize it couldn’t hold all of them. Biarni then said, “Since the boat can only hold half of us, I suggest we choose who goes in by drawing lots; this should not be based on rank.” Everyone thought this was a fair idea, so they agreed, and they drew lots. Biarni and half of the men were chosen for the boat, as it couldn’t accommodate more. But when the men got into the boat, an Icelander who was on the ship and had traveled with Biarni from Iceland said, “Are you really going to leave me here, Biarni?” “It has to be this way,” replied Biarni. “That’s not what you promised my father,” the Icelander said. “You told him we’d share the same fate when I left Iceland with you.” “I won’t let it end like this,” Biarni responded. “Come here, and I’ll go back to the ship, since I see you’re determined to live.” Biarni then boarded the ship, and the Icelander got into the boat, and they continued on their journey until they arrived in Dublin, Ireland, where they shared this story. Most people believe that Biarni and his companions perished in the worm-filled sea because they were never heard from again.

Karlsefni and his Wife Thurid’s Issue.—The following summer Karlsefni sailed to Iceland and Gudrid with him, and he went home to Reyniness. His mother believed that he had made a poor match, and she was not at home the first winter. However, when she became convinced that Gudrid was a very superior woman, she returned to her home, and they lived happily together. Hallfrid was a daughter of Snorri, Karlsefni’s son, she was the mother of Bishop Thorlak,43-1 Runolf’s son. They had a son named Thorbiorn, whose daughter’s name was Thorunn, [she was] Bishop Biorn’s43-2 mother. Thorgeir was the name of a son of Snorri, Karlsefni’s son, [he was] the father of Ingveld, mother of Bishop Brand the Elder. Steinunn was a daughter of Snorri, Karlsefni’s son, who married Einar, a son of Grundar-Ketil, a son of Thorvald Crook, a son of Thori of Espihol. Their son was Thorstein the Unjust, he was the father of Gudrun, who married Jorund of Keldur. Their daughter was Halla, the mother of Flosi, the father of[44] Valgerd, the mother of Herra Erlend the Stout, the father of Herra Hauk the Lawman. Another daughter of Flosi was Thordis, the mother of Fru Ingigerd the Mighty. Her daughter was Fru Hallbera, Abbess of Reyniness at Stad. Many other great people in Iceland are descended from Karlsefni and Thurid, who are not mentioned here. God be with us, Amen!

Karlsefni and His Wife Thurid’s Descendants.—The following summer, Karlsefni sailed to Iceland with Gudrid, and he went back home to Reyniness. His mother thought he had made a poor choice in marrying her, and she wasn't at home the first winter. However, once she realized that Gudrid was an impressive woman, she came back, and they all lived happily together. Hallfrid was a daughter of Snorri, Karlsefni’s son, and she was the mother of Bishop Thorlak, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Runolf’s son. They had a son named Thorbiorn, and his daughter's name was Thorunn, [she was] the mother of Bishop Biorn’s __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ son. Thorgeir was another son of Snorri, Karlsefni’s son, [he was] the father of Ingveld, who was the mother of Bishop Brand the Elder. Steinunn was also a daughter of Snorri, Karlsefni’s son, who married Einar, a son of Grundar-Ketil, son of Thorvald Crook, son of Thori of Espihol. Their son was Thorstein the Unjust, who was the father of Gudrun, who married Jorund of Keldur. Their daughter was Halla, the mother of Flosi, the father of[44] Valgerd, the mother of Herra Erlend the Stout, the father of Herra Hauk the Lawman. Another daughter of Flosi was Thordis, the mother of Fru Ingigerd the Mighty. Her daughter was Fru Hallbera, Abbess of Reyniness at Stad. Many other notable people in Iceland are descended from Karlsefni and Thurid, who are not mentioned here. God be with us, Amen!

14-1 The translation that follows, by Arthur Middleton Reeves, is based on the text of Hauk’s Book, No. 544 of the Arna-Magnæan Collection, collated with No. 557 of the same collection. In Origines Islandicae, II. 610, this saga is called “The Story of Thorfinn Carlsemne.”

14-1 The following translation, by Arthur Middleton Reeves, is based on the text of Hauk’s Book, No. 544 of the Arna-Magnæan Collection, compared with No. 557 of the same collection. In Origines Islandicae, II. 610, this saga is referred to as “The Story of Thorfinn Carlsemne.”

14-2 The rubrics here given in italics are found in the original manuscript.

14-2 The instructions written in italics are from the original manuscript.

14-3 In eastern Norway.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ In eastern Norway.

14-4 From 853 to 871.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From 853 to 871.

15-1 A blank in the original manuscript.

15-1 A blank in the original manuscript.

15-2 This introductory paragraph, giving at the end the ancestry of Gudrid, the daughter of Thorbiorn Vifilson and a prominent figure in the Vinland voyages, seems to come first on account of the earlier historical allusions that it contains. The account of Gudrid is continued in the third paragraph.

15-2 This opening paragraph, which concludes with the family background of Gudrid, daughter of Thorbiorn Vifilson and a key figure in the Vinland voyages, appears first due to the earlier historical references it includes. The story of Gudrid continues in the third paragraph.

15-3 In southwestern Norway.

In southwestern Norway.

16-1 Movable planks used in constructing the lock-beds of the sleeping apartment. They were often beautifully carved, and hence valuable.

16-1 Movable boards used to build the bed frames of the bedroom. They were often finely carved, making them valuable.

16-2 An island midway between Iceland and Greenland, discovered in the latter part of the ninth century. Gunnbiorn was a Norwegian. This island is no longer above the surface. See Fiske, The Discovery of America, p. 242.

16-2 An island located between Iceland and Greenland, found in the late ninth century. Gunnbiorn was a Norwegian. This island is no longer visible above the water. See Fiske, The Discovery of America, p. 242.

17-1 This should read Eastern Settlement, evidently a clerical error in an original manuscript, as both Hauk’s Book and AM. 557 reproduce it. There were two settlements in Greenland, the Eastern and Western, both, however, to the westward of Cape Farewell, and between that cape on the south and Disco Island on the north. Ericsey (i.e., Eric’s Island) was at the mouth of Ericsfirth, near the present Julianshaab. For further details on the geography of these settlements, see Reeves, The Finding of Wineland the Good, p. 166, (25), and Fiske, The Discovery of America, I. 158, note.

17-1 This should be Eastern Settlement, clearly a typo in the original manuscript, as both Hauk’s Book and AM. 557 reproduce it. There were two settlements in Greenland, the Eastern and Western, both located west of Cape Farewell, and between that cape to the south and Disco Island to the north. Ericsey (i.e., Eric’s Island) was at the mouth of Ericsfirth, close to what is now Julianshaab. For more information on the geography of these settlements, see Reeves, The Finding of Wineland the Good, p. 166, (25), and Fiske, The Discovery of America, I. 158, note.

17-2 On the western coast of Greenland, about 70° N. Lat.

17-2 On the western coast of Greenland, around 70° N. Latitude.

17-3 The saga up to this point is taken from Landnama-bok, the great Icelandic authority on early genealogy and history. It might well have included one more paragraph (the succeeding one), which gives an approximate date to the colonization of Greenland: “Ari, Thorgil’s son, says that that summer twenty-five ships sailed to Greenland out of Borgfirth and Broadfirth; but fourteen only reached their destination; some were driven back, and some were lost. This was sixteen [S: fifteen] winters before Christianity was legally adopted in Iceland.” That is, in about 985, as Christianity was accepted in 1000 (or 1001). There is a possible variation of a year in the usually accepted date. See Origines Islandicae, I. 369.

17-3 The story so far is taken from Landnama-bok, the major Icelandic source on early genealogy and history. It could have included one more paragraph (the next one), which provides an approximate date for the colonization of Greenland: “Ari, Thorgil’s son, says that that summer, twenty-five ships set sail for Greenland from Borgfirth and Broadfirth; but only fourteen reached their destination; some were driven back, and some were lost. This was sixteen [S: fifteen] winters before Christianity was officially adopted in Iceland.” That is, around 985, since Christianity was accepted in 1000 (or 1001). There might be a slight variation in the commonly accepted date. See Origines Islandicae, I. 369.

20-1 “Winter-night-tide” was about the middle of October.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ “Winter-night-tide” was in mid-October.

23-1 The home of Eric the Red, in the Eastern Settlement.

23-1 The house of Eric the Red, located in the Eastern Settlement.

24-1 This was evidently the first time that the voyage from Greenland to Norway was accomplished without going by way of Iceland, and was a remarkable achievement. The aim was evidently to avoid the dangerous passage between Greenland and Iceland.

24-1 This was clearly the first time the journey from Greenland to Norway was completed without taking the route through Iceland, which was a significant accomplishment. The goal was clearly to steer clear of the risky passage between Greenland and Iceland.

24-2 A reference to some strange happenings in the winter of 1000-1001 at the Icelandic farmstead Froda, as related in the Eyrbyggja Saga.

24-2 A reference to some unusual events during the winter of 1000-1001 at the Icelandic farmstead Froda, as described in the Eyrbyggja Saga.

25-1 Of the year 999. See next note.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ In 999. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

25-2 King Olaf ruled from 995 to 1000. He fell at the battle of Svolder (in the Baltic) in September, 1000. It was in the same year that Leif started out as the King’s missionary to Greenland. See p. 43, note 1.

25-2 King Olaf reigned from 995 to 1000. He died in the battle of Svolder (in the Baltic) in September, 1000. It was also the year that Leif set out as the King’s missionary to Greenland. See p. 43, note 1.

25-3 A wild cereal of some sort. Fiske is convinced that it was Indian corn, while Storm thinks it was wild rice, contending with much force that Indian corn was a product entirely unknown to the explorers, and that they could not by any possibility have confused it with wheat, even if they had found it. There is, moreover, no indication in this saga that they found cultivated fields. Storm cites Sir William Alexander, Encouragement to Colonies (1624), who, in speaking of the products of Nova Scotia, refers, among other things, to “some eares of wheate, barly and rie growing there wild.” He also cites Jacques Cartier, who, in 1534, found in New Brunswick “wild grain like rye, which looked as though it had been sowed and cultivated.” See Reeves, p. 174, (50).

25-3 A wild cereal of some kind. Fiske believes it was Indian corn, while Storm argues it was wild rice, strongly insisting that Indian corn was completely unknown to the explorers, and that they couldn't possibly have mistaken it for wheat, even if they had come across it. Furthermore, there’s no evidence in this saga that they discovered any cultivated fields. Storm references Sir William Alexander, Encouragement to Colonies (1624), who, when discussing the products of Nova Scotia, mentions “some ears of wheat, barley, and rye growing there wild.” He also cites Jacques Cartier, who, in 1534, encountered “wild grain like rye, which appeared as if it had been sown and cultivated” in New Brunswick. See Reeves, p. 174, (50).

25-4 Supposed to be maple.

Supposed to be maple.

26-1 Also called Thorhild.

Also known as Thorhild.

27-1 That is, were near Ireland.

27-1 That is, they were close to Ireland.

28-1 The display of an axe seems to have been thought efficacious in laying fetches. See Reeves, p. 171, (39), citing a passage from another saga.

28-1 The display of an axe appears to have been considered effective in casting fetches. See Reeves, p. 171, (39), citing a passage from another saga.

30-1 Thorfinn Karlsefni, the explorer of the Vinland expeditions, was of excellent family. His lineage is given at greater length in the Landnama-bok (Book of Settlements).

30-1 Thorfinn Karlsefni, the explorer of the Vinland expeditions, came from a distinguished family. His ancestry is detailed further in the Landnama-bok (Book of Settlements).

31-1 Usually called Gudrid.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Usually called Gudrid.

32-1 There is doubt as to why the expedition sailed northwest to the Western Settlement. Possibly Thorfinn desired to make a different start than Thorstein, whose expedition was a failure. See Reeves, p. 172, (45).

32-1 There's uncertainty about why the expedition headed northwest to the Western Settlement. It could be that Thorfinn wanted to begin differently than Thorstein, whose expedition didn’t succeed. See Reeves, p. 172, (45).

32-2 Dœgr was a period of twelve hours. Reeves quotes the following from an old Icelandic work: “In the day there are two dœgr; in the dœgr twelve hours.” A dœgr’s sailing is estimated to have been about one hundred miles. There is evidently a clerical error in this passage after the number of days’ sailing. The words for “two” and “seven” are very similar in old Norse.

32-2 Dœgr was a twelve-hour period. Reeves quotes the following from an old Icelandic text: “In the day, there are two dœgr; in the dœgr twelve hours.” A dœgr of sailing is estimated to be about one hundred miles. It's clear that there's a clerical error in this passage regarding the number of days of sailing. The words for “two” and “seven” are very similar in Old Norse.

33-1 The language of the vellum AM. 557 is somewhat different in this and the previous sentence. It does not say that “they sailed southward along the land for a long time, and came to a cape,” but, “when two dœgr had elapsed, they descried land, and they sailed off this land; there was a cape to which they came. They beat into the wind along this coast, having the land upon the starboard side. This was a bleak coast, with long and sandy shores. They went ashore in boats, and found the keel of a ship, so they called it Keelness there; they likewise gave a name to the strands and called them Wonderstrands, because they were long to sail by.”

33-1 The language of the vellum AM. 557 is somewhat different in this and the previous sentence. It does not say that “they sailed southward along the land for a long time, and came to a cape,” but, “when two dœgr had passed, they spotted land, and they sailed off this land; there was a cape that they reached. They sailed against the wind along this coast, keeping the land on their right side. This was a rugged coast, with long sandy shores. They went ashore in boats and found the keel of a ship, so they named it Keelness; they also named the shores Wonderstrands because they were long to navigate past.”

33-2 AM. 557 says biafal. Neither word has been identified.

33-2 AM. 557 says biafal. Neither word has been identified.

33-3 Hauk’s Book says “eider-ducks.”

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Hauk's Book mentions "eider ducks."

34-1 The god Thor.

The god Thor.

35-1 The prose sense is: “Men promised me, when I came hither, that I should have the best of drink; it behooves me before all to blame the land. See, oh, man! how I must raise the pail; instead of drinking wine, I have to stoop to the spring” (Reeves).

35-1 The meaning is: “People promised me, when I arrived here, that I would have the finest drinks; I must first blame the land. Look, oh man! How I have to lift the bucket; instead of sipping wine, I have to bend down to the spring” (Reeves).

35-2 The prose sense is: “Let us return to our countrymen, leaving those who like the country here, to cook their whale on Wonder-strand.” From an archaic form in these lines it is apparent that they are older than either of the vellums, and must have been composed at least a century before Hauk’s Book was written; they may well be much older than the beginning of the thirteenth century (Reeves). The antiquity of the verses of the saga is also attested by a certain metrical irregularity, as in poetry of the tenth and beginning of the eleventh centuries (Storm).

35-2 The basic meaning is: “Let’s head back to our fellow countrymen, leaving those who enjoy this place to cook their whale on Wonder-strand.” From the old-fashioned style in these lines, it’s clear that they were written at least a century before Hauk’s Book; they could even be much older than the early thirteenth century (Reeves). The age of the saga’s verses is further supported by a certain irregularity in the meter, similar to poetry from the tenth and early eleventh centuries (Storm).

35-3 In the next sentence the authority for this doubtful statement seems to be placed upon “traders.”

35-3 In the next sentence, the credibility for this questionable statement appears to rely on “traders.”

36-1 Note the word “hollows” with reference to the contention that “wild wheat” is “wild rice.” See p. 25, note 3.

36-1 Take note of the term “hollows” in relation to the argument that “wild wheat” is actually “wild rice.” See p. 25, note 3.

36-2 “Skin-canoes,” or kayaks, lead one to think of Eskimos. Both Storm and Fiske think that the authorities of the saga-writer may have failed to distinguish between bark-canoes and skin-canoes.

36-2 “Skin boats,” or kayaks, make one think of Eskimos. Both Storm and Fiske believe that the saga author might have confused bark boats with skin boats.

36-3 The vellum AM. 557 says “small men” instead of “swarthy men.” The explorers called them Skrælingar, a disparaging epithet, meaning inferior people, i.e., savages. The name is applied, in saga literature, to the natives of Greenland as well as to the natives of Vinland. Storm thinks the latter were the Micmac Indians of Nova Scotia.

36-3 The vellum AM. 557 says “small men” instead of “swarthy men.” The explorers referred to them as Skrælingar, a derogatory term meaning inferior people, i.e., savages. This name is used in saga literature for the natives of both Greenland and Vinland. Storm believes the latter were the Micmac Indians of Nova Scotia.

36-4 “Lescarbot, in his minute and elaborate description of the Micmacs of Acadia, speaks with some emphasis of their large eyes. Dr. Storm quite reasonably suggests that the Norse expression may refer to the size not of the eyeball but of the eye-socket, which in the Indian face is apt to be large.” Fiske, The Discovery of America, p. 190.

36-4 “Lescarbot, in his detailed description of the Micmacs of Acadia, emphasizes their large eyes. Dr. Storm reasonably suggests that the Norse term may refer to the size of the eye-socket rather than the eyeball, which tends to be large in the Indian face.” Fiske, The Discovery of America, p. 190.

37-1 This would seem to place Vinland farther south than Nova Scotia, but not necessarily. Storm cites the Frenchman Denys, who as colonist and governor of Nova Scotia passed a number of years there, and in a work published in 1672 says of the inner tracts of the land east of Port Royal that “there is very little snow in the country, and very little winter.” He adds: “It is certain that the country produces the vine naturally,—that it bears a grape that ripens perfectly, the berry as large as the muscat.”

37-1 This seems to suggest that Vinland is located further south than Nova Scotia, but that's not necessarily true. Storm references the Frenchman Denys, who spent several years as a colonist and governor of Nova Scotia. In a work published in 1672, he describes the inner areas of the land east of Port Royal, stating that “there is very little snow in the country, and very little winter.” He also notes: “It is certain that the country produces the vine naturally,—that it bears a grape that ripens perfectly, the berry as large as the muscat.”

37-2 An animal unknown to the natives. As Fiske suggests, “It is the unknown that frightens.”

37-2 An animal that the locals don't recognize. As Fiske points out, “It’s the unknown that scares people.”

38-1 A euphemism for pregnant; the original is eigi heil.

38-1 A nicer way to say someone is pregnant; the original is eigi heil.

40-1 Thus reaching the western coast of Cape Breton Island and Nova Scotia, according to Storm.

40-1 So, arriving at the western coast of Cape Breton Island and Nova Scotia, as noted by Storm.

40-2 The Norse word is Ein-fœtingr, one-footer. The mediaeval belief in a country in which there lived a race of unipeds was not unknown in Iceland. It has been suggested by Vigfusson that Thorvald being an important personage, his death must be adorned in some way. It is a singular fact that Jacques Cartier brought back from his Canadian explorations reports of a land peopled by a race of one-legged folk. See Reeves, The Finding of Wineland, p. 177, (56).

40-2 The Norse word is Ein-fœtingr, which means one-footer. The medieval belief in a land inhabited by a race of unipeds was not uncommon in Iceland. Vigfusson suggested that because Thorvald was an important figure, his death had to be commemorated in some way. It's interesting to note that Jacques Cartier returned from his explorations in Canada with reports of a land populated by one-legged people. See Reeves, The Finding of Wineland, p. 177, (56).

40-3 The literal translation is: “The men drove, it is quite true, a one-footer down to the shore. The strange man ran hard over the banks. Hearken, Karlsefni!”

40-3 The literal translation is: “The men did indeed drive a one-footer down to the shore. The strange man ran fast over the banks. Listen, Karlsefni!”

41-1 As skilled mariners the explorers were undoubtedly competent to make such a deduction as this. If Storm and Dieserud are correct, the explorers saw from the north coast of Nova Scotia the same mountains that they had seen from the south coast.

41-1 As experienced sailors, the explorers were certainly capable of making a deduction like this. If Storm and Dieserud are right, the explorers viewed the same mountains from the north coast of Nova Scotia that they had seen from the south coast.

41-2 The Beothuk Indians of Newfoundland, according to Storm.

41-2 The Beothuk people of Newfoundland, according to Storm.

41-3 Nothing can with certainty be extracted from these names. The chances that they were incorrectly recorded are of course great. Storm contends that they cannot be Eskimo. Captain Holm of the Danish navy, an authority on the Eskimos, says, “It is not impossible that the names may have been derived from Eskimo originals.” Fiske says, p. 189, note: “There is not the slightest reason for supposing that there were any Eskimos south of Labrador so late as nine hundred years ago.” In this connection Captain Holm says: “It appears to me not sufficiently proven that the now extinct race on America’s east coast, the Beothuk, were Indians. I wish to direct attention to the possibility that in the Beothuk we may perhaps have one of the transition links between the Indians and the Eskimo.” See Reeves, p. 177, (57).

41-3 It's impossible to draw any solid conclusions from these names. The likelihood of them being recorded incorrectly is quite high. Storm argues that they can't be Eskimo. Captain Holm of the Danish navy, an expert on Eskimos, mentions, “It's not impossible that the names might have come from Eskimo origins.” Fiske notes on page 189: “There’s absolutely no reason to believe that there were any Eskimos south of Labrador as recently as nine hundred years ago.” In this context, Captain Holm adds: “I’m not convinced that the now-extinct group on America's east coast, the Beothuk, were actually Indians. I want to highlight the possibility that the Beothuk might be one of the transitional links between the Indians and the Eskimo.” See Reeves, p. 177, (57).

42-1 The description is clearly suggestive of processions of Christian priests, in white vestments, with banners, and singing (Storm).

42-1 The description clearly hints at processions of Christian priests dressed in white garments, carrying banners, and singing (Storm).

42-2 Vellum AM. 557 has not the words “Ireland the Great.” As to “White-men’s-land” (mentioned also once in the Landnama-bok), Storm traces its quasi-historical origin to the Irish visitation of Iceland prior to the Norse settlement. See Studies on the Vineland Voyages, p. 61. The explanation is, however, hardly convincing. See Origines Islandicae, Vol. II., p. 625.

42-2 Vellum AM. 557 doesn’t include the phrase “Ireland the Great.” Regarding “White-men’s-land” (which is also mentioned once in the Landnama-bok), Storm traces its semi-historical roots to the Irish visit to Iceland before the Norse settlement. See Studies on the Vineland Voyages, p. 61. However, this explanation is not very convincing. See Origines Islandicae, Vol. II., p. 625.

42-3 AM. 557 says “Iceland’s sea” (i.e., between Iceland and Markland), and Hauk’s Book, “Greenland’s sea” (i.e., between Iceland and Greenland).

42-3 AM. 557 refers to “Iceland’s sea” (i.e., the water between Iceland and Markland), and Hauk’s Book calls it “Greenland’s sea” (i.e., the water between Iceland and Greenland).

43-1 Thorlak was born in 1085, consecrated bishop in 1118, and died Feb. 1, 1133. These dates are definitely known, and are important. “The bishop’s birth-year being certainly known, one can reckon back, and according to the regular allowances, we shall have Hallfrid born about 1060, and her father about 1030, in Vinland, and Karlsefni as far back as 1000.” Vigfusson in Origines Islandicae, Vol. II., p. 592. Vigfusson seeks to corroborate the above by other allied lineages. If his deductions are correct, they are revolutionary with reference to the generally accepted chronology of the Vinland voyages. He is convinced that Leif belongs to an older generation than Karlsefni and his wife, and that Leif’s declining years coincide with Karlsefni’s appearance on the scene. The expeditions would then stand in the year 1025-1035, or 1030-1040, while Leif may have headed the first expedition, say in 1025. And he thinks that various things outside of the genealogies point to this. See Introduction, p. 12, of this volume.

43-1 Thorlak was born in 1085, became a bishop in 1118, and died on February 1, 1133. These dates are well-established and significant. “Since the bishop’s birth year is known, we can calculate backward, and based on the usual allowances, we can estimate that Hallfrid was born around 1060, her father around 1030, in Vinland, and Karlsefni as far back as 1000.” Vigfusson in Origines Islandicae, Vol. II., p. 592. Vigfusson attempts to support the above by referencing other related lineages. If his conclusions are accurate, they would drastically change the commonly accepted timeline of the Vinland voyages. He believes that Leif is from an earlier generation than Karlsefni and his wife, and that Leif’s later years overlap with Karlsefni’s arrival. The expeditions would then be placed in the years 1025-1035 or 1030-1040, while Leif might have led the first expedition around 1025. He also thinks that various elements outside of the genealogies indicate this. See Introduction, p. 12, of this volume.

43-2 Biorn was consecrated bishop in 1147, and died in 1162. His successor was Bishop Brand “the Elder,” who died in 1201. Both Hauk’s Book and AM. 557 refer to him as “the Elder”; hence the originals could not have been written before the accession of the second bishop Brand, which was in 1263. He died the following year. AM. 557 concludes with the words “Bishop Brand the Elder.” But in Hauk’s Book the genealogical information is carried down to Hauk’s own time. He was a descendant of Karlsefni and Gudrid, through Snorri, born in Vinland.

43-2 Biorn was appointed bishop in 1147 and passed away in 1162. His successor was Bishop Brand “the Elder,” who died in 1201. Both Hauk’s Book and AM. 557 refer to him as “the Elder”; therefore, the original texts must have been written after the second Bishop Brand took office, which was in 1263. He died the following year. AM. 557 ends with the phrase “Bishop Brand the Elder.” However, in Hauk’s Book, the genealogical details continue down to Hauk’s own time. He was a descendant of Karlsefni and Gudrid, through Snorri, who was born in Vinland.


THE VINLAND HISTORY OF THE FLAT ISLAND BOOK45-1

A Brief History of Eric the Red.45-2—There was a man named Thorvald, a son of Osvald, Ulf’s son, Eyxna-Thori’s son. Thorvald and Eric the Red, his son, left Jaederen [in Norway], on account of manslaughter, and went to Iceland. At that time Iceland was extensively colonized. They first lived at Drangar on Horn-strands, and there Thorvald died. Eric then married Thorhild, the daughter of Jorund and Thorbiorg the Ship-chested, who was then married to Thorbiorn of the Haukadal family. Eric then removed from the north, and made his home at Ericsstadir by Vatnshorn. Eric and Thorhild’s son was called Leif.

A Brief History of Eric the Red. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__—There was a man named Thorvald, the son of Osvald, Ulf’s son, and Eyxna-Thori’s son. Thorvald and Eric the Red, his son, left Jaederen [in Norway] because of manslaughter and moved to Iceland. At that time, Iceland was largely colonized. They first settled at Drangar on Horn-strands, and there Thorvald died. Eric then married Thorhild, the daughter of Jorund and Thorbiorg the Ship-chested, who was married to Thorbiorn of the Haukadal family. Eric then moved from the north and made his home at Ericsstadir by Vatnshorn. Eric and Thorhild’s son was named Leif.

After the killing of Eyiulf the Foul, and Duelling-Hrafn, Eric was banished from Haukadal, and betook himself westward to Breidafirth, settling in Eyxney at Ericsstadir. He loaned his outer daïs-boards to Thorgest, and could not get these again when he demanded them. This gave rise to broils and battles between himself and Thorgest, as Eric’s Saga relates. Eric was backed in the dispute by Styr Thorgrimsson, Eyiulf of Sviney, the sons of Brand of Alptafirth and Thorbiorn Vifilsson, while the Thorgesters were upheld by the sons of Thord the Yeller and Thorgeir of Hitardal. Eric was declared an outlaw at Thorsnessthing. He thereupon equipped his ship for a voyage, in Ericsvag, and when he was ready to sail, Styr and the others accompanied him out beyond the islands. Eric told them, that it was his purpose to go in search[46] of that country which Gunnbiorn, son of Ulf the Crow, had seen, when he was driven westward across the main, at the time when he discovered Gunnbiorns-skerries; he added, that he would return to his friends, if he should succeed in finding this country. Eric sailed out from Snæfellsiokul, and found the land. He gave the name of Midiokul to his landfall; this is now called Blacksark. From thence he proceeded southward along the coast, in search of habitable land. He passed the first winter at Ericsey, near the middle of the Eastern Settlement, and the following spring he went to Ericsfirth, where he selected a dwelling-place. In the summer he visited the western uninhabited country, and assigned names to many of the localities. The second winter he remained at Holmar by Hrafnsgnipa, and the third summer he sailed northward to Snæfell, and all the way into Hrafnsfirth; then he said he had reached the head of Ericsfirth. He then returned and passed the third winter in Ericsey at the mouth of Ericsfirth. The next summer he sailed to Iceland, landing in Breidafirth. He called the country, which he had discovered, Greenland, because, he said, people would be attracted thither, if the country had a good name. Eric spent the winter in Iceland, and the following summer set out to colonize the country. He settled at Brattahlid in Ericsfirth, and learned men say, that in this same summer, in which Eric set out to settle Greenland, thirty-five ships sailed out of Breidafirth and Borgarfirth; fourteen of these arrived there safely, some were driven back and some were lost. This was fifteen years before Christianity was legally adopted in Iceland.46-1 During the same summer Bishop Frederick46-2 and Thorvald Kodransson went abroad [from Iceland]. Of those men, who accompanied Eric to Greenland, the following took possession of land there: Heriulf, Heriulfsfirth, he dwelt at Heriulfsness; Ketil, Ketils[47]firth; Hrafn, Hrafnsfirth; Solvi, Solvadal; Helgi Thorbrandsson, Alptafirth; Thorbiorn Gleamer, Siglufirth; Einar, Einarsfirth; Hafgrim, Hafgrimsfirth and Vatnahverfi; Arnlaug, Arnlaugsfirth; while some went to the Western Settlement.

After the killing of Eyiulf the Foul and Duelling-Hrafn, Eric was exiled from Haukadal and headed west to Breidafirth, settling in Eyxney at Ericsstadir. He lent his outer daïs-boards to Thorgest, but couldn't get them back when he asked. This led to conflicts and battles between him and Thorgest, as Eric’s Saga describes. Eric was supported in the dispute by Styr Thorgrimsson, Eyiulf of Sviney, the sons of Brand of Alptafirth, and Thorbiorn Vifilsson, while Thorgest had the backing of the sons of Thord the Yeller and Thorgeir of Hitardal. Eric was declared an outlaw at Thorsnessthing. He then prepared his ship for a voyage in Ericsvag, and when he was set to sail, Styr and the others accompanied him beyond the islands. Eric told them it was his goal to find the land that Gunnbiorn, son of Ulf the Crow, had seen when he was pushed west across the ocean, at the time he discovered Gunnbiorns-skerries; he added that he would return to his friends if he succeeded in finding this land. Eric sailed out from Snæfellsiokul and found the land. He named the place he landed Midiokul; this is now known as Blacksark. From there he went south along the coast, looking for land suitable for living. He spent the first winter at Ericsey, near the center of the Eastern Settlement, and the next spring moved to Ericsfirth, where he chose a home. That summer, he explored the uninhabited territory to the west, naming many places. He spent the second winter at Holmar by Hrafnsgnipa, and during the third summer, he sailed north to Snæfell and all the way into Hrafnsfirth; he then claimed he reached the head of Ericsfirth. He returned and spent the third winter at Ericsey at the mouth of Ericsfirth. The next summer, he sailed to Iceland and landed in Breidafirth. He called the land he discovered Greenland because, he said, people would be drawn there if it had an appealing name. Eric spent the winter in Iceland, and the following summer he set out to settle the country. He established himself at Brattahlid in Ericsfirth, and learned scholars say that in the same summer Eric started to colonize Greenland, thirty-five ships left Breidafirth and Borgarfirth; fourteen of these arrived safely, while others were turned back or lost. This was fifteen years before Christianity was officially adopted in Iceland. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ That same summer, Bishop Frederick __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and Thorvald Kodransson left [Iceland]. Among the men who accompanied Eric to Greenland, the following took possession of land there: Heriulf, Heriulfsfirth, who lived at Heriulfsness; Ketil, Ketils[47]firth; Hrafn, Hrafnsfirth; Solvi, Solvadal; Helgi Thorbrandsson, Alptafirth; Thorbiorn Gleamer, Siglufirth; Einar, Einarsfirth; Hafgrim, Hafgrimsfirth and Vatnahverfi; Arnlaug, Arnlaugsfirth; while others went to the Western Settlement.

Leif the Lucky Baptized.—After that sixteen winters had lapsed, from the time when Eric the Red went to colonize Greenland, Leif, Eric’s son, sailed out from Greenland to Norway. He arrived in Drontheim in the autumn, when King Olaf Tryggvason was come down from the north, out of Halagoland. Leif put in to Nidaros with his ship, and set out at once to visit the king. King Olaf expounded the faith to him, as he did to other heathen men who came to visit him. It proved easy for the king to persuade Leif, and he was accordingly baptized, together with all of his shipmates. Leif remained throughout the winter with the king, by whom he was well entertained.

Leif the Lucky Baptized.—Sixteen winters passed after Eric the Red went to settle in Greenland when Leif, Eric’s son, set sail from Greenland to Norway. He arrived in Drontheim in the fall, coinciding with King Olaf Tryggvason's return from the north, out of Halagoland. Leif docked in Nidaros with his ship and immediately went to see the king. King Olaf shared the faith with him, just as he did with other pagan visitors. It was easy for the king to convince Leif, and he was baptized along with all of his crew. Leif stayed with the king throughout the winter and was treated very well.

Biarni goes in Quest of Greenland.—Heriulf was a son of Bard Heriulfsson. He was a kinsman of Ingolf, the first colonist. Ingolf allotted land to Heriulf between Vag and Reykianess, and he dwelt at first at Drepstokk. Heriulf’s wife’s name was Thorgerd, and their son, whose name was Biarni, was a most promising man. He formed an inclination for voyaging while he was still young, and he prospered both in property and public esteem. It was his custom to pass his winters alternately abroad and with his father. Biarni soon became the owner of a trading-ship, and during the last winter that he spent in Norway, [his father] Heriulf determined to accompany Eric on his voyage to Greenland, and made his preparations to give up his farm. Upon the ship with Heriulf was a Christian man from the Hebrides, he it was who composed the Sea-Rollers’ Song, which contains this stave:47-1

Biarni Goes in Search of Greenland.—Heriulf was the son of Bard Heriulfsson and related to Ingolf, the first settler. Ingolf gave Heriulf land between Vag and Reykianess, where he initially lived at Drepstokk. Heriulf's wife's name was Thorgerd, and their son, named Biarni, was a very promising young man. He developed an interest in sailing while still young and gained wealth and respect. He would spend his winters alternating between being abroad and staying with his father. Biarni soon owned a trading ship, and during the last winter he spent in Norway, [his father] Heriulf decided to join Eric on his trip to Greenland and made arrangements to leave his farm. On the ship with Heriulf was a Christian man from the Hebrides who wrote the Sea-Rollers’ Song, which includes this stave: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

My adventure with the Meek One,
Monk-heart-seeker, I commit now;
He, who rules the halls of heaven,
Keep the hawk’s seat always above me!
[48]

Heriulf settled at Heriulfsness, and was a most distinguished man. Eric the Red dwelt at Brattahlid, where he was held in the highest esteem, and all men paid him homage. These were Eric’s children: Leif, Thorvald, and Thorstein, and a daughter whose name was Freydis; she was wedded to a man named Thorvard, and they dwelt at Gardar, where the episcopal seat now is. She was a very haughty woman, while Thorvard was a man of little force of character, and Freydis had been wedded to him chiefly because of his wealth. At that time the people of Greenland were heathen.

Heriulf settled at Heriulfsness and was a highly respected man. Eric the Red lived at Brattahlid, where he was held in the highest regard, and everyone honored him. These were Eric’s children: Leif, Thorvald, and Thorstein, along with a daughter named Freydis; she was married to a man named Thorvard, and they lived at Gardar, where the bishopric is now located. She was a very proud woman, while Thorvard was a man of weak character, and Freydis had married him mostly for his wealth. At that time, the people of Greenland were pagans.

Biarni arrived with his ship at Eyrar [in Iceland] in the summer of the same year, in the spring of which his father had sailed away. Biarni was much surprised when he heard this news, and would not discharge his cargo. His shipmates inquired of him what he intended to do, and he replied that it was his purpose to keep to his custom, and make his home for the winter with his father; “and I will take the ship to Greenland, if you will bear me company.” They all replied that they would abide by his decision. Then said Biarni, “Our voyage must be regarded as foolhardy, seeing that no one of us has ever been in the Greenland Sea.” Nevertheless they put out to sea when they were equipped for the voyage, and sailed for three days, until the land was hidden by the water, and then the fair wind died out, and north winds arose, and fogs, and they knew not whither they were drifting, and thus it lasted for many “dœgr.” Then they saw the sun again, and were able to determine the quarters of the heavens; they hoisted sail, and sailed that “dœgr” through before they saw land. They discussed among themselves what land it could be, and Biarni said that he did not believe that it could be Greenland. They asked whether he wished to sail to this land or not. “It is my counsel” [said he], “to sail close to the land.” They did so, and soon saw that the land was level, and covered with woods, and that there were small hillocks[49] upon it. They left the land on their larboard, and let the sheet turn toward the land. They sailed for two “dœgr” before they saw another land. They asked whether Biarni thought this was Greenland yet. He replied that he did not think this any more like Greenland than the former, “because in Greenland there are said to be many great ice-mountains.” They soon approached this land, and saw that it was a flat and wooded country. The fair wind failed them then, and the crew took counsel together, and concluded that it would be wise to land there, but Biarni would not consent to this. They alleged that they were in need of both wood and water. “Ye have no lack of either of these,” says Biarni—a course, forsooth, which won him blame among his shipmates. He bade them hoist sail, which they did, and turning the prow from the land they sailed out upon the high seas, with southwesterly gales, for three “dœgr,” when they saw the third land; this land was high and mountainous, with ice-mountains upon it. They asked Biarni then whether he would land there, and he replied that he was not disposed to do so, “because this land does not appear to me to offer any attractions.” Nor did they lower their sail, but held their course off the land, and saw that it was an island. They left this land astern, and held out to sea with the same fair wind. The wind waxed amain, and Biarni directed them to reef, and not to sail at a speed unbefitting their ship and rigging. They sailed now for four “dœgr,” when they saw the fourth land. Again they asked Biarni whether he thought this could be Greenland or not. Biarni answers, “This is likest Greenland, according to that which has been reported to me concerning it, and here we will steer to the land.” They directed their course thither, and landed in the evening, below a cape upon which there was a boat, and there, upon this cape, dwelt Heriulf,49-1 Biarni’s father, whence the cape took its name, and was afterwards called Her[50]iulfsness. Biarni now went to his father, gave up his voyaging, and remained with his father while Heriulf lived, and continued to live there after his father.

Biarni arrived with his ship at Eyrar [in Iceland] in the summer of that same year, right after his father had set sail in the spring. Biarni was quite surprised when he heard the news and refused to unload his cargo. His crewmates asked him what he planned to do, and he replied that he intended to stick to his routine and spend the winter with his father; “and I’ll take the ship to Greenland if you want to join me.” They all agreed to go along with his decision. Then Biarni said, “Our journey must be considered reckless since none of us have ever been in the Greenland Sea.” Still, they set out to sea once they were ready for the trip and sailed for three days until the land disappeared from view. After that, the nice wind faded away, and north winds and fog rolled in, leaving them uncertain of their direction for many “dœgr.” Eventually, they saw the sun again and were able to figure out the cardinal directions. They raised their sails and continued for that “dœgr” until they spotted land. They debated among themselves what land it could be, and Biarni said he didn’t think it was Greenland. They asked if he wanted to sail to this land or not. “My advice,” he said, “is to sail close to the land.” They did just that and soon saw that the land was flat, covered in woods, and had small hills on it. They kept the land to their left and set their course toward it. They sailed for two “dœgr” before they saw another piece of land. They asked Biarni if he thought this one was Greenland yet. He answered that he didn’t think it looked any more like Greenland than the previous one, “because Greenland is said to have many huge ice mountains.” They approached this land and noticed it was also flat and wooded. Then the nice wind died down, and the crew discussed among themselves and decided it would be smart to land there, but Biarni refused to agree. They argued that they needed both wood and water. “You’re not lacking either of those,” Biarni said—his harshness earned him some criticism from his shipmates. He instructed them to hoist the sails again, which they did, and turning the bow away from the land, they sailed out into the open sea with southwesterly winds for three “dœgr,” when they spotted the third land; this land was high and mountainous, covered with ice mountains. They asked Biarni if he would land there, and he replied that he wasn’t inclined to do so, “because this land doesn’t seem appealing to me.” They didn’t lower the sails but kept their course away from the land and discovered it was an island. They left this land behind and headed out to sea with the same favorable wind. The wind picked up significantly, and Biarni told them to reef the sails and to avoid sailing too fast for their ship and rigging. They sailed for four “dœgr” before they spotted the fourth land. Again, they asked Biarni if he thought this could be Greenland. Biarni replied, “This looks the most like Greenland, based on what I’ve heard about it, and we will steer towards the land.” They changed their course and landed in the evening below a cape where there was a boat. On that cape lived Heriulf, Biarni’s father, which is how the cape got its name and later became known as Heriulf's Ness. Biarni then went to his father, gave up his travels, and stayed with him for the rest of Heriulf's life, continuing to live there even after his father passed away.

Here begins the Brief History of the Greenlanders.—Next to this is now to be told how Biarni Heriulfsson came out from Greenland on a visit to Earl Eric,50-1 by whom he was well received. Biarni gave an account of his travels [upon the occasion] when he saw the lands, and the people thought that he had been lacking in enterprise, since he had no report to give concerning these countries, and the fact brought him reproach. Biarni was appointed one of the Earl’s men, and went out to Greenland the following summer. There was now much talk about voyages of discovery. Leif, the son of Eric the Red, of Brattahlid, visited Biarni Heriulfsson and bought a ship of him, and collected a crew, until they formed altogether a company of thirty-five men. Leif invited his father, Eric, to become the leader of the expedition, but Eric declined, saying that he was then stricken in years, and adding that he was less able to endure the exposure of sea-life than he had been. Leif replied that he would nevertheless be the one who would be most apt to bring good luck, and Eric yielded to Leif’s solicitation, and rode from home when they were ready to sail. When he was but a short distance from the ship, the horse which Eric was riding stumbled, and he was thrown from his back and wounded his foot, whereupon he exclaimed, “It is not designed for me to discover more lands than the one in which we are now living, nor can we now continue longer together.” Eric returned home to Brattahlid, and Leif pursued his way to the ship with his companions, thirty-five men; one of the company was a German named Tyrker. They put the ship in order, and when they were ready, they sailed out to sea, and found first that land which Biarni and his ship-mates found last. They sailed up to the land and cast anchor, and launched a boat and went ashore, and saw no grass there; great ice mountains lay inland back from the sea, and it was as a [tableland of] flat rock all the way from the sea to the ice moun[51]tains, and the country seemed to them to be entirely devoid of good qualities. Then said Leif, “It has not come to pass with us in regard to this land as with Biarni, that we have not gone upon it. To this country I will now give a name, and call it Helluland.” They returned to the ship, put out to sea, and found a second land. They sailed again to the land, and came to anchor, and launched the boat, and went ashore. This was a level wooded land, and there were broad stretches of white sand, where they went, and the land was level by the sea. Then said Leif, “This land shall have a name after its nature, and we will call it Markland.” They returned to the ship forthwith, and sailed away upon the main with north-east winds, and were out two “dœgr” before they sighted land. They sailed toward this land, and came to an island which lay to the northward off the land. There they went ashore and looked about them, the weather being fine, and they observed that there was dew upon the grass, and it so happened that they touched the dew with their hands, and touched their hands to their mouths, and it seemed to them that they had never before tasted anything so sweet as this. They went aboard their ship again and sailed into a certain sound, which lay between the island and a cape, which jutted out from the land on the north, and they stood in westering past the cape. At ebb-tide there were broad reaches of shallow water there, and they ran their ship aground there, and it was a long distance from the ship to the ocean; yet were they so anxious to go ashore that they could not wait until the tide should rise under their ship, but hastened to the land, where a certain river flows out from a lake. As soon as the tide rose beneath their ship, however, they took the boat and rowed to the ship, which they conveyed up the river, and so into the lake, where they cast anchor and carried their hammocks ashore from the ship, and built themselves booths there. They afterwards determined to establish themselves there for the winter, and they accordingly built a large house. There was no lack of salmon there either in the river or in the lake, and larger salmon than they had ever seen before. The country[52] thereabouts seemed to be possessed of such good qualities that cattle would need no fodder there during the winters. There was no frost there in the winters, and the grass withered but little. The days and nights there were of more nearly equal length than in Greenland or Iceland. On the shortest day of winter the sun was up between “eyktarstad” and “dagmalastad.”52-1 When they had completed their house Leif said to his companions, “I propose now to divide our company into two groups, and to set about an exploration of the country; one half of our party shall remain at home at the house, while the other half shall investigate the land, and they must not go beyond a point from which they can return home the same evening, and are not to separate [from each other.]” Thus they did for a time; Leif himself, by turns, joined the exploring party or remained behind at the house. Leif was a large and powerful man, and of a most imposing bearing, a man of sagacity, and a very just man in all things.

Here begins the Brief History of the Greenlanders.—Next, I'll tell you about how Biarni Heriulfsson came out from Greenland to visit Earl Eric, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, who welcomed him warmly. Biarni shared tales of his journeys, but the people thought he was lacking in initiative since he had no news about these lands, which brought him criticism. Biarni became one of the Earl’s men and returned to Greenland the next summer. There was a lot of talk about exploration. Leif, the son of Eric the Red from Brattahlid, visited Biarni Heriulfsson, bought a ship from him, and gathered a crew, forming a total of thirty-five men. Leif invited his father, Eric, to be the leader of the voyage, but Eric declined, saying he was getting old and was less able to endure the hardships of sea travel. Leif insisted that he would be the one to bring them luck, and eventually, Eric gave in to Leif’s persuasion and rode out from home when they were ready to set sail. However, as he was getting close to the ship, the horse Eric was riding stumbled, throwing him off and injuring his foot. He exclaimed, “It seems it’s not my destiny to discover lands beyond the one we live in, and we can’t continue together any longer.” Eric went back home to Brattahlid, while Leif and his thirty-five companions, including a German named Tyrker, made their way to the ship. They prepared the ship and, once ready, they set sail and encountered the land that Biarni and his crew had discovered last. They reached the land, anchored, launched a boat, and went ashore, but found no grass; instead, there were huge ice mountains farther inland, making the terrain seem like a flat rock expanse from the sea to the ice mountains, and they thought the land had no good qualities. Leif then said, “We haven’t approached this land like Biarni, without stepping foot on it. I will name this country Helluland.” They returned to the ship, headed back out to sea, and found a second land. They sailed to this land, anchored, launched the boat, and went ashore again. This land was flat and covered in woods, with expansive stretches of white sand along the shore. Leif remarked, “This land will have a name that reflects its nature, and we will call it Markland.” They quickly returned to the ship and sailed away with a northeast wind. They were out for two “dœgr” before they spotted land again. They approached this land and came upon an island to the north. They went ashore in nice weather, noticed dew on the grass, and when they touched the dew and then their mouths, they thought they had never tasted anything so sweet before. They got back on their ship and sailed into a sound between the island and a cape jutting out from the north. They navigated westward past the cape. At low tide, there were large areas of shallow water, and they ran their ship aground since the ocean was quite a distance from the ship; they were so eager to go ashore that they couldn't wait for the tide to rise, hurrying to the land where a river flowed out from a lake. Once the tide lifted their ship, they took the boat and rowed it up the river into the lake, where they anchored and brought their hammocks ashore to build booths. They decided to settle there for the winter and constructed a large house. There was an abundance of salmon in both the river and the lake, larger than any they had ever seen. The surrounding land seemed so fertile that cattle wouldn’t need fodder in winter. There were no frosts in winter, and the grass hardly withered. Day and night were more evenly balanced than in Greenland or Iceland. On the shortest day of winter, the sun was up between “eyktarstad” and "dagmalastad."52-1 Once they finished building their house, Leif said to his companions, “I propose we split into two groups for exploring the area; half of us will stay at the house while the other half investigates the land, and they should not go farther than they can return from by evening, and they must stay together.” They followed this plan for some time; Leif would alternate between joining the exploring party or staying at home. Leif was a large, powerful man with a strong presence, wise, and just in all matters.

Leif the Lucky finds Men upon a Skerry at Sea.—It was discovered one evening that one of their company was missing, and this proved to be Tyrker, the German. Leif was sorely troubled by this, for Tyrker had lived with Leif and his father for a long time, and had been very devoted to Leif, when he was a child. Leif severely reprimanded his companions, and prepared to go in search of him, taking twelve men with him. They had proceeded but a short distance from the house, when they were met by Tyrker, whom they received most cordially. Leif observed at once that his foster-father was in lively spirits. Tyrker had a prominent forehead, restless eyes, small features,[53] was diminutive in stature, and rather a sorry-looking individual withal, but was, nevertheless, a most capable handicraftsman. Leif addressed him, and asked: “Wherefore art thou so belated foster-father mine, and astray from the others?” In the beginning Tyrker spoke for some time in German, rolling his eyes and grinning, and they could not understand him; but after a time he addressed them in the Northern tongue: “I did not go much further [than you], and yet I have something of novelty to relate. I have found vines and grapes.” “Is this indeed true, foster-father?” said Leif. “Of a certainty it is true,” quoth he, “for I was born where there is no lack of either grapes or vines.” They slept the night through, and on the morrow Leif said to his shipmates: “We will now divide our labors, and each day will either gather grapes or cut vines and fell trees, so as to obtain a cargo of these for my ship.” They acted upon this advice, and it is said, that their after-boat was filled with grapes. A cargo sufficient for the ship was cut, and when the spring came, they made their ship ready, and sailed away; and from its products Leif gave the land a name, and called it Wineland. They sailed out to sea, and had fair winds until they sighted Greenland, and the fells below the glaciers; then one of the men spoke up, and said, “Why do you steer the ship so much into the wind?” Leif answers: “I have my mind upon my steering, but on other matters as well. Do ye not see anything out of the common?” They replied, that they saw nothing strange. “I do not know,” says Leif, “whether it is a ship or a skerry that I see.” Now they saw it, and said, that it must be a skerry; but he was so much keener of sight than they, that he was able to discern men upon the skerry. “I think it best to tack,” says Leif, “so that we may draw near to them, that we may be able to render them assistance, if they should stand in need of it; and if they should not be peaceably disposed, we shall still have better command of the situation than they.” They approached the skerry, and lowering their sail, cast anchor, and launched a second small boat, which they had brought with them. Tyrker inquired who was the leader of the party.[54] He replied that his name was Thori, and that he was a Norseman; “but what is thy name?” Leif gave his name. “Art thou a son of Eric the Red of Brattahlid?” says he. Leif responded that he was. “It is now my wish,” says Leif, “to take you all into my ship, and likewise so much of your possessions as the ship will hold.” This offer was accepted, and [with their ship] thus laden, they held away to Ericsfirth, and sailed until they arrived at Brattahlid. Having discharged the cargo, Leif invited Thori, with his wife, Gudrid, and three others, to make their home with him, and procured quarters for the other members of the crew, both for his own and Thori’s men. Leif rescued fifteen persons from the skerry. He was afterward called Leif the Lucky. Leif had now goodly store both of property and honor. There was serious illness that winter in Thori’s party, and Thori and a great number of his people died. Eric the Red also died that winter. There was now much talk about Leif’s Wineland journey, and his brother, Thorvald, held that the country had not been sufficiently explored. Thereupon Leif said to Thorvald: “If it be thy will, brother, thou mayest go to Wineland with my ship, but I wish the ship first to fetch the wood, which Thori had upon the skerry.” And so it was done.

Leif the Lucky finds Men upon a Skerry at Sea.—One evening, it was noticed that one of their group was missing, and that turned out to be Tyrker, the German. Leif was very worried about this because Tyrker had lived with him and his father for many years and had been very loyal to Leif since he was a child. Leif strongly reprimanded his companions and got ready to search for him, taking twelve men with him. They had only traveled a short distance from the house when they encountered Tyrker, who they welcomed warmly. Leif immediately noticed that his foster-father was in high spirits. Tyrker had a prominent forehead, restless eyes, small features,[53] was short in stature, and looked somewhat shabby, but he was, nonetheless, a skilled craftsman. Leif asked him, “Why are you so late, my foster-father, and away from the others?” At first, Tyrker spoke for a while in German, rolling his eyes and smiling, which they couldn't understand; but eventually, he spoke to them in the Northern language: “I didn’t go very far [from you], and yet I have something new to tell. I found vines and grapes.” “Is this really true, foster-father?” Leif asked. “It’s absolutely true,” he replied, “because I was born where there’s no shortage of grapes or vines.” They spent the night there, and the next day Leif told his shipmates: “We will split our tasks, and each day we will either gather grapes or cut vines and trees to load up my ship.” They followed his advice, and it is said that their boat was filled with grapes. They gathered enough cargo for the ship, and when spring came, they prepared the ship and sailed away; and from its goods, Leif named the land Wineland. They sailed out to sea, enjoying fair winds until they spotted Greenland and the cliffs under the glaciers; then one of the men said, “Why are you steering the ship so much into the wind?” Leif replied, “I’m focused on steering, but I’m thinking about other things too. Don’t you see anything unusual?” They answered that they saw nothing strange. “I don’t know,” Leif said, “if it’s a ship or a skerry that I see.” They saw it then and said it must be a skerry; but he had sharper eyesight than they did and could see men on the skerry. “I think we should change course,” Leif said, “so we can get closer to them in case they need help; and if they are not friendly, we’ll still be in a better position than they are.” They approached the skerry, lowered their sail, dropped anchor, and launched a small second boat they had brought with them. Tyrker asked who was leading the group.[54] The leader replied that his name was Thori and that he was Norse; “but what is your name?” Leif introduced himself. “Are you the son of Eric the Red from Brattahlid?” he asked. Leif confirmed that he was. “I now wish,” Leif said, “to take all of you onto my ship, along with as much of your belongings as the ship can carry.” They accepted the offer, and with their ship loaded, they headed for Ericsfirth and sailed until they reached Brattahlid. After unloading, Leif invited Thori, along with his wife Gudrid and three others, to stay with him, and he found accommodations for the other crew members, both for his crew and Thori’s. Leif rescued fifteen people from the skerry. He was afterward called Leif the Lucky. By now, Leif had a good amount of both wealth and respect. That winter, there was a serious illness among Thori’s group, and many of his people died, including Thori. Eric the Red also passed away that winter. There was much talk about Leif’s Wineland journey, and his brother, Thorvald, believed the area hadn’t been explored enough. Then Leif said to Thorvald: “If you want, brother, you can go to Wineland with my ship, but I want the ship to first bring back the wood that Thori had on the skerry.” And so it was done.

Thorvald goes to Wineland.—Now Thorvald, with the advice of his brother, Leif, prepared to make this voyage with thirty men. They put their ship in order, and sailed out to sea; and there is no account of their voyage before their arrival at Leif’s-booths in Wineland. They laid up their ship there, and remained there quietly during the winter, supplying themselves with food by fishing. In the spring, however, Thorvald said that they should put their ship in order, and that a few men should take the after-boat, and proceed along the western coast, and explore [the region] thereabouts during the summer. They found it a fair, well-wooded country; it was but a short distance from the woods to the sea, and [there were] white sands, as well as great numbers of islands and shallows. They found neither dwelling of man nor lair of beast; but in one of the westerly islands, they found a wooden building for[55] the shelter of grain. They found no other trace of human handiwork, and they turned back, and arrived at Leif’s-booths in the autumn. The following summer Thorvald set out toward the east with the ship, and along the northern coast. They were met by a high wind off a certain promontory, and were driven ashore there, and damaged the keel of their ship, and were compelled to remain there for a long time and repair the injury to their vessel. Then said Thorvald to his companions: “I propose that we raise the keel upon this cape, and call it Keelness,” and so they did. Then they sailed away, to the eastward off the land, and into the mouth of the adjoining firth, and to a headland, which projected into the sea there, and which was entirely covered with woods. They found an anchorage for their ship, and put out the gangway to the land, and Thorvald and all of his companions went ashore. “It is a fair region here,” said he, “and here I should like to make my home.” They then returned to the ship, and discovered on the sands, in beyond the headland, three mounds; they went up to these, and saw that they were three skin-canoes, with three men under each. They thereupon divided their party, and succeeded in seizing all of the men but one, who escaped with his canoe. They killed the eight men, and then ascended the headland again, and looked about them, and discovered within the firth certain hillocks, which they concluded must be habitations. They were then so overpowered with sleep that they could not keep awake, and all fell into a [heavy] slumber, from which they were awakened by the sound of a cry uttered above them; and the words of the cry were these: “Awake, Thorvald, thou and all thy company, if thou wouldst save thy life; and board thy ship with all thy men, and sail with all speed from the land!” A countless number of skin-canoes then advanced toward them from the inner part of the firth, whereupon Thorvald exclaimed: “We must put out the war-boards, on both sides of the ship, and defend ourselves to the best of our ability, but offer little attack.” This they did, and the Skrellings, after they had shot at them for a time, fled precipitately, each as best he could. Thorvald then in[56]quired of his men, whether any of them had been wounded, and they informed him that no one of them had received a wound. “I have been wounded in my arm-pit,” says he; “an arrow flew in between the gunwale and the shield, below my arm. Here is the shaft, and it will bring me to my end! I counsel you now to retrace your way with the utmost speed. But me ye shall convey to that headland which seemed to me to offer so pleasant a dwelling-place; thus it may be fulfilled, that the truth sprang to my lips, when I expressed the wish to abide there for a time. Ye shall bury me there, and place a cross at my head, and another at my feet, and call it Crossness for ever after.” At that time Christianity had obtained in Greenland; Eric the Red died, however, before [the introduction of] Christianity.

Thorvald goes to Wineland.—Now Thorvald, following his brother Leif's advice, got ready to sail with thirty men. They prepared their ship and set out to sea; there are no records of their journey until they reached Leif's booths in Wineland. They docked their ship there and spent the winter peacefully, gathering food by fishing. In the spring, Thorvald suggested that they get their ship ready and that a few men should take the smaller boat to explore the western coast during the summer. They found it a beautiful area, well-wooded, with only a short distance from the forest to the sea, along with white sands and numerous islands and shallows. They did not find any sign of human habitation or animal dens; however, on one of the western islands, they found a wooden structure for[55] storing grain. They found no other evidence of human activity, so they turned back and returned to Leif's booths in the autumn. The next summer, Thorvald headed east on the ship along the northern coast. They encountered a strong wind at a certain headland, which forced them ashore, damaging the keel of their vessel, and they had to stay there for a long time to repair it. Thorvald then said to his companions: “I suggest we name this cape Keelness,” and so they did. Afterward, they sailed east of the land and into the estuary, reaching a headland that jutted into the sea, covered entirely in woods. They found a safe spot to anchor their ship, lowered the gangway to the land, and Thorvald along with all his companions went ashore. “This area is beautiful,” he said, “and I would like to make my home here.” They returned to the ship and saw three mounds on the sands beyond the headland; they approached these and discovered three skin boats, each with three men inside. They divided their group and managed to capture all the men except one, who escaped in his canoe. They killed the eight men and then climbed back up the headland to look around, discovering some hillocks within the estuary that they believed might be homes. They were then overwhelmed with sleep, unable to stay awake, and all fell into a deep slumber, from which they were awakened by a voice calling out to them: “Awake, Thorvald, you and your men, if you want to save your lives; get on your ship with everyone and sail away quickly!” A vast number of skin boats then approached them from deeper in the estuary, prompting Thorvald to shout: “We must put out the shields on both sides of the ship and defend ourselves as best we can, but avoid attacking too aggressively.” They followed his orders, and the Skrellings, after shooting at them for a while, retreated in panic, each escaping as best they could. Thorvald then asked his men if anyone was injured, and they replied that none had been hurt. “I've been shot in the armpit,” he said; “an arrow got through between the gunwale and the shield, just below my arm. Here's the arrow, and it will be my end! I advise you to head back as quickly as possible. But please take me to the headland that I wanted to call home; in this way, my wish to settle here will come true. You will bury me there, placing a cross at my head and another at my feet, and it shall be called Crossness forever.” At that time, Christianity was established in Greenland; however, Eric the Red died before [Christianity arrived].

Thorvald died, and when they had carried out his injunctions, they took their departure, and rejoined their companions, and they told each other of the experiences which had befallen them. They remained there during the winter, and gathered grapes and wood with which to freight the ship. In the following spring they returned to Greenland, and arrived with their ship in Ericsfirth, where they were able to recount great tidings to Leif.

Thorvald died, and after they followed his wishes, they left and rejoined their friends, sharing stories about what had happened to them. They stayed there through the winter, collecting grapes and wood to load onto the ship. The next spring, they went back to Greenland and arrived at Ericsfirth, where they had exciting news to share with Leif.

Thorstein Ericsson dies in the Western Settlement.—In the meantime it had come to pass in Greenland, that Thorstein of Ericsfirth had married, and taken to wife Gudrid, Thorbiorn’s daughter, [she] who had been the spouse of Thori Eastman,56-1 as has been already related. Now Thorstein Ericsson, being minded to make the voyage to Wineland after the body of his brother, Thorvald, equipped the same ship, and selected a crew of twenty-five men of good size and strength, and taking with him his wife, Gudrid, when all was in readiness, they sailed out into the open ocean, and out of sight of land. They were driven hither and thither over the sea all that sum[57]mer, and lost all reckoning, and at the end of the first week of winter they made the land at Lysufirth in Greenland, in the Western Settlement. Thorstein set out in search of quarters for his crew, and succeeded in procuring homes for all of his shipmates; but he and his wife were unprovided for, and remained together upon the ship for two or more days. At this time Christianity was still in its infancy in Greenland. It befell early one morning, that men came to their tent, and the leader inquired who the people were within the tent. Thorstein replies: “We are twain,” says he; “but who is it who asks?” “My name is Thorstein, and I am known as Thorstein the Swarthy, and my errand hither is to offer you two, husband and wife, a home with me.” Thorstein replied, that he would consult with his wife, and she bidding him decide, he accepted the invitation. “I will come after you on the morrow with a sumpter-horse, for I am not lacking in means wherewith to provide for you both, although it will be lonely living with me, since there are but two of us, my wife and myself, for I, forsooth, am a very hard man to get on with; moreover, my faith is not the same as yours, albeit methinks that is the better to which you hold.” He returned for them on the morrow, with the beast, and they took up their home with Thorstein the Swarthy, and were well treated by him. Gudrid was a woman of fine presence, and a clever woman, and very happy in adapting herself to strangers.

Thorstein Ericsson dies in the Western Settlement.—Meanwhile, in Greenland, Thorstein of Ericsfirth had married Gudrid, Thorbiorn’s daughter, who had previously been the wife of Thori Eastman, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ as mentioned earlier. Now, Thorstein Ericsson, determined to voyage to Wineland to recover his brother Thorvald's body, prepared the same ship and chose a crew of twenty-five strong men. He took his wife, Gudrid, and once everything was ready, they sailed out into the open ocean, leaving land behind. They drifted around the sea for the entire summer, losing track of where they were, and by the end of the first week of winter, they landed at Lysufirth in Greenland, in the Western Settlement. Thorstein went looking for accommodations for his crew and managed to find homes for all his shipmates, but he and his wife were left without any place to stay and remained on the ship for two or more days. At that time, Christianity was still new in Greenland. Early one morning, some men came to their tent, and the leader asked who was inside. Thorstein replied, “There are two of us,” and asked, “Who are you?” “My name is Thorstein, known as Thorstein the Swarthy, and I’m here to offer you both, husband and wife, a place to stay with me.” Thorstein said he would discuss it with his wife, and after she encouraged him to decide, he accepted the invitation. “I will come for you tomorrow with a pack horse because I can provide for you both, even though it will be a lonely life with just the two of us, my wife and me. I can be quite difficult to get along with and my faith differs from yours, although I believe yours is the better one.” He returned the next day with the horse, and they moved in with Thorstein the Swarthy, who treated them well. Gudrid was a woman of great presence, clever, and very good at adapting to new people.

Early in the winter Thorstein Ericsson’s party was visited by sickness, and many of his companions died. He caused coffins to be made for the bodies of the dead, and had them conveyed to the ship, and bestowed there; “for it is my purpose to have all the bodies taken to Ericsfirth in the summer.” It was not long before illness appeared in Thorstein’s home, and his wife, whose name was Grimhild, was first taken sick. She was a very vigorous woman, and as strong as a man, but the sickness mastered her; and soon thereafter Thorstein Ericsson was seized with the illness, and they both lay ill at the same time, and Grimhild, Thorstein the Swarthy’s wife, died, and when she was dead Thorstein went out of the room[58] to procure a deal, upon which to lay the corpse. Thereupon Gudrid spoke. “Do not be absent long, Thorstein mine!” says she. He replied, that so it should be. Thorstein Ericsson then exclaimed: “Our house-wife is acting now in a marvellous fashion, for she is raising herself up on her elbow, and stretching out her feet from the side of the bed, and groping after her shoes.” At that moment Thorstein, the master of the house, entered, and Grimhild laid herself down, wherewithal every timber in the room creaked. Thorstein now fashioned a coffin for Grimhild’s body, and bore it away, and cared for it. He was a big man, and strong, but it called for all [his strength], to enable him to remove the corpse from the house. The illness grew upon Thorstein Ericsson, and he died, whereat his wife, Gudrid, was sorely grieved. They were all in the room at the time, and Gudrid was seated upon a chair before the bench, upon which her husband, Thorstein, was lying. Thorstein, the master of the house, then taking Gudrid in his arms [carried her] from the chair, and seated himself, with her, upon another bench, over against her husband’s body, and exerted himself in divers ways to console her, and endeavored to reassure her, and promised her that he would accompany her to Ericsfirth with the body of her husband, Thorstein, and those of his companions: “I will likewise summon other persons hither,” says he, “to attend upon thee, and entertain thee.” She thanked him. Then Thorstein Ericsson sat up, and exclaimed: “Where is Gudrid?” Thrice he repeated the question, but Gudrid made no response. She then asked Thorstein, the master, “Shall I give answer to his question, or not?” Thorstein, the master, bade her make no reply, and he then crossed the floor, and seated himself upon the chair, with Gudrid in his lap, and spoke, saying: “What dost thou wish, namesake?” After a little while, Thorstein replies: “I desire to tell Gudrid of the fate which is in store for her, to the end that she may be better reconciled to my death, for I am indeed come to a goodly resting-place. This I have to tell thee, Gudrid, that thou art to marry an Icelander, and that ye are to have a long wedded life together,[59] and a numerous and noble progeny, illustrious, and famous, of good odor and sweet virtues. Ye shall go from Greenland to Norway, and thence to Iceland, where ye shall build your home. There ye shall dwell together for a long time, but thou shalt outlive him, and shalt then go abroad and to the South, and shalt return to Iceland again, to thy home, and there a church shall then be raised, and thou shalt abide there and take the veil, and there thou shalt die.” When he had thus spoken, Thorstein sank back again, and his body was laid out for burial, and borne to the ship. Thorstein, the master, faithfully performed all his promises to Gudrid. He sold his lands and live-stock in the spring, and accompanied Gudrid to the ship, with all his possessions. He put the ship in order, procured a crew, and then sailed to Ericsfirth. The bodies of the dead were now buried at the church, and Gudrid then went home to Leif at Brattahlid, while Thorstein the Swarthy made a home for himself on Ericsfirth, and remained there as long as he lived, and was looked upon as a very superior man.

Early in the winter, Thorstein Ericsson’s group was hit by illness, and many of his friends died. He had coffins made for the bodies and had them taken to the ship, where he stored them, saying, “I plan to take all the bodies to Ericsfirth in the summer.” It wasn’t long before sickness struck Thorstein's home, and his wife, Grimhild, fell ill first. She was a strong woman, as tough as a man, but the illness took over; soon after, Thorstein Ericsson also fell sick. They both lay ill at the same time, and Grimhild, Thorstein the Swarthy’s wife, died. After her death, Thorstein went out of the room[58] to get a board to lay her body on. Then Gudrid spoke. “Don’t be gone too long, my Thorstein!” she said. He replied that he wouldn’t be. Thorstein Ericsson then exclaimed: “Our housewife is acting strangely now; she’s propping herself up on her elbow and reaching for her shoes.” At that moment, Thorstein, the master of the house, came in, and Grimhild laid back down, making the whole room creak. Thorstein then made a coffin for Grimhild’s body and took care of it. He was a big and strong man, but it took all his strength to move the corpse from the house. The illness worsened for Thorstein Ericsson, and he died, leaving his wife, Gudrid, deeply heartbroken. They were all in the room at the time, with Gudrid sitting on a chair in front of the bench where her husband Thorstein lay. Thorstein, the master of the house, then picked Gudrid up from the chair and sat down with her on another bench, across from her husband’s body. He did everything he could to comfort her and reassured her that he would take her to Ericsfirth with her husband’s body and those of his companions: “I’ll also call more people here,” he said, “to look after you and keep you company.” She thanked him. Then Thorstein Ericsson sat up and called out: “Where is Gudrid?” He asked the question three times, but Gudrid didn’t answer. She then asked Thorstein, the master, “Should I answer his question or not?” Thorstein the master told her not to reply, and then he crossed the room, sat down in the chair with Gudrid in his lap, and spoke: “What do you wish, namesake?” After a moment, Thorstein replied: “I want to tell Gudrid about her future so she will be more at peace with my death because I’m going to a good resting place. This is what I have to tell you, Gudrid: you will marry an Icelander, and you will have a long life together,[59] and many noble children, renowned and celebrated, with good character and sweet virtues. You’ll journey from Greenland to Norway, then to Iceland, where you’ll build your home. You’ll live together there for a long time, but you will outlive him and then travel south, eventually returning to Iceland, where a church will be built, and you will become a nun and die there.” After saying this, Thorstein sank back down, and his body was prepared for burial and taken to the ship. Thorstein the master kept all his promises to Gud

Of the Wineland Voyages of Thorfinn and his Companions.—That same summer a ship came from Norway to Greenland. The skipper’s name was Thorfinn Karlsefni; he was a son of Thord Horsehead, and a grandson of Snorri, the son of Thord of Höfdi. Thorfinn Karlsefni, who was a very wealthy man, passed the winter at Brattahlid with Leif Ericsson. He very soon set his heart upon Gudrid, and sought her hand in marriage; she referred him to Leif for her answer, and was subsequently betrothed to him, and their marriage was celebrated that same winter. A renewed discussion arose concerning a Wineland voyage, and the folk urged Karlsefni to make the venture, Gudrid joining with the others. He determined to undertake the voyage, and assembled a company of sixty men and five women, and entered into an agreement with his shipmates that they should each share equally in all the spoils of the enterprise. They took with them all kinds of cattle, as it was their intention to settle the country, if they could. Karlsefni asked Leif for the house in Wineland, and he replied, that he would lend it but not give it. They sailed out to sea[60] with the ship, and arrived safe and sound at Leif’s-booths, and carried their hammocks ashore there. They were soon provided with an abundant and goodly supply of food, for a whale of good size and quality was driven ashore there, and they secured it, and flensed it, and had then no lack of provisions. The cattle were turned out upon the land, and the males soon became very restless and vicious; they had brought a bull with them. Karlsefni caused trees to be felled, and to be hewed into timbers, wherewith to load his ship, and the wood was placed upon a cliff to dry. They gathered somewhat of all of the valuable products of the land, grapes, and all kinds of game and fish, and other good things. In the summer succeeding the first winter, Skrellings were discovered. A great troop of men came forth from out the woods. The cattle were hard by, and the bull began to bellow and roar with a great noise, whereat the Skrellings were frightened, and ran away, with their packs wherein were gray furs, sables, and all kinds of peltries. They fled towards Karlsefni’s dwelling, and sought to effect an entrance into the house, but Karlsefni caused the doors to be defended [against them]. Neither [people] could understand the other’s language. The Skrellings put down their bundles then, and loosed them, and offered their wares [for barter], and were especially anxious to exchange these for weapons, but Karlsefni forbade his men to sell their weapons, and taking counsel with himself, he bade the women carry out milk to the Skrellings, which they no sooner saw, than they wanted to buy it, and nothing else. Now the outcome of the Skrellings’ trading was, that they carried their wares away in their stomachs, while they left their packs and peltries behind with Karlsefni and his companions, and having accomplished this [exchange] they went away. Now it is to be told, that Karlsefni caused a strong wooden palisade to be constructed and set up around the house. It was at this time that Gudrid, Karlsefni’s wife, gave birth to a male child, and the boy was called Snorri. In the early part of the second winter the Skrellings came to them again, and these were now much more numerous than before, and brought[61] with them the same wares as at first. Then said Karlsefni to the women: “Do ye carry out now the same food, which proved so profitable before, and nought else.” When they saw this they cast their packs in over the palisade. Gudrid was sitting within, in the doorway, beside the cradle of her infant son, Snorri, when a shadow fell upon the door, and a woman in a black namkirtle entered. She was short in stature, and wore a fillet about her head; her hair was of a light chestnut color, and she was pale of hue, and so big-eyed, that never before had eyes so large been seen in a human skull. She went up to where Gudrid was seated, and said: “What is thy name?” “My name is Gudrid; but what is thy name?” “My name is Gudrid,” says she. The housewife, Gudrid, motioned her with her hand to a seat beside her; but it so happened, that at that very instant Gudrid heard a great crash, whereupon the woman vanished, and at that same moment one of the Skrellings, who had tried to seize their weapons, was killed by one of Karlsefni’s followers. At this the Skrellings fled precipitately, leaving their garments and wares behind them; and not a soul, save Gudrid alone, beheld this woman. “Now we must needs take counsel together,” says Karlsefni, “for that I believe they will visit us a third time, in great numbers, and attack us. Let us now adopt this plan: ten of our number shall go out upon the cape, and show themselves there, while the remainder of our company shall go into the woods and hew a clearing for our cattle, when the troop approaches from the forest. We will also take our bull, and let him go in advance of us.” The lie of the land was such that the proposed meeting-place had the lake upon the one side, and the forest upon the other. Karlsefni’s advice was now carried into execution. The Skrellings advanced to the spot which Karlsefni had selected for the encounter, and a battle was fought there, in which great numbers of the band of the Skrellings were slain. There was one man among the Skrellings, of large size and fine bearing, whom Karlsefni concluded must be their chief. One of the Skrellings picked up an axe, and having looked at it for a time, he brandished it about one[62] of his companions, and hewed at him, and on the instant the man fell dead. Thereupon the big man seized the axe, and after examining it for a moment, he hurled it as far as he could, out into the sea; then they fled helter-skelter into the woods, and thus their intercourse came to an end. Karlsefni and his party remained there throughout the winter, but in the spring Karlsefni announces, that he is not minded to remain there longer, but will return to Greenland. They now made ready for the voyage, and carried away with them much booty in vines and grapes, and peltries. They sailed out upon the high seas, and brought their ship safely to Ericsfirth, where they remained during the winter.

Of the Wineland Voyages of Thorfinn and his Companions.—That same summer, a ship came from Norway to Greenland. The captain's name was Thorfinn Karlsefni; he was the son of Thord Horsehead and the grandson of Snorri, the son of Thord of Höfdi. Thorfinn Karlsefni, who was very wealthy, spent the winter at Brattahlid with Leif Ericsson. He quickly fell in love with Gudrid and sought her hand in marriage; she asked him to speak to Leif for her answer, and eventually, they were betrothed, celebrating their marriage that winter. A renewed discussion about a voyage to Wineland arose, and the people encouraged Karlsefni to take the trip, with Gudrid supporting them. He decided to embark on the voyage, gathering a group of sixty men and five women, and they all agreed to share equally in the spoils of the journey. They brought all kinds of livestock with the intention of settling the land, if possible. Karlsefni asked Leif for the house in Wineland, and Leif agreed to lend it but not to give it. They sailed out to sea[60] with their ship and safely arrived at Leif's booths, unloading their hammocks there. Soon, they had a plentiful supply of food, as a good-sized whale had washed ashore, and they processed it, ensuring they wouldn’t lack for provisions. The cattle were released onto the land, and the males quickly became restless and aggressive; they had brought a bull with them. Karlsefni ordered trees to be cut down and shaped into timbers to load onto his ship, placing the wood on a cliff to dry. They collected various valuable products from the land, including grapes, game, fish, and other goods. In the summer after their first winter, they encountered the Skrellings. A large group of them emerged from the woods. The cattle were nearby, and the bull began to bellow loudly, which frightened the Skrellings, making them flee with their packs that contained gray furs, sables, and various pelts. They ran towards Karlsefni’s dwelling, trying to get inside, but Karlsefni had the doors secured. Neither group could understand the other's language. The Skrellings dropped their bundles, unpacked them, and offered to trade their goods, particularly eager to exchange them for weapons, but Karlsefni forbade his men from selling their weapons. After some thought, he instructed the women to bring out milk for the Skrellings. As soon as the Skrellings saw the milk, they wanted to buy it, and nothing else. The result of the Skrellings' trading was that they ended up taking the milk away in their stomachs while leaving behind their packs and pelts with Karlsefni and his companions. After this exchange, they departed. At this time, Karlsefni had a strong wooden palisade built around the house. During this period, Gudrid, Karlsefni’s wife, gave birth to a son, whom they named Snorri. Early in the second winter, the Skrellings returned, this time in much greater numbers, bringing[61] the same goods as before. Karlsefni told the women, “Bring out the same food that was so successful before and nothing else.” When they did this, the Skrellings threw their packs over the palisade. Gudrid was sitting in the doorway beside the cradle of her infant son, Snorri, when a shadow fell across the door, and a woman in a black dress entered. She was short and wore a headband; her hair was light chestnut, she was pale, and her eyes were remarkably large, larger than anyone had ever seen. She approached Gudrid and said, “What’s your name?” “My name is Gudrid; what is yours?” “My name is Gudrid,” she replied. The housewife Gudrid gestured for her to sit beside her, but at that very moment, Gudrid heard a loud crash, causing the woman to vanish. At the same time, one of the Skrellings, who had attempted to grab their weapons, was killed by one of Karlsefni’s men. The Skrellings then fled quickly, leaving their clothes and goods behind; only Gudrid saw the woman. “Now we must come together and discuss what to do,” said Karlsefni, “because I believe they will come back a third time in large numbers and attack us. Let’s plan this: ten of us will go out to the cape and show ourselves there, while the rest will go into the woods to clear land for our cattle when the group approaches from the forest. We will also take our bull and let him lead the way.” The layout of the land was such that the meeting spot had a lake on one side and the forest on the other. Karlsefni’s plan was executed. The Skrellings arrived at the spot designated for the confrontation, and a battle ensued, resulting in many Skrellings being killed. One man among the Skrellings, large and impressive, made Karlsefni think he must be their chief. One of the Skrellings picked up an axe, examined it, then swung it at one of his companions, instantly killing him. The large man then grabbed the axe and, after a moment, threw it as far as he could into the sea; then they all fled into the woods, and this ended their interaction. Karlsefni and his group stayed there throughout the winter, but in the spring, Karlsefni declared he did not intend to stay longer and would return to Greenland. They prepared for the voyage and took much loot with them, including vines, grapes, and pelts. They sailed out onto the open sea and safely returned to Ericsfirth, where they stayed for the winter.

Freydis causes the Brothers to be put to Death.—There was now much talk anew, about a Wineland-voyage, for this was reckoned both a profitable and an honorable enterprise. The same summer that Karlsefni arrived from Wineland, a ship from Norway arrived in Greenland. This ship was commanded by two brothers, Helgi and Finnbogi, who passed the winter in Greenland. They were descended from an Icelandic family of the East-firths. It is now to be added, that Freydis,62-1 Eric’s daughter, set out from her home at Gardar, and waited upon the brothers, Helgi and Finnbogi, and invited them to sail with their vessel to Wineland, and to share with her equally all of the good things which they might succeed in obtaining there. To this they agreed, and she departed thence to visit her brother, Leif, and ask him to give her the house which he had caused to be erected in Wineland, but he made her the same answer [as that which he had given Karlsefni], saying, that he would lend the house, but not give it. It was stipulated between Karlsefni and Freydis, that each should have on shipboard thirty able-bodied men, besides the women; but Freydis immediately violated this compact, by concealing five men more [than this number], and this the brothers did not discover before they arrived in Wineland. They now put out to sea, having agreed beforehand, that they would sail in company,[63] if possible, and although they were not far apart from each other, the brothers arrived somewhat in advance, and carried their belongings up to Leif’s house. Now when Freydis arrived, her ship was discharged, and the baggage carried up to the house, whereupon Freydis exclaimed: “Why did you carry your baggage in here?” “Since we believed,” said they, “that all promises made to us would be kept.” “It was to me that Leif loaned the house,” says she, “and not to you.” Whereupon Helgi exclaimed: “We brothers cannot hope to rival thee in wrong-dealing.” They thereupon carried their baggage forth, and built a hut, above the sea, on the bank of the lake, and put all in order about it; while Freydis caused wood to be felled, with which to load her ship. The winter now set in, and the brothers suggested, that they should amuse themselves by playing games. This they did for a time, until the folk began to disagree, when dissensions arose between them, and the games came to an end, and the visits between the houses ceased; and thus it continued far into the winter. One morning early, Freydis arose from her bed, and dressed herself, but did not put on her shoes and stockings. A heavy dew had fallen, and she took her husband’s cloak, and wrapped it about her, and then walked to the brothers’ house, and up to the door, which had been only partly closed by one of the men, who had gone out a short time before. She pushed the door open, and stood, silently, in the doorway for a time. Finnbogi, who was lying on the innermost side of the room, was awake, and said: “What dost thou wish here, Freydis?” She answers: “I wish thee to rise, and go out with me, for I would speak with thee.” He did so, and they walked to a tree, which lay close by the wall of the house, and seated themselves upon it. “How art thou pleased here?” says she. He answers: “I am well pleased with the fruitfulness of the land, but I am ill-content with the breach which has come between us, for, methinks, there has been no cause for it.” “It is even as thou sayest,” says she, “and so it seems to me; but my errand to thee is, that I wish to exchange ships with you brothers, for that ye have a larger ship than I, and I wish[64] to depart from here.” “To this I must accede,” says he; “if it is thy pleasure.” Therewith they parted, and she returned home, and Finnbogi to his bed. She climbed up into bed, and awakened Thorvard with her cold feet, and he asked her why she was so cold and wet. She answered, with great passion: “I have been to the brothers,” says she, “to try to buy their ship, for I wished to have a larger vessel, but they received my overtures so ill, that they struck me, and handled me very roughly; what time thou, poor wretch, wilt neither avenge my shame nor thy own, and I find, perforce, that I am no longer in Greenland, moreover I shall part from thee unless thou wreakest vengeance for this.” And now he could stand her taunts no longer, and ordered the men to rise at once, and take their weapons, and this they did, and they then proceeded directly to the house of the brothers, and entered it, while the folk were asleep, and seized and bound them, and led each one out, when he was bound; and as they came out, Freydis caused each one to be slain. In this wise all of the men were put to death, and only the women were left, and these no one would kill. At this Freydis exclaimed: “Hand me an axe!” This was done, and she fell upon the five women, and left them dead. They returned home, after this dreadful deed, and it was very evident that Freydis was well content with her work. She addressed her companions, saying: “If it be ordained for us, to come again to Greenland, I shall contrive the death of any man who shall speak of these events. We must give it out, that we left them living here, when we came away.” Early in the spring, they equipped the ship, which had belonged to the brothers, and freighted it with all of the products of the land, which they could obtain, and which the ship would carry. Then they put out to sea, and, after a prosperous voyage, arrived with their ship in Ericsfirth early in the summer. Karlsefni was there, with his ship all ready to sail, and was awaiting a fair wind; and people say, that a ship richer laden, than that which he commanded, never left Greenland.

Freydis causes the Brothers to be put to Death.—There was a lot of talk again about a voyage to Vinland, as it was seen as both a profitable and honorable venture. The same summer that Karlsefni returned from Vinland, a ship from Norway arrived in Greenland. This ship was captained by two brothers, Helgi and Finnbogi, who spent the winter in Greenland. They came from an Icelandic family from the East-firths. It's also important to mention that Freydis, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ the daughter of Erik, left her home in Gardar and contacted the brothers, Helgi and Finnbogi, inviting them to sail with her to Vinland and to share equally in any good fortune they found there. They agreed, and she then went to visit her brother, Leif, to ask him for the house he had built in Vinland. He gave her the same answer he had given to Karlsefni, saying he would lend her the house but wouldn’t give it. It was agreed between Karlsefni and Freydis that each would have thirty able-bodied men on their ship, not counting the women, but Freydis immediately broke this agreement by hiding five more men than permitted. The brothers didn’t discover this until they arrived in Vinland. They set out to sea, having agreed beforehand to sail together if possible. Even though they were not far apart, the brothers got there a bit earlier and took their things to Leif’s house. When Freydis arrived, her ship was unloaded, and the cargo was taken to the house, prompting Freydis to say, “Why did you bring your things in here?” “Because we believed,” they replied, “that all promises made to us would be kept.” “Leif loaned the house to me,” she said, “not to you.” Helgi then exclaimed, “As brothers, we can’t compete with you in dishonesty.” They took their things outside and built a hut by the sea, beside the lake, getting everything set up, while Freydis had wood cut to load her ship. Winter set in, and the brothers suggested they entertain themselves with games. They did this for a while until arguments broke out, leading to disagreements and a halt to the games and visits between the houses, which continued well into winter. One early morning, Freydis got out of bed, dressed, but did not put on her shoes or stockings. There had been heavy dew, so she took her husband's cloak, wrapped it around her, and walked to the brothers’ house, finding the door partially closed by one of the men who had left a little while before. She pushed the door open and stood silently in the doorway for a time. Finnbogi, who was at the far end of the room, was awake, and said, “What do you want here, Freydis?” She replied, “I want you to get up and come outside with me; I need to talk to you.” He agreed, and they walked to a tree near the house wall and sat on it. “How do you like it here?” she asked. He answered, “I like the land’s fertility, but I’m unhappy with the rift between us, as I feel there’s no reason for it.” “You’re right,” she said, “and it seems the same to me. But my reason for coming to you is that I want to swap ships with you brothers because yours is larger, and I want to leave here.” “I must agree to that,” he said, “if it pleases you.” They parted ways, and she went back home while Finnbogi returned to bed. She climbed into bed and woke Thorvard with her cold feet, and he asked why she was so cold and wet. She replied passionately, “I went to the brothers to try to buy their ship because I wanted a bigger one, but they treated me so badly that they hit me and were very rough with me; and you, poor fool, will not avenge my shame or your own. I see now that I’m no longer in Greenland, and I’ll leave you unless you get revenge for this.” Unable to tolerate her taunts any longer, he ordered the men to get up at once, take their weapons, and they did. They headed straight to the brothers' house, entered while the men were asleep, captured and bound them, and led each one out, binding their hands; as each came out, Freydis ordered them all to be killed. In this way, every man was put to death, leaving only the women, whom no one would harm. At this, Freydis shouted, “Give me an axe!” They did, and she attacked the five women, leaving them dead. After this horrific act, they returned home, and it was clear that Freydis felt satisfied with her actions. She told her companions, “If we end up going back to Greenland, I’ll ensure that anyone who talks about these events meets their end. We must say that we left them alive when we left.” Early in spring, they prepared the ship that belonged to the brothers, loaded it with all the goods from the land they could find that the ship could carry. Then they set out to sea and, after a successful voyage, arrived in Ericsfirth early that summer. Karlsefni was there, ready to sail with his ship, waiting for a favorable wind, and people say that no ship ever left Greenland more loaded than the one he commanded.

Concerning Freydis.—Freydis now went to her home,[65] since it had remained unharmed during her absence. She bestowed liberal gifts upon all of her companions, for she was anxious to screen her guilt. She now established herself at her home; but her companions were not all so close-mouthed, concerning their misdeeds and wickedness, that rumors did not get abroad at last. These finally reached her brother, Leif, and he thought it a most shameful story. He thereupon took three of the men, who had been of Freydis’s party, and forced them all at the same time to a confession of the affair, and their stories entirely agreed. “I have no heart,” says Leif, “to punish my sister, Freydis, as she deserves, but this I predict of them, that there is little prosperity in store for their offspring.” Hence it came to pass, that no one from that time forward thought them worthy of aught but evil. It now remains to take up the story from the time when Karlsefni made his ship ready, and sailed out to sea. He had a successful voyage, and arrived in Norway safe and sound. He remained there during the winter, and sold his wares, and both he and his wife were received with great favor by the most distinguished men of Norway. The following spring he put his ship in order for the voyage to Iceland; and when all his preparations had been made, and his ship lying at the wharf, awaiting favorable winds, there came to him a Southerner, a native of Bremen in the Saxonland, who wished to buy his “house-neat.”65-1 “I do not wish to sell it,” said he. “I will give thee half a ‘mörk’ in gold for it,” says the Southerner. This Karlsefni thought a good offer, and accordingly closed the bargain. The Southerner went his way, with the “house-neat,” and Karlsefni knew not what wood it was, but it was “mösur,” come from Wineland.

About Freydis.—Freydis returned home,[65] as it had remained safe during her time away. She generously gifted her companions, trying to hide her guilt. She settled back at home; however, her companions weren't all discreet about their wrongdoings, and eventually, rumors spread. These rumors reached her brother, Leif, who found the story utterly disgraceful. He then took three men from Freydis’s group and forced them to confess together, and their accounts completely matched. “I don’t have the heart,” Leif said, “to punish my sister, Freydis, as she deserves, but I predict that there won’t be much good fortune for their descendants.” As a result, no one from that point onward saw them as deserving anything but misfortune. Now, we should continue the story from the time when Karlsefni prepared his ship and set sail. He had a successful journey and arrived safely in Norway. He spent the winter there, selling his goods, and both he and his wife were warmly welcomed by the most notable men of Norway. The following spring, he got his ship ready for the trip to Iceland; and once all his preparations were complete, with his ship docked and waiting for favorable winds, a Southerner from Bremen in Saxony approached him, wanting to buy his “tidy home.”65-1 “I don’t want to sell it,” he replied. “I’ll give you half a ‘mörk’ in gold for it,” said the Southerner. Karlsefni saw this as a good offer and agreed to the deal. The Southerner left with the “house-neat,” and Karlsefni didn’t know what kind of wood it was, but it was “mösur,” which came from Wineland.

Karlsefni sailed away, and arrived with his ship in the north of Iceland, in Skagafirth. His vessel was beached there during the winter, and in the spring he bought Glaumbœiar-land, and made his home there, and dwelt there as long as he lived, and was a man of the greatest prominence. From him and[66] his wife, Gudrid, a numerous and goodly lineage is descended. After Karlsefni’s death, Gudrid, together with her son, Snorri, who was born in Wineland, took charge of the farmstead; and when Snorri was married, Gudrid went abroad, and made a pilgrimage to the South, after which she returned again to the home of her son, Snorri, who had caused a church to be built at Glaumbœr. Gudrid then took the veil and became an anchorite, and lived there the rest of her days. Snorri had a son, named Thorgeir, who was the father of Ingveld, the mother of Bishop Brand. Hallfrid was the name of the daughter of Snorri, Karlsefni’s son; she was the mother of Runolf, Bishop Thorlak’s father. Biorn was the name of [another] son of Karlsefni and Gudrid; he was the father of Thorunn, the mother of Bishop Biorn. Many men are descended from Karlsefni, and he has been blessed with a numerous and famous posterity; and of all men Karlsefni has given the most exact accounts of all these voyages, of which something has now been recounted.

Karlsefni set sail and arrived with his ship in northern Iceland, at Skagafirth. His ship was anchored there for the winter, and in the spring, he purchased land at Glaumbœ and made it his home, living there for the rest of his life as a prominent figure. From him and[66] his wife, Gudrid, a large and distinguished lineage has emerged. After Karlsefni’s death, Gudrid, along with her son Snorri, who was born in Vinland, took over the farm. When Snorri got married, Gudrid traveled abroad on a pilgrimage to the South, and after that, she returned to her son Snorri, who had built a church at Glaumbœ. Gudrid then took vows and became an anchorite, living there for the rest of her life. Snorri had a son named Thorgeir, who was the father of Ingveld, the mother of Bishop Brand. Snorri, Karlsefni’s son, had a daughter named Hallfrid; she was the mother of Runolf, who was Bishop Thorlak’s father. Another son of Karlsefni and Gudrid was named Biorn; he was the father of Thorunn, the mother of Bishop Biorn. Many people are descended from Karlsefni, and he is blessed with numerous and famous descendants; of all men, Karlsefni has provided the most detailed accounts of these voyages, of which some have now been shared.

45-1 Reeves’s translation. In Origines Islandicae, Vol. II., p. 598, this saga is called “The Story of the Wineland Voyages, commonly called The Story of Eric the Red.”

45-1 Reeves’s translation. In Origines Islandicae, Vol. II., p. 598, this saga is referred to as “The Story of the Wineland Voyages, usually known as The Story of Eric the Red.”

45-2 The original word for “Brief History” also means “section,” “episode,” “little story,” i.e., extract or abbreviated account.

45-2 The original term for “Brief History” also translates to “section,” “episode,” “short story,” i.e., an extract or shortened version.

46-1 About 985 (983-986). One vellum of the Landnama-bok (Book of Settlements) says sixteen, the other fifteen years.

46-1 Around 985 (983-986). One copy of the Landnama-bok (Book of Settlements) states sixteen years, while the other states fifteen years.

46-2 Bishop Frederick was from “Saxland” (Saxony). According to the Kristni-Saga he came to Iceland “in the summer when the land had been settled one-hundred-and-seven winters,” i.e., in 981. He made but little headway in preaching Christianity.

46-2 Bishop Frederick was from “Saxland” (Saxony). According to the Kristni-Saga, he arrived in Iceland “in the summer when the land had been settled one-hundred-and-seven winters,” i.e., in 981. He had very little success in spreading Christianity.

47-1 Hafgerdingar (sea-rollers) are supposed to have been earthquake waves, and the lines evidently refer to such tidal-waves caused by an unusually severe earthquake in the year 986. See Reeves, p. 180, (63). The prose sense of the stave is: “I beg the blessed friend of the monks to further our voyage. May the Lord of the heavens hold his hand over me.”

47-1 Hafgerdingar (sea rollers) are believed to be earthquake waves, and the lines clearly refer to tidal waves triggered by an especially strong earthquake in the year 986. See Reeves, p. 180, (63). The meaning of the verse is: “I ask the blessed friend of the monks to support our journey. May the Lord of the heavens watch over me.”

49-1 “Certainly a marvellous coincidence, but it is quite in character with the no less surprising accuracy with which the explorers of this history [i.e., the Flat Island Book narrative] succeeded in finding ‘Leif’s-booths’ in a country which was as strange to them as Greenland to Biarni.” (Reeves.)

49-1 “Definitely an amazing coincidence, but it totally fits with the surprising accuracy that the explorers in this story [i.e., the Flat Island Book narrative] had in locating ‘Leif’s-booths’ in a land that was just as unfamiliar to them as Greenland was to Biarni.” (Reeves.)

50-1 Earl Eric ruled in Norway from 1000 to 1015.

50 to 1 Earl Eric was in charge in Norway from 1000 to 1015.

52-1 These two words designate positions of the sun at two points of time. Early commentators got much more definite results from this observation than later ones, with scientific assistance, have succeeded in getting. Largely on the basis of it, Rafn (in Antiquitates Americanæ), concluded that Vinland was in Rhode Island. Both Storm and Reeves, after detailed investigation, declare that it cannot be shown from this passage how far to the south Vinland was located. Captain Phythian, U.S.N., who has given the question careful consideration, says: “The data furnished are not sufficiently definite to warrant a more positive assertion than that the explorers could not have been, when the record was made, farther north than Lat. [say] 49°.” See Reeves, p. 181, (66).

52-1 These two words refer to the sun's positions at two different times. Early commentators drew much clearer conclusions from this observation than later ones, despite having scientific help. Based largely on this, Rafn (in Antiquitates Americanæ) concluded that Vinland was in Rhode Island. Both Storm and Reeves, after thorough investigation, state that this passage does not indicate how far south Vinland actually was. Captain Phythian, U.S.N., who has carefully considered the question, says: “The information provided is not specific enough to support a more definitive claim than that the explorers could not have been, at the time of the record, further north than approximately Lat. 49°.” See Reeves, p. 181, (66).

56-1 Evidently an incorrect statement. Landnama-bok, the authority on genealogical matters, says: “His son was Thorbiorn, father of Gudrid who married Thorstein, son of Eric the Red, and afterwards Thorfinn Karlsefni.” Thori Eastman (the Norwegian) is not mentioned in the Landnama-bok.

56-1 Clearly a wrong statement. Landnama-bok, the go-to source for genealogical issues, states: “His son was Thorbiorn, father of Gudrid who married Thorstein, son of Eric the Red, and later Thorfinn Karlsefni.” Thori Eastman (the Norwegian) is not included in the Landnama-bok.

62-1 This cruel virago plays a much less conspicuous part in the version of Hauk’s Book and AM. 557.

62-1 This harsh woman has a much less noticeable role in Hauk’s Book and AM. 557.

65-1 “A weather-vane, or other ornament at the point of the gable of a house or upon a ship.” (Fritzner.)

65-1 “A weather vane or another ornament at the peak of a house gable or on a ship.” (Fritzner.)


FROM ADAM OF BREMEN’S67-1 DESCRIPTIO INSULARUM AQUILONIS

Moreover he67-2 spoke of an island in that ocean67-3 discovered by many, which is called Vinland, for the reason that vines grow wild there, which yield the best of wine. Moreover that grain unsown67-4 grows there abundantly, is not a fabulous fancy, but, from the accounts of the Danes, we know to be a fact. Beyond this island, it is said, that there is no habitable land in that ocean, but all those regions which are beyond are filled with insupportable ice and boundless gloom, to which Martian thus refers: “One day’s sail beyond Thile the sea is frozen.” This was essayed not long since by that very enter[68]prising Northmen’s prince, Harold,68-1 who explored the extent of the northern ocean with his ship, but was scarcely able by retreating to escape in safety from the gulf’s enormous abyss, where before his eyes the vanishing bounds of earth were hidden in gloom.

Additionally he67-2 mentioned an island in that ocean that many have discovered, called Vinland, because wild vines grow there, producing the finest wine. Additionally, the grain that grows without being planted67-4 flourishes abundantly, which is not just a fanciful story but a fact supported by accounts from the Danes. Beyond this island, it's said there is no land fit for habitation in that ocean; all those regions further out are filled with unbearable ice and endless darkness, as Martian noted: “One day’s sail beyond Thile the sea is frozen.” This was attempted not long ago by the adventurous Northmen’s prince, Harold, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ who set out to explore the northern ocean’s extent with his ship but barely managed to escape safely from the gulf’s immense abyss, where the fading edges of the earth were shrouded in darkness.

67-1 Adam of Bremen was a prebendary and writer on ecclesiastical history. The Descriptio Insularum Aquilonis is an appendix to his Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum. For the preparation of his work on the “Northern Islands,” Adam spent some time at the Danish court, where he obtained much information from the king, Svend Estridson (1047-1076), an unusually well informed monarch. Adam’s work was undoubtedly completed before the king’s death, which occurred in 1076. The Descriptio was first printed in Lindenbrog’s edition of Adam’s work, published in 1595, which thus contains the first printed allusions to Vinland. Rafn gives a facsimile of one of the manuscripts, for part of the passage.

67-1 Adam of Bremen was a prebendary and a writer on church history. The Descriptio Insularum Aquilonis is an appendix to his Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum. To prepare for his work on the “Northern Islands,” Adam spent some time at the Danish court, where he gathered a lot of information from King Svend Estridson (1047-1076), who was a particularly knowledgeable monarch. Adam completed his work before the king's death in 1076. The Descriptio was first printed in Lindenbrog’s edition of Adam’s work, published in 1595, which includes the first printed references to Vinland. Rafn provides a facsimile of part of the passage from one of the manuscripts.

67-2 Svend Estridson, king of Denmark.

67-2 Svend Estridson, the king of Denmark.

67-3 Immediately before this extract, the author describes the islands in the northern seas—among them Iceland—and then proceeds to speak of newer lands “deeper in the ocean,” first of all Greenland, “far up towards the Swedish or Riphaean mountains,” distant five or seven days’ sailing from Norway, then Halagland, somewhat nearer, where the sun is above the horizon fourteen days in summer, and lastly Vinland. That is, according to Adam, Vinland was in a northern region.

67-3 Right before this excerpt, the author talks about the islands in the northern seas—like Iceland—and then goes on to mention newer lands “deeper in the ocean,” starting with Greenland, “far up toward the Swedish or Riphaean mountains,” which are about five or seven days of sailing from Norway. Next is Halagland, which is a bit closer, where the sun stays above the horizon for fourteen days in the summer, and finally Vinland. According to Adam, Vinland was located in a northern area.

67-4 The reference to the “unsown grain,” and vines in the preceding sentence, are sufficiently characteristic to have enabled any one familiar with the “Saga of Eric the Red” to identify the new land as Vinland, even though it had not been named. It is interesting to note that the reference to “unsown grain” does not appear in the Flat Island Book saga.

67-4 The mention of “unsown grain” and vines in the previous sentence is distinct enough for anyone familiar with the “Saga of Eric the Red” to recognize the new land as Vinland, even if it wasn't explicitly named. It's also worth noting that the term “unsown grain” is not found in the Flat Island Book saga.

68-1 Evidently a reference to Harold the Stern-ruler (Haardraade). He was a contemporary of Svend Estridson, and ruler in Norway from 1047 to 1066. The saga of Harold Haardraade in Snorri Sturlason’s “Saga of the Kings of Norway” contains no reference to any such expedition. Yet it would be quite in keeping with the other adventures of this much-travelled king to have undertaken such an expedition. It is to be noted that he did not, according to Adam, go in search of Vinland.

68-1 Clearly a reference to Harold the Stern-ruler (Haardraade). He was a contemporary of Svend Estridson and ruled in Norway from 1047 to 1066. The saga of Harold Haardraade in Snorri Sturlason’s “Saga of the Kings of Norway” doesn't mention any such expedition. However, it would fit with the other adventures of this well-traveled king to have undertaken such a journey. Notably, according to Adam, he did not go in search of Vinland.


FROM THE ICELANDIC ANNALS69-1

ANNALES REGII

Royal Annals

A.D. 1121. Bishop Eric69-2 of Greenland went in search of Vinland.

A.D. 1121. Bishop Eric __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ of Greenland set out to find Vinland.

FROM THE ELDER SKALHOLT69-3 ANNALS

FROM THE ELDER SKALHOLT69-3 CHRONICLES

A.D. 1347. There came also a ship from Greenland, less in size than small Icelandic trading vessels. It came into the outer Stream-firth.69-4 It was without an anchor. There were seventeen men on board, and they had sailed to Markland,69-5 but had afterwards been driven hither by storms at sea.

A.D. 1347. A ship arrived from Greenland, smaller than the little Icelandic trading vessels. It entered the outer Stream-firth. 69-4 The ship had no anchor. There were seventeen men on board, and they had sailed to Markland, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ but had been blown here by storms at sea.

69-1 Besides the Annales Regii, which are the most important, there are several other Icelandic annals. All have, under the year 1121, the entry given here, (facsimile in Rafn). It is the only information that they give concerning Vinland, and is the last surviving mention of Vinland in the older Icelandic records. It must be remarked, however, that there were no contemporary annals as early as 1121; the earliest entries on Scandinavian events are gleaned from various sources, especially the early historians.

69-1 In addition to the Annales Regii, which are the most significant, there are several other Icelandic annals. All of them have, under the year 1121, the entry provided here (facsimile in Rafn). This is the only information they offer about Vinland, and it is the last mention of Vinland in the earlier Icelandic records. However, it should be noted that there were no contemporary annals as early as 1121; the earliest entries regarding Scandinavian events are gathered from various sources, mainly the early historians.

69-2 According to the Landnama-bok he was an Icelander, his full name being Eric Gnupson. He is also known as Eric Uppsi. He was, according to some accounts, the first bishop of Greenland. The exact date of his consecration is not known; but the Lawman’s Annals have, under date of 1112, these words: “Bishop Eric’s expedition,” referring no doubt to his departure from Iceland. There is no record of his consecration at Lund (Sweden), the seat of the primate at that time, as in the case of his successor, Bishop Arnold. In regard to Bishop Eric’s seeking Vinland, there is no indication anywhere why he went, or whether he ever returned. At any rate, the Greenlanders applied for a new bishop, and, according to the annals, one was consecrated in 1124; this was Bishop Arnold, and he reached Greenland the following year. See “The Tale of the Greenlanders,” in Origines Islandicae, II. 748.

69-2 According to the Landnama-bok, he was an Icelander named Eric Gnupson. He’s also known as Eric Uppsi. Some accounts say he was the first bishop of Greenland. The exact date of his consecration isn’t known; however, the Lawman’s Annals mention “Bishop Eric’s expedition” under the year 1112, which likely refers to his departure from Iceland. There’s no record of his consecration in Lund (Sweden), where the primate was based at the time, unlike his successor, Bishop Arnold. As for Bishop Eric’s journey to Vinland, there’s no information on why he went or if he ever came back. In any case, the Greenlanders requested a new bishop, and according to the annals, one was consecrated in 1124; this was Bishop Arnold, who arrived in Greenland the following year. See “The Tale of the Greenlanders,” in Origines Islandicae, II. 748.

69-3 So called because the manuscript was found at Skalholt, in southern Iceland. This entry (facsimile in Rafn) is corroborated, in abbreviated form, by the Annals of Gottskalk, in these words: “A ship came then from Greenland, which had sailed to Markland, and there were eighteen men on board.”

69-3 It's called that because the manuscript was discovered at Skalholt, in southern Iceland. This entry (facsimile in Rafn) is supported, in a shortened version, by the Annals of Gottskalk, which states: “A ship then came from Greenland, having sailed to Markland, and there were eighteen men on board.”

69-4 Stream-firth is on the western coast of Iceland.

69-4 Stream-firth is located on the west coast of Iceland.

69-5 One of the new lands mentioned in the sagas of the Vinland voyages.

69-5 One of the new places referenced in the stories of the Vinland trips.


PAPAL LETTERS CONCERNING THE BISHOPRIC OF GARDAR IN GREENLAND DURING THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY70-1

LETTER OF NICHOLAS V., September 20, 1448

LETTER OF NICHOLAS V., September 20, 1448

Called by a command from on high to preside over all the churches in the exercise of our apostolic duty, with the Lord’s help we employ all our solicitude in laboring for the salvation of souls redeemed by the precious blood of Christ, and we strive earnestly to restore to a state of peace and tranquillity, not only those who are frequently tossed about by the storms of impiety and error, but also those who are involved in the hardships and whirlwinds of persecution. Profoundly im[71]pressed therefore with the responsibility of our position, it is not difficult to understand how our mind was filled with bitterness by the tearful lamentations71-1 which have reached our ears from our beloved children, the native and other inhabitants of the island of Greenland, a region situated at the uttermost end of the earth. The island, belonging71-2 to the kingdom of Norway, and under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Drontheim,71-3 received the faith of Christ almost six71-4 centuries ago, through the piety of blessed King Olaf, and preserved it steadfastly and inviolably in accordance with the tradition of the Roman Church, and the Apostolic See. After their conversion, the people of this island, with untiring and characteristic devotion, erected many temples71-5 to the worship of God and his saints, as well as a magnificent cathedral,71-6 in which divine worship was diligently celebrated, until about thirty71-7 years ago, when God permitting it, a barbarous and pagan fleet from neighboring shores71-8 invaded the island, lay[72]ing waste the land with fire and sword, and destroying the sacred temples. Just nine parish churches were left standing. To these are attached, it is said, parishes of very great extent. These churches are left intact, because being situated in the mountain fastnesses, they were inaccessible to the barbarian hordes, who, after completing their work of destruction, led captive to their shores the unfortunate inhabitants of both sexes, and more particularly those who seemed best able to bear the hardships of servitude and tyranny. But as the same complaint sets forth, many of these captives, after a time, returned to their native land. They set to work to rebuild their ruined homes, and were particularly desirous of restoring divine worship to its former splendor. Because, however, of their past calamities, as well as the added trials of famine and want, they had not wherewith to support priests or bishop. They have been consequently during these thirty years past without the comfort and ministry of bishop or priest, unless some one of a very zealous disposition, and at long intervals, and in spite of danger from the raging sea, ventured to visit the island and minister to them in those churches which the barbarians had left standing. Having acquainted us with this deplorable state of affairs, and knowing our paternal solicitude, they have supplicated us to come to their rescue in this their hour of spiritual need. Our hearts have been moved by the prayers of the people of Greenland, but not being sufficiently acquainted with the circumstances,[73] we direct and command you, or either of you,73-1 beloved brothers, who as we understand are the bishops living nearest to that island, to institute a diligent inquiry as to whether things are as they have been reported to us, and if you should find them so, and the number of people warrant it, and if they are in a condition to provide sufficiently, we command you or either of you, to send worthy priests who will minister to them, erect churches, govern parishes, and administer the sacraments.

Called by a higher authority to oversee all the churches in our apostolic duty, with the Lord’s help, we invest all our efforts in working for the salvation of souls redeemed by the precious blood of Christ. We earnestly strive to return to a state of peace and tranquility not only those who are frequently tossed about by the storms of disbelief and error but also those facing the difficulties and chaos of persecution. Profoundly aware of our responsibilities, it’s clear how our hearts were filled with sorrow by the tearful lamentations71-1 that have reached us from our beloved children, the native and other inhabitants of Greenland, an island located at the farthest end of the earth. The island, belonging __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ to the kingdom of Norway and under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Drontheim, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ received the Christian faith almost six71-4 centuries ago through the piety of blessed King Olaf and has steadfastly maintained it in line with the tradition of the Roman Church and the Apostolic See. After their conversion, the people of this island, with their unwavering devotion, built many temples__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ for the worship of God and his saints, including a magnificent cathedral,71-6 where divine worship was diligently celebrated, until about thirty years ago when, by God's will, a savage and pagan fleet from nearby shores __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ invaded the island, laying waste to the land with fire and sword, and destroying the sacred temples. Only nine parish churches were left standing. It is said that very large parishes are attached to these churches. They remained intact because they were located in the mountains, making them inaccessible to the barbarian hordes who, after completing their destruction, took captive the unfortunate inhabitants of both genders, particularly those they deemed most capable of enduring servitude and oppression. However, as noted in the same complaint, many of these captives eventually returned to their homeland. They worked to rebuild their ruined homes and were especially eager to restore divine worship to its former glory. Nevertheless, due to their past hardships and added trials of famine and need, they lacked the means to support priests or a bishop. As a result, they have been without the comfort and ministry of a bishop or priest for the past thirty years, except for some very dedicated individuals who, infrequently and despite the dangers of the raging sea, ventured to the island to minister to them in the churches that had remained standing. Having informed us of this dire situation, and knowing of our paternal concern, they have implored us to come to their aid in this time of spiritual need. Our hearts have been moved by the prayers of the people of Greenland. However, since we are not fully familiar with the circumstances, [73] we instruct and command you, or either of you, beloved brothers, who we understand are the bishops living nearest to that island, to conduct a thorough inquiry to determine if the situation is as reported. If you find it so, and if the number of people justifies it and they are capable of supporting priests, we command you or either of you to send qualified priests who will minister to them, establish churches, govern parishes, and administer the sacraments.

Moreover, if you or either of you should deem it expedient, and in this you will consult, of course, the metropolitan,73-2 if his residence be not too far away from you, we empower you to select and consecrate a bishop, having first required him to take the usual oath to us and the Roman See. Be mindful, however, that we burden your conscience with this work, and we grant you, or either of you, full authority to carry it out, even if there should exist any constitution of the Apostolic See, general councils, canonical or other statutes to the contrary.

Moreover, if you or either of you find it necessary, and you will consult with the metropolitan,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ if his residence is not too far from you, we give you the power to choose and consecrate a bishop, after ensuring he takes the usual oath to us and the Roman See. However, keep in mind that we are placing this responsibility on your conscience, and we grant you, or either of you, full authority to carry it out, even if there are any rules from the Apostolic See, general councils, or other laws that say otherwise.

Given at Rome as dated above in the second year of our pontificate.

Given in Rome on the date mentioned above in the second year of our papacy.

LETTER OF ALEXANDER VI.; WRITTEN IN THE FIRST YEARS OF HIS PONTIFICATE73-3

LETTER OF ALEXANDER VI.; WRITTEN IN THE FIRST YEARS OF HIS PONTIFICATE__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

It has been reported to us that in the diocese of Gardar in Greenland, situated at the confines of the known world, the inhabitants, because of the scarcity of bread, wine and oil, live for the most part on dried fish and milk products. Wherefore because of the difficulty of passing through such immense quantities of ice, and likewise because of the poverty of the land, and the scant means of living, ships rarely visit its shores. We have learned in fact that no vessel has touched there during the past eighty years, and if a voyage be made at all, it must be in the month of August, when the ice has[74] broken up. On this account, during eighty years no bishop or priest has resided personally among those people, and by reason of this, we are informed that many who were formerly Catholics have forgotten the faith of their baptism, and that no memory of the Christian religion is found, except a corporal, which is shown to the people once a year, and on which it is said the last priest who officiated there consecrated the body of Christ a hundred years ago.74-1 In consideration of these things, Innocent the VIII., our predecessor of happy memory, wishing to provide a proper pastor for those forlorn people, conferred with his brethren, of whom we were one, and elected Matthias, our venerable brother, a member of the Order of St. Benedict, as well as professed monk, at our suggestion, and while we were still in minor orders, to be Bishop of Gardar. This good man, fired with great zeal to recall those people from the way of error to the practice of their faith, is about to undertake this perilous voyage and laborious duty.74-2 We, on our part, accordingly, recognizing the pious and praiseworthy purpose of the same elect, and wishing to succor in some manner his poverty, which is very great indeed, command the officials of our chancery, as well as those of our palace, under pain of excommunication ipso facto to be incurred, that all apostolic letters destined for the church of Gardar, be written gratis for the glory of God alone, without exacting or charging any stipend; and we command the clergy and notaries of our palace to forward all letters to the above mentioned bishop, without demanding any payment whatsoever for services rendered.

It has been reported to us that in the diocese of Gardar in Greenland, located at the edge of the known world, the locals, due to the lack of bread, wine, and oil, mainly survive on dried fish and dairy products. Because of the challenges of navigating through large amounts of ice and the land's poverty and limited resources, ships rarely visit its shores. In fact, we've learned that no vessel has made it there in the last eighty years, and if any voyage occurs, it must happen in August when the ice has broken up. As a result, for eighty years, no bishop or priest has lived among these people, which has led to many former Catholics forgetting the faith of their baptism, with no trace of the Christian religion left except for a corporal that is shown to the community once a year, said to be used by the last priest who served there to consecrate the body of Christ a hundred years ago. Considering these matters, Innocent VIII, our late predecessor, wanting to provide a proper shepherd for those neglected people, discussed with his fellow bishops, of whom we were one, and elected Matthias, our esteemed brother, a member of the Order of St. Benedict and a professed monk, at our suggestion when we were still in minor orders, to be Bishop of Gardar. This good man, driven by a strong desire to bring those people back from their errors to practice their faith, is about to embark on this dangerous journey and demanding responsibility. We, for our part, recognizing the devoted and commendable mission of this elect, and wishing to assist his considerable poverty, instruct the officials of our chancery and our palace, under penalty of automatic excommunication, to write all apostolic letters intended for the church of Gardar for free, solely for the glory of God, without requiring or charging any fee; and we also command the clergy and notaries of our palace to send all letters to the above-mentioned bishop without expecting any payment for their services.

To him everything must be free, other things to the contrary notwithstanding.

To him, everything has to be free, regardless of what others might think.

70-1 In 1893 an American in Rome, Mr. J. C. Heywood, one of the papal chamberlains, brought out, in a very small edition (twenty-five copies), a book of photographic facsimiles of documents in the Vatican relating to Greenland and the discovery of America, Documenta Selecta e Tabulario Secreto Vaticano. The Latin text of those here presented may be found in Fischer, Discoveries of the Northmen, pp. 49-51. A translation of all was made for the Tennessee Historical Society by Rev. John B. Morris and printed in Vol. IX. of the society’s organ, the American Historical Magazine. Using this translation, we have printed Letters IX. and X. as the only ones that contain anything of particular interest concerning the Gardar bishopric in Greenland, excepting, possibly, the following sentence from Letter II. (December 4, 1276), to the Archbishop of Drontheim: “Your Fraternity having been explicitly directed by letters apostolic to visit personally all parts of the kingdom of Norway, for the purpose of collecting the tithes due the Holy Land, has informed us that this seems almost impossible, when it is taken into consideration that the diocese of Gardar in Greenland is so remote from your metropolitan see and kingdom, that five years or more would be consumed in going thither and returning.” It has been inferred, on account of the length of this time, that the Vinland colony was included. There is no documentary evidence of this. The papal letters contain no reference to Vinland.

70-1 In 1893, an American in Rome, Mr. J. C. Heywood, who was one of the papal chamberlains, released a very limited edition (only twenty-five copies) of a book featuring photographic facsimiles of documents from the Vatican related to Greenland and the discovery of America, Documenta Selecta e Tabulario Secreto Vaticano. The Latin text of the documents presented here can be found in Fischer's Discoveries of the Northmen, pages 49-51. A complete translation was made for the Tennessee Historical Society by Rev. John B. Morris and published in Volume IX of the society’s journal, the American Historical Magazine. Using this translation, we have included Letters IX and X, as they are the only ones that contain anything particularly interesting regarding the Gardar bishopric in Greenland, except possibly for the following sentence from Letter II (December 4, 1276), addressed to the Archbishop of Drontheim: “Your Fraternity, having been explicitly directed by apostolic letters to personally visit all parts of the kingdom of Norway to collect the tithes owed to the Holy Land, has informed us that this seems nearly impossible, considering that the diocese of Gardar in Greenland is so far from your metropolitan see and kingdom, that it would take five years or more just to travel there and back.” It has been inferred, based on the duration mentioned, that the Vinland colony was included. However, there is no documentary evidence to support this claim. The papal letters contain no mention of Vinland.

71-1 No record of these reports from Greenland has been found.

71-1 No records of these reports from Greenland have been found.

71-2 Both Iceland and Greenland came under Norwegian rule in 1261, during the reign of Haakon Haakonson (1217-1263).

71-2 Both Iceland and Greenland became part of Norway in 1261, during the rule of Haakon Haakonson (1217-1263).

71-3 In Norway.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ In Norway.

71-4 Only four and a half centuries before this time. Olaf Tryggvason, who reigned from 995 to 1000, sent Leif Ericson as a missionary to Greenland in the year 1000.

71-4 Just four and a half centuries before this, Olaf Tryggvason, who ruled from 995 to 1000, sent Leif Ericson as a missionary to Greenland in the year 1000.

71-5 According to Northern chorography, the Eastern Settlement had one hundred and ninety farmsteads, twelve churches, and two monasteries; the Western Settlement had ninety farmsteads and three churches.

71-5 According to Northern geography, the Eastern Settlement had one hundred and ninety farms, twelve churches, and two monasteries; the Western Settlement had ninety farms and three churches.

71-6 The cathedral (hardly magnificent) was in the Eastern Settlement (i.e., in southern Greenland), no doubt the present Kakortok. The village of Gardar, which gave its name to the bishopric, was at the present Kaksiarsuk. The authority which makes this identification possible, is Ivar Bardsen’s description of Greenland written in that country in the fourteenth century. He was for many years steward to the Gardar bishopric. An English version of Bardsen’s description is printed in Major’s The Voyages of the Venetian Brothers Zeno (London, 1873). See also Fiske, The Discovery of America, pp. 239 and 242.

71-6 The cathedral (barely impressive) was in the Eastern Settlement (i.e., in southern Greenland), likely the current Kakortok. The village of Gardar, which lent its name to the bishopric, is now known as Kaksiarsuk. The source that makes this identification possible is Ivar Bardsen’s account of Greenland, written in that country in the fourteenth century. He served for many years as the steward to the Gardar bishopric. An English translation of Bardsen’s account can be found in Major’s The Voyages of the Venetian Brothers Zeno (London, 1873). See also Fiske, The Discovery of America, pp. 239 and 242.

71-7 That is, about 1418. The last notice of Greenland based on Northern tradition is from the year 1409, telling of a marriage ceremony performed by Endride Andreson, the last bishop. See Laing’s The Sagas of the Norse Kings (London, 1889), p. 177.

71-7 That is, around 1418. The last mention of Greenland from Northern tradition is from the year 1409, which talks about a wedding ceremony conducted by Endride Andreson, the last bishop. See Laing’s The Sagas of the Norse Kings (London, 1889), p. 177.

71-8 From Ivar Bardsen’s description of Greenland it is known that the Greenlanders first came in conflict with the Eskimos during the fourteenth century. He was appointed to lead an expedition from the Eastern Settlement against the Skrellings (Eskimos), who had taken possession of the Western Settlement. When he arrived there the Skrellings had departed, and they found nothing but ruins and some cattle running wild. See Antiquitates Americanæ, p. 316.

71-8 Ivar Bardsen described that the Greenlanders first clashed with the Eskimos in the fourteenth century. He was chosen to lead an expedition from the Eastern Settlement against the Skrellings (Eskimos), who had taken over the Western Settlement. When he got there, the Skrellings had already left, and they found nothing but ruins and some cattle roaming freely. See Antiquitates Americanæ, p. 316.

The letter of Nicholas V. refers to an attack on the Western Settlement, of which there is no other recorded evidence. It is not likely that it will ever be possible to determine whether the settlement owed its final destruction to the irruptions of the Eskimos, “to the ravages of pestilence, to the enforced neglect of the mother country—itself during the fifteenth century too often in sore straits—to the iniquitous restrictions in commerce imposed by the home government, or to a combination of several of these evils.” There was a regular succession of bishops from 1124 to the end of the fourteenth, or perhaps the beginning of the fifteenth century.

The letter from Nicholas V mentions an attack on the Western Settlement, which has no other documented evidence. It’s unlikely that we will ever be able to find out whether the settlement was ultimately destroyed due to attacks from the Eskimos, “the ravages of disease, the neglect from the mother country— which during the fifteenth century was often in dire circumstances— the unjust trade restrictions imposed by the home government, or a mix of several of these factors.” There was a consistent line of bishops from 1124 until the end of the fourteenth century, or possibly the start of the fifteenth century.

73-1 Addressed to the two bishops of Skalholt and Holar, in Iceland.

73-1 Directed to the two bishops of Skalholt and Holar in Iceland.

73-2 The Archbishop of Drontheim in Norway.

73-2 The Archbishop of Trondheim in Norway.

73-3 Alexander VI. was pope from 1492 to 1503.

73-3 Alexander VI was pope from 1492 to 1503.

74-1 Evidently this is only an approximate statement.

74-1 Clearly, this is just a rough estimate.

74-2 There are no records that this man ever reached either Greenland or Iceland. The Greenland colony was not entirely forgotten by the home government (Denmark-Norway). In the beginning of the sixteenth century, Archbishop Valkendorf of Drontheim had agitated the question of searching for the Greenland colony. During the reign of Frederick II. of Denmark-Norway, Mogens Heinesen was in 1579 sent out, but he did not reach the island. The Englishman John Davis, in 1585, visited the western coast of Greenland, but found no Europeans.

74-2 There are no records showing that this man ever reached Greenland or Iceland. The Greenland colony wasn't completely forgotten by the home government (Denmark-Norway). At the start of the sixteenth century, Archbishop Valkendorf of Drontheim raised the question of searching for the Greenland colony. During the reign of Frederick II. of Denmark-Norway, Mogens Heinesen was sent out in 1579, but he didn't reach the island. The Englishman John Davis visited the western coast of Greenland in 1585, but found no Europeans.



ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE LORDS THE CATHOLIC SOVEREIGNS AND CRISTÓBAL COLON77-1

The things prayed for, and which Your Highnesses give and grant to Don Cristóbal Colon77-2 as some recompense for what he is to discover in the Oceans, and for the voyage which now, with the help of God, he has engaged to make therein in the service of Your Highnesses, are the following:

The things requested in prayer, which Your Highnesses provide and grant to Don Cristóbal Colon as compensation for what he is set to uncover in the Oceans, and for the voyage that he is about to undertake, with God's help, in the service of Your Highnesses, are as follows:

Firstly, that Your Highnesses, as actual Lords of the said Oceans, appoint from this date the said Don Cristóbal Colon to be your Admiral in all those islands and mainlands which[78] by his activity and industry shall be discovered or acquired in the said oceans, during his lifetime, and likewise, after his death, his heirs and successors one after another in perpetuity, with all the pre-eminences and prerogatives appertaining to the said office, and in the same manner as Don Alfonso Enriques, your High Admiral of Castile,78-1 and his predecessors in the said office held it in their districts.—It so pleases their Highnesses. Juan de Coloma.

Firstly, Your Highnesses, as the true Lords of those Oceans, hereby appoint Don Cristóbal Colon as your Admiral for all the islands and mainland areas that he discovers or acquires in those oceans, during his lifetime, and also for his heirs and successors indefinitely afterward, with all the rights and privileges that come with this position, just as Don Alfonso Enriques, your High Admiral of Castile, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and his predecessors held it in their regions. — It is so decreed by their Highnesses. Juan de Coloma.

Likewise, that Your Highnesses appoint the said Don Cristóbal Colon to be your Viceroy and Governor General in all the said islands and mainlands and in the islands which, as aforesaid, he may discover and acquire78-2 in the said seas; and that for the government of each and any of them he may make choice of three persons for each office, and that Your Highnesses may select and choose the one who shall be most serviceable to you; and thus the lands which our Lord shall permit him to discover and acquire for the service of Your Highnesses, will be the better governed.—It so pleases their Highnesses. Juan de Coloma.[79]

In the same way, Your Highnesses appoint Don Cristóbal Colon as your Viceroy and Governor General for all the mentioned islands and mainlands, as well as for any islands he may discover and acquire in those seas. He should be able to choose three candidates for each office to help govern any of them, and Your Highnesses can select the one who will be the most useful to you. This way, the lands that our Lord allows him to discover and acquire for your service will be better governed.—It pleases their Highnesses. Juan de Coloma.[79]

Item, that of all and every kind of merchandise, whether pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and other objects and merchandise whatsoever, of whatever kind, name and sort, which may be bought, bartered, discovered, acquired and obtained within the limits of the said Admiralty, Your Highnesses grant from now henceforth to the said Don Cristóbal, and will that he may have and take for himself, the tenth part of the whole, after deducting all the expenses which may be incurred therein, so that of what shall remain clear and free he may have and take the tenth part for himself, and may do therewith as he pleases, the other nine parts being reserved for Your Highnesses.—It so pleases their Highnesses. Juan de Coloma.

Item, regarding all types of merchandise, including pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and any other goods and merchandise of any kind, name, or sort that can be bought, traded, discovered, acquired, and obtained within the boundaries of the said Admiralty, Your Highnesses hereby grant to Don Cristóbal the right to keep for himself one-tenth of the total amount, after deducting all incurred expenses, so that of what remains clear and free, he may have one-tenth for himself and use it as he wishes, with the other nine-tenths reserved for Your Highnesses.—Thus it pleases their Highnesses. Juan de Coloma.

Likewise, that if on account of the merchandise which he might bring from the said islands and lands which thus, as aforesaid, may be acquired or discovered, or of that which may be taken in exchange for the same from other merchants here, any suit should arise in the place where the said commerce and traffic shall be held and conducted; and if by the pre-eminence of his office of Admiral it appertains to him to take cognizance of such suit; it may please Your Highnesses that he or his deputy, and not another judge, shall take cognizance thereof and give judgment in the same from henceforth.—It so pleases their Highnesses, if it appertains to the said office of Admiral, according as it was held by Admiral Don Alfonso Enriques, and others his successors in their districts, and if it be just. Juan de Coloma.

Similarly, if any legal disputes arise due to the goods that he might bring from the mentioned islands and lands that can be acquired or discovered, or from what he may exchange with other merchants here, any case that emerges in the place where this commerce takes place should be handled by him. Because of his role as Admiral, it is appropriate for him to oversee such cases; therefore, we respectfully request that Your Highnesses allow him or his deputy, rather than any other judge, to oversee and make rulings in these matters moving forward. Their Highnesses agree, provided this aligns with the responsibilities of the Admiral's office, as it was held by Admiral Don Alfonso Enriques and others who came after him in their regions, as long as it is fair. Juan de Coloma.

Item, that in all the vessels which may be equipped for the said traffic and business, each time and whenever and as often as they may be equipped, the said Don Cristóbal Colon may, if he chooses, contribute and pay the eighth part of all that may be spent in the equipment, and that likewise he may have and take the eighth part of the profits that may result from such equipment.—It so pleases their Highnesses. Juan de Coloma.

Item, in all the ships that may be outfitted for the mentioned trade and business, each time and whenever they are outfitted, Don Cristóbal Colón may, if he wishes, contribute and pay one-eighth of all expenses for the outfitting, and he may also receive one-eighth of the profits that come from such outfitting. — Their Highnesses approve. Juan de Coloma.

These are granted and despatched, with the replies of Your Highnesses at the end of each article, in the town of Santa Fe[80] de la Vega of Granada, on the seventeenth day of April in the year of the nativity of our Saviour Jesus Christ, one thousand four hundred and ninety-two. I the King. I the Queen. By command of the King and of the Queen. Juan de Coloma. Registered, Calcena.

These are agreed upon and sent out, along with the responses from Your Highnesses at the end of each item, in the town of Santa Fe[80] de la Vega of Granada, on April 17 in the year of our Lord Jesus Christ, fourteen ninety-two. I the King. I the Queen. By the order of the King and the Queen. Juan de Coloma. Recorded, Calcena.

77-1 The Spanish text is that printed by Navarrete in his Coleccion de los Viages y Descubrimientos, etc. (Madrid, 1825), II. 7-8, and taken from the Archives of the Duke of Veragua. The translation is that of George F. Barwick printed by Benjamin Franklin Stevens in his Christopher Columbus His Own Book of Privileges, 1502, etc. (London, 1893), pp. 42-45, with such slight changes (chiefly of tenses) as were necessary to bring it into conformity with the text of Navarrete. This document is also given in English translation in Memorials of Columbus (London, 1823), pp. 40-43. That volume is a translation of G. B. Spotorno, Codice Diplomatico Colombo-Americano (Genoa, 1823).

77-1 The Spanish text is the one printed by Navarrete in his Coleccion de los Viages y Descubrimientos, etc. (Madrid, 1825), II. 7-8, and sourced from the Archives of the Duke of Veragua. The translation is by George F. Barwick, printed by Benjamin Franklin Stevens in his Christopher Columbus His Own Book of Privileges, 1502, etc. (London, 1893), pp. 42-45, with minor adjustments (mainly of tenses) made to align it with Navarrete's text. This document is also available in English translation in Memorials of Columbus (London, 1823), pp. 40-43. That volume is a translation of G. B. Spotorno, Codice Diplomatico Colombo-Americano (Genoa, 1823).

77-2 In this edition of the Narratives of the Voyages of Columbus his name in the translation of the original documents will be given in the form used in the originals. During his earlier years in Spain Columbus was known as Colomo, the natural Spanish form corresponding to the Italian Colombo. At some time prior to 1492 he adopted the form Colon, apparently to make more probable his claim to be descended from a Roman general, Colonius, and to be related to the French admiral, Coullon, called in contemporary Italian sources Colombo, and Columbus in Latin. In modern texts of Tacitus the Roman general’s name is Cilonius, and modern research has shown that the French admiral’s real name was Caseneuve and that Coullon was a sobriquet added for some unknown reason. On the two French naval commanders known as Colombo or Coullon and the baselessness of Columbus’s alleged relationship see Vignaud, Études Critiques sur la Vie de Colomb pp. 131 ff.

77-2 In this edition of the Narratives of the Voyages of Columbus, his name in the translation of the original documents will be presented as it appears in the originals. During his early years in Spain, Columbus was known as Colomo, the natural Spanish equivalent of the Italian Colombo. At some point before 1492, he switched to the name Colon, likely to bolster his claim of being descended from a Roman general named Colonius and to be related to the French admiral Coullon, referred to as Colombo in contemporary Italian texts and as Columbus in Latin. In modern versions of Tacitus, the Roman general's name is Cilonius, and recent research has revealed that the French admiral's actual name was Caseneuve, with Coullon being a nickname for reasons that remain unclear. For information on the two French naval commanders known as Colombo or Coullon and the unfounded nature of Columbus's supposed connection, see Vignaud, Études Critiques sur la Vie de Colomb pp. 131 ff.

78-1 In 1497 Columbus at his own request was supplied with a copy of the ordinances establishing the admiralty of Castile so that he might have a documentary enumeration of his prerogatives in the Indies. This official copy he preserved in the collection of his papers known as the Book of Privileges, and the translation of the documents relating to the Admiralty of Castile is given in Stevens’s edition of the Book of Privileges, pp. 14 ff. This dignity of Admiral comprised supreme or vice-regal authority on the sea and the general range of legal jurisdiction in determining suits of law that is enjoyed by modern courts of admiralty. A translation of Columbus’s exposition of his rights derived from his admiralty of the islands in the Ocean may be found in P. L. Ford, Writings of Columbus (New York, 1892), pp. 177-198, taken from Memorials of Columbus (London, 1823), pp. 205-223. For a summary of these powers cf. the Titulo that follows.

78-1 In 1497, Columbus requested and received a copy of the rules that established the admiralty of Castile so he could have a documented list of his privileges in the Indies. He kept this official copy in a collection of his papers called the Book of Privileges, and Stevens’s edition of the Book of Privileges provides a translation of the documents related to the Admiralty of Castile, on pages 14 and following. This title of Admiral included supreme or vice-regal authority at sea and the general legal jurisdiction to resolve legal cases, similar to what modern admiralty courts have. A translation of Columbus’s explanation of his rights from his admiralty over the islands in the Ocean can be found in P. L. Ford, Writings of Columbus (New York, 1892), pp. 177-198, sourced from Memorials of Columbus (London, 1823), pp. 205-223. For a summary of these powers cf. the Titulo that follows.

78-2 It is a remarkable fact that nothing is said in this patent of discovering a route to the Indies. It is often said that the sole purpose of Columbus was to discover such a route, yet it is clear that he expected to make some new discoveries, and that if he did not, the sovereigns were under no specified obligations to him. Patents are usually drawn on the lines indicated by the petitioner. Can we conclude that the complete silence of the articles as to the Indies means that Ferdinand and Isabella refused to make any promises if Columbus only succeeded in reaching the known East Indies and could gain for them no new possessions?

78-2 It's an interesting fact that this patent doesn't mention a route to the Indies at all. People often claim that Columbus's main goal was to find that route, but it's clear that he was anticipating making some new discoveries. If he didn't, the kings and queens had no obligation to him. Patents are typically written based on the applicant's expectations. Can we infer that the total silence in the documents regarding the Indies indicates that Ferdinand and Isabella weren't willing to make any promises if Columbus only reached the already known East Indies and couldn’t secure any new territories for them?


TITLE GRANTED BY THE CATHOLIC SOVEREIGNS TO CRISTÓBAL COLON OF ADMIRAL, VICEROY AND GOVERNOR OF THE ISLANDS AND MAINLAND THAT MAY BE DISCOVERED __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Don Ferdinand and Donna Isabella, by the grace of God King and Queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon, Sicily, Granada, Toledo, Valencia, Galicia, Majorca, Seville, Sardinia, Cordova, Corsica, Murcia, Jaen, Algarbe, Algeciras, Gibraltar, and the Canary Islands; Count and Countess of Barcelona; Lords of Biscay and Molina; Dukes of Athens and Neopatria; Counts of Roussillon and Cerdagne, Marquises of Oristano and Goziano; Forasmuch as you, Cristóbal Colon, are going by our command, with some of our ships and with our subjects, to discover and acquire certain islands and mainland in the ocean, and it is hoped that, by the help of God, some of the said islands and mainland in the said ocean will be discovered and acquired by your pains and industry; and as it is a just and reasonable thing that since you incur the said danger for our service you should be rewarded for it, and since we desire to honor and favor you on account of what is aforesaid, it is our will and pleasure that you, the said Cristóbal Colon, after you have discovered and acquired the said islands and mainland in the said ocean, or any of them whatsoever, shall be our Admiral of the said islands and mainland which you may thus discover and acquire, and shall be our Admiral and Viceroy[82] and Governor therein, and shall be empowered from that time forward to call and entitle yourself Don Cristóbal Colon, and that your sons and successors in the said office and charge may likewise entitle and call themselves Don, and Admiral and Viceroy and Governor thereof; and that you may have power to use and exercise the said office of Admiral, together with the said office of Viceroy and Governor of the said islands and mainland which you may thus discover and acquire, by yourself or by your lieutenants, and to hear and determine all the suits and causes civil and criminal appertaining to the said office of Admiralty, Viceroy, and Governor according as you shall find by law, and as the Admirals of our kingdoms are accustomed to use and exercise it; and may have power to punish and chastise delinquents, and exercise the said offices of Admiralty, Viceroy, and Governor, you and your said lieutenants, in all that concerns and appertains to the said offices and to each of them; and that you shall have and levy the fees and salaries annexed, belonging and appertaining to the said offices and to each of them, according as our High Admiral in the Admiralty of our kingdoms levies and is accustomed to levy them. And by this our patent, or by the transcript thereof signed by a public scrivener, we command Prince Don Juan, our very dear and well beloved son, and the Infantes, dukes, prelates, marquises, counts, masters of orders, priors, commanders, and members of our council, and auditors of our audiencia, alcaldes, and other justices whomsoever of our household, court, and chancery, and sub-commanders, alcaldes of castles and fortified and unfortified houses, and all councillors, assistants, regidores, alcaldes, bailiffs, judges, veinticuatros, jurats, knights, esquires, officers, and liege men82-1 of all the cities, towns, and places of our kingdoms and dominions, and of those which you may conquer[83] and acquire, and the captains, masters, mates, officers, mariners, and seamen, our natural subjects who now are or hereafter shall be, and each and any of them, that upon the said islands and mainland in the said ocean being discovered and acquired by you, and the oath and formality requisite in such case having been made and done by you or by him who may have your procuration,83-1 they shall have and hold you from thenceforth for the whole of your life, and your son and successor after you, and successor after successor for ever and ever, as our Admiral of the said ocean, and as Viceroy and Governor of the said islands and mainland, which you, the said Don Cristóbal Colon, may discover and acquire; and they shall treat with you, and with your said lieutenants whom you may place in the said offices of Admiral, Viceroy, and Governor, about everything appertaining thereto, and shall pay and cause to be paid to you the salary, dues and other things annexed and appertaining to the said offices, and shall observe and cause to be observed toward you all the honors, graces, favors, liberties, pre-eminences, prerogatives, exemptions, immunities, and all other things, and each of them, which in virtue of the said offices of Admiral, Viceroy, and Governor you shall be entitled to have and enjoy, and which ought to be observed towards you in every respect fully and completely so that nothing may be diminished therefrom; and that neither therein nor in any part thereof shall they place or consent to place hindrance or obstacle against you; for we by this our patent from now henceforth grant to you the said offices of Admiralty, Viceroy, and Governor, by right of inheritance for ever and ever, and we give you actual and prospective possession thereof, and of each of them, and power and authority to use and exercise it, and to collect the dues and salaries annexed and appertaining to them and to each of them, according to what is aforesaid. Concerning all that is aforesaid, if it should be necessary and you should require[84] it of them, we command our chancellor and notaries and the other officers who are at the board of our seals to give, deliver, pass, and seal for you our patent of privilege with the circle of signatures, in the strongest, firmest, and most sufficient manner that you may request and may find needful, and neither one nor the other of you or them shall do contrary hereto in any manner, under penalty of our displeasure and of ten thousand maravedis84-1 to our chamber, upon every one who shall do to the contrary. And further we command the man who shall show them this our patent, to cite them to appear before us in our court, wheresoever we may be, within fifteen days from the day of citation, under the said penalty, under which we command every public scrivener who may be summoned for this purpose, to give to the person who shall show it to him a certificate thereof signed with his signature, whereby we may know in what manner our command is executed. Given in our city of Granada, on the thirtieth day of the month of April, in the year of the nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ one thousand four hundred and ninety-two. I the King. I the Queen. I, Juan de Coloma, Secretary of the King and of the Queen, our Lords, caused this to be written by their command. Granted in form, Roderick, Doctor. Registered, Sebastian de Olano. Francisco de Madrid, Chancellor.

Don Ferdinand and Donna Isabella, by the grace of God, King and Queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon, Sicily, Granada, Toledo, Valencia, Galicia, Mallorca, Seville, Sardinia, Cordoba, Corsica, Murcia, Jaen, Algarve, Algeciras, Gibraltar, and the Canary Islands; Count and Countess of Barcelona; Lords of Biscay and Molina; Dukes of Athens and Neopatria; Counts of Roussillon and Cerdagne, Marquises of Oristano and Goziano; Since you, Cristóbal Colon, are going at our command, with some of our ships and with our subjects, to discover and claim certain islands and lands in the ocean, and it is hoped that, with God's help, some of those islands and lands will be discovered and claimed through your efforts and hard work; and since it is fair and reasonable that since you are taking on such risks for our service you should be rewarded for it, and since we wish to honor and support you for this reason, it is our will that you, Cristóbal Colon, after you have discovered and claimed those islands and lands in the ocean, or any of them, shall be our Admiral of said islands and lands which you may discover and claim, and shall be our Admiral and Viceroy[82] and Governor there, and you shall be authorized from that time forward to call yourself Don Cristóbal Colon, and that your sons and successors in that office may also be entitled to use the title Don, along with the titles of Admiral, Viceroy, and Governor; and that you may have the authority to use and exercise the office of Admiral, along with the office of Viceroy and Governor of those islands and lands you may discover and claim, either by yourself or through your lieutenants, and to hear and decide all civil and criminal cases related to the offices of Admiral, Viceroy, and Governor according to the law, as is customary for Admirals of our kingdoms; and you may punish and discipline offenders, and exercise the offices of Admiral, Viceroy, and Governor with your lieutenants in all matters related to those offices; and that you shall collect the fees and salaries associated with said offices, just as our High Admiral in the Admiralty of our kingdoms does. And through this patent, or through a copy of it signed by a public notary, we command Prince Don Juan, our beloved son, and the Infantes, dukes, prelates, marquises, counts, masters of orders, priors, commanders, and members of our council, and auditors of our audiencia, alcaldes, and other justices of our household, court, and chancery, and sub-commanders, alcaldes of castles and fortified and unfortified houses, and all councillors, assistants, regidores, alcaldes, bailiffs, judges, veinticuatros, jurats, knights, esquires, officers, and loyal men82-1 of all the cities, towns, and places of our kingdoms and dominions, and of those which you may conquer[83] and claim, and the captains, masters, mates, officers, sailors, and seamen, our natural subjects who are currently or will become subjects, that once those islands and lands in the ocean are discovered and claimed by you, and the required oath and formalities have been completed by you or by someone acting under your procuration,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ they shall accept and recognize you for the rest of your life, and your son and successor after you, and each subsequent successor forever and ever, as our Admiral of the ocean, and as Viceroy and Governor of those islands and lands that you, Don Cristóbal Colon, may discover and claim; and they shall engage with you, and with your lieutenants whom you appoint to the posts of Admiral, Viceroy, and Governor, concerning everything related to those posts, and shall pay and ensure payment to you of the salary, dues, and other matters related to those offices, and shall observe and enforce all honors, favors, liberties, privileges, exemptions, and rights that come with those offices, so that nothing is diminished in any respect; and that neither in these matters nor in any part thereof shall they be allowed to place or agree to place any obstacles against you; for we, by this patent, grant you those offices of Admiralty, Viceroy, and Governor as an inheritance forever, and we give you actual and prospective possession of them, along with the authority to exercise those offices and collect the dues and salaries related to them as specified. Regarding all that has been stated, if necessary, and if you request it from them, we command our chancellor, notaries, and other officers at the board of our seals to issue, deliver, pass, and seal our patent of privilege for you with necessary signatures in the strongest and most official manner required, and none of you shall act against this in any way, with penalties for disobedience amounting to ten thousand maravedis84-1 due to our chamber from everyone who acts contrary to it. Additionally, we command the individual who presents this patent to summon them to appear before us in our court, wherever we may be, within fifteen days from the date of the summons, under penalty mentioned, under which we command every public notary called for this purpose, to issue a certificate signed by them to the person presenting it so we know how our command is carried out. Given in our city of Granada, on the thirtieth day of April, in the year of the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ, fourteen hundred and ninety-two. I the King. I the Queen. I, Juan de Coloma, Secretary to the King and Queen, wrote this at their command. Granted in form, Roderick, Doctor. Registered, Sebastian de Olano. Francisco de Madrid, Chancellor.

81-1 Spanish text in Navarrete, II. 9-11. We omit the long preamble. Spanish text and facsimile of Paris Codex in Stevens, Christopher Columbus His Own Book of Privileges, pp. 49 ff. The translation is that of George F. Barwick. This document is also to be found in English in Memorials of Columbus (London, 1823), pp. 52-57.

81-1 Spanish text in Navarrete, II. 9-11. We skip the long introduction. The Spanish text and facsimile of the Paris Codex are in Stevens, Christopher Columbus His Own Book of Privileges, pp. 49 ff. The translation is by George F. Barwick. This document can also be found in English in Memorials of Columbus (London, 1823), pp. 52-57.

82-1 Audiencia means the king’s court of justice; regidores are roughly equivalent to members of a town council. The Navarrete text has corregidores, town governors appointed by the king. Veinticuatros were town councillors, so called because commonly 24 in number. Jurats were municipal executive officers in Aragon. The original which is translated “liege men” is Homes-Buenos. Further explanations of these offices may be found in Hume, Spain, Its Greatness and Decay, pp. 18 ff., and in The Cambridge Modern History, I. 348 ff.

82-1 Audiencia refers to the king's court of justice; regidores are similar to town council members. The Navarrete text mentions corregidores, who are town governors appointed by the king. Veinticuatros were town councillors, commonly numbering 24. Jurats served as municipal executive officers in Aragon. The term translated as “liege men” is Homes-Buenos. You can find further explanations of these roles in Hume’s Spain, Its Greatness and Decay, pp. 18 ff., and in The Cambridge Modern History, I. 348 ff.

83-1 Procuration=power of attorney.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Power of attorney.

84-1 The maravedi at this time was equal in coin value to about two-thirds of a cent.

84-1 At that time, a maravedi was worth approximately two-thirds of a cent.



INTRODUCTION

The contents of Columbus’s Journal of his first voyage were first made known to the public in the epitome incorporated in Ferdinand Columbus’s life of the Admiral, which has come down to us only in the Italian translation of Alfonso Ulloa, the Historie del S. D. Fernando Colombo nelle quali s’ha particolare e vera relazione della vita e de’ fatti dell’ Ammiraglio D. Christoforo Colombo suo padre, etc. (Venice, 1571). This account is accessible in English in Churchill’s Voyages, Vol. II., and in Pinkerton’s Voyages, Vol. XII.

The contents of Columbus’s Journal from his first voyage were initially revealed to the public in the summary included in Ferdinand Columbus’s biography of the Admiral, which has only survived in the Italian translation by Alfonso Ulloa, the Historie del S. D. Fernando Colombo nelle quali s’ha particolare e vera relazione della vita e de’ fatti dell’ Ammiraglio D. Christoforo Colombo suo padre, etc. (Venice, 1571). This account can be found in English in Churchill’s Voyages, Vol. II., and in Pinkerton’s Voyages, Vol. XII.

Another epitome was prepared by Bartolomé de Las Casas and inserted in his Historia de las Indias. This account was embodied in the main by Antonio de Herrera in his Historia General de las Indias Occidentales (Madrid, 1601). It is accessible in English in John Stevens’s translation of Herrera (London, 1725-1726).

Another summary was created by Bartolomé de Las Casas and included in his Historia de las Indias. This account was mostly incorporated by Antonio de Herrera in his Historia General de las Indias Occidentales (Madrid, 1601). It can be found in English in John Stevens’s translation of Herrera (London, 1725-1726).

These independent epitomes of the original were supplemented in 1825 by the publication by the Spanish archivist Martin Fernandez de Navarrete in his Coleccion de los Viages y Descubrimientos que hicieron por mar los Españoles desde fines del siglo XV. of a considerably more detailed narrative (likewise independently abridged from the original) which existed in two copies in the archives of the Duke del Infantado. Navarrete says that the handwriting of the older copy is that of Las Casas and that Las Casas had written some explanatory notes in the margin. This longer narrative, here reprinted, was first translated by Samuel Kettell of Boston and published in 1827 under the title Personal Narrative of the First[88] Voyage of Columbus. The next translation was that of Clements R. Markham for the Hakluyt Society in 1893. A third and very exact rendering appeared in 1903 in John Boyd Thacher’s Christopher Columbus, Vol. I.

These independent summaries of the original were added to in 1825 by the Spanish archivist Martin Fernandez de Navarrete in his Colección de los Viajes y Descubrimientos que hicieron por mar los Españoles desde fines del siglo XV. This included a much more detailed narrative (also independently summarized from the original) which existed in two copies in the archives of the Duke del Infantado. Navarrete notes that the handwriting of the older copy is that of Las Casas and that Las Casas had written some explanatory notes in the margins. This longer narrative, reprinted here, was first translated by Samuel Kettell of Boston and published in 1827 under the title Personal Narrative of the First[88] Voyage of Columbus. The next translation was done by Clements R. Markham for the Hakluyt Society in 1893. A third and very accurate version appeared in 1903 in John Boyd Thacher’s Christopher Columbus, Vol. I.

The translation given here is that of Sir Clements R. Markham with some slight revisions. When we recall the very scanty and fragmentary knowledge which we have of the Cabot voyages, and how few in fact of the great discoverers of this era left personal narratives of their achievements, we realize our singular good fortune in possessing so full a daily record from the hand of Columbus himself which admits us as it were “into the very presence of the Admiral to share his thoughts and impressions as the strange panorama of his experiences unfolded before him.”88-1 Sir Clements R. Markham declares the Journal “the most important document in the whole range of the history of geographical discovery, because it is a record of the enterprise which changed the whole face, not only of that history, but of the history of mankind.”88-2

The translation provided here is by Sir Clements R. Markham, with some minor adjustments. When we consider the very limited and fragmented knowledge we have of the Cabot voyages, and how few of the great explorers from this era left personal accounts of their achievements, we understand how fortunate we are to have such a comprehensive daily record from Columbus himself. It allows us to feel as if we are “in the very presence of the Admiral,” sharing his thoughts and impressions as the unusual events of his experiences unfolded before him.88-1 Sir Clements R. Markham calls the Journal “the most important document in the entire history of geographical discovery because it records the enterprise that transformed not just that history, but the history of mankind.”88-2

Edward G. Bourne.

Edward G. Bourne.

88-1 Bourne, Spain in America, p. 22.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Bourne, Spain in America, p. 22.

88-2 Journal of Christopher Columbus, p. viii.

88-2 Journal of Christopher Columbus, p. viii.

The Four Voyages of Columbus 1492-1503.
The Four Voyages of Columbus 1492-1503.

JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS

This is the first voyage and the routes and direction taken by the Admiral Don Cristóbal Colon when he discovered the Indies, summarized; except the prologue made for the Sovereigns, which is given word for word and commences in this manner

This is the first journey and the paths and directions taken by Admiral Don Cristóbal Colón when he discovered the Indies, summarized; except for the prologue written for the Sovereigns, which is presented word for word and starts like this

In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ

In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ

Because, O most Christian, and very high, very excellent, and puissant Princes, King and Queen of the Spains and of the islands of the Sea, our Lords, in this present year of 1492, after your Highnesses had given an end to the war with the Moors who reigned in Europe, and had finished it in the very great city of Granada, where in this present year, on the second day of the month of January, by force of arms, I saw the royal banners of your Highnesses placed on the towers of Alfambra,89-1 which is the fortress of that city, and I saw the Moorish King come forth from the gates of the city and kiss the royal hands of your Highnesses, and of the Prince my Lord, and presently in that same month, acting on the information that I had given to your Highnesses touching the lands of India, and respecting a Prince who is called Gran Can, which means in our language King of Kings, how he and his ancestors had sent to Rome many times to ask for learned men89-2 of our holy faith to teach him, and how the Holy Father[90] had never complied, insomuch that many people believing in idolatries were lost by receiving doctrine of perdition: your Highnesses, as Catholic Christians and Princes who love the holy Christian faith, and the propagation of it, and who are enemies to the sect of Mahoma and to all idolatries and heresies, resolved to send me, Cristóbal Colon, to the said parts of India to see the said princes, and the cities and lands, and their disposition, with a view that they might be converted to our holy faith;90-1 and ordered that I should not go by land to the eastward, as had been customary, but that I should go by way of the west, whither up to this day, we do not know for certain that any one has gone.

Because, O most Christian, and very high, very excellent, and powerful Princes, King and Queen of Spain and the islands of the Sea, our Lords, in this year of 1492, after you completed the war with the Moors who ruled in Europe and finished it in the great city of Granada, where on the second day of January this year, I witnessed your royal banners proudly displayed on the towers of Alfambra,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ the fortress of that city, and I saw the Moorish King emerge from the city gates to kiss the royal hands of your Highnesses and of the Prince my Lord. Shortly after, in that same month, acting on the information I provided to your Highnesses about the lands of India and regarding a Prince known as Gran Can, which means King of Kings in our language, who and his ancestors had sent numerous requests to Rome for learned men89-2 of our holy faith to teach him, and how the Holy Father[90] had never responded, resulting in many people lost to idolatry through the doctrine of perdition: Your Highnesses, as Catholic Christians and Princes who cherish the holy Christian faith, its propagation, and oppose the sect of Muhammad and all idolatries and heresies, decided to send me, Cristóbal Colon, to those regions of India to meet those princes, and to explore the cities and lands, and their readiness for conversion to our holy faith;90-1 and commanded that I should not take the usual overland route to the east, but instead travel west, a direction that, to this day, we do not know for certain anyone has ever taken.

Thus, after having turned out all the Jews from all your kingdoms and lordships, in the same month of January,90-2 your Highnesses gave orders to me that with a sufficient fleet I should go to the said parts of India, and for this they made great concessions to me, and ennobled me, so that henceforward I should be called Don, and should be Chief Admiral of the Ocean Sea, perpetual Viceroy and Governor of all the islands and continents that I should discover and gain, and that I might hereafter discover and gain in the Ocean Sea, and that my eldest son should succeed, and so on from generation to generation for ever.

Thus, after driving all the Jews out of all your kingdoms and territories, in the same month of January,90-2, your Highnesses ordered me to set out with a strong fleet to those parts of India. For this, they granted me significant privileges and made me noble, so that from now on I would be known as Don, and would serve as Chief Admiral of the Ocean Sea, as well as the permanent Viceroy and Governor of all the islands and continents that I would discover and claim, and any future discoveries and claims in the Ocean Sea would also be mine, with my eldest son inheriting the title, continuing on through generations forever.

I left the city of Granada on the 12th day of May, in the same year of 1492, being Saturday, and came to the town of Palos, which is a seaport; where I equipped three vessels well suited for such service; and departed from that port, well supplied with provisions and with many sailors, on the 3d day of August of the same year, being Friday, half an hour before sunrise,[91] taking the route to the islands of Canaria, belonging to your Highnesses, which are in the said Ocean Sea, that I might thence take my departure for navigating until I should arrive at the Indies, and give the letters of your Highnesses to those princes, so as to comply with my orders. As part of my duty I thought it well to write an account of all the voyage very punctually, noting from day to day all that I should do and see, and that should happen, as will be seen further on. Also, Lords Princes, I resolved to describe each night what passed in the day, and to note each day how I navigated at night. I propose to construct a new chart for navigating, on which I shall delineate all the sea and lands of the Ocean in their proper positions under their bearings; and further, I propose to prepare a book, and to put down all as it were in a picture, by latitude from the equator, and western longitude. Above all, I shall have accomplished much, for I shall forget sleep, and shall work at the business of navigation, that so the service may be performed; all which will entail great labor.

I left the city of Granada on May 12, 1492, which was a Saturday, and arrived in the town of Palos, a seaport. There, I outfitted three ships well suited for the journey and departed from that port on August 3 of the same year, a Friday, just half an hour before sunrise,[91] heading towards the Canary Islands, which belong to Your Highnesses, across the Atlantic Ocean. My goal was to set sail for the Indies and deliver Your Highnesses' letters to the local rulers as instructed. As part of my duties, I thought it important to keep a detailed account of the entire voyage, noting day by day everything I did, saw, and experienced, as you will see later. Additionally, Lords Princes, I decided to describe each night what happened during the day and to record how I navigated at night. I plan to create a new navigation chart that shows all the seas and lands of the ocean in their correct locations according to their bearings. Furthermore, I intend to write a book that illustrates everything by latitude from the equator and western longitude. Above all, I will have accomplished a lot; I will forgo sleep and dedicate myself to navigation to ensure the mission is completed, knowing that this will require considerable effort.

Friday, 3d of August

Friday, August 3rd

We departed on Friday, the 3d of August, in the year 1492, from the bar of Saltes, at 8 o’clock, and proceeded with a strong sea breeze until sunset, towards the south, for 60 miles, equal to 15 leagues;91-1 afterwards S.W. and W.S.W., which was the course for the Canaries.

We set off on Friday, August 3rd, 1492, from the bar of Saltes at 8 o’clock, and sailed on a strong sea breeze until sunset, heading south for 60 miles, which is equal to 15 leagues; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ then we went southwest and west-southwest, which was the direction toward the Canaries.

Saturday, 4th of August

Saturday, August 4th

They steered S.W. 1/4 S.

They steered S.W. 1/4 S.

Sunday, 5th of August

Sunday, August 5th

They continued their course day and night more than 40 leagues.[92]

They kept going day and night for over 40 leagues.[92]

Monday, 6th of August

Monday, August 6th

The rudder of the caravel Pinta became unshipped, and Martin Alonso Pinzon, who was in command, believed or suspected that it was by contrivance of Gomes Rascon and Cristóbal Quintero, to whom the caravel belonged, for they dreaded to go on that voyage. The Admiral says that, before they sailed, these men had been displaying a certain backwardness, so to speak. The Admiral was much disturbed at not being able to help the said caravel without danger, and he says that he was eased of some anxiety when he reflected that Martin Alonso Pinzon was a man of energy and ingenuity. They made, during the day and night, 29 leagues.

The rudder of the caravel Pinta came loose, and Martin Alonso Pinzon, who was in charge, thought or suspected that it was due to the actions of Gomes Rascon and Cristóbal Quintero, the owners of the caravel, because they were anxious about going on that voyage. The Admiral mentions that, before they set sail, these men had shown some reluctance, so to speak. The Admiral was quite concerned about not being able to assist the caravel without putting himself in danger, and he felt a bit relieved when he considered that Martin Alonso Pinzon was resourceful and determined. They traveled a total of 29 leagues throughout the day and night.

Tuesday, 7th of August

Tuesday, August 7th

The rudder of the Pinta was shipped and secured, and they proceeded on a course for the island of Lanzarote, one of the Canaries. They made, during the day and night, 25 leagues.

The rudder of the Pinta was installed and secured, and they set out for the island of Lanzarote, one of the Canary Islands. They covered 25 leagues throughout the day and night.

Wednesday, 8th of August

Wednesday, August 8th

Opinions respecting their position varied among the pilots of the three caravels; but that of the Admiral proved to be nearer the truth. He wished to go to Gran Canaria, to leave the caravel Pinta, because she was disabled by the faulty hanging of her rudder, and was making water. He intended to obtain another there if one could be found. They could not reach the place that day.

Opinions about their position varied among the pilots of the three caravels, but the Admiral's view turned out to be the most accurate. He wanted to head to Gran Canaria to leave the caravel Pinta there, as it was damaged due to the faulty hanging of its rudder and was taking on water. He planned to find another caravel if possible. They couldn't reach the location that day.

Thursday, 9th of August

Thursday, August 9th

The Admiral was not able to reach Gomera until the night of Sunday, while Martin Alonso remained on that coast of Gran Canaria by order of the Admiral, because his vessel could not be navigated. Afterwards the Admiral took her to Canaria, and they repaired the Pinta very thoroughly through[93] the pains and labor of the Admiral, of Martin Alonso, and of the rest. Finally they came to Gomera. They saw a great fire issue from the mountain of the island of Tenerife, which is of great height. They rigged the Pinta with square sails, for she was lateen rigged; and the Admiral reached Gomera on Sunday, the 2nd of September, with the Pinta repaired.

The Admiral couldn't reach Gomera until the night of Sunday, while Martin Alonso stayed on the coast of Gran Canaria by the Admiral's order, because his ship wasn’t navigable. Later, the Admiral took her to Canaria, and they repaired the Pinta thoroughly thanks to the efforts of the Admiral, Martin Alonso, and the rest of the crew. Eventually, they arrived at Gomera. They saw a huge fire coming from the mountain on the island of Tenerife, which is very tall. They equipped the Pinta with square sails, as she was originally lateen rigged; the Admiral arrived in Gomera on Sunday, September 2nd, with the Pinta fixed up.

The Admiral says that many honorable Spanish gentlemen who were at Gomera with Doña Ines Peraza, mother of Guillen Peraza (who was afterwards the first Count of Gomera), and who were natives of the island of Hierro, declared that every year they saw land to the west of the Canaries; and others, natives of Gomera, affirmed the same on oath. The Admiral here says that he remembers, when in Portugal in the year 1484, a man came to the King from the island of Madeira, to beg for a caravel to go to this land that was seen, who swore that it could be seen every year, and always in the same way.93-1 He also says that he recollects the same thing being affirmed in the islands of the Azores; and all these lands were described as in the same direction, and as being like each other, and of the same size. Having taken in water, wood, and meat, and all else that the men had who were left at Gomera by the Admiral when he went to the island of Canaria to repair the caravel Pinta, he finally made sail from the said island of Gomera, with his three caravels, on Thursday, the 6th day of September.

The Admiral says that many respectable Spanish gentlemen who were at Gomera with Doña Ines Peraza, the mother of Guillen Peraza (who later became the first Count of Gomera), and who were originally from the island of Hierro, claimed that every year they saw land to the west of the Canaries; others from Gomera also swore the same. The Admiral remembers that in Portugal in 1484, a man came to the King from the island of Madeira to request a caravel to go to this land that was spotted, who swore it could be seen every year, always in the same way. He also recalls hearing the same thing in the Azores; all these lands were described as being in the same direction and similar in appearance and size. After taking on water, wood, and meat, along with everything else the men who were left at Gomera by the Admiral had when he went to the island of Canaria to repair the caravel Pinta, he finally set sail from the island of Gomera with his three caravels on Thursday, September 6th.

Thursday, 6th of September

Thursday, September 6th

He departed on that day from the port of Gomera in the morning, and shaped a course to go on his voyage; having received tidings from a caravel that came from the island of Hierro that three Portuguese caravels were off that island with the object of taking him. (This must have been the result[94] of the King’s annoyance that Colon should have gone to Castile.) There was a calm all that day and night, and in the morning he found himself between Gomera and Tenerife.

He set off that morning from the port of Gomera and charted a course for his voyage after hearing from a caravel that had come from the island of Hierro that three Portuguese caravels were near that island looking for him. (This must have been due to the King’s irritation that Columbus had gone to Castile.) There was a calm all day and night, and by morning, he found himself between Gomera and Tenerife.

Friday, 7th of September

Friday, September 7th

The calm continued all Friday and Saturday, until the third hour of the night.

The calm lasted through Friday and Saturday, until the third hour of the night.

Saturday, 8th of September

Saturday, September 8th

At the third hour of Saturday night94-1 it began to blow from the N.E., and the Admiral shaped a course to the west. He took in much sea over the bows, which retarded progress, and 9 leagues were made in that day and night.

At 3 AM on Saturday night night94-1, the wind started blowing from the northeast, and the Admiral set a course to the west. He took on a lot of water over the front, which slowed them down, and they covered 9 leagues that day and night.

Sunday, 9th of September

Sunday, September 9th

This day the Admiral made 19 leagues, and he arranged to reckon less than the number run, because if the voyage was of long duration, the people would not be so terrified and disheartened. In the night he made 120 miles, at the rate of 12 miles an hour, which are 30 leagues. The sailors steered badly, letting the ship fall off to N.E., and even more, respecting which the Admiral complained many times.94-2

That day, the Admiral covered 19 leagues and decided to count fewer than the actual distance traveled, thinking that if the journey took a long time, the crew wouldn’t feel so scared and discouraged. During the night, he logged 120 miles at a speed of 12 miles an hour, which is 30 leagues. The sailors navigated poorly, allowing the ship to drift off to the northeast, and even more than that, which the Admiral complained about many times.94-2

Monday, 10th of September

Monday, September 10

In this day and night he made 60 leagues, at the rate of 10 miles an hour, which are 2 1/2 leagues; but he only counted[95] 48 leagues, that the people might not be alarmed if the voyage should be long.

In this day and night, he traveled 60 leagues at a speed of 10 miles per hour, which is 2 1/2 leagues; but he only recorded[95] 48 leagues so that the people wouldn't be worried if the journey took longer.

Tuesday, 11th of September

Tuesday, September 11

That day they sailed on their course, which was west, and made 20 leagues and more. They saw a large piece of the mast of a ship of 120 tons, but were unable to get it. In the night they made nearly 20 leagues, but only counted 16, for the reason already given.

That day they sailed west and covered over 20 leagues. They spotted a large section of the mast from a 120-ton ship but couldn't retrieve it. During the night, they traveled almost 20 leagues but only recorded 16, for the reasons mentioned earlier.

Wednesday, 12th of September

Wednesday, September 12

That day, steering their course, they made 33 leagues during the day and night, counting less.

That day, navigating their route, they covered 33 leagues over the day and night, considering it to be less.

Thursday, 13th of September

Thursday, September 13

That day and night, steering their course, which was west, they made 33 leagues, counting 3 or 4 less. The currents were against them. On this day, at the commencement of the night, the needles turned a half point to north-west, and in the morning they turned somewhat more north-west.95-1[96]

That day and night, heading west, they traveled 33 leagues, give or take 3 or 4. The currents were against them. That evening, at the start of the night, the compasses shifted slightly to the northwest, and by morning, they had moved a bit more northwest. 95-1[96]

Friday, 14th of September

Friday, September 14

That day they navigated, on their westerly course, day and night, 20 leagues, counting a little less. Here those of the caravel Niña reported that they had seen a tern96-1 and a boatswain bird,96-2 and these birds never go more than 25 leagues from the land.96-3

That day, they traveled westward day and night for about 20 leagues, maybe a little less. The crew of the caravel Niña reported spotting a tern__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and a boatswain bird,96-2 which typically don’t fly more than 25 leagues from the shore.96-3

Saturday, 15th of September

Saturday, September 15

That day and night they made 27 leagues and rather more on their west course; and in the early part of the night there fell from heaven into the sea a marvellous flame of fire, at a distance of about 4 or 5 leagues from them.

That day and night, they traveled 27 leagues and a bit more to the west; and early that night, a remarkable flame of fire fell from the sky into the sea, about 4 or 5 leagues away from them.

Sunday, 16th of September

Sunday, September 16

That day and night they steered their course west, making 39 leagues, but the Admiral only counted 36. There were some clouds and small rain. The Admiral says that on that day, and ever afterwards, they met with very temperate breezes, so that there was great pleasure in enjoying the mornings, nothing being wanted but the song of nightingales. He says that the weather was like April in Andalusia. Here they began to see many tufts of grass which were very green, and appeared to have been quite recently torn from the land. From this they judged that they were near some island, but[97] not the main land, according to the Admiral, “because,” as he says, “I make the main land to be more distant.”

That day and night they headed west, covering 39 leagues, but the Admiral only counted 36. There were some clouds and light rain. The Admiral claims that on that day, and ever since, they encountered very mild breezes, making mornings quite enjoyable, with only the absence of nightingale songs being missed. He describes the weather as similar to April in Andalusia. Here they began to notice many patches of very green grass that seemed to have been recently uprooted. From this, they concluded they were close to some island, but[97] not the mainland, according to the Admiral, “because,” as he says, “I think the mainland is farther away.”

Monday, 17th of September

Monday, September 17th

They proceeded on their west course, and made over 50 leagues in the day and night, but the Admiral only counted 47. They were aided by the current. They saw much very fine grass and herbs from rocks, which came from the west. They, therefore, considered that they were near land. The pilots observed the north point, and found that the needles turned a full point to the west of north. So the mariners were alarmed and dejected, and did not give their reason. But the Admiral knew, and ordered that the north should be again observed at dawn. They then found that the needles were true. The cause was that the star makes the movement, and not the needles. At dawn, on that Monday, they saw much more weed appearing, like herbs from rivers, in which they found a live crab, which the Admiral kept. He says that these crabs are certain signs of land. The sea-water was found to be less salt than it had been since leaving the Canaries. The breezes were always soft. Every one was pleased, and the best sailors went ahead to sight the first land. They saw many tunny-fish, and the crew of the Niña killed one. The Admiral here says that these signs of land came from the west, “in which direction I trust in that high God in whose hands are all victories that very soon we shall sight land.” In that morning he says that a white bird was seen which has not the habit of sleeping on the sea, called rabo de junco (boatswain-bird).97-1

They continued on their westward journey and covered over 50 leagues in a day and night, but the Admiral counted only 47. They were helped by the current. They saw a lot of fine grass and herbs from the rocks coming from the west. So they thought they were close to land. The pilots noticed the north point and found that the compasses shifted a full point to the west of north. This alarmed and discouraged the sailors, but they didn't explain why. However, the Admiral understood and ordered the north to be observed again at dawn. When they did, they found the compasses were accurate. The reason was that the star was causing the movement, not the compasses. At dawn that Monday, they saw much more seaweed appearing, resembling river herbs, and they found a live crab, which the Admiral kept. He mentioned that these crabs are certain signs of land. The seawater was less salty than it had been since leaving the Canaries. The breezes were always gentle. Everyone was happy, and the best sailors moved ahead to spot the first land. They saw many tuna fish, and the crew of the Niña caught one. The Admiral said that these signs of land were coming from the west, “in that direction I trust in that high God in whose hands are all victories that very soon we shall sight land.” That morning, he noted that a white bird was seen that does not usually sleep on the sea, called rabo de junco (boatswain-bird).97-1

Tuesday, 18th of September

Tuesday, September 18th

This day and night they made over 55 leagues, the Admiral only counting 48. In all these days the sea was very smooth, like the river at Seville. This day Martin Alonso, with the Pinta which was a fast sailer, did not wait, for he said to the[98] Admiral, from his caravel, that he had seen a great multitude of birds flying westward, that he hoped to see land that night, and that he therefore pressed onward. A great cloud appeared in the north, which is a sign of the proximity of land.

This day and night, they covered over 55 leagues, but the Admiral only counted 48. Throughout these days, the sea was very calm, like the river in Seville. Martin Alonso, with the Pinta, which was a fast ship, didn’t wait. He told the [98] Admiral from his caravel that he had seen a large number of birds flying west, and he hoped to spot land that night, so he pressed on. A big cloud appeared in the north, which indicates that land is nearby.

Wednesday, 19th of September

Wednesday, September 19th

The Admiral continued on his course, and during the day and night he made but 25 leagues because it was calm. He counted 22. This day, at 10 o’clock, a booby98-1 came to the ship, and in the afternoon another arrived, these birds not generally going more than 20 leagues from the land. There was also some drizzling rain without wind, which is a sure sign of land. The Admiral did not wish to cause delay by beating to windward to ascertain whether land was near, but he considered it certain that there were islands both to the north and south of his position, (as indeed there were, and he was passing through the middle of them). For his desire was to press onwards to the Indies, the weather being fine. For on his return, God willing, he could see all. These are his own words. Here the pilots found their positions. He of the Niña made the Canaries 440 leagues distant, the Pinta 420. The pilot of the Admiral’s ship made the distance exactly 400 leagues.

The Admiral kept his course, and throughout the day and night, he covered only 25 leagues because it was calm. He noted 22. That day, at 10 o'clock, a booby__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ appeared near the ship, and in the afternoon, another one showed up. These birds typically don’t travel more than 20 leagues from land. There was also some light rain with no wind, which is a clear sign of land. The Admiral didn’t want to lose time by sailing upwind to check if land was nearby, but he was confident that there were islands both to the north and south of his location (which indeed there were, and he was sailing right between them). He was eager to continue heading to the Indies, considering the weather was nice. He believed that on his return, God willing, he would be able to see everything. These are his own words. Here, the pilots determined their positions. The pilot of the Niña calculated the Canaries to be 440 leagues away, the Pinta at 420. The pilot of the Admiral’s ship measured the distance at exactly 400 leagues.

Thursday, 20th of September

Thursday, September 20

This day the course was W. b. N., and as her head was all round the compass owing to the calm that prevailed,98-2 the ship made only 7 or 8 leagues. Two boobies came to the ship,[99] and afterwards another, a sign of the proximity of land. They saw much weed, although none was seen on the previous day. They caught a bird with the hand, which was like a tern. But it was a river-bird, not a sea-bird, the feet being like those of a gull. At dawn two or three land-birds came singing to the ship, and they disappeared before sunset. Afterwards a booby came from W.N.W., and flew to the S.W., which was a sign that it left land in the W.N.W.; for these birds sleep on shore, and go to sea in the mornings in search of food, not extending their flight more than 20 leagues from the land.

Today the course was W. b. N., and since the sea was calm, the ship only made about 7 or 8 leagues. Two boobies came to the ship, and later another one showed that land was nearby. They noticed a lot of seaweed, even though none had been seen the day before. They managed to catch a bird by hand that resembled a tern, but it was actually a river-bird, not a sea-bird, with feet like a gull's. At dawn, two or three land-birds came to the ship, singing, but they disappeared before sunset. Then a booby flew in from W.N.W. and headed to the S.W., indicating that it had left land to the W.N.W.; these birds sleep on shore and head out to sea in the mornings to find food, typically not flying more than 20 leagues from the land.

Friday, 21st September

Friday, September 21

Most of the day it was calm, and later there was a little wind. During the day and night they did not make good more than 13 leagues. At dawn they saw so much weed that the sea appeared to be covered with it, and it came from the west. A booby was seen. The sea was very smooth, like a river, and the air the best in the world. They saw a whale, which is a sign that they were near land, because they always keep near the shore.

Most of the day it was calm, and later there was a light wind. Throughout the day and night, they only managed to travel about 13 leagues. At dawn, they spotted so much seaweed that it seemed like the ocean was covered with it, coming from the west. They also saw a booby. The sea was very flat, like a river, and the air was the best in the world. They spotted a whale, which is a sign that they were close to land because they often stay near the shore.

Saturday, 22nd of September

Saturday, September 22nd

They shaped a course W.N.W. more or less, her head turning from one to the other point, and made 30 leagues. Scarcely any weed was seen. They saw some sandpipers and another bird. Here the Admiral says: “This contrary wind was very necessary for me, because my people were much excited at the thought that in these seas no wind ever blew in the direction of Spain.” Part of the day there was no weed, and later it was very thick.

They set a course of about W.N.W., with her head turning from one point to the other, and covered 30 leagues. They hardly saw any seaweed. They spotted some sandpipers and another bird. Here the Admiral says: “This contrary wind was really helpful for me because my crew was very anxious, thinking that in these waters, the wind never blew toward Spain.” For part of the day, there was no seaweed, and later it became very dense.

Sunday, 23rd of September

Sunday, September 23rd

They shaped a course N.W., and at times more northerly; occasionally they were on their course, which was west, and they made about 22 leagues. They saw a dove and a[100] booby, another river-bird, and some white birds. There was a great deal of weed, and they found crabs in it. The sea, being smooth and calm, the crew began to murmur, saying that here there was no great sea, and that the wind would never blow so that they could return to Spain. Afterwards the sea rose very much, without wind, which astonished them. The Admiral here says: “Thus the high sea was very necessary to me, such as had not appeared but in the time of the Jews when they went out of Egypt and murmured against Moses who delivered them out of captivity.”100-1

They headed northwest, sometimes veering more toward the north; occasionally they were on track, which was west, and they covered about 22 leagues. They spotted a dove, a booby, another river bird, and some white birds. There was a lot of seaweed, and they found crabs in it. With the sea being smooth and calm, the crew started to grumble, saying that there wasn't much of a sea here and that the wind would never pick up enough for them to return to Spain. Later, the sea became very rough without any wind, which surprised them. The Admiral remarked: “Thus the high sea was very necessary to me, like the one that only appeared in the time of the Jews when they left Egypt and complained against Moses who freed them from captivity.”

Monday, 24th of September

Monday, September 24

The Admiral went on his west course all day and night, making 14 leagues. He counted 12. A booby came to the ship, and many sandpipers.100-2

The Admiral continued his westward journey all day and night, covering 14 leagues. He noted 12. A booby bird approached the ship, along with many sandpipers.100-2

Tuesday, 25th of September

Tuesday, September 25th

This day began with a calm, and afterwards there was wind. They were on their west course until night. The Admiral conversed with Martin Alonso Pinzon, captain of the other caravel Pinta, respecting a chart which he had sent to the caravel three days before, on which, as it would appear,[101] the Admiral had certainis lands depicted in that sea.101-1 Martin Alonso said that the ships were in the position on which the islands were placed, and the Admiral replied that so it appeared to him: but it might be that they had not fallen in with them, owing to the currents which had always set the ships to the N.E., and that they had not made so much as the pilots reported. The Admiral then asked for the chart to be returned, and it was sent back on a line.101-2 The Admiral then began to[102] plot the position on it, with the pilot and mariners. At sunset Martin Alonso went up on the poop of his ship, and with much joy called to the Admiral, claiming the reward as he had sighted land. When the Admiral heard this positively declared, he says that he gave thanks to the Lord on his knees while Martin Alonso said the Gloria in excelsis with his people. The Admiral’s crew did the same. Those of the Niña all went up on the mast and into the rigging, and declared that it was land. It so seemed to the Admiral, and that it was distant 25 leagues. They all continued to declare it was land until night. The Admiral ordered the course to be altered from W. to S.W., in which direction the land had appeared. That day they made 4 leagues on a west course, and 17 S.W. during the night, in all 21; but the people were told that 13 was the distance made good: for it was always feigned to them that the distances were less, so that the voyage might not appear so long. Thus two reckonings were kept on this voyage, the shorter being feigned, and the longer being the true one. The sea was very smooth, so that many sailors bathed alongside. They saw many dorados102-1 and other fish.

This day started out calm, but later there was wind. They were heading west until nightfall. The Admiral talked with Martin Alonso Pinzon, captain of the other caravel Pinta, about a chart he had sent to the caravel three days earlier, which showed, apparently,[101] that the Admiral had certain islands marked in that sea.101-1 Martin Alonso said that the ships were in the location where the islands were indicated, and the Admiral agreed that it seemed so, but it could be that they hadn’t spotted them due to the currents that had always pushed the ships to the N.E., and that they hadn’t traveled as far as the pilots claimed. The Admiral then asked for the chart to be returned, and it was sent back on a line.101-2 The Admiral then started to[102] plot the position on it, along with the pilot and crew. At sunset, Martin Alonso went up on the stern of his ship and joyfully called to the Admiral, claiming the reward since he had spotted land. When the Admiral heard this, he said he gave thanks to the Lord on his knees while Martin Alonso recited the Gloria in excelsis with his crew. The Admiral’s crew did the same. Those on the Niña climbed up the mast and into the rigging, declaring that it was land. The Admiral thought it was indeed land and estimated it was 25 leagues away. They all continued to assert it was land until night. The Admiral ordered the course to change from W. to S.W., the direction from which the land had appeared. That day they traveled 4 leagues west and 17 S.W. through the night, totaling 21; however, the crew was told that they had only covered 13 leagues: it was always pretended to them that the distances were shorter to make the journey seem less long. Thus, two sets of calculations were kept during this voyage, with the shorter being feigned and the longer being the actual distance. The sea was very calm, allowing many sailors to bathe alongside the ship. They saw many golden fish102-1 and other fish.

Wednesday, 26th of September

Wednesday, September 26

The Admiral continued on the west course until afternoon. Then he altered course to S.W., until he made out that what had been said to be land was only clouds. Day and night they made 31 leagues, counting 24 for the people. The sea was like a river, the air pleasant and very mild.

The Admiral kept heading west until the afternoon. Then he changed course to southwest, until he realized that what was thought to be land was just clouds. Day and night, they covered 31 leagues, accounting for 24 for the crew. The sea was calm, like a river, and the weather was nice and very mild.

Thursday, 27th of September

Thursday, September 27

The course west, and distance made good during day and night 24 leagues, 20 being counted for the people. Many dorados came. One was killed. A boatswain-bird came.[103]

The journey west covered a total of 24 leagues, with 20 leagues counted for the crew. Several dorados appeared, and one was killed. A boatswain bird also showed up.[103]

Friday, 28th of September

Friday, September 28th

The course was west, and the distance, owing to calms, only 14 leagues in day and night, 13 leagues being counted. They met with little weed; but caught two dorados, and more in the other ships.

The course was west, and due to calm conditions, they only covered 14 leagues in day and night, with 13 leagues being counted. They encountered little seaweed; however, they caught two dorados, and more were caught in the other ships.

Saturday, 29th of September

Saturday, September 29

The course was west, and they made 24 leagues, counting 21 for the people. Owing to calms, the distance made good during day and night was not much. They saw a bird called rabiforcado103-1 (man-o’-war bird), which makes the boobies vomit what they have swallowed, and eats it, maintaining itself on nothing else. It is a sea-bird, but does not sleep on the sea, and does not go more than 20 leagues from the land. There are many of them at the Cape Verde Islands. Afterwards they saw two boobies. The air was very mild and agreeable, and the Admiral says that nothing was wanting but to hear the nightingale. The sea smooth as a river. Later, three boobies and a man-o’-war bird were seen three times. There was much weed.

The course was west, and they traveled 24 leagues, counting 21 for the people. Due to calm weather, the distance covered during the day and night wasn’t much. They spotted a bird called rabiforcado103-1 (man-o’-war bird), which makes the boobies regurgitate what they’ve eaten and feeds on it, relying on nothing else. It’s a sea bird, but it doesn’t sleep on the water and doesn’t venture more than 20 leagues from land. There are many of them at the Cape Verde Islands. Later, they saw two boobies. The air was very mild and pleasant, and the Admiral said that everything was perfect except for the sound of a nightingale. The sea was as smooth as a river. After that, they spotted three boobies and a man-o'-war bird three times. There was a lot of seaweed.

Sunday, 30th of September

Sunday, September 30

The western course was steered, and during the day and night, owing to calms, only 14 leagues were made, 11 being counted. Four boatswain-birds came to the ship, which is a great sign of land, for so many birds of this kind together is a sign that they are not straying or lost. They also twice saw four boobies. There was much weed. Note that the stars which are called Las Guardias (the Pointers103-2), when night[104] comes on, are near the western point, and when dawn breaks they are near the N.E. point; so that, during the whole night, they do not appear to move more than three lines or 9 hours, and this on each night. The Admiral says this, and also that at nightfall the needles vary a point westerly, while at dawn they agree exactly with the star. From this it would appear that the north star has a movement like the other stars, while the needles always point correctly.

The ship was directed westward, and throughout the day and night, due to calm conditions, only 14 leagues were covered, with 11 being recorded. Four boatswain-birds approached the ship, which is a strong indicator of land, as it's uncommon for so many of these birds to gather without being lost or adrift. They also spotted four boobies twice. There was a lot of seaweed present. Note that the stars known as Las Guardias (the Pointers __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__), at nightfall, are located near the western horizon, and at dawn, they can be found near the northeast; thus, throughout the night, they don't seem to move more than three degrees or about 9 hours, consistently on each night. The Admiral points this out, adding that at dusk, the compasses shift a point to the west, while at dawn, they align perfectly with the star. This suggests that the North Star moves like the other stars, while the compasses always point accurately.

Monday, 1st of October

Monday, October 1st

Course west, and 25 leagues made good, counted for the crew as 20 leagues. There was a heavy shower of rain. At dawn the Admiral’s pilot made the distance from Hierro 578 leagues to the west. The reduced reckoning which the Admiral showed to the crew made it 584 leagues; but the truth which the Admiral observed and kept secret was 707.

Course west, and they covered 25 leagues, but the crew counted it as 20 leagues. There was a heavy rain shower. At dawn, the Admiral's pilot measured the distance from Hierro to the west as 578 leagues. The reduced calculation the Admiral shared with the crew was 584 leagues; however, the actual distance that the Admiral noted and kept to himself was 707 leagues.

Tuesday, 2nd of October

Tuesday, October 2

Course west, and during the day and night 39 leagues were made good, counted for the crew as 30. The sea always smooth. Many thanks be given to God, says the Admiral, that the weed is coming from east to west, contrary to its usual course. Many fish were seen, and one was killed. A white bird was also seen that appeared to be a gull.

Course west, and over the day and night, we covered 39 leagues, though it only counted as 30 for the crew. The sea was always calm. The Admiral expressed gratitude to God that the seaweed was moving from east to west, which is the opposite of its usual direction. Many fish were spotted, and one was caught. A white bird that looked like a gull was also sighted.

Wednesday, 3rd of October

Wednesday, October 3rd

They navigated on the usual course, and made good 47 leagues, counted as 40. Sandpipers appeared, and much weed, some of it very old and some quite fresh and having fruit. They saw no birds. The Admiral, therefore, thought that they had left the islands behind them which were depicted[105] on the charts. The Admiral here says that he did not wish to keep the ships beating about during the last week, and in the last few days when there were so many signs of land, although he had information of certain islands in this region. For he wished to avoid delay, his object being to reach the Indies. He says that to delay would not be wise.105-1

They followed the usual route and made good progress of 47 leagues, which counted as 40. They spotted sandpipers and a lot of seaweed, some old and some fresh with fruit. They didn’t see any birds. Because of this, the Admiral believed they had passed the islands shown[105] on the maps. The Admiral notes that he didn’t want the ships to drift aimlessly during the last week, especially in the past few days when there were many signs of land, even though he had information about certain islands in the area. He wanted to avoid delays, as his goal was to reach the Indies. He remarked that taking too long wouldn’t be wise.105-1

Thursday, 4th of October

Thursday, October 4

Course west, and 63 leagues made good during the day and night, counted as 46. More than forty sandpipers came to the ship in a flock, and two boobies, and a ship’s boy hit one with a stone. There also came a man-o’-war bird and a white bird like a gull.

Course west, covering 63 leagues throughout the day and night, counted as 46. Over forty sandpipers flew to the ship in a flock, and two boobies, and a ship's boy hit one with a stone. A man-o'-war bird also arrived, along with a white bird similar to a gull.

Friday, 5th of October

Friday, October 5th

The Admiral steered his course, going 11 miles an hour, and during the day and night they made good 57 leagues, as the wind increased somewhat during the night: 45 were counted. The sea was smooth and quiet. “To God,” he says, “be many thanks given, the air being pleasant and temperate, with no weed, many sandpipers, and flying-fish coming on the deck in numbers.”[106]

The Admiral set his course, traveling at 11 miles per hour, and during the day and night they covered a total of 57 leagues, as the wind picked up a bit during the night: 45 were logged. The sea was calm and peaceful. “Thanks be to God,” he says, “for the pleasant and temperate air, with no seaweed, many sandpipers, and schools of flying fish coming aboard in large numbers.”[106]

Saturday, 6th of October

Saturday, October 6

The Admiral continued his west course, and during day and night they made good 40 leagues, 33 being counted. This night Martin Alonso said that it would be well to steer south of west,106-1 and it appeared to the Admiral that Martin Alonso did not say this with respect to the island of Cipango.106-2 He saw that if an error was made the land would not be reached so quickly, and that consequently it would be better to go at once to the continent and afterwards to the islands.

The Admiral continued heading west, and over day and night they covered a distance of 40 leagues, with 33 counted. That night, Martin Alonso suggested it would be better to steer south of west, and the Admiral felt that Martin Alonso's suggestion was not meant regarding the island of Cipango. He realized that if they made a mistake, they wouldn't reach the land as quickly, so it would be smarter to go straight to the continent first and then to the islands.

Sunday, 7th of October

Sunday, October 7th

The west course was continued; for two hours they went at the rate of 12 miles an hour, and afterwards 8 miles an hour. They made good 23 leagues, counting 18 for the people. This day, at sunrise, the caravel Niña, which went ahead, being the best sailer, and pushed forward as much as possible to sight the land first, so as to enjoy the reward which the Sovereigns had promised to whoever should see it first, hoisted a flag at the mast-head and fired a gun, as a signal that she had sighted land, for such was the Admiral’s order. He had also ordered that, at sunrise and sunset, all the ships should join him; because those two times are most proper for seeing the greatest distance, the haze clearing away. No land was seen during the afternoon, as reported by the caravel Niña, and they passed a great number of birds flying from N. to S.W. This gave rise to the belief that the birds were either going to sleep on land, or were flying from the winter which might be supposed to be near in the land whence they were coming. The Admiral was aware that most of the islands held by the Portuguese were discovered by the flight of birds. For this reason he[107] resolved to give up the west course, and to shape a course W.S.W. for the two following days.107-1 He began the new course one hour before sunset. They made good, during the night, about 5 leagues, and 23 in the day, altogether 28 leagues.

The westward journey continued; for two hours, they traveled at 12 miles per hour, and then at 8 miles per hour. They covered a total of 23 leagues, counting 18 for the crew. That day, at sunrise, the caravel Niña, which had gone ahead since it sailed the fastest and was trying to spot land first to earn the reward the Sovereigns promised to the first person to see it, raised a flag at the top of the mast and fired a gun as a signal that land was sighted, following the Admiral’s orders. He had also instructed that all ships should come together at sunrise and sunset because those times were best for seeing far distances when the haze cleared. No land was seen in the afternoon, as reported by the caravel Niña, but they noticed many birds flying from north to southwest. This led to the belief that the birds were either heading to rest on land or flying away from the approaching winter of the land they came from. The Admiral knew that many islands claimed by the Portuguese were discovered by following bird migrations. For this reason, he[107] decided to change from the westward course and head W.S.W. for the next two days.107-1 He started the new course one hour before sunset. They covered about 5 leagues during the night and 23 during the day, totaling 28 leagues.

Monday, 8th of October

Monday, October 8th

The course was W.S.W., and 11 1/2 or 12 leagues were made good in the day and night; and at times it appears that they went at the rate of 15 miles an hour during the night (if the handwriting is not deceptive).107-2 The sea was like the river at Seville. “Thanks be to God,” says the Admiral, “the air is very soft like the April at Seville; and it is a pleasure to be here, so balmy are the breezes.” The weed seemed to be very fresh. There were many land-birds, and they took one that was flying to the S.W. Terns,107-3 ducks, and a booby were also seen.

The course was W.S.W., and 11 1/2 or 12 leagues were covered during the day and night; at times, it seems they were going as fast as 15 miles an hour at night (if the writing isn't misleading).107-2 The sea looked like the river in Seville. “Thanks be to God,” says the Admiral, “the air is very gentle like April in Seville; it’s a pleasure to be here, so soothing are the breezes.” The seaweed appeared to be very fresh. There were many land-birds, and they caught one that was flying to the S.W. Terns, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ducks, and a booby were also spotted.

Tuesday, 9th of October

Tuesday, October 9th

The course was S.W., and they made 5 leagues. The wind then changed, and the Admiral steered W. by N. 4 leagues. Altogether, in day and night, they made 11 leagues by day and 20 1/2 leagues by night; counted as 17 leagues altogether. Throughout the night birds were heard passing.

The course was S.W., and they traveled 5 leagues. The wind then shifted, and the Admiral steered W. by N. for 4 leagues. In total, day and night combined, they covered 11 leagues during the day and 20 1/2 leagues at night; which adds up to 17 leagues altogether. Throughout the night, birds could be heard passing by.

Wednesday, 10th of October

Wednesday, October 10

The course was W.S.W., and they went at the rate of 10 miles an hour, occasionally 12 miles, and sometimes 7. During[108] the day and night they made 59 leagues, counted as no more than 44. Here the people could endure no longer. They complained of the length of the voyage. But the Admiral cheered them up in the best way he could, giving them good hopes of the advantages they might gain from it. He added that, however much they might complain, he had to go to the Indies, and that he would go on until he found them, with the help of our Lord.108-1

The course was W.S.W., and they traveled at a speed of 10 miles an hour, sometimes reaching 12 miles, and occasionally dropping to 7. During[108] the day and night, they covered 59 leagues, which counted as only 44. Here, the crew could take it no longer. They complained about how long the voyage was. But the Admiral encouraged them as best as he could, giving them good reasons to be hopeful about the benefits they could gain from it. He added that no matter how much they complained, he needed to reach the Indies, and he would keep going until he found them, with the help of our Lord.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Thursday, 11th of October

Thursday, October 11

The course was W.S.W., and there was more sea than there had been during the whole of the voyage. They saw sandpipers, and a green reed near the ship. Those of the caravel Pinta saw a cane and a pole, and they took up another small pole which appeared to have been worked with iron; also another bit of cane, a land-plant, and a small board. The crew of the caravel Niña also saw signs of land, and a small branch covered with berries.108-2 Every one breathed afresh and rejoiced at these signs. The run until sunset was 27 leagues.

The course was W.S.W., and there was more ocean than there had been during the entire voyage. They spotted sandpipers and a green reed near the ship. The crew of the caravel Pinta noticed a cane and a pole, and they picked up another small pole that seemed to have been worked with iron; they also found another piece of cane, a land plant, and a small board. The crew of the caravel Niña also identified signs of land, including a small branch covered with berries.108-2 Everyone breathed a sigh of relief and celebrated these signs. The distance covered until sunset was 27 leagues.

After sunset the Admiral returned to his original west course, and they went along at the rate of 12 miles an hour. Up to two hours after midnight they had gone 90 miles, equal to 22 1/2 leagues. As the caravel Pinta was a better sailer, and went ahead of the Admiral, she found the land, and made the[109] signals ordered by the Admiral. The land was first seen by a sailor named Rodrigo de Triana.109-1 But the Admiral, at ten o’clock, being on the castle of the poop,109-2 saw a light, though it was so uncertain that he could not affirm it was land. He called Pero Gutierrez, a gentleman of the King’s bed-chamber, and said that there seemed to be a light, and that he should look at it. He did so, and saw it.109-3 The Admiral said the same to Rodrigo Sanchez of Segovia, whom the King and Queen had sent with the fleet as inspector, but he could see nothing, because he was not in a place whence anything could be seen. After the Admiral had spoken he saw the light once or twice, and it was like a wax candle rising and falling. It seemed to few to be an indication of land; but the Admiral made certain that land was close. When they said the Salve, which all the sailors were accustomed to sing in their way, the Admiral asked and admonished the men to keep a good look-out on the forecastle, and to watch well for land; and to him who should first cry out that he saw land, he would give a silk doublet, besides the other rewards promised by the Sovereigns, which were 10,000 maravedis to him who should first see it.109-4 At two hours after midnight the land was sighted at a distance of[110] two leagues. They shortened sail, and lay by under the mainsail without the bonnets.

After sunset, the Admiral went back to his original westward course, and they traveled at a speed of 12 miles per hour. By two hours after midnight, they had covered 90 miles, which is about 22 1/2 leagues. Since the caravel Pinta was a better sailer and ahead of the Admiral, it spotted land and signaled as instructed by the Admiral. The land was first sighted by a sailor named Rodrigo de Triana. 109-1 However, the Admiral, while on the back of the ship at ten o’clock, saw a light, although it was so uncertain that he couldn’t confirm it was land. He called over Pero Gutierrez, a gentleman in the King’s chamber, and told him that he thought he saw a light and asked him to take a look. He did and confirmed he saw it.it.109-3 The Admiral told Rodrigo Sanchez of Segovia, who had been sent by the King and Queen with the fleet as an inspector, but he couldn’t see anything because he wasn’t in a position to see. After the Admiral spoke, he saw the light flicker a couple of times, resembling a wax candle rising and falling. Most thought it wasn’t an indication of land; however, the Admiral was convinced that land was near. When they sang the Salve, which all the sailors were used to singing, the Admiral instructed the men to keep a sharp lookout from the forecastle and watch carefully for land; to the first person who shouted that they saw land, he promised a silk doublet, in addition to the other rewards promised by the Sovereigns, which was 10,000 maravedis to whoever saw it.109-4 At two hours after midnight, land was sighted two leagues away. They shortened sail and lay by under the mainsail without the bonnets.

[Friday, 12th of October]

[Friday, October 12]

The vessels were hove to, waiting for daylight; and on Friday they arrived at a small island of the Lucayos, called in the language of the Indians, Guanahani.110-1 Presently they saw naked people. The Admiral went on shore in the armed boat, and Martin Alonso Pinzon, and Vicente Yañez, his brother, who was captain of the Niña. The Admiral took the royal standard, and the captains went with two banners of the green cross, which the Admiral took in all the ships as a sign, with an F and a Y110-2 and a crown over each letter, one on one side of the cross and the other on the other. Having landed, they saw trees very green, and much water, and fruits of diverse kinds. The Admiral called to the two captains, and to the others who leaped on shore, and to Rodrigo Escovedo, secretary of the whole fleet, and to Rodrigo Sanchez of Segovia,110-3 and said that they should bear faithful testimony that he, in presence of all, had taken, as he now took, possession of the said island110-4 for the King and for the Queen his Lords, making the declarations that are required, as is now largely set forth in the testimonies which were then made in writing.

The ships stopped, waiting for daylight; and on Friday they reached a small island in the Lucayos, called Guanahani in the Native language.110-1 They soon saw people without clothes. The Admiral went ashore in an armed boat, along with Martin Alonso Pinzon and his brother Vicente Yañez, who captained the Niña. The Admiral carried the royal standard, while the captains brought two banners with a green cross, which the Admiral had taken on all the ships as a symbol, featuring an F and a Y110-2 and a crown above each letter, one on one side of the cross and the other on the opposite side. Once ashore, they noticed lush green trees, plenty of water, and a variety of fruits. The Admiral called to the two captains, along with others who had jumped onto the shore, and to Rodrigo Escovedo, the fleet's secretary, and to Rodrigo Sanchez from Segovia110-3 and declared that they should bear witness that he, in front of all, had taken, as he was now doing, possession of the said island110-4 for the King and Queen, making the necessary declarations, as is explained in detail in the written testimonies that were then created.

Presently many inhabitants of the island assembled. What follows is in the actual words of the Admiral in his book of the first navigation and discovery of the Indies.110-5 “I,” he says, “that we might form great friendship, for I knew that they were a people who could be more easily freed and converted to our holy faith by love than by force, gave to some[111] of them red caps, and glass beads to put round their necks, and many other things of little value, which gave them great pleasure, and made them so much our friends that it was a marvel to see. They afterwards came to the ship’s boats where we were, swimming and bringing us parrots, cotton threads in skeins, darts, and many other things; and we exchanged them for other things that we gave them, such as glass beads and small bells. In fine, they took all, and gave what they had with good will. It appeared to me to be a race of people very poor in everything. They go as naked as when their mothers bore them, and so do the women, although I did not see more than one young girl. All I saw were youths, none more than thirty years of age. They are very well made, with very handsome bodies, and very good countenances. Their hair is short and coarse, almost like the hairs of a horse’s tail. They wear the hairs brought down to the eyebrows, except a few locks behind, which they wear long and never cut. They paint themselves black, and they are the color of the Canarians, neither black nor white. Some paint themselves white, others red, and others of what color they find. Some paint their faces, others the whole body, some only round the eyes, others only on the nose. They neither carry nor know anything of arms, for I showed them swords, and they took them by the blade and cut themselves through ignorance. They have no iron, their darts being wands without iron, some of them having a fish’s tooth at the end, and others being pointed in various ways. They are all of fair stature and size, with good faces, and well made. I saw some with marks of wounds on their bodies, and I made signs to ask what it was, and they gave me to understand that people from other adjacent islands came with the intention of seizing them, and that they defended themselves. I believed, and still believe, that they come here from the mainland to take them prisoners. They should be good servants and intelligent, for I observed that they quickly took in what was said to them, and I believe that they would easily be made Christians, as it appeared to me that they had no religion.[112] I, our Lord being pleased, will take hence, at the time of my departure, six natives for your Highnesses, that they may learn to speak. I saw no beast of any kind except parrots, on this island.” The above is in the words of the Admiral.

Currently, many inhabitants of the island gathered. What follows is in the actual words of the Admiral from his account of the first navigation and discovery of the Indie. 110-5 “I,” he says, “wanted to build a strong friendship because I knew they were a people who could be more easily converted to our holy faith through love rather than force. I gave some[111] of them red caps, glass beads to wear around their necks, and many other items of little value that pleased them greatly, making them such good friends that it was a wonder to behold. They later came to our ship’s boats, swimming and bringing us parrots, cotton threads in skeins, darts, and many other things; we exchanged these for items we gave them, like glass beads and small bells. In short, they accepted everything and gave what they had willingly. It seemed to me they were a very poor people in every way. They were as naked as the day they were born, as were the women, although I only saw one young girl. All I encountered were young men, none older than thirty. They are well-built, have handsome bodies, and good features. Their hair is short and coarse, almost resembling a horse's tail. They wear it down to their eyebrows, except for a few long locks in the back, which they never cut. They paint their bodies black, and their skin color resembles that of the Canarians, not quite black nor white. Some paint themselves white, others red, and others whatever colors they can find. Some paint their faces, others their entire bodies, some just around the eyes, and others only on the nose. They don’t carry or know anything about weapons; when I showed them swords, they grabbed them by the blade and cut themselves out of ignorance. They have no iron, and their darts are sticks without iron, some tipped with fish teeth, and others pointed in various ways. They are all of good height and size, with attractive faces and well-built physiques. I saw some with signs of wounds on their bodies, and I gestured to ask what it was. They indicated that people from other nearby islands came to try to capture them and that they defended themselves. I believe, and still do, that they come from the mainland to take them prisoner. They should make good servants and are intelligent; I noticed they quickly understood what was said to them, and I believe they could easily be made Christians, as it seemed they had no religion.[112] If it pleases our Lord, I will take six natives with me at my departure, so they can learn to speak. I saw no other animals of any kind except parrots on this island.” The above is in the words of the Admiral.

Saturday, 13th of October

Saturday, October 13

“As soon as dawn broke many of these people came to the beach, all youths, as I have said, and all of good stature, a very handsome people. Their hair is not curly, but loose and coarse, like horse hair. In all the forehead is broad, more so than in any other people I have hitherto seen. Their eyes are very beautiful and not small, and themselves far from black, but the color of the Canarians. Nor should anything else be expected, as this island is in a line east and west from the island of Hierro in the Canaries. Their legs are very straight, all in one line, and no belly, but very well formed. They came to the ship in small canoes, made out of the trunk of a tree like a long boat, and all of one piece, and wonderfully worked, considering the country. They are large, some of them holding 40 to 45 men, others smaller, and some only large enough to hold one man. They are propelled with a paddle like a baker’s shovel, and go at a marvellous rate. If the canoe capsizes, they all promptly begin to swim, and to bale it out with calabashes that they take with them. They brought skeins of cotton thread, parrots, darts, and other small things which it would be tedious to recount, and they give all in exchange for anything that may be given to them. I was attentive, and took trouble to ascertain if there was gold. I saw that some of them had a small piece fastened in a hole they have in the nose, and by signs I was able to make out that to the south, or going from the island to the south, there was a king who had great cups full, and who possessed a great quantity. I tried to get them to go there, but afterwards I saw that they had no inclination. I resolved to wait until to-morrow in the afternoon and then to depart, shaping a course to the S.W., for, according to what many of them told me,[113] there was land to the S., to the S.W., and N.W., and that the natives from the N.W. often came to attack them, and went on to the S.W. in search of gold and precious stones.

“As soon as dawn broke, many of these people came to the beach, all young and of impressive stature, a very attractive group. Their hair isn’t curly, but rather loose and coarse, like horse hair. Overall, they have broad foreheads, more so than any other people I have seen so far. Their eyes are quite beautiful and not small, and they’re not entirely black, rather the color of the Canarians. This isn’t surprising since this island is aligned east and west from the island of Hierro in the Canaries. Their legs are very straight and aligned, with no belly, but they are well-proportioned. They approached the ship in small canoes, made from the trunk of a tree like long boats, all carved from a single piece, and remarkably crafted for this region. They vary in size, with some capable of holding 40 to 45 men, others smaller, and some only big enough for one person. They are powered by paddles like a baker’s shovel and move at an incredible speed. If a canoe capsizes, they quickly begin to swim and bail it out using calabashes they carry with them. They brought yarn made of cotton, parrots, darts, and other small items, which would take too long to list, and they trade everything for whatever they can get. I was observant and made an effort to find out if there was any gold. I noticed that some of them had a small piece inserted in a hole in their nose, and through gestures, I learned that to the south, or moving from the island to the south, there was a king who had large cups full of gold and owned a significant amount. I tried to persuade them to take me there, but later I realized they had no interest. I decided to wait until tomorrow afternoon to leave, planning a course to the S.W., because many of them told me, [113] that there was land to the S., S.W., and N.W., and that the natives from the N.W. often attacked them and then headed to the S.W. in search of gold and precious stones.”

“This island is rather large and very flat, with bright green trees, much water, and a very large lake in the centre, without any mountain, and the whole land so green that it is a pleasure to look on it. The people are very docile, and for the longing to possess our things, and not having anything to give in return, they take what they can get, and presently swim away. Still, they give away all they have got, for whatever may be given to them, down to broken bits of crockery and glass. I saw one give 16 skeins of cotton for three ceotis113-1 of Portugal, equal to one blanca of Spain, the skeins being as much as an arroba of cotton thread. I shall keep it, and shall allow no one to take it, preserving it all for your Highnesses, for it may be obtained in abundance. It is grown in this island, though the short time did not admit of my ascertaining this for a certainty. Here also is found the gold they wear fastened in their noses. But, in order not to lose time, I intend to go and see if I can find the island of Cipango.113-2 Now, as it is night, all the natives have gone on shore with their canoes.”

“This island is quite large and very flat, with bright green trees, plenty of water, and a huge lake in the center, without any mountains. The whole land is so green that it's a pleasure to look at. The people are very gentle, and out of a desire to have our things, since they have nothing to offer in return, they take what they can get and then swim away. Still, they give away everything they have, even broken bits of pottery and glass. I saw one person trade 16 skeins of cotton for three ceotis113-1 from Portugal, which is equal to one blanca from Spain, with the skeins weighing about an arroba of cotton thread. I will keep it safe and won’t let anyone take it, saving it all for your Highnesses, as it can be found in abundance. It grows on this island, though I haven't had enough time to confirm this for sure. Gold can also be found here, which they wear in their noses. But to avoid wasting time, I plan to head out and see if I can find the island of Cipango.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Now that it’s night, all the natives have gone ashore with their canoes.”

Sunday, 14th of October

Sunday, October 14

“At dawn I ordered the ship’s boat and the boats of the caravels to be got ready, and I went along the coast of the island and to the N.N.E., to see the other side, which was on the other side to the east, and also to see the villages. Presently I saw two or three, and the people all came to the shore, calling out and giving thanks to God. Some of them brought us water, others came with food, and when they saw that I did want to land, they got into the sea, and came swimming to us. We understood that they asked us if we had come from heaven. One old man came into the boat, and others cried[114] out, in loud voices, to all the men and women, to come and see the men who had come from heaven, and to bring them to eat and drink. Many came, including women, each bringing something, giving thanks to God, throwing themselves on the ground and shouting to us to come on shore. But I was afraid to land, seeing an extensive reef of rocks which surrounded the island, with deep water between it and the shore forming a port large enough for as many ships as there are in Christendom, but with a very narrow entrance. It is true that within this reef there are some sunken rocks, but the sea has no more motion than the water in a well. In order to see all this I went this morning, that I might be able to give a full account to your Highnesses, and also where a fortress might be established. I saw a piece of land which appeared like an island, although it is not one, and on it there were six houses. It might be converted into an island in two days, though I do not see that it would be necessary, for these people are very simple as regards the use of arms, as your Highnesses will see from the seven that I caused to be taken, to bring home and learn our language and return; unless your Highnesses should order them all to be brought to Castile, or to be kept as captives on the same island; for with fifty men they can all be subjugated and made to do what is required of them. Close to the above peninsula there are gardens of the most beautiful trees I ever saw, and with leaves as green as those of Castile in the month of April and May, and much water. I examined all that port, and afterwards I returned to the ship and made sail. I saw so many islands that I hardly knew how to determine to which I should go first. Those natives I had with me said, by signs, that there were so many that they could not be numbered, and they gave the names of more than a hundred. At last I looked out for the largest, and resolved to shape a course for it, and so I did. It will be distant five leagues from this of San Salvador, and the others some more, some less. All are very flat, and all are inhabited. The natives make war on each other, although these are very simple-minded and handsomely-formed people.”[115]

“At dawn, I had the ship's boat and the boats from the caravels prepared. I headed along the island's coast and to the N.N.E. to see the other side, which was to the east, and to look at the villages. Soon, I spotted two or three, and the people all came to the shore, shouting and thanking God. Some brought us water, others came with food, and when they saw that I wanted to land, they entered the sea and swam towards us. We understood they were asking if we had come from heaven. One old man climbed into the boat, and others called out loudly to all the men and women to come see the men who had come from heaven and to bring them food and drink. Many people arrived, including women, each bringing something, thanking God, throwing themselves on the ground, and shouting for us to come ashore. But I was hesitant to land because of a large reef of rocks surrounding the island, with deep water between it and the shore, creating a port large enough for as many ships as there are in Christendom, but with a very narrow entrance. It’s true that inside this reef there are some sunken rocks, but the sea is as calm as water in a well. I went out this morning to see all of this so I could give a detailed report to Your Highnesses and to find a suitable spot for a fortress. I noticed a piece of land that looked like an island, even though it isn't one, with six houses on it. In two days, it could be turned into an island, although I don't think it would be necessary, as these people are very naive regarding the use of weapons, as Your Highnesses will see from the seven I had taken to bring back to learn our language and return; unless Your Highnesses decide to bring them all to Castile or keep them as captives on the same island; with fifty men, they can all be subdued and made to follow orders. Near this peninsula, there are gardens with the most beautiful trees I've ever seen, with leaves as green as those in Castile in April and May, and plenty of water. I explored that port and then returned to the ship and set sail. I saw so many islands that I hardly knew which one to visit first. The natives I had with me indicated, by signs, that there were so many they couldn't even count them, naming more than a hundred. Finally, I looked for the largest and decided to head toward it, which would be five leagues from this place of San Salvador, with the others being a bit more or a bit less. All are very flat and inhabited. The natives fight among themselves, although they are very simple-minded and well-formed people.”

Monday, 15th of October

Monday, October 15

“I had laid by during the night, with the fear of reaching the land to anchor before daylight,115-1 not knowing whether the coast was clear of rocks, and at dawn I made sail. As the island was more than 5 leagues distant and nearer 7, and the tide checked my way, it was noon when we arrived at the said island. I found that side facing towards the island of San Salvador trended north and south with a length of 5 leagues, and the other which I followed ran east and west for more than 10 leagues.115-2 As from this island I saw another larger one to the west, I clued up115-3 the sails, after having run all that day until night, otherwise I could not have reached the western cape. I gave the name of Santa Maria de la Concepcion115-4 to the island, and almost as the sun set I anchored near the said cape to ascertain if it contained gold. For the people I had taken from the island of San Salvador told me that here they wore very large rings of gold on their arms and legs. I really believed that all they said was nonsense, invented that they might escape. My desire was not to pass any island without taking possession, so that, one having been taken, the same may be said of all. I anchored, and remained until to-day, Tuesday, when I went to the shore with the boats armed, and landed. The people, who were numerous, went naked, and were like those of the other island of San Salvador. They let us go over the island, and gave us what we required. As the wind changed to the S.E., I did not like to stay, and returned to the ship. A large canoe was alongside the Niña, and one of the men of the island of San Salvador, who was on board, jumped into the sea and got into the canoe. In the middle of the night before, another swam away behind the canoe,[116] which fled, for there never was boat that could have overtaken her, seeing that in speed they have a great advantage.116-1 So they reached the land and left the canoe. Some of my people went on shore in chase of them, but they all fled like fowls and the canoe they had left was brought alongside the caravel Niña, whither, from another direction, another small canoe came, with a man who wished to barter with skeins of cotton. Some sailors jumped into the sea, because he would not come on board the caravel, and seized him. I was on the poop of my ship, and saw everything. So I sent for the man, gave him a red cap, some small beads of green glass, which I put on his arms, and small bells, which I put in his ears, and ordered his canoe, which was also on board, to be returned to him. I sent him on shore, and presently made sail to go to the other large island which was in sight to the westward. I also ordered the other large canoe, which the caravel Niña was towing astern, to be cast adrift; and I soon saw that it reached the land at the same time as the man to whom I had given the above things. I had not wished to take the skein of cotton that he offered me. All the others came round him and seemed astonished, for it appeared clear to them that we were good people. The other man who had fled might do us some harm, because we had carried him off, and for that reason I ordered this man to be set free and gave him the above things, that he might think well of us, otherwise, when your Highnesses again send an expedition, they might not be friendly. All the presents I gave were not worth four maravedis. At 10 we departed with the wind S.W., and made for the south, to reach that other island, which is very large, and respecting which all the men that I bring from San Salvador make signs that there is much gold, and that they wear it as bracelets on the arms, on the legs, in the ears and nose, and round the neck.[117] The distance of this island from that of Santa Maria is 9 leagues on a course east to west. All this part of the island trends N.W. and S.E., and it appeared that this coast must have length of 28 leagues. It is very flat, without any mountain, like San Salvador and Santa Maria, all being beach without rocks, except that there are some sunken rocks near the land, whence it is necessary to keep a good lookout when it is desired to anchor, and not to come to very near the land; but the water is always very clear, and the bottom is visible. At a distance of two shots of a lombard, there is, off all these islands, such a depth that the bottom cannot be reached. These islands are very green and fertile, the climate very mild. They may contain many things of which I have no knowledge, for I do not wish to stop, in discovering and visiting many islands, to find gold. These people make signs that it is worn on the arms and legs; and it must be gold, for they point to some pieces that I have. I cannot err, with the help of our Lord, in finding out where this gold has its origin. Being in the middle of the channel between these two islands, that is to say, that of Santa Maria and this large one, to which I give the name of Fernandina,117-1 I came upon a man alone in a canoe going from Santa Maria to Fernandina. He had a little of their bread, about the size of a fist, a calabash of water, a piece of brown earth powdered and then kneaded, and some dried leaves, which must be a thing highly valued by them,117-2 for they bartered with it at San Salvador. He also had with him a native basket with a string of glass beads, and two blancas, by which I knew that he had come from the island of San Salvador, and had been to Santa Maria, and thence to Fernandina. He came alongside the ship, and I made him come on board as he desired, also getting the canoe inboard, after taking care of all his property. I ordered him to be given to eat bread and treacle, and also to drink: and so I shall take him on to Fernandina, where I shall return everything to him, order that he may give a good account of us, that, our[118] Lord pleasing, when your Highnesses shall send here, those who come may receive honor, and that the natives may give them all they require.”

“I had spent the night worrying about reaching land to anchor before daylight, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ not knowing if the coast was free of rocks, and at dawn I set sail. Since the island was more than 5 leagues away, closer to 7, and the tide was against me, we arrived at the island at noon. I noticed that the side facing San Salvador stretched north to south over 5 leagues, while the other side I followed extended east to west for over 10 leagues.115-2 From this island, I saw another larger one to the west, so I furled up115-3 the sails after sailing all day until night; otherwise, I wouldn’t have made it to the western cape. I named the island Santa Maria de la Conception__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, and just as the sun was setting, I anchored near the cape to see if it had gold. The people I had taken from San Salvador told me they wore large gold rings on their arms and legs. I honestly thought they were just making up stories to escape. I didn’t want to pass any island without claiming it, so once one was claimed, it would apply to all. I anchored and stayed until today, Tuesday, when I went to shore with armed boats and landed. The natives, who were many, were naked and resembled those from San Salvador. They let us explore the island and provided us with what we needed. When the wind shifted to the southeast, I didn’t want to linger, so I returned to the ship. A large canoe was alongside the Niña, and one of the San Salvador men on board jumped into the sea and got into the canoe. The night before, another man swam away behind the canoe,[116] which escaped, since no boat could catch up with it; in terms of speed, they had a significant advantage. 116-1 They reached shore and abandoned the canoe. Some of my crew chased after them, but they all fled like birds, and the canoe they left was brought alongside the caravel Niña, where another small canoe approached with a man wishing to trade for skeins of cotton. Some sailors jumped into the sea because he wouldn’t board the caravel, and they caught him. I was on the stern of my ship and saw everything. So, I summoned the man, gave him a red cap, some small green glass beads, which I put on his arms, and small bells for his ears, and ordered his canoe, which was also on board, to be returned to him. I sent him back to shore and then set sail for the larger island in sight to the west. I also ordered the other large canoe being towed by the caravel Niña to be released; soon after, I saw it reach the shore at the same time as the man I had given gifts to. I didn’t want to take the skein of cotton he offered me. Everyone gathered around him looking amazed, as it was clear to them that we were good people. The other man who had fled might cause us trouble because we had taken him, so I ordered this man to be freed and gave him the gifts, hoping he would speak well of us. Otherwise, when your Highnesses send another expedition, they might not be welcomed. All the gifts I gave were worth less than four maravedis. At 10, we set off with the wind from the southwest, heading south to reach the other large island, which is very big, and the native men I brought from San Salvador indicated that it has much gold and that they wear it as bracelets on their arms, legs, ears, nose, and neck.[117] The distance from this island to Santa Maria is 9 leagues on an east-west course. The entire side of the island trends northwest to southeast, and it seems this coast spans 28 leagues. It is very flat, with no mountains, just like San Salvador and Santa Maria, all being beach without rocks, except for some submerged rocks near the land, so good lookout is necessary when wanting to anchor and not get too close. The water is consistently very clear, and the bottom is visible. About two shots from a cannon, there is such depth off all these islands that you can’t reach the bottom. These islands are very green and fertile, and the climate is very mild. They may contain many things I’m not aware of, as I do not wish to delay discovering and visiting many islands in pursuit of gold. The people signal that it’s worn on their arms and legs, and it must be gold because they point at some pieces I have. With the help of our Lord, I won’t be mistaken in discovering where this gold comes from. While in the middle of the channel between these two islands, Santa Maria and this large one, which I name Fernandina, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I encountered a man alone in a canoe traveling from Santa Maria to Fernandina. He had a bit of their bread about the size of a fist, a gourd of water, a piece of brown earth that was powdered and kneaded, and some dried leaves highly valued by them,117-2 since they traded with it in San Salvador. He also had a native basket containing a string of glass beads and two blancas, which indicated he had come from San Salvador, had been to Santa Maria, and then to Fernandina. He approached the ship, and I made him board as he wished, taking his canoe onboard and looking after all his belongings. I ordered him to be given bread and syrup to eat and something to drink. I will take him to Fernandina, where I will return all his things, ensuring he makes a good impression of us so that, with God’s blessing, when your Highnesses send someone here, they will be well-received, and the natives will give them all they need.”

Tuesday, 16th of October

Tuesday, October 16

“I sailed from the island of Santa Maria de la Concepcion at about noon, to go to Fernandina Island, which appeared very large to the westward, and I navigated all that day with light winds. I could not arrive in time to be able to see the bottom, so as to drop the anchor on a clear place, for it is necessary to be very careful not to lose the anchors. So I stood off and on all that night until day, when I came to an inhabited place where I anchored, and whence that man had come that I found yesterday in the canoe in mid channel. He had given such a good report of us that there was no want of canoes alongside the ship all that night, which brought us water and what they had to offer. I ordered each one to be given something, such as a few beads, ten or twelve of those made of glass on a thread, some timbrels made of brass such as are worth a maravedi in Spain, and some straps, all which they looked upon as most excellent. I also ordered them to be given treacle to eat when they came on board. At three o’clock118-1 I sent the ship’s boat on shore for water, and the natives with good will showed my people where the water was, and they themselves brought the full casks down to the boat, and did all they could to please us.

“I left the island of Santa Maria de la Concepcion around noon to head to Fernandina Island, which looked quite large to the west. I sailed all day with light winds. I couldn’t get there in time to see the bottom clearly to drop anchor in a good spot because it’s really important to be careful not to lose the anchors. So I stayed close to shore all night until daybreak when I reached an inhabited area where I anchored. That was where the guy I met yesterday in the canoe had come from. He had spoken highly of us, so there were plenty of canoes around the ship all night, bringing us water and whatever goods they could offer. I instructed everyone to give them a little something, like a few beads, ten or twelve glass beads on a string, some brass timbrels worth a maravedi in Spain, and some straps, which they considered top-notch. I also made sure they got some treacle to eat when they came on board. At three o'clock118-1, I sent the ship’s boat ashore for water, and the locals happily showed my crew where the water was. They even brought the full casks down to the boat and did everything they could to make us happy."

“This island is very large, and I have determined to sail round it, because, so far as I can understand, there is a mine in or near it. The island is eight leagues from Santa Maria, nearly east and west; and this point I had reached, as well as all the coast, trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. I saw at least 20 leagues of it, and then it had not ended. Now, as I am writing this, I made sail with the wind at the south, to sail round the island,[119] and to navigate until I find Samaot, which is the island or city where there is gold, as all the natives say who are on board, and as those of San Salvador and Santa Maria told us. These people resemble those of the said islands, with the same language and customs, except that these appear to me a rather more domestic and tractable people, yet also more subtle. For I observed that those who brought cotton and other trifles to the ship, knew better than the others how to make a bargain. In this island I saw cotton cloths made like mantles. The people were better disposed, and the women wore in front of their bodies a small piece of cotton which scarcely covered them.

“This island is very large, and I’ve decided to sail around it because, as far as I can tell, there’s a mine on or near it. The island is eight leagues from Santa Maria, stretching nearly east and west; I reached this point, and the entire coast trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. I saw at least 20 leagues of it, and it still didn’t end. Now, as I’m writing this, I’ve set sail with the wind coming from the south, to circle the island,[119] and to navigate until I find Samaot, which is the island or city where there’s gold, according to all the natives on board, as well as those we talked to from San Salvador and Santa Maria. These people are similar to those from said islands, sharing the same language and customs, but they seem to be slightly more domestic and easier to deal with, while also being a bit more clever. I noticed that those who brought cotton and other small items to the ship were better at making deals than the others. On this island, I saw cotton cloths made like mantles. The people were friendlier, and the women wore a small piece of cotton in front of their bodies that scarcely covered them.”

“It is a very green island, level and very fertile, and I have no doubt that they sow and gather corn119-1 all the year round, as well as other things. I saw many trees very unlike those of our country. Many of them have their branches growing in different ways and all from one trunk, and one twig is one form, and another in a different shape, and so unlike that it is the greatest wonder in the world to see the great diversity; thus one branch has leaves like those of a cane, and others like those of a mastick tree: and on a single tree there are five or six different kinds. Nor are these grafted, for it may be said that grafting is unknown, the trees being wild, and untended by these people. They do not know any religion, and I believe they could easily be converted to Christianity, for they are very intelligent. Here the fish are so unlike ours that it is wonderful. Some are the shape of dories, and of the finest colors in the world, blue, yellow, red, and other tints, all painted in various ways, and the colors are so bright that there is not a man who would not be astonished, and would not take great delight in seeing them. There are also whales. I saw no beasts on the land of any kind, except parrots and lizards. A boy told me that he saw a large serpent. I saw[120] neither sheep, nor goats, nor any other quadruped. It is true I have been here a short time, since noon,120-1 yet I could not have failed to see some if there had been any. I will write respecting the circuit of this island after I have been round it.”

“It’s a very green island, flat and really fertile, and I’m sure they plant and harvest corn119-1 year-round, along with other crops. I noticed many trees that look completely different from those in our country. Lots of them have branches growing in various ways, all from a single trunk, with one twig shaped one way and another twig shaped differently, which is amazing to see because of the incredible diversity; for example, one branch has leaves like cane leaves, and others look like those of a mastic tree: and on a single tree, there can be five or six different types. These aren’t grafted, as grafting seems to be unknown here; the trees are wild and untended by the people. They don’t have any religion, and I believe they could easily be converted to Christianity since they’re quite intelligent. The fish here are so different from ours that it’s surprising. Some resemble dories and come in the most beautiful colors in the world, like blue, yellow, red, and other shades, all painted in various ways, and the colors are so bright that every person would be amazed and would take great pleasure in seeing them. There are also whales. I didn’t see any land animals except for parrots and lizards. A boy told me he saw a large snake. I didn’t see[120] any sheep, goats, or any other four-legged animals. It’s true I’ve only been here a short time since noon, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ but I would have noticed something if there were any. I’ll write about the circumference of this island after I’ve gone all the way around it.”

Wednesday, 17th of October

Wednesday, October 17

“At noon I departed from the village off which I was anchored, and where I took in water, to sail round this island of Fernandina. The wind was S.W. and South. My wish was to follow the coast of this island to the S.E., from where I was, the whole coast trending N.N.W. and S.S.E.; because all the Indians I bring with me, and others, made signs to this southern quarter, as the direction of the island they call Samoet, where the gold is. Martin Alonso Pinzon, captain of the caravel Pinta, on board of which I had three of the Indians, came to me and said that one of them had given him to understand very positively that the island might be sailed round much quicker by shaping a N.N.W. course. I saw that the wind would not help me to take the course I desired, and that it was fair for the other, so I made sail to the N.N.W. When I was two leagues from the cape of the island, I discovered a very wonderful harbor.120-2 It has one mouth, or, rather, it may be said to have two, for there is an islet in the middle. Both are very narrow, and within it is wide enough for a hundred ships, if there was depth and a clean bottom, and the entrance was deep enough. It seemed desirable to explore it and take soundings, so I anchored outside, and went in with all the ship’s boats, when we saw there was insufficient depth. As I thought, when I first saw it, that it was the mouth of some river, I ordered the water-casks to be brought. On shore I found eight or ten men, who presently came to us and showed us the village, whither I sent the people for water, some with arms, and others with the casks; and, as it was some little distance, I waited two hours for them.[121]

“At noon, I left the village where I was anchored and got fresh water, setting out to sail around the island of Fernandina. The wind was coming from the southwest and south. I wanted to follow the coastline of this island to the southeast, where I was, since the whole coast runs northwest and southeast. This area is where all the Indians with me, and others, pointed towards as the direction of the island they call Samoet, where the gold is. Martin Alonso Pinzon, the captain of the caravel Pinta, which had three of the Indians on board, approached me and said that one of them had indicated very clearly that the island could be navigated much faster by heading northwest. I realized the wind wouldn’t help me follow my desired course and was better for the other direction, so I set sail northwest. When I was two leagues from the cape of the island, I spotted a remarkable harbor.120-2 It has one entrance, or more accurately, two, since there’s an islet in the middle. Both openings are quite narrow, but once inside, it’s spacious enough for a hundred ships, provided there’s enough depth and a clear bottom, and that the entrance is deep enough. I thought it would be worth exploring and taking soundings, so I anchored outside and went in with all the ship’s boats, only to find that the depth was insufficient. At first glance, I believed it to be the mouth of a river, so I ordered the water barrels to be brought. On shore, I found eight or ten men who quickly came to us and led us to the village, where I sent people for water, some carrying arms and others with the barrels; since it was a bit of a distance, I waited two hours for them.[121]

“During that time I walked among the trees, which was the most beautiful thing I had ever seen, beholding as much verdure as in the month of May in Andalusia. The trees are unlike ours as night from day, as are the fruits, the herbs, the stones, and everything. It is true that some of the trees bore some resemblance to those in Castile, but most of them are very different, and some were so unlike that no one could compare them to anything in Castile. The people were all like those already mentioned: like them naked, and the same size. They give what they possess in exchange for anything that may be given to them. I here saw some of the ship’s boys bartering broken bits of glass and crockery for darts. The men who went for water told me that they had been in the houses of the natives, and that they were very plain and clean inside. Their beds and bags for holding things121-1 were like nets of cotton.121-2 The houses are like booths, and very high, with good chimneys.121-3 But, among many villages that I saw, there was none that consisted of more than from twelve to fifteen houses. Here they found that the married women wore clouts of cotton, but not the young girls, except a few who were over eighteen years of age. They had dogs, mastiffs, and hounds;121-4 and here they found a man who had a piece of gold in his nose, the size of half a castellano,121-5 on which they saw letters. I quarrelled with these people because they would not exchange or give what was required; as I wished to see[122] what and whose this money was; and they replied that they were not accustomed to barter.

“During that time I walked among the trees, which were the most beautiful things I had ever seen, full of as much greenery as in May in Andalusia. The trees were as different from ours as night is from day, just like the fruits, herbs, stones, and everything else. Some of the trees looked somewhat similar to those in Castile, but most were very different, and some were so unlike anything in Castile that no comparison could be made. The people were just like those I mentioned earlier: similarly naked and of the same size. They trade what they have for anything offered to them. I saw some of the ship’s boys trading broken pieces of glass and pottery for darts. The men who went for water told me they had been inside the native houses, and that they were quite simple and clean inside. Their beds and bags for holding things121-1 were like cotton nets. 121-2 The houses resembled booths and were quite tall, with good chimneys.121-3 Among the many villages I saw, none had more than twelve to fifteen houses. Here, I noticed that married women wore cotton wraps, but young girls did not, except for a few over eighteen. They had dogs, mastiffs, and hounds;__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and I encountered a man with a piece of gold in his nose, the size of half a Spanish,121-5 which had letters inscribed on it. I argued with these people because they wouldn’t trade or give what was needed; I wanted to see[122] what this money was and who it belonged to, but they replied that they weren’t used to bartering.”

“After the water was taken I returned to the ship, made sail, and shaped a course N.W., until I had discovered all the part of the coast of the island which trends east to west. Then all the Indians turned round and said that this island was smaller than Samoet, and that it would be well to return back so as to reach it sooner. The wind presently went down and then sprang up from W.N.W., which was contrary for us to continue on the previous course. So I turned back, and navigated all that night to E.S.E., sometimes to east and to S.E. This course was steered to keep me clear of the land, for there were very heavy clouds and thick weather, which did not admit of my approaching the land to anchor. On that night it rained very heavily from midnight until nearly dawn, and even afterwards the clouds threatened rain. We found ourselves at the S.W. end of the island, where I hoped to anchor until it cleared up, so as to see the other island whither I have to go. On all these days, since I arrived in these Indies, it has rained more or less. Your Highnesses may believe that this land is the best and most fertile, and with a good climate, level, and as good as there is in the world.”

“After I collected the water, I went back to the ship, set the sails, and headed northwest until I had explored the entire stretch of the island's coast that runs east to west. Then all the Indians chimed in, saying this island was smaller than Samoet and it would be better to turn back to reach it sooner. The wind quickly calmed down and then picked up from the west-northwest, which made it difficult for us to continue on our previous course. So, I turned back and navigated all night toward the east-southeast, sometimes heading directly east and then southeast. I chose this path to stay clear of the land because there were thick clouds and bad weather, preventing me from getting close enough to anchor. That night, it rained heavily from midnight until almost dawn, and even afterwards, the clouds threatened more rain. We found ourselves at the southwest end of the island, where I hoped to anchor until the weather cleared up so I could see the other island I needed to go to. Throughout these days since I arrived in these Indies, it has rained to some degree. Your Highnesses can trust that this land is incredibly fertile, with a great climate, flat terrain, and as good as any in the world.”

Thursday, 18th of October

Thursday, October 18

“After it had cleared up I went before the wind, approaching the island as near as I could, and anchored when it was no longer light enough to keep under sail. But I did not go on shore, and made sail at dawn....”

“After the weather cleared, I sailed with the wind, getting as close to the island as I could, and dropped anchor when it got too dark to keep sailing. But I didn’t go on shore and set sail again at dawn....”

Friday, 19th of October

Friday, October 19

“I weighed the anchors at daylight, sending the caravel Pinta on an E.S.E. course, the caravel Niña S.S.E., while I shaped a S.E. course, giving orders that these courses were to be steered until noon, and that then the two caravels should alter course so as to join company with me. Before we had[123] sailed for three hours we saw an island to the east, for which we steered, and all three vessels arrived at the north point before noon. Here there is an islet, and a reef of rocks to seaward of it, besides one between the islet and the large island. The men of San Salvador, whom I bring with me, called it Saomete, and I gave it the name of Isabella.123-1 The wind was north and the said islet bore from the island of Fernandina, whence I had taken my departure, east and west. Afterwards we ran along the coast of the island, westward from the islet, and found its length to be 12 leagues as far as a cape, which I named Cabo Hermoso, at the western end. The island is beautiful, and the coast very deep, without sunken rocks off it. Outside the shore is rocky, but further in there is a sandy beach, and here I anchored on that Friday night until morning. This coast and the part of the island I saw is almost flat, and the island is very beautiful; for if the other islands are lovely, this is more so. It has many very green trees, which are very large. The land is higher than in the other islands, and in it there are some hills, which cannot be called mountains: and it appears that there is much water inland. From this point to the N.E. the coast makes a great angle, and there are many thick and extensive groves. I wanted to go and anchor there, so as to go on shore and see so much beauty; but the water was shallow, and we could only anchor at a distance from the land. The wind also was fair for going to this cape, where I am now anchored, to which I gave the name of Cabo Hermoso,123-2 because it is so. Thus it was that I do not anchor in that angle, but as I saw this cape so green and so beautiful, like all the other lands of these islands, I scarcely knew which to visit first; for I can never tire my eyes in looking at such lovely vegetation, so different from ours. I believe that there are many herbs and many trees that are worth much in Europe for dyes and for medicines; but I do not know them, and this causes me great sorrow. Arriving at this cape, I found the smell of the trees sand flowers so delicious that it seemed the pleasantest thing in the world.[124] To-morrow, before I leave this place, I shall go on shore to see what there is at this cape. There are no people, but there are villages in the interior, where, the Indians I bring with me say, there is a king who has much gold. To-morrow I intend to go so far inland as to find the village, and see and have some speech with this king, who, according to the signs they make, rules over all the neighboring islands, goes about clothed, and wears much gold on his person. I do not give much faith to what they say, as well because I do not understand them well as because they are so poor in gold that even a little that this king may have would appear much to them. This cape, to which I have given the name of Cabo Fermoso, is, I believe, on an island separated from Saometo, and there is another small islet between them. I did not try to examine them in detail, because it could not be done in 50 years. For my desire is to see and discover as much as I can before returning to your Highnesses, our Lord willing, in April. It is true that in the event of finding places where there is gold or spices in quantity I should stop until I had collected as much as I could. I, therefore, proceed in the hope of coming across such places.”

“I dropped anchor at sunrise, sending the caravel Pinta on an E.S.E. course, the caravel Niña S.S.E., while I took a S.E. course myself. I instructed that these courses were to be maintained until noon, at which point the two caravels should change course to join me. Before we had[123] been sailing for three hours, we spotted an island to the east, so we headed towards it, and all three vessels reached the northern point before noon. Here, there's a small islet and a reef of rocks offshore, as well as another one between the islet and the larger island. The people of San Salvador, who are with me, called it Saomete, and I named it Isabella. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The wind was coming from the north, and the islet was positioned east and west from the island of Fernandina, which I had departed from. Later, we traveled along the island's coast, heading west from the islet, and found its length to be 12 leagues until we reached a cape, which I named Cabo Hermoso, at the western end. The island is stunning, with a very deep coastline and no submerged rocks nearby. The outer shore is rocky, but further in there’s a sandy beach, where I anchored that Friday night until morning. This coast and the part of the island I saw are almost flat, and it is exceptionally beautiful; if the other islands are lovely, this one is even more so. It has many very tall, lush green trees. The land is higher than in the other islands, with some hills that aren’t quite mountains, and it seems there’s a lot of water inland. From this point to the N.E., the coast makes a sharp angle, and there are many thick and extensive groves. I wanted to anchor there so I could go ashore and take in the beauty, but the water was shallow, forcing us to anchor farther from land. The wind was also favorable for heading to this cape, where I am currently anchored, which I named Cabo Beautiful,123-2 because it truly is. This is why I didn’t anchor at that angle, but when I saw this cape—so green and beautiful, like all the other lands of these islands—I hardly knew which to explore first; I can never get enough of gazing at such gorgeous vegetation, so different from ours. I believe there are many herbs and trees that are valuable in Europe for dyes and medicines, but I don’t know them, and that makes me quite sad. Upon arriving at this cape, I noticed the scent of the trees and flowers was so delightful that it felt like the most wonderful experience in the world.[124] Tomorrow, before I leave this place, I plan to go ashore to see what’s at this cape. There are no inhabitants, but there are villages inland, where the Indians I have with me say there’s a king with a lot of gold. Tomorrow, I intend to venture inland enough to find the village and speak with this king, who, according to their gestures, rules over all the surrounding islands, dresses well, and wears a lot of gold. I don’t put much stock in what they say, partly because I don’t understand them well and also because they’re so poor in gold that even a small amount this king might possess would seem like a lot to them. This cape, which I’ve named Cabo Fermoso, is, I believe, on an island separate from Saometo, and there’s another small islet between them. I didn’t attempt a detailed examination because it could take 50 years to do so. My goal is to see and discover as much as I can before returning to your Highnesses, God willing, in April. It’s true that if I find places with significant amounts of gold or spices, I will stop until I’ve gathered as much as possible. Therefore, I continue with the hope of finding such places.”

Saturday, 20th of October

Saturday, October 20

“To-day, at sunrise, I weighed the anchors from where I was with the ship, and anchored off the S.W. point of the island of Saometo, to which I gave the name of Cabo de la Laguna, and to the island Isabella. My intention was to navigate to the north-east and east from the south-east and south, where, I understood from the Indians I brought with me, was the village of the king. I found the sea so shallow that I could not enter nor navigate in it, and I saw that to follow a route by the south-east would be a great round. So I determined to return by the route that I had taken from the N.N.E. to the western part, and to sail round this island to [reconnoitre it].

"Today, at sunrise, I raised the anchors from where I had the ship and anchored off the southwest point of the island of Saometo, which I named Cabo de la Laguna, as well as to the island Isabella. My plan was to head northeast and east from the southeast and south, where I had learned from the Indians accompanying me that the king's village was located. I found the sea so shallow that I couldn’t enter or navigate it, and I realized that following a route to the southeast would mean a long detour. So, I decided to return the way I had come from the north-northeast to the western part, and to sail around this island to explore it."

“I had so little wind that I never could sail along the coast,[125] except during the night. As it was dangerous to anchor off these islands except in the day, when one can see where to let the anchor, for the bottom is all in patches, some clear and some rocky, I lay to all this Sunday night. The caravels anchored because they found themselves near the shore, and they thought that, owing to the signals that they were in the habit of making, I would come to anchor, but I did not wish to do so.”

“I had so little wind that I could never sail along the coast,[125] except at night. It was too dangerous to anchor near these islands during the night, since you need to see where to drop the anchor, as the bottom is full of patches, some clear and some rocky. So, I stayed put all Sunday night. The caravels anchored because they were close to the shore, believing that, due to the signals they usually made, I would come to anchor, but I didn’t want to.”

Sunday, 21st of October

Sunday, October 21

“At ten o’clock I arrived here, off this islet, and anchored, as well as the caravels. After breakfast I went on shore, and found only one house, in which there was no one, and I supposed they had fled from fear, because all their property was left in the house. I would not allow anything to be touched, but set out with the captains and people to explore the island. If the others already seen are very beautiful, green, and fertile, this is much more so, with large trees and very green. Here there are large lagoons with wonderful vegetation on their banks. Throughout the island all is green, and the herbage like April in Andalusia. The songs of the birds were so pleasant that it seemed as if a man could never wish to leave the place. The flocks of parrots concealed the sun; and the birds were so numerous, and of so many different kinds, that it was wonderful. There are trees of a thousand sorts, and all have their several fruits; and I feel the most unhappy man in the world not to know them, for I am well assured that they are all valuable. I bring home specimens of them, and also of the land. Thus walking along round one of the lakes I saw a serpent, which we killed, and I bring home the skin for your Highnesses. As soon as it saw us it went into the lagoon, and we followed, as the water was not very deep, until we killed it with lances. It is 7 spans long, and I believe that there are many like it in these lagoons.125-1 Here[126] I came upon some aloes, and I have determined to take ten quintals on board to-morrow, for they tell me that they are worth a good deal. Also, while in search of good water, we came to a village about half a league from our anchorage. The people, as soon as they heard us, all fled and left their houses, hiding their property in the wood. I would not allow a thing to be touched, even the value of a pin. Presently some men among them came to us, and one came quite close. I gave him some bells and glass beads, which made him very content and happy. That our friendship might be further increased, I resolved to ask him for something; I requested him to get some water. After I had gone on board, the natives came to the beach with calabashes full of water, and they delighted much in giving it to us. I ordered another string of glass beads to be presented to them, and they said they would come again to-morrow. I wished to fill up all the ships with water at this place, and, if there should be time, I intended to search the island until I had had speech with the king, and seen whether he had the gold of which I had heard. I shall then shape a course for another much larger island, which I believe to be Cipango, judging from the signs made by the Indians I bring with me. They call it Cuba, and they say that there are ships and many skilful sailors there. Beyond this island there is another called Bosio,126-1 which they also say is very large, and others we shall see as we pass, lying between. According as I obtain tidings of gold or spices I shall settle what should be done. I am still resolved to go to the mainland and the city of Guisay,126-2 and to deliver the letters of your Highnesses to the Gran Can, requesting a reply and returning with it.”[127]

“At ten o’clock, I arrived here off this small island and anchored, along with the caravels. After breakfast, I went ashore and found only one house, which nobody was in. I assumed the inhabitants had fled in fear because all their belongings were left behind. I didn’t let anyone touch anything and set out with the captains and crew to explore the island. If the other islands I’ve seen are beautiful, green, and fertile, this one is even more so, with large trees and lush greenery. There are big lagoons with amazing plant life along their shores. The whole island is green, and the grass resembles what you’d find in April in Andalusia. The birds were singing so beautifully that it seemed impossible anyone would want to leave this place. Flocks of parrots shaded the sun; the birds were so numerous and varied that it was astonishing. There are countless types of trees, each with its own fruits, and I feel like the unluckiest person in the world for not knowing them, as I’m sure they’re all valuable. I’m taking samples of them and also from the land. While walking around one of the lakes, I saw a snake, which we killed, and I’m bringing back its skin for your Highnesses. As soon as it spotted us, it dove into the lagoon, and we followed it since the water wasn’t very deep, until we managed to kill it with our spears. It is 7 spans long, and I believe many more like it live in these lagoons. Here I stumbled upon some aloes, and I’ve decided to take ten quintals on board tomorrow because I’ve been told they’re worth a lot. Also, while searching for fresh water, we came across a village about half a league from where we anchored. As soon as the people heard us, they all fled, leaving their homes and hiding their belongings in the woods. I wouldn’t allow anyone to touch anything, not even something as cheap as a pin. Soon, some men came out, and one approached us closely. I gave him some bells and glass beads, which made him very happy. To strengthen our friendship, I decided to ask him for something; I requested him to bring us some water. After I returned to the ship, the natives came to the beach with gourds full of water, and they were excited to share it with us. I ordered another string of glass beads to be given to them, and they said they would come back tomorrow. I hoped to fill all the ships with water at this location, and if time allowed, I planned to explore the island until I met with the king and found out if he had the gold I had heard about. I will then set a course for another much larger island, which I believe is Cipango, based on what the Indians I have with me have indicated. They call it Cuba, and they say there are ships and many skilled sailors there. Beyond this island is another one called Bosio, which they also say is very large, and there are others we will see as we pass through. Depending on the news I get about gold or spices, I will decide what to do. I am still determined to go to the mainland and the city of Guisay, to deliver your Highnesses' letters to the Gran Can, asking for a reply and returning with it.”

Monday, 22nd of October

Monday, October 22

“All last night and to-day I was here, waiting to see if the king or other person would bring gold or anything of value. Many of these people came, like those of the other islands, equally naked, and equally painted, some white, some red, some black, and others in many ways. They brought darts and skeins of cotton to barter, which they exchanged with the sailors for bits of glass, broken crockery, and pieces of earthenware. Some of them had pieces of gold fastened in their noses, which they willingly gave for a hawk’s bell and glass beads. But there was so little that it counts for nothing. It is true that they looked upon any little thing that I gave them as a wonder, and they held our arrival to be a great marvel, believing that we came from heaven. We got water for the ships from a lagoon which is near the Cabo del Isleo (Cape of the Islet), as we named it. In the said lagoon Martin Alonso Pinzon, captain of the Pinta, killed another serpent 7 spans long, like the one we got yesterday. I made them gather here as much of the aloe as they could find.”

“All last night and today, I was here, waiting to see if the king or anyone else would bring gold or something valuable. Many of these people came, just like those from the other islands, equally naked and equally painted, some white, some red, some black, and others in various ways. They brought darts and bundles of cotton to trade, which they exchanged with the sailors for bits of glass, broken pottery, and pieces of earthenware. Some of them had pieces of gold pierced through their noses, which they happily traded for a hawk’s bell and glass beads. But there was so little that it wasn't worth much. It's true that they regarded any small thing I gave them as amazing, and they saw our arrival as a great marvel, believing that we came from heaven. We got water for the ships from a lagoon near the Cabo del Isleo (Cape of the Islet), as we named it. In that lagoon, Martin Alonso Pinzon, captain of the Pinta, killed another serpent 7 spans long, like the one we caught yesterday. I had them gather as much aloe as they could find.”

Tuesday, 23rd of October

Tuesday, October 23

“I desired to set out to-day for the island of Cuba, which I think must be Cipango, according to the signs these people make, indicative of its size and riches, and I did not delay any more here nor [attempt to sail] ...127-1 round this island to the residence of this king or lord, and have speech with him, as I had intended. This would cause me much delay, and I see that there is no gold mine here. To sail round would need several winds, for it does not blow here as men may wish. It is better to go where there is great entertainment, so I say that it is not reasonable to wait, but rather to continue the voyage and inspect much land, until some very profitable country is reached, my belief being that it will be rich in spices. That I have no personal knowledge of these[128] products causes me the greatest sorrow in the world, for I see a thousand kinds of trees, each one with its own special fruit, all green now as in Spain during the months of May and June, as well as a thousand kinds of herbs with their flowers; yet I know none of them except this aloe, of which I ordered a quantity to be brought on board to bring to your Highnesses. I have not made sail for Cuba because there is no wind, but a dead calm with much rain. It rained a great deal yesterday without causing any cold. On the contrary, the days are hot and the nights cool, like May in Andalusia.”

“I wanted to set out today for the island of Cuba, which I believe must be Cipango, based on the signs these people make, suggesting its size and wealth. I didn’t want to delay any longer or try to sail around this island to meet with the king or lord, as I had planned. That would take too much time, and I see that there’s no gold mine here. Sailing around would require favorable winds, and it doesn’t blow here as one might wish. It’s better to go where there’s great opportunity, so I think it’s not reasonable to wait but rather to continue the journey and explore more land until we reach some truly lucrative territory, which I believe will be rich in spices. It pains me deeply that I have no personal knowledge of these products, because I see a thousand kinds of trees, each with its own unique fruit, all green now just like in Spain during May and June, along with a multitude of herbs and their flowers. Yet I know none of them except this aloe, of which I ordered a quantity to be brought on board to take to your Highnesses. I haven’t set sail for Cuba because there’s no wind, just a dead calm with a lot of rain. It rained heavily yesterday without bringing any chill. On the contrary, the days are hot, and the nights are cool, like May in Andalusia.”

Wednesday, 24th of October

Wednesday, October 24

“At midnight I weighed the anchors and left the anchorage at Cabo del Isleo, in the island of Isabella.128-1 From the northern side, where I was, I intended to go to the island of Cuba, where I heard of the people who were very great, and had gold, spices, merchandise, and large ships. They showed me that the course thither would be W.S.W., and so I hold. For I believe that it is so, as all the Indians of these islands, as well as those I brought with me in the ships, told me by signs. I cannot understand their language, but I believe that it is of the island of Cipango that they recount these wonders.128-2 On the spheres I saw, and on the delineations of the map of the world,128-3 Cipango is in this region. So I shaped a course W.S.W. until daylight, but at dawn it fell calm and began to rain, and went on nearly all night. I remained thus, with little wind,[129] until the afternoon, when it began to blow fresh. I set all the sails in the ship, the mainsail with two bonnets, the foresail, spritsail, mizzen, main topsail, and the boat’s sail on the poop. So I proceeded until nightfall, when the Cabo Verde of the island of Fernandina, which is at the S.W. end, bore N.W. distant 7 leagues. As it was now blowing hard, and I did not know how far it was to this island of Cuba, I resolved not to go in search of it during the night; all these islands being very steep-to, with no bottom round them for a distance of two shots of a lombard. The bottom is all in patches, one bit of sand and another of rock, and for this reason it is not safe to anchor without inspection with the eye. So I determined to take in all the sails except the foresail, and to go on under that reduced canvas. Soon the wind increased, while the route was doubtful, and there was very thick weather, with rain. I ordered the foresail to be furled, and we did not make two leagues during that night.”

“At midnight, I weighed the anchors and left the anchorage at Cabo del Isleo, on the island of Isabella. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ From where I was on the northern side, I planned to head to the island of Cuba, where I had heard about the people who were very significant and had gold, spices, goods, and large ships. They indicated that the route there would be W.S.W., so that's the direction I took. I believe it's accurate, as all the Indigenous people from these islands, as well as those I brought along in the ships, communicated this through signs. I can't understand their language, but I believe they are describing these wonders.128-2 On the globes I saw and in the maps of the world,128-3 Cipango is located in this area. So I set a course W.S.W. until daylight, but at dawn, it became calm and started to rain, which continued nearly all night. I remained in that condition, with little wind,[129] until the afternoon when the wind picked up. I unfurled all the sails on the ship: the mainsail with two bonnets, the foresail, spritsail, mizzen, main topsail, and the boat’s sail on the poop. I continued on until nightfall, when the Cabo Verde of the island of Fernandina, located at the S.W. end, was visible to the N.W. at a distance of 7 leagues. Since the wind was strong, and I didn't know how far it was to this island of Cuba, I decided not to search for it during the night; all these islands are very steep-to, with no bottom around them for a distance of two shots from a lombard. The seafloor is in patches, alternating between sand and rock, and because of this, it's not safe to anchor without visual inspection. I decided to take in all the sails except the foresail and to continue under that reduced sail. Soon the wind picked up again, the path was uncertain, and the weather became very thick with rain. I ordered the foresail to be furled, and we made only two leagues that night.”

Thursday, 25th of October

Thursday, October 25

“I steered W.S.W. from after sunset until 9 o’clock, making 5 leagues. Afterwards I altered course to west, and went 8 miles an hour until one in the afternoon; and from that time until three made good 44 miles. Then land was sighted, consisting of 7 or 8 islands, the group running north and south, distant from us 5 leagues.”

“I directed our course west-southwest from after sunset until 9 o’clock, covering 5 leagues. After that, I changed direction to the west and traveled at 8 miles an hour until one in the afternoon; from that time until three, we made a total of 44 miles. Then we spotted land, made up of 7 or 8 islands, stretching north and south, about 5 leagues away from us.”

Friday, 26th of October

Friday, October 26

“The ship was on the south side of the islands, which were all low, distant 5 or 6 leagues. I anchored there. The Indians129-1 on board said that thence to Cuba was a voyage in their canoes of a day and a half; these being small dug-outs without a sail. Such are their canoes. I departed thence for Cuba,[130] for by the signs the Indians made of its greatness, and of its gold and pearls, I thought that it must be Cipango.”

“The ship was on the south side of the islands, which were all low, about 5 or 6 leagues away. I anchored there. The Indians __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ on board said that the trip to Cuba would take a day and a half in their canoes, which were small dugouts without sails. That’s the type of canoes they have. I left for Cuba,[130] because based on the signs the Indians made regarding its size and the gold and pearls, I thought it must be Cipango.”

Saturday, 27th of October

Saturday, October 27

“I weighed from these islands at sunrise, and gave them the name of Las Islas de Arena, owing to the little depth the sea had for a distance of 6 leagues to the southward of them. We went 8 miles an hour on a S.S.W. course until one o’clock having made 40 miles. Until night we had run 28 miles on the same course, and before dark the land was sighted. At night there was much rain. The vessels, on Saturday until sunset, made 17 leagues on a S.S.W. course.”

“I set sail from these islands at sunrise and named them the Sand Islands because the sea was shallow for about 6 leagues to the south. We traveled at a speed of 8 miles an hour on a S.S.W. course until one o'clock, covering 40 miles. We continued on the same course until night, making an additional 28 miles, and before dark, we spotted land. There was a lot of rain at night. The ships, on Saturday until sunset, covered 17 leagues on a S.S.W. course.”

Sunday, 28th of October

Sunday, October 28

“I went thence in search of the island of Cuba on a S.S.W. course, making for the nearest point of it, and entered a very beautiful river without danger of sunken rocks or other impediments. All the coast was clear of dangers up to the shore. The mouth of the river was 12 brazas across, and it is wide enough for a vessel to beat in.130-1 I anchored about a lombard-shot inside.” The Admiral says that “he never beheld such a beautiful place, with trees bordering the river, handsome, green, and different from ours, having fruits and flowers each one according to its nature. There are many birds, which sing very sweetly. There are a great number of palm trees of a different kind from those in Guinea and from ours, of a middling height, the trunks without that covering, and the leaves very large, with which they thatch their houses. The country is very level.” The Admiral jumped into his boat and went on shore. He came to two houses, which he believed to belong to fishermen who had fled from fear. In one of them he found a kind of dog that never barks, and in both there were nets of[131] palm-fibre and cordage, as well as horn fish-hooks, bone harpoons, and other apparatus “for fishing, and several hearths. He believed that many people lived together in one house. He gave orders that nothing in the houses should be touched, and so it was done.” The herbage was as thick as in Andalusia during April and May. He found much purslane and wild amaranth.131-1 He returned to the boat and went up the river for some distance, and he says it was great pleasure to see the bright verdure, and the birds, which he could not leave to go back. He says that this island is the most beautiful that eyes have seen, full of good harbors and deep rivers, and the sea appeared as if it never rose; for the herbage on the beach nearly reached the waves, which does not happen where the sea is rough. (Up to that time they had not experienced a rough sea among all those islands.) He says that the island is full of very beautiful mountains, although they are not very extensive as regards length, but high; and all the country is high like Sicily. It is abundantly supplied with water, as they gathered from the Indians they had taken with them from the island of Guanahani. These said by signs that there are ten great rivers, and that they cannot go round the island in twenty days. When they came near land with the ships, two canoes came out; and, when they saw the sailors get into a boat and row about to find the depth of the river where they could anchor, the canoes fled. The Indians say that in this island there are gold mines and pearls, and the Admiral saw a likely place for them and mussel-shells, which are signs of them. He understood that large ships of the Gran Can came here, and that from here to the mainland was a voyage of ten days.131-2 The Admiral called this river and harbor San Salvador.131-3[132]

“I set off in search of the island of Cuba on a S.S.W. course, heading for the closest point, and entered a stunning river without the danger of hidden rocks or other obstacles. The entire coastline was free of hazards up to the shore. The river's mouth was 12 brazas wide, and it was spacious enough for a vessel to navigate in.130-1 I anchored about a shot from the shore.” The Admiral remarked that “he had never seen such a beautiful place, with trees lining the river, lush, green, and different from ours, each bearing fruits and flowers according to its kind. There are many birds that sing very sweetly. There are a large number of palm trees of a different type than those in Guinea and ours, of medium height, with trunks that lack the covering, and very large leaves, which they use to thatch their houses. The land is very flat.” The Admiral got into his boat and went ashore. He came upon two houses that he thought belonged to fishermen who had fled in fear. In one of them, he found a type of dog that doesn’t bark, and both had nets made of[131] palm fiber and ropes, including horn fish-hooks, bone harpoons, and other fishing gear, as well as several hearths. He believed that many people lived together in one house. He instructed that nothing in the houses should be disturbed, and that was followed.” The vegetation was as thick as in Andalusia during April and May. He found plenty of purslane and wild amaranth.131-1 He returned to the boat and traveled up the river for a while, saying it was a great pleasure to see the vibrant greenery and the birds, which he couldn’t bear to leave behind. He stated that this island is the most beautiful he had ever seen, filled with good harbors and deep rivers, and the sea appeared as if it never rose; for the grass on the beach almost reached the waves, which doesn’t happen where the sea is turbulent. (Up until that time, they hadn’t experienced a rough sea among all those islands.) He mentioned that the island is dotted with very beautiful mountains, though they are not extensive in length, but rather tall; and the entire region is elevated like Sicily. It is abundantly supplied with water, as they gathered from the Indians they had brought with them from the island of Guanahani. These indicated that there are ten great rivers, and that they cannot circle the island in twenty days. When they approached the land with their ships, two canoes came out; and when they saw the sailors getting into a boat to row around searching for a spot to anchor, the canoes fled. The Indians claimed that there are gold mines and pearls on this island, and the Admiral noticed a promising area for them and mussel shells, which are indicators of them. He understood that large ships from Gran Can visited this place, and that the journey from here to the mainland took tendays.131-2 The Admiral named this river and harbor San Salvador.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__[132]

Monday, 29th of October

Monday, October 29

The Admiral weighed anchor from this port and sailed to the westward, to go to the city, where, as it seemed, the Indians said that there was a king. They doubled a point six leagues to the N.W.,132-1 and then another point,132-2 then east ten leagues. After another league he saw a river with no very large entrance, to which he gave the name of Rio de la Luna.132-3 He went on until the hour of vespers. He saw another river much larger than the others, as the Indians told him by signs, and near he saw goodly villages of houses. He called the river Rio de Mares.132-4 He sent two boats on shore to a village to communicate, and one of the Indians he had brought with him, for now they understood a little, and show themselves content with Christians. All the men, women, and children fled, abandoning their houses with all they contained. The Admiral gave orders that nothing should be touched. The houses were better than those he had seen before, and he believed that the houses would improve as he approached the mainland. They were made like booths, very large, and looking like tents in a camp without regular streets, but one here and another there. Within they were clean and well swept, with the furniture well made. All are of palm branches beautifully constructed. They found many images in the shape of women, and many heads like masks,132-5 very well carved. It was not known whether these were used as ornaments, or to be worshipped. They had dogs which never bark, and wild birds tamed in their houses. There was a wonderful supply of nets and other fishing implements, but nothing was touched. He believed that all the people on the coast were fishermen, who took the fish inland, for this island is very large, and so beautiful, that he is never tired of praising it. He says that he found trees[133] and fruits of very marvellous taste; and adds that they must have cows or other cattle, for he saw skulls which were like those of cows.133-1 The songs of the birds and the chirping of crickets throughout the night lulled everyone to rest, while the air was soft and healthy, and the nights neither hot nor cold. On the voyage through the other islands there was great heat but here it is tempered like the month of May. He attributed the heat of the other islands to their flatness, and to the wind coming from the east, which is hot. The water of the rivers was salt at the mouth, and they did not know whence the natives got their drinking-water, though they have sweet water in their houses. Ships are able to turn in this river, both entering and coming out, and there are very good leading-marks. He says that all this sea appears to be constantly smooth, like the river at Seville, and the water suitable for the growth of pearls. He found large shells unlike those of Spain. Remarking on the position of the river and port, to which he gave the name of San Salvador,133-2 he describes its mountains as lofty and beautiful, like the Peña de las Enamoradas,133-3 and one of them has another little hill on its summit, like a graceful mosque. The other river and port, in which he now was,133-4 has two round mountains to the S.W., and a fine low cape running out to the W.S.W.

The Admiral hoisted anchor from this port and sailed west to reach the city where the Indians mentioned a king. They rounded a point six leagues to the N.W.,132-1 and then another point,132-2, traveling east for ten leagues. After another league, he spotted a river with a small entrance, which he named Rio de la Luna. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ He continued until vespers. He then saw a much larger river, as the Indians indicated, and nearby, he noticed several well-built villages. He named this river Rio de Mares. 132-4 He sent two boats ashore to a village to make contact, along with one of the Indians he had brought, who now understood a bit and appeared pleased with the Christians. All the men, women, and children fled, leaving their homes and belongings behind. The Admiral ordered that nothing should be disturbed. The houses were better than any he had seen before, and he believed they would improve as he got closer to the mainland. They were constructed like booths, very large and reminiscent of tents in a camp, without regular streets, just scattered about. Inside, they were clean and well-kept, with well-crafted furniture. Everything was made from beautifully constructed palm branches. They found many figures shaped like women, and numerous heads resembling masks, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ all very intricately carved. It was unclear if these were for decoration or worship. They had dogs that never barked and kept wild birds as pets. There was an impressive array of nets and other fishing gear, but nothing was taken. He believed that everyone along the coast was a fisherman, who transported fish inland, as this island is very large and so beautiful that he couldn't stop praising it. He noted that he found trees[133] and fruits with extraordinary flavors and believed they must have cows or other livestock, since he saw skulls resembling those of cows. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The birds' songs and the chirping of crickets throughout the night lulled everyone to sleep, while the air was gentle and healthy, with nights neither too hot nor too cold. During the journey through the other islands, it was very hot, but here the climate was mild, like in May. He attributed the heat of the other islands to their flatness and the hot winds from the east. The water in the rivers was salty near the mouth, and they didn’t know where the natives sourced their drinking water, though they had fresh water in their homes. Ships could navigate this river, easily entering and exiting, with good landmarks. He remarked that this sea always seems calm, like the river in Seville, and the water was suitable for growing pearls. He discovered large shells different from those in Spain. Observing the location of the river and port, which he named San Salvador, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ he described its mountains as tall and beautiful, resembling the Peña de las In love,133-3 with one crowned by a smaller hill, resembling a graceful mosque. The other river and port where he currently was,133-4 featured two round mountains to the S.W. and a lovely low cape extending out to the W.S.W.

Tuesday, 30th of October

Tuesday, October 30

He left the Rio de Mares and steered N.W., seeing a cape covered with palm trees, to which he gave the name of Cabo de Palmas,133-5 after having made good 15 leagues. The Indians on board the caravel Pinta said that beyond that cape there was[134] a river,134-1 and that from the river to Cuba it was four days’ journey. The captain of the Pinta reported that he understood from that, that this Cuba was a city, and that the land was a great continent trending far to the north. The king of that country, he gathered, was at war with the Gran Can, whom they called Cami, and his land or city Fava, with many other names. The Admiral resolved to proceed to that river, and to send a present, with the letter of the Sovereigns,134-2 to the king of that land. For this service there was a sailor who had been to Guinea, and some of the Indians of Guanahani wished to go with him, and afterwards to return to their homes. The Admiral calculated that he was forty-two degrees to the north of the equinoctial line (but the handwriting is here illegible).134-3 He says that he must attempt to reach the Gran Can, who he thought was here or at the city of Cathay,134-4 which belongs to him, and is very grand, as he was informed before leaving Spain. All this land, he adds, is low and beautiful, and the sea deep.

He left the Rio de Mares and headed northwest, spotting a cape covered in palm trees, which he named Cabo de Palmas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ after traveling 15 leagues. The Indians on the caravel Pinta said that beyond that cape there was a[134] river,134-1 and that it took four days to journey from the river to Cuba. The captain of the Pinta understood from this that Cuba was a city and that the land was a vast continent extending far to the north. He gathered that the king of that land was at war with the Gran Can, whom they referred to as Cami, and his land or city was Fava, among many other names. The Admiral decided to head to that river and send a gift along with a letter from the Sovereigns, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ to the king of that area. For this mission, there was a sailor who had been to Guinea, and some of the Indians from Guanahani wanted to accompany him and then return home afterward. The Admiral estimated that he was forty-two degrees north of the equator (though the handwriting here isillegible).134-3 He mentioned that he had to try to reach the Gran Can, whom he thought was here or in the city of Cathay, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ which belongs to him and is very grand, as he had been told before leaving Spain. He added that all this land is low and beautiful, and the sea is deep.

Wednesday, 31st of October

Wednesday, October 31

All Tuesday night he was beating to windward, and he saw a river, but could not enter it because the entrance was narrow. The Indians fancied that the ships could enter wherever their canoes could go. Navigating onwards, he came to a cape running out very far, and surrounded by sunken rocks,134-5[135] and he saw a bay where small vessels might take shelter. He could not proceed because the wind had come round to the north, and all the coast runs N.W. and S.E. Another cape further on ran out still more.135-1 For these reasons, and because the sky showed signs of a gale, he had to return to the Rio de Mares.

All Tuesday night, he was sailing against the wind, and he spotted a river, but couldn’t get into it because the entrance was too narrow. The Native Americans believed that ships could go wherever their canoes could. Continuing on, he reached a cape that extended far out, surrounded by submerged rocks, and he noticed a bay where small boats could find shelter. He couldn’t move forward because the wind had shifted to the north, and the entire coastline runs northwest and southeast. Another cape further ahead jutted out even more. Because of these reasons, and since the sky showed signs of a storm, he had to head back to the Rio de Mares.

Thursday, November the 1st

Thursday, November 1

At sunrise the Admiral sent the boats on shore to the houses that were there, and they found that all the people had fled. After some time a man made his appearance. The Admiral ordered that he should be left to himself, and the sailors returned to the boats. After dinner, one of the Indians on board was sent on shore. He called out from a distance that there was nothing to fear, because the strangers were good people and would do no harm to anyone, nor were they people of the Gran Can, but they had given away their things in many islands where they had been. The Indian then swam on shore, and two of the natives took him by the arms and brought him to a house, where they heard what he had to say. When they were certain that no harm would be done to them they were reassured, and presently more than sixteen canoes came to the ships with cotton-thread and other trifles. The Admiral ordered that nothing should be taken from them, that they might understand that he sought for nothing but gold, which they call nucay.135-2 Thus they went to and fro between the ships and the shore all day, and they came to the Christians on shore with confidence. The Admiral saw no gold whatever among them, but he says that he saw one of them with a piece of worked silver fastened to his nose. They said, by signs, that within three days many merchants from inland would come to buy the things brought by the Christians, and would give information respecting the king of that land. So far as could[136] be understood from their signs, he resided at a distance of four days’ journey. They had sent many messengers in all directions, with news of the arrival of the Admiral. “These people,” says the Admiral, “are of the same appearance and have the same customs as those of the other islands, without any religion so far as I know, for up to this day I have never seen the Indians on board say any prayer; though they repeat the Salve and Ave Maria with their hands raised to heaven, and they make the sign of the cross. The language is also the same, and they are all friends; but I believe that all these islands are at war with the Gran Can, whom they called Cavila, and his province Bafan. They all go naked like the others.” This is what the Admiral says. “The river,” he adds, “is very deep, and the ships can enter the mouth, going close to the shore. The sweet water does not come within a league of the mouth. It is certain,” says the Admiral, “that this is the mainland, and that I am in front of Zayto and Guinsay, a hundred leagues, a little more or less, distant the one from the other.136-1 It is very clear that no one before has been so far as this by sea. Yesterday, with wind from the N.W., I found it cold.”

At sunrise, the Admiral sent boats to the nearby houses, but they discovered that all the people had fled. After a while, a man showed up. The Admiral instructed that he be left alone, and the sailors went back to the boats. After lunch, one of the Indians on board was sent ashore. He shouted from a distance that there was no need to be afraid because the strangers were friendly and meant no harm to anyone. They were not from the Gran Can, but had shared their belongings across many islands they had visited. The Indian then swam to shore, and two of the locals took him by the arms and led him to a house, where they listened to what he had to say. Once they were sure they wouldn’t be harmed, they felt reassured, and soon more than sixteen canoes came to the ships with cotton thread and other small items. The Admiral ordered that nothing be taken from them so they would understand he was only looking for gold, which they called nucay.135-2 They moved back and forth between the ships and the shore all day, approaching the Christians on shore with confidence. The Admiral saw no gold among them, but noted that one of them had a piece of silver jewelry on his nose. They communicated through gestures that within three days, many traders from the inland would arrive to buy the goods brought by the Christians and would provide information about the king of that region. From what could be gathered through their signs, he lived a four-day journey away. They had sent many messengers in all directions to announce the Admiral’s arrival. “These people,” the Admiral remarked, “look similar and have the same customs as those from other islands, and as far as I know, they have no religion, for up to this day, I haven’t seen the Indians on board pray; although they do repeat the Salve and Ave Maria with their hands raised to the heavens, and they make the sign of the cross. Their language is also the same, and they are all friendly; yet I think all these islands are at war with the Gran Can, whom they call Cavila, and his province Bafan. They all go naked like others do.” This is what the Admiral says. “The river,” he adds, “is very deep, and the ships can enter the mouth close to the shore. The freshwater does not come within a league of the mouth. It’s clear,” the Admiral states, “that this is the mainland, and I am in front of Zayto and Guinsay, about a hundred leagues, a bit more or less, apart from each other. 136-1 No one has come this far by sea before. Yesterday, with the wind from the northwest, it felt cold.”

Friday, 2nd of November

Friday, November 2

The Admiral decided upon sending two Spaniards, one named Rodrigo de Jerez, who lived in Ayamonte, and the other Luis de Torres, who had served in the household of the Ade[137]lantado of Murcia, and had been a Jew, knowing Hebrew, Chaldee, and even some Arabic. With these men he sent two Indians, one from among those he had brought from Guanahani and another a native of the houses by the river-side. He gave them strings of beads with which to buy food if they should be in need, and ordered them to return in six days. He gave them specimens of spices, to see if any were to be found. Their instructions were to ask for the king of that land, and they were told what to say on the part of the Sovereigns of Castile, how they had sent the Admiral with letters and a present, to inquire after his health and establish friendship, favoring him in what he might desire from them. They were to collect information respecting certain provinces, ports, and rivers of which the Admiral had notice, and to ascertain their distances from where he was.

The Admiral decided to send two Spaniards: one named Rodrigo de Jerez, who lived in Ayamonte, and the other Luis de Torres, who had worked in the household of the Ade[137]lantado of Murcia and had been a Jew, fluent in Hebrew, Chaldee, and some Arabic. Along with these men, he sent two Indians, one from those he had brought from Guanahani and another who lived by the river. He provided them with strings of beads to buy food if they needed it and instructed them to return in six days. He also gave them samples of spices to see if any could be found. Their instructions were to ask for the king of that land, and they were told what to say on behalf of the Sovereigns of Castile, explaining that they had sent the Admiral with letters and a gift, to inquire about his health and build a friendship, supporting him in whatever he might need. They were to gather information about certain provinces, ports, and rivers that the Admiral had heard of and find out how far they were from his location.

This night the Admiral took an altitude with a quadrant, and found that the distance from the equinoctial line was 42 degrees.137-1 He says that, by his reckoning, he finds that he has gone over 1142 leagues from the island of Hierro.137-2 He still believes that he has reached the mainland.

This night, the Admiral took a reading with a quadrant and found that the distance from the equatorial line was 42 degrees.137-1 He reports that, according to his calculations, he has traveled over 1142 leagues from the island of Hierro. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ He still believes that he has reached the mainland.

Saturday, 3rd of November

Saturday, November 3rd

In the morning the Admiral got into the boat, and, as the river is like a great lake at the mouth, forming a very excellent port, very deep, and clear of rocks, with a good beach for careening ships, and plenty of fuel, he explored it until he came to fresh water at a distance of two leagues from the mouth. He ascended a small mountain to obtain a view of the surrounding country, but could see nothing, owing to the dense foliage of the trees, which were very fresh and odoriferous, so that he felt no doubt that there were aromatic herbs among them. He said that all he saw was so beautiful that his eyes could never tire of gazing upon such loveliness, nor his ears of listening to the songs of birds. That day many canoes came[138] to the ships, to barter with cotton threads and with the nets in which they sleep, called hamacas.

In the morning, the Admiral got into the boat, and since the river is like a large lake at the mouth, creating a great port that’s deep, free of rocks, has a good beach for careening ships, and plenty of fuel, he explored it until he found fresh water about two leagues from the mouth. He climbed a small mountain to get a view of the surrounding area, but he couldn’t see anything due to the thick foliage of the trees, which were vibrant and fragrant, making him certain there were aromatic herbs among them. He said that everything he saw was so beautiful that his eyes could never get tired of admiring such beauty, nor could his ears tire of listening to the birds' songs. That day, many canoes came[138] to the ships to trade cotton threads and the nets they used for sleeping, called hamacas.

Sunday, 4th of November

Sunday, November 4

At sunrise the Admiral again went away in the boat, and landed to hunt the birds he had seen the day before. After a time, Martin Alonso Pinzon came to him with two pieces of cinnamon, and said that a Portuguese, who was one of his crew, had seen an Indian carrying two very large bundles of it; but he had not bartered for it, because of the penalty imposed by the Admiral on any one who bartered. He further said that this Indian carried some brown things like nutmegs. The master138-1 of the Pinta said that he had found the cinnamon trees. The Admiral went to the place, and found that they were not cinnamon trees. The Admiral showed the Indians some specimens of cinnamon and pepper he had brought from Castile, and they knew it, and said, by signs, that there was plenty in the vicinity, pointing to the S.E. He also showed them gold and pearls, on which certain old men said that there was an infinite quantity in a place called Bohio,138-2 and that the people wore it on their necks, ears, arms, and legs, as well as pearls. He further understood them to say that there were great ships and much merchandise, all to the S.E. He also understood that, far away, there were men with one eye, and others with dogs’ noses138-3 who were cannibals, and that when they captured an enemy, they beheaded him and drank his blood, and cut off his private parts.[139]

At sunrise, the Admiral set off again in the boat and landed to hunt the birds he had spotted the day before. After a while, Martin Alonso Pinzon approached him with two pieces of cinnamon and said that a Portuguese crew member had seen an Indian carrying two very large bundles of it; however, he hadn’t traded for it because of the penalty the Admiral imposed on anyone who did. He also mentioned that this Indian was carrying some brown items that looked like nutmeg. The master of the Pinta claimed he had found the cinnamon trees. The Admiral went to the location and discovered they were not cinnamon trees. He showed the Indians some samples of cinnamon and pepper he had brought from Castile, and they recognized them, indicating through gestures that there was plenty nearby, pointing to the southeast. He also showed them gold and pearls, which some older men said were abundant in a place called Bohio, and that the people wore them around their necks, ears, arms, and legs, along with pearls. He further understood them to say that, further away, there were men with one eye and others with dogs’ noses who were cannibals, and that when they captured an enemy, they beheaded him, drank his blood, and cut off his private parts.[139]

The Admiral then determined to return to the ship and wait the return of the two men he had sent, intending to depart and seek for those lands, if his envoys brought some good news touching what he desired. The Admiral further says: “These people are very gentle and timid; they go naked, as I have said without arms and without law. The country is very fertile. The people have plenty of mames which are like carrots and have the flavor of chestnuts; and they have faxones and beans of kinds very different from ours.139-1 They also have much cotton, which they do not sow, as it is wild in the mountains, and I believe they collect it throughout the year, because I saw pods empty, others full, and flowers all on one tree. There are a thousand other kinds of fruits, which it is impossible for me to write about, and all must be profitable.” All this the Admiral says.

The Admiral then decided to return to the ship and wait for the two men he had sent, planning to leave and seek those lands if his envoys brought back some good news regarding what he wanted. The Admiral also mentions: “These people are very gentle and timid; they go naked, as I have said, without weapons and without laws. The land is very fertile. The people have plenty of mames that are similar to carrots and taste like chestnuts; they also have faxones and varieties of beans quite different from ours.139-1 They also have a lot of cotton, which they don't plant since it grows wild in the mountains, and I believe they collect it throughout the year, because I saw empty pods, some full, and flowers all on one tree. There are a thousand other types of fruits that I can't describe, and they must all be beneficial.” That's what the Admiral says.

Monday, 5th of November

Monday, November 5th

This morning the Admiral ordered the ship to be careened, afterwards the other vessels, but not all at the same time. Two were always to be at the anchorage, as a precaution; although he says that these people were very safe, and that without fear all the vessels might have been careened at the same time. Things being in this state, the master139-2 of the Niña came to claim a reward from the Admiral because he had found mastic, but he did not bring the specimen, as[140] he had dropped it. The Admiral promised him a reward, and sent Rodrigo Sanchez and master Diego to the trees. They collected some, which was kept to present to the Sovereigns, as well as the tree. The Admiral says that he knew it was mastic, though it ought to be gathered at the proper season. There is enough in that district for a yield of 1000 quintals every year. The Admiral also found here a great deal of the plant called aloe. He further says that the Puerto de Mares is the best in the world, with the finest climate and the most gentle people. As it has a high, rocky cape, a fortress might be built, so that, in the event of the place becoming rich and important, the merchants would be safe from any other nations. He adds: “The Lord, in whose hands are all victories, will ordain all things for his service. An Indian said by signs that the mastic was good for pains in the stomach.”

This morning, the Admiral ordered the ship to be careened, followed by the other vessels, but not all at once. Two were always to stay at anchor as a precaution; although he claimed these people were very safe and that all the vessels could have been careened simultaneously without fear. While things were in this state, the master139-2 of the Niña came to request a reward from the Admiral for finding mastic, but he didn’t bring the specimen because he had dropped it. The Admiral promised him a reward and sent Rodrigo Sanchez and master Diego to collect some from the trees. They gathered some, which was saved to present to the Sovereigns, along with the tree itself. The Admiral mentioned that he recognized it was mastic, although it should be harvested at the right time. There’s enough in that area to yield 1000 quintals each year. The Admiral also discovered a lot of the plant called aloe here. He added that the Puerto de Mares is the best in the world, with the finest climate and the friendliest people. Given its high, rocky cape, a fortress could be built there, so that if the place became prosperous, merchants would be protected from other nations. He concluded: “The Lord, who controls all victories, will arrange everything for his service. An Indian indicated through gestures that the mastic was good for stomach pains.”

Tuesday, 6th of November

Tuesday, November 6th

Yesterday, at night, says the Admiral, the two men came back who had been sent to explore the interior. They said that after walking 12 leagues they came to a village of 50 houses, where there were a thousand inhabitants, for many live in one house. These houses are like very large booths. They said that they were received with great solemnity, according to custom, and all, both men and women, came out to see them. They were lodged in the best houses, and the people touched them, kissing their hands and feet, marvelling and believing that they came from heaven, and so they gave them to understand. They gave them to eat of what they had. When they arrived, the chief people conducted them by the arms to the principal house, gave them two chairs on which to sit, and all the natives sat round them on the ground. The Indian who came with them described the manner of living of the Christians, and said that they were good people. Presently the men went out, and the women came sitting round them in the same way, kissing their hands and feet, and looking to see if they were of flesh and bones like themselves. They[141] begged the Spaniards to remain with them at least five days. The Spaniards showed the natives specimens of cinnamon, pepper and other spices which the Admiral had given them, and they said, by signs, that there was plenty at a short distance from thence to S.E., but that there they did not know whether there was any.141-1 Finding that they had no information respecting cities, the Spaniards returned; and if they had desired to take those who wished to accompany them, more than 500 men and women would have come, because they thought the Spaniards were returning to heaven. There came, however, a principal man of the village and his son, with a servant. The Admiral conversed with them, and showed them much honor. They made signs respecting many lands and islands in those parts. The Admiral thought of bringing them to the Sovereigns. He says that he knew not what fancy took them; either from fear, or owing to the dark night, they wanted to land. The ship was at the time high and dry, but, not wishing to make them angry, he let them go on their saying that they would return at dawn, but they never came back. The two Christians met with many people on the road going home, men and women with a half-burnt weed in their hands, being the herbs they are accustomed to smoke.141-2 They[142] did not find villages on the road of more than five houses all receiving them with the same reverence. They saw many kinds of trees, herbs, and sweet-smelling flowers; and birds of many different kinds, unlike those of Spain, except the partridges, geese, of which there are many, and singing nightingales. They saw no quadrupeds except the dogs that do not bark.142-1 The land is very fertile, and is cultivated with yams and several kinds of beans different from ours, as well as corn.142-2 There were great quantities of cotton gathered, spun, and worked up. In a single house they saw more than 500 arrobas,142-3 and as much as 4000 quintals could be yielded every year. The Admiral said that “it did not appear to be cultivated, and that it bore all the year round. It is very fine, and has a large boll. All that was possessed by these people they gave at a very low price, and a great bundle of cotton was exchanged for the point of a needle or other trifle. They are a people,” says the Admiral, “guileless and unwarlike. Men and women go as naked as when their mothers bore them. It is true that the women wear a very small piece of cotton-cloth which covers their private parts and no more, and they are of very good appearance, not very dark, less so than the Canarians. I hold, most serene Princes, that if devout religious persons were here, knowing the language, they would all turn Christians. I trust in our Lord that your Highnesses will resolve upon this with much diligence, to bring so many great nations within the Church, and to convert them; as you have destroyed those who would not confess the Father, the Son, and the Holy[143] Ghost. And after your days, all of us being mortal, may your kingdoms remain in peace, and free from heresy and evil, and may you be well received before the eternal Creator, to whom I pray that you may have long life and great increase of kingdoms and lordships, with the will and disposition to increase the holy Christian religion as you have done hitherto. Amen!”

Last night, the Admiral said, the two men returned who had been sent to explore the interior. They reported that after walking 12 leagues, they reached a village of 50 houses, home to a thousand inhabitants, as many people live together in one house. These houses resemble very large booths. They mentioned that they were welcomed with great formality, as is customary, and all the villagers, both men and women, came out to see them. They were accommodated in the best houses, and the locals touched them, kissing their hands and feet, amazed and believing they had come from heaven, which they confirmed. They shared with them what food they had. Upon their arrival, the village leaders guided them by the arms to the main house, offered them two chairs to sit on, and all the natives sat around them on the ground. The Indian who accompanied them explained the Christians' way of life and assured them that they were good people. Soon after, the men left, and the women came to sit around them in the same manner, kissing their hands and feet, trying to see if they were made of flesh and bone like themselves. They [141] pleaded with the Spaniards to stay with them for at least five days. The Spaniards showed the locals samples of cinnamon, pepper, and other spices the Admiral had given them, and indicated through gestures that there was plenty available a short distance to the southeast, but there they were unsure if any existed any.141-1 Discovering that they had no information about cities, the Spaniards decided to return; had they wished to take those who wanted to join them, more than 500 men and women would have come, as they thought the Spaniards were returning to heaven. However, a leading man from the village and his son, along with a servant, approached. The Admiral engaged in conversation with them and showed them great respect. They communicated through gestures about many lands and islands in the area. The Admiral considered bringing them to the Sovereigns. He did not understand what compelled them; either out of fear or due to the dark of night, they wished to land. The ship was currently high and dry, but not wanting to upset them, he allowed them to leave, on the condition that they would return at dawn, but they never came back. The two Christians encountered many people on their way home, both men and women holding a half-burnt herb, which are the leaves they typically smoke.141-2 They [142] found no villages on the path with more than five houses, all greeting them with the same reverence. They observed various types of trees, herbs, and fragrant flowers; and many different birds unlike those in Spain, except for the partridges and geese, which were plentiful, as well as songbirds. They saw no four-legged animals except for dogs that do not bark. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The land is very fertile and is cultivated with yams and several types of beans different from their own, as well as corn.142-2 There was a large collection of cotton harvested, spun, and processed. In a single house, they saw over 500 at symbols,142-3 and as many as 4000 quintals could be produced annually. The Admiral noted that “it did not seem to be cultivated, and it yields year-round. It is very fine and produces large bolls. Everything these people possessed was given away at a very low price, as a sizable bundle of cotton was traded for the point of a needle or another trivial item. They are a people,” the Admiral states, “innocent and peaceful. Men and women go about as naked as they were at birth. It is true that the women wear a very small piece of cotton cloth to cover their private areas, and nothing more, and they appear very attractive, not very dark, less so than the Canarians. I believe, most serene Princes, that if devout religious individuals were present, knowing the language, they would all convert to Christianity. I trust that your Highnesses will act swiftly to bring these great nations into the Church and convert them; as you have destroyed those who refused to acknowledge the Father, the Son, and the Holy [143] Ghost. And after your time, given that we are all mortal, may your kingdoms live in peace, free from heresy and evil, and may you find favor before the eternal Creator, to whom I pray you may enjoy a long life and significant growth of your kingdoms and lordships, with the willingness and determination to expand the holy Christian faith as you have done up to now. Amen!”

“To-day I got the ship afloat, and prepared to depart on Thursday, in the name of God, and to steer S.E. in search of gold and spices, and to discover land.”

“To-day I got the ship ready to set sail and planned to leave on Thursday, in the name of God, heading Southeast to search for gold and spices and to discover land.”

These are the words of the Admiral, who intended to depart on Thursday, but, the wind being contrary, he could not go until the 12th of November.

These are the words of the Admiral, who planned to leave on Thursday, but because the wind was against him, he couldn't set sail until November 12th.

Monday, 12th of November

Monday, November 12

The Admiral left the port and river of Mares before dawn to visit the island called Babeque, so much talked of by the Indians on board, where, according to their signs, the people gather the gold on the beach at night with candles, and afterwards beat it into bars with hammers.143-1 To go thither it was necessary to shape a course E. b. S. After having made 8 leagues along the coast, a river was sighted, and another 4 leagues brought them to another river, which appeared to be of great volume, and larger than any they had yet seen. The Admiral did not wish to stop nor to enter any of these rivers, for two reasons: the first and principal one being that wind and weather were favorable for going in search of the said island of Babeque; the other, that, if there was a populous and famous city near the sea, it would be visible, while, to go up the rivers, small vessels are necessary, which those of the expedition were not. Much time would thus be lost; moreover, exploration of such rivers is a separate enterprise, that coast was peopled near the river, to which the name of Rio del Sol was given.[144]

The Admiral left the port and river of Mares before dawn to visit the island called Babeque, which the Indians on board talked about a lot. According to their signs, people gather gold on the beach at night with candles and then beat it into bars with hammers.143-1 To get there, they needed to head E. b. S. After traveling 8 leagues along the coast, they spotted a river, and after another 4 leagues, they came across a larger river, the biggest they had seen so far. The Admiral didn’t want to stop or enter any of these rivers for two reasons: the main reason was that the wind and weather were good for searching for the island of Babeque; the second reason was that if there was a busy and well-known city by the sea, it would be visible, while small vessels were necessary to navigate the rivers, which the expedition's ships were not. They would lose a lot of time that way; besides, exploring such rivers is a separate mission, and the coast was populated near the river, which was named Rio del Sol.[144]

The Admiral says that, on the previous Sunday, the 11th of November, it seemed good to take some persons from amongst those at Rio de Mares, to bring to the Sovereigns, that they might learn our language, so as to be able to tell us what there is in their lands. Returning, they would be the mouthpieces of the Christians, and would adopt our customs and the things of the faith. “I saw and knew” (says the Admiral) “that these people are without any religion, not idolaters, but very gentle, not knowing what is evil, nor the sins of murder and theft, being without arms, and so timid that a hundred would fly before one Spaniard, although they joke with them.144-1 They, however, believe and know that there is a God in heaven and say that we have come from Heaven. At any prayer that we say, they repeat, and make the sign of the cross. Thus your Highnesses should resolve to make them Christians, for I believe that, if the work was begun, in a little time a multitude of nations would be converted to our faith, with the acquisition of great lordships, peoples, and riches for Spain. Without doubt, there is in these lands a vast quantity of gold, and the Indians I have on board do not speak without reason when they say that in these islands there are places where they dig out gold, and wear it on their necks, ears, arms, and legs, the rings being very large. There are also precious stones, pearls, and an infinity of spices. In this river of Mares, whence we departed to-night, there is undoubtedly a great quantity of mastic, and much more could be raised, because the trees may be planted, and will yield abundantly. The leaf and fruit are like the mastic, but the tree and leaf are larger. As Pliny describes it, I have seen it on the island of Chios in the Archipelago. I ordered many of these trees to be tapped, to see if any of them would yield resin; but, as it rained all the time I was in that river, I could not get any, except a very little, which I am bringing to your Highnesses. It may not be the right season for tapping, which is, I believe, when the trees come forth after winter and begin to flower. But when I was there the fruit was nearly ripe. Here also there is a great[145] quantity of cotton, and I believe it would have a good sale here without sending it to Spain, but to the great cities of the Gran Can,145-1 which will be discovered without doubt, and many others ruled over by other lords, who will be pleased to serve our Highnesses, and whither will be brought other commodities of Spain and of the Eastern lands; but these are to the west as regards us. There is also here a great yield of aloes,145-2 though this is not a commodity that will yield great profit. The mastic, however, is important, for it is only obtained from the said island of Chios, and I believe the harvest is worth 50,000 ducats, if I remember right.145-3 There is here, in the mouth of the river, the best port I have seen up to this time, wide, deep, and clear of rocks. It is an excellent site for a town and fort, for any ship could come close up to the walls; the land is high, with a temperate climate, and very good water.

The Admiral says that, on the previous Sunday, November 11th, he thought it would be a good idea to bring some people from Rio de Mares to our Sovereigns so they could learn our language and tell us about their lands. When they return, they would speak for the Christians and adopt our customs and beliefs. “I saw and understood” (says the Admiral) “that these people have no religion, are not idol worshippers, but are very gentle, not knowing what is evil or the sins of murder and theft, being unarmed and so timid that a hundred would flee before one Spaniard, though they joke with them. However, they do believe there is a God in heaven and say that we have come from Heaven. They repeat any prayers we say and make the sign of the cross. Therefore, your Highnesses should decide to make them Christians, for I believe that if this work is started, many nations would convert to our faith in no time, leading to great lordships, peoples, and wealth for Spain. There is certainly a vast amount of gold in these lands, and the Indians I have on board are not speaking without reason when they say there are places in these islands where they mine gold and wear it around their necks, ears, arms, and legs, with the rings being quite large. There are also precious stones, pearls, and countless spices. In this river of Mares, from which we left tonight, there is undoubtedly a lot of mastic, and much more could be harvested since the trees can be planted and will yield abundantly. The leaves and fruit resemble the mastic, but the tree and leaves are larger. As Pliny describes, I have seen it on the island of Chios in the Archipelago. I ordered many of these trees to be tapped to see if any would produce resin; however, because it rained the entire time I was in that river, I couldn’t gather much, except for a small amount that I’m bringing to your Highnesses. It may not be the right season for tapping, which I believe is when the trees come out of winter and begin to flower. But when I was there, the fruit was nearly ripe. There is also a large quantity of cotton here, and I believe it would sell well right here rather than being sent to Spain, especially to the great cities of the Gran Can, which will surely be discovered, along with many others ruled by other lords who will be happy to serve your Highnesses, to which other goods from Spain and the Eastern lands will be brought; but these are to the west of us. There is also a good yield of aloes here, although this is not a commodity that will bring great profit. The mastic, however, is valuable, as it can only be obtained from the island of Chios, and I believe the harvest is worth 50,000 ducats, if I remember correctly. There, at the mouth of the river, is the best port I’ve seen so far, wide, deep, and free of rocks. It’s an excellent location for a town and fort, as any ship could come close to the walls; the land is high, has a temperate climate, and very good water.

“Yesterday a canoe came alongside the ship, with six youths in it. Five came on board, and I ordered them to be detained. They are now here. I afterwards sent to a house on the western side of the river, and seized seven women, old and young, and three children. I did this because the men would behave better in Spain if they had women of their own land, than without them. For on many occasions the men of Guinea have been brought to learn the language in Portugal, and afterwards, when they returned, and it was expected that[146] they would be useful in their land, owing to the good company they had enjoyed and the gifts they had received, they never appeared after arriving. Others may not act thus. But having women, they have the wish to perform what they are required to do; besides, the women would teach our people their language, which is the same in all these islands, so that those who make voyages in their canoes are understood everywhere. On the other hand, there are a thousand different languages in Guinea, and one native does not understand another.

“Yesterday, a canoe came alongside the ship with six young people in it. Five of them came on board, and I ordered that they be detained. They are here now. I later sent someone to a house on the western side of the river and took seven women, both old and young, along with three children. I did this because the men would behave better in Spain if they had women from their own land with them rather than being alone. Many times, men from Guinea have been brought to learn the language in Portugal, and when they returned, it was expected that they would be useful in their own country due to the good company and gifts they had received, but they never showed up after arriving. Others may not behave this way. However, by having women, they feel motivated to do what is required of them; plus, the women would teach our people their language, which is the same across all these islands, meaning those who travel in their canoes can be understood everywhere. On the other hand, there are a thousand different languages in Guinea, and one native cannot understand another.”

“The same night the husband of one of the women came alongside in a canoe, who was father of the three children—one boy and two girls. He asked me to let him come with them, and besought me much. They are now all consoled at being with one who is a relation of them all. He is a man of about 45 years of age.” All these are the words of the Admiral. He also says that he had felt some cold, and that it would not be wise to continue discoveries in a northerly direction in the winter. On this Monday, until sunset, he steered a course E. b. S., making 18 leagues, and reaching a cape, to which he gave the name of Cabo de Cuba.

“The same night, the husband of one of the women came over in a canoe; he was the father of three children—one boy and two girls. He asked me to let him join them and pleaded with me a lot. They all feel comforted being with someone who is related to them. He's about 45 years old.” These are the Admiral's words. He also mentions that he felt a bit chilly and that it wouldn't be wise to continue exploring northward during the winter. On that Monday, until sunset, he steered a course E. b. S., covering 18 leagues and reaching a cape, which he named Cabo de Cuba.

Tuesday, 13th of November

Tuesday, November 13th

This night the ships were on a bowline, as the sailors say, beating to windward without making any progress. At sunset they began to see an opening in the mountains, where two very high peaks146-1 were visible. It appeared that here was the division between the land of Cuba and that of Bohio, and this was affirmed by signs, by the Indians who were on board. As soon as the day had dawned, the Admiral made sail toward the land, passing a point which appeared at night to be distant two leagues. He then entered a large gulf, 5 leagues to the S.S.E., and there remained 5 more, to arrive at the point where, between two great mountains, there appeared to be an opening; but it could not be made out whether it was an inlet of the sea. As he desired to go to the island called Babeque,[147] where according to the information he had received, there was much gold; and as it bore east, and as no large town was in sight the wind freshening more than ever, he resolved to put out to sea, and work to the east with a northerly wind. The ship made 8 miles an hour, and from ten in the forenoon, when that course was taken, until sunset, 56 miles, which is 14 leagues to the eastward from the Cabo de Cuba. The other land of Bohio was left to leeward. Commencing from the cape of the said gulf, he discovered, according to his reckoning, 80 miles, equal to 20 leagues, all that coast running E.S.E. and W.N.W.

This night the ships were on a bowline, as the sailors say, trying to sail against the wind without making any progress. At sunset, they started to see an opening in the mountains, where two very tall peaks146-1 were visible. It seemed that this was the boundary between the land of Cuba and that of Bohio, and this was confirmed by signs from the Indians on board. As soon as dawn broke, the Admiral set sail towards the land, passing a point that seemed to be two leagues away at night. He then entered a large bay, five leagues to the S.S.E., and stayed there for another five leagues until he reached a spot between two large mountains where there appeared to be an opening; however, it was unclear if it was an inlet of the sea. Wanting to go to the island called Babeque,[147] where he had received information that there was much gold, and since it was eastward and no large town was in sight, with the wind picking up more than ever, he decided to head out to sea and sail east with a northern wind. The ship traveled at 8 miles an hour, covering 56 miles, or 14 leagues, from ten in the morning, when that course was taken, until sunset, moving to the east from Cabo de Cuba. The other land of Bohio was left to the leeward. Starting from the cape of that bay, he calculated that he discovered 80 miles, or 20 leagues, of coastline running E.S.E. and W.N.W.

Wednesday, 14th of November

Wednesday, November 14

All last night the Admiral was beating to windward (he said that it would be unreasonable to navigate among those islands during the night, until they had been explored), for the Indians said yesterday that it would take three days to go from Rio de Mares to the island of Babeque, by which should be understood days’ journeys in their canoes equal to about 7 leagues. The wind fell, and, the course being east, she could not lay her course nearer than S.E., and, owing to other mischances, he was detained until the morning. At sunrise he determined to go in search of a port, because the wind had shifted from north to N.E., and, if a port could not be found, it would be necessary to go back to the ports in the island of Cuba, whence they came. The Admiral approached the shore, having gone over 28 miles E.S.E. that night. He steered south ... miles to the land, where he saw many islets and openings. As the wind was high and the sea rough, he did not dare to risk an attempt to enter, but ran along the coast W.N.W., looking out for a port, and saw many, but none very clear of rocks. After having proceeded for 64 miles, he found a very deep opening, a quarter of a mile wide, with a good port and river. He ran in with her head S.S.W., afterwards south to S.E. The port147-1 was spacious and very deep, and he saw so many islands that he could not count them[148] all, with very high land covered with trees of many kinds, and an infinite number of palms. He was much astonished to see so many lofty islands; and assured the Sovereigns that the mountains and isles he had seen since yesterday seemed to him to be second to none in the world; so high and clear of clouds and snow, with the sea at their bases so deep. He believes that these islands are those innumerable ones that are depicted on the maps of the world in the Far East.148-1 He believed that they yielded very great riches in precious stones and spices and that they extend much further to the south, widening out in all directions. He gave the name of La Mar de Nuestra Señora, and to the haven, which is near the mouth of the entrance to these islands, Puerto del Principe. He did not enter it, but examined it from outside, until another time, on Saturday of the next week, as will there appear. He speaks highly of the fertility, beauty, and height of the islands which he found in this gulf, and he tells the Sovereigns not to wonder at his praise of them, for that he has not told them the hundredth part. Some of them seemed to reach to heaven, running up into peaks like diamonds. Others rising to a great height have a flat top like a table. At their bases the sea is of a great depth, with enough water for a very large carrack. All are covered with foliage and without rocks.

All last night, the Admiral was heading against the wind (he mentioned that it wouldn’t be wise to navigate among those islands at night until they had been explored), because the Indians said yesterday it would take three days to travel from Rio de Mares to the island of Babeque, which means days' journeys in their canoes amounting to about 7 leagues. The wind died down, and since they were headed east, he couldn’t steer any closer than southeast, and due to other misfortunes, he was delayed until morning. At sunrise, he decided to search for a port, as the wind had shifted from north to northeast, and if he couldn’t find a port, he would have to return to the ports on the island of Cuba from where they came. The Admiral approached the shore, having covered 28 miles east-southeast that night. He steered south ... miles toward the land, where he spotted many islets and openings. With the wind strong and the sea rough, he didn’t dare to attempt entering but moved along the coast northwest, looking for a port, and saw many, though none were free of rocks. After proceeding for 64 miles, he found a very deep opening, a quarter of a mile wide, with a good port and river. He navigated in with her head pointing south-southwest, then later south to southeast. The port147-1 was spacious and very deep, and he saw so many islands that he couldn’t count them[148], with towering land covered in many kinds of trees and countless palm trees. He was amazed to see so many tall islands and assured the Sovereigns that the mountains and islands he had seen since yesterday seemed unmatched in the world; they were so high and free of clouds and snow, standing above a very deep sea. He believed these islands were the many depicted on world maps in the Far East.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ He thought they held great wealth in precious stones and spices and extended much further south, spreading out in all directions. He called it La Mar de Nuestra Señora, and named the harbor near the entrance to these islands Puerto del Principe. He did not enter it but examined it from the outside until another time, on Saturday of the next week, as will be explained later. He praises the fertility, beauty, and height of the islands he discovered in this gulf and tells the Sovereigns not to be surprised by his admiration, for he hasn’t shared even a hundredth of what he feels. Some of them appeared to reach to the sky, rising to peaks like diamonds. Others, rising to great heights, had flat tops like tables. At their bases, the sea is very deep, with enough water for a large carrack. All are covered with foliage and free of rocks.

Thursday, 15th of November

Thursday, November 15

The Admiral went to examine these islands in the ships’ boats, and speaks marvels of them, how he found mastic, and aloes without end. Some of them were cultivated with the roots of which the Indians make bread; and he found that fires had been lighted in several places. He saw no fresh water. There were some natives, but they fled. In all parts of the sea where the vessels were navigated he found a depth of 15 or 16 fathoms, and all basa, by which he means that the ground[149] is sand and not rocks; a thing much desired by sailors, for the rocks cut their anchor cables.

The Admiral went to check out these islands in the ships’ boats and praised them, noting how he found plenty of mastic and aloes. Some areas were farmed with roots that the Indigenous people used to make bread, and he noticed that fires had been lit in several spots. He didn’t see any fresh water. There were some locals, but they ran away. In all the areas of the sea where the ships sailed, he found a depth of 15 or 16 fathoms, and it was all basa, which means the bottom[149] is sandy rather than rocky; something sailors really want because rocks can cut their anchor cables.

Friday, 16th of November

Friday, November 16

As in all parts, whether islands or mainlands, that he visited, the Admiral always left a cross; so, on this occasion, he went in a boat to the entrance of these havens, and found two very large trees on a point of land, one longer than the other. One being placed over the other, made a cross, and he said that a carpenter could not have made it better. He ordered a very large and high cross to be made out of these timbers. He found canes on the beach, and did not know where they had grown, but thought they must have been brought down by some river, and washed up on the beach (in which opinion he had reason). He went to a creek on the south-east side of the entrance to the port. Here, under a height of rock and stone like a cape, there was depth enough for the largest carrack in the world close in shore, and there was a corner where six ships might lie without anchors as in a room. It seemed to the Admiral that a fortress might be built here at small cost, if at any time any famous trade should arise in that sea of islands.

As with every place he visited, whether islands or mainlands, the Admiral always left a cross behind. On this occasion, he took a boat to the entrance of these harbors and found two large trees at a point of land, one taller than the other. When one was placed over the other, they formed a cross, and he remarked that a carpenter couldn't have made it better. He ordered a tall, large cross to be constructed from these trees. He noticed some canes on the beach, unsure of where they came from, but he thought they must have been carried down by a river and washed up on the shore, which seemed reasonable to him. He then went to a creek on the southeast side of the port entrance. Here, under a rocky outcrop like a cape, there was enough depth for the largest carrack to come close to shore, and a corner where six ships could anchor without needing any anchors, almost like being in a room. The Admiral thought that a fortress could be built here at a low cost if a significant trade ever developed in that sea of islands.

Returning to the ship, he found that the Indians who were on board had fished up very large shells found in those seas. He made the people examine them, to see if there was mother-o’-pearl, which is in the shells where pearls grow. They found a great deal, but no pearls, and their absence was attributed to its not being the season, which is May and June. The sailors found an animal which seemed to be a taso, or taxo.149-1 They also fished with nets, and, among many others, caught a fish which was exactly like a pig, not like a tunny, but all covered with a very hard shell, without a soft place except the tail and the eyes, and a hole underneath to discharge its superfluities. It was ordered to be salted, to bring home for the Sovereigns to see.149-2[150]

Returning to the ship, he found that the Native Americans on board had caught very large shells from those waters. He had the crew examine them to see if there was mother-of-pearl inside the shells where pearls form. They found a lot, but no pearls, and it was believed that their absence was due to it not being the right season, which is in May and June. The sailors also discovered an animal that looked like a taso or taxo.149-1 They fished with nets and caught many other fish, including one that looked exactly like a pig—not like a tuna—but covered in a very hard shell, with no soft spots except for the tail and eyes, and a hole underneath for waste. It was decided to salt it for the Sovereigns to see.149-2[150]

Saturday, 17th of November

Saturday, November 17

The Admiral got into the boat, and went to visit the islands he had not yet seen to the S.W. He saw many more very fertile and pleasant islands, with a great depth between them. Some of them had springs of fresh water, and he believed that the water of those streams came from some sources at the summits of the mountains. He went on, and found a beach bordering on very sweet water, which was very cold. There was a beautiful meadow, and many very tall palms. They found a large nut of the kind belonging to India, great rats,150-1 and enormous crabs. He saw many birds, and there was a strong smell of musk, which made him think it must be there. This day the two eldest of the six youths brought from the Rio de Mares, who were on board the caravel Niña, made their escape.

The Admiral got into the boat and went to explore the islands he hadn’t seen yet to the southwest. He discovered many more fertile and pleasant islands, with deep waters separating them. Some of these islands had fresh water springs, and he believed the streams came from sources at the tops of the mountains. He continued on and found a beach by a very cold, sweet water. There was a beautiful meadow and many tall palm trees. They found a large nut from India, big rats, and enormous crabs. He saw many birds, and there was a strong musk smell, which made him think it was nearby. That day, the two oldest of the six youths brought from the Rio de Mares, who were on board the caravel Niña, managed to escape.

Sunday, 18th of November

Sunday, November 18

The Admiral again went away with the boats, accompanied by many of the sailors, to set up the cross which he had ordered to be made out of the two large trees at the entrance to the Puerto del Principe, on a fair site cleared of trees, whence there was an extensive and very beautiful view. He says that there is a greater rise and fall of the sea there than in any other port he has seen, and that this is no marvel, considering the numerous islands. The tide is the reverse of ours, because here, when the moon is S.S.W., it is low water in the port. He did not get under way, because it was Sunday.

The Admiral once again left with the boats, joined by many of the sailors, to set up the cross he had ordered to be made from the two large trees at the entrance to Puerto del Principe, in a nice clearing that offered a wide and beautiful view. He mentioned that the rise and fall of the sea there is greater than in any other port he has seen, which isn't surprising given the many islands. The tide works differently there; when the moon is in the S.S.W. position, the port experiences low water. He didn’t set sail because it was Sunday.

Monday, 19th of November

Monday, November 19

The Admiral got under way before sunrise, in a calm. In the afternoon there was some wind from the east, and he shaped a N.N.E. course. At sunset the Puerto del Principe bore S.S.W. 7 leagues. He saw the island of Babeque bearing due east about 60 miles. He steered N.E. all that night,[151] making 60 miles, and up to ten o’clock of Tuesday another dozen; altogether 18 leagues N.E. b. W.

The Admiral set sail before sunrise, in calm weather. In the afternoon, there was a light wind from the east, and he took a N.N.E. course. By sunset, the Puerto del Principe was located S.S.W. 7 leagues away. He spotted the island of Babeque directly east about 60 miles out. He continued steering N.E. throughout the night,[151] covering 60 miles, and until 10 o’clock on Tuesday, he made another dozen miles; in total, 18 leagues N.E. b. W.

Tuesday, 20th of November

Tuesday, November 20

They left Babeque, or the islands of Babeque, to the E.S.E., the wind being contrary; and, seeing that no progress was being made, and the sea was getting rough, the Admiral determined to return to the Puerto del Principe, whence he had started, which was 25 leagues distant. He did not wish to go to the island he had called Isabella, which was twelve leagues off, and where he might have anchored that night, for two reasons: one was that he had seen two islands to the south which he wished to explore; the other, because the Indians he brought with him, whom he had taken at the island of Guanahani, which he named San Salvador, eight leagues from Isabella, might get away, and he said that he wanted them to take to Spain. They thought that, when the Admiral had found gold, he would let them return to their homes. He came near the Puerto del Principe, but could not reach it, because it was night, and because the current drifted them to the N.W. He turned her head to N.E. with a light wind. At three o’clock in the morning the wind changed, and a course was shaped E.N.E., the wind being S.S.W., and changing at dawn to south and S.E. At sunset Puerto del Principe bore nearly S.W. by W. 48 miles, which are 12 leagues.

They left Babeque, or the islands of Babeque, to the E.S.E., with the wind working against them. Seeing that they were making no progress and the sea was getting rough, the Admiral decided to return to Puerto del Principe, where he had started, which was 25 leagues away. He didn’t want to go to the island he named Isabella, which was twelve leagues off, where he could have anchored that night, for two reasons: one was that he saw two islands to the south that he wanted to explore; the other was because the Indians he had with him, whom he took from the island of Guanahani, which he named San Salvador, eight leagues from Isabella, might escape, and he wanted to take them to Spain. They thought that once the Admiral found gold, he would let them go back home. He got close to Puerto del Principe but couldn’t reach it because it was night, and the current was pushing them to the N.W. He turned the ship's head to N.E. with a light wind. At three o’clock in the morning, the wind changed, setting a course E.N.E., with the wind coming from S.S.W., and changing at dawn to south and S.E. At sunset, Puerto del Principe was situated nearly S.W. by W. 48 miles, which is 12 leagues.

Wednesday, 21st of November

Wednesday, November 21

At sunrise the Admiral steered east, with a southerly wind, but made little progress, owing to a contrary sea. At vespers he had gone 24 miles. Afterwards the wind changed to east and he steered S. b. E., at sunset having gone 12 miles. Here he found himself forty-two degrees north of the equinoctial line, as in the port of Mares, but he says that he kept the result from the quadrant in suspense until he reached the shore, that it might be adjusted (as it would seem that he thought this distance was too great, and he had reason, it not being[152] possible, as these islands are only in ... degrees).152-1 To believe the quadrant was right he was led by seeing the north star as high as in Castile ... Reinforcing this was the great heat which he says he found there.... From this heat which the Admiral says he endured there he argued that in these Indies and where he was going there must be much gold.152-2

At sunrise, the Admiral headed east with a southerly wind but didn’t make much progress due to rough seas. By evening, he had traveled 24 miles. Afterward, the wind shifted to the east, and he steered S. b. E., covering 12 miles by sunset. He found himself forty-two degrees north of the equator, similar to the port of Mares. However, he kept the result from the quadrant in suspense until he reached shore, thinking that the distance seemed too great. He had reason to doubt this because it's not possible, as these islands are only in ... degrees).152-1 He believed the quadrant was correct because he observed the North Star as high as it was in Castile ... This was further supported by the extreme heat he experienced there. From the heat that the Admiral says he endured, he concluded that there must be a lot of gold.152-2

This day Martin Alonso Pinzon parted company with the caravel Pinta, in disobedience to and against the wish of the Admiral, and out of avarice, thinking that an Indian who had been put on board his caravel could show him where there was much gold. So he parted company, not owing to bad weather, but because he chose. Here the Admiral says: “He had done and said many other things to me.”

On this day, Martin Alonso Pinzon separated from the caravel Pinta, going against the wishes of the Admiral out of greed, believing that an Indian he had taken aboard could lead him to a place with a lot of gold. He left not because of bad weather, but by his own choice. Here, the Admiral states: “He had done and said many other things to me.”

Thursday, 22nd of November

Thursday, November 22

On Wednesday night the Admiral steered S.S.E., with the wind east, but it was nearly calm. At 3 it began to blow from N.N.E.; and he continued to steer south to see the land he had seen in that quarter. When the sun rose he was as far off as the day before, owing to adverse currents, the land being 40 miles off. This night Martin Alonso shaped a course to the east, to go to the island of Babeque, where the Indians say there is much gold. He did this in sight of the Admiral, from whom he was distant 16 miles. The Admiral stood towards the land all night. He shortened sail, and showed a lantern, because Pinzon would thus have an opportunity of joining him, the night being very clear, and the wind fair to come, if he had wished to do so.[153]

On Wednesday night, the Admiral steered S.S.E. with the wind coming from the east, but it was almost calm. At 3 a.m., the wind picked up from N.N.E., and he kept heading south to check out the land he had seen in that direction. When the sun rose, he was still as far from the land as the day before due to strong currents, with the land being 40 miles away. That night, Martin Alonso set a course to the east towards the island of Babeque, where the Indians claim there's a lot of gold. He did this while the Admiral was in sight, 16 miles away. The Admiral continued heading toward the land all night. He reduced sail and displayed a lantern so Pinzon could join him if he wanted, as the night was very clear and the wind was favorable for sailing.[153]

Friday, 23rd of November

Friday, November 23

The Admiral stood towards the land all day, always steering south with little wind, but the current would never let them reach it, being as far off at sunset as in the morning. The wind was E.N.E., and they could shape a southerly course, but there was little of it. Beyond this cape there stretched out another land or cape, also trending east, which the Indians on board called Bohio. They said that it was very large, and that there were people in it who had one eye in their foreheads, and others who were cannibals, and of whom they were much afraid.153-1 When they saw that this course was taken, they said that they could not talk to these people because they would be eaten, and that they were very well armed. The Admiral says that he well believes that there were such people, and that if they are armed they must have some ability. He thought that they may have captured some of the Indians, and because they did not return to their homes, the others believed that they had been eaten. They thought the same of the Christians and of the Admiral when some of them first saw the strangers.

The Admiral faced the land all day, constantly steering south with little wind, but the current kept them from reaching it, as far away at sunset as it was in the morning. The wind was coming from the E.N.E., allowing them to head south, but there was hardly any of it. Beyond this cape lay another land or cape, also extending east, which the Indians on board referred to as Bohio. They claimed it was very large and that there were people there with one eye in their foreheads, and others who were cannibals, of whom they were quite afraid. When they noticed this course being taken, they said they couldn't communicate with these people because they would be eaten and that those people were well armed. The Admiral believes there were indeed such people, and that if they're armed, they must have some capability. He speculated that they may have taken some of the Indians captive, and since those captives didn’t return home, the others thought they had been eaten. They felt the same way about the Christians and the Admiral when some of them first saw the strangers.

Saturday, 24th of November

Saturday, November 24

They navigated all night, and at 3153-2 they reached the level island153-3 at the very same point they had come to the week before, when they started for the island of Babeque. At first the Admiral did not dare to approach the shore, because it seemed that there would be a great surf in that mountain-girded bay. Finally he reached the sea of Nuestra Señora, where there are many islands, and entered a port near the mouth of the opening to the islands. He says that if he had known of this port before he need not have occupied himself in exploring the islands, and it would not have been necessary to go back. He, however, considered that the time was well spent in examin[154]ing the islands. On nearing the land he sent in the boat to sound, finding a good sandy bottom in 6 to 20 fathoms. He entered the haven, pointing the ship’s head S.W. and then west, the flat island bearing north. This, with another island near it, forms a harbor which would hold all the ships of Spain safe from all winds. This entrance on the S.W. side is passed by steering S.S.W., the outlet being to the west very deep and wide. Thus a vessel can pass amidst these islands, and he who approaches from the north, with a knowledge of them can pass along the coast. These islands are at the foot of a great mountain-chain running east and west, which is longer and higher than any others on this coast, where there are many. A reef of rocks outside runs parallel with the said mountains, like a bench, extending to the entrance. On the side of the flat island, and also to the S.E., there is another small reef, but between them there is great width and depth. Within the port, near the S.E. side of the entrance, they saw a large and very fine river,154-1 with more volume than any they had yet met with, and fresh water could be taken from it as far as the sea. At the entrance there is a bar, but within it is very deep, 19 fathoms. The banks are lined with palms and many other trees.

They sailed all night, and at 3153-2, they arrived at the same spot they’d reached the week before when they first headed to the island of Babeque. At first, the Admiral didn’t want to get too close to the shore because it looked like there would be a big surf in that mountainous bay. Eventually, he arrived at the sea of Nuestra Señora, where there are many islands, and entered a port near the opening to the islands. He mentioned that if he had known about this port earlier, he wouldn’t have bothered exploring the islands and wouldn’t have needed to return. However, he believed that the time spent examining the islands was worthwhile. As he approached land, he sent a boat to check the depths, discovering a good sandy bottom at 6 to 20 fathoms. He entered the harbor, steering the ship S.W. and then west, with the flat island to the north. This, along with another nearby island, creates a harbor that could shelter all the ships of Spain from any winds. To enter from the S.W. side, one should steer S.S.W., with the exit to the west being very deep and wide. This way, a vessel can move through these islands, and those coming from the north, with knowledge of them, can navigate along the coast. These islands sit at the base of a massive mountain range that runs east to west, which is longer and taller than any others along this coast, where there are many. A rocky reef outside runs parallel to these mountains, like a bench, extending to the entrance. On the side of the flat island, and also to the S.E., there’s another small reef, but between them lies a wide and deep channel. Inside the port, near the S.E. side of the entrance, they saw a large and impressive river, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ with more flow than any they had encountered before, and fresh water could be collected from it as far as the sea. At the entrance, there’s a bar, but inside it is quite deep, at 19 fathoms. The banks are lined with palms and various other trees.

Sunday, 25th of November

Sunday, November 25

Before sunrise the Admiral got into the boat, and went to see a cape or point of land154-2 to the S.E. of the flat island, about a league and a half distant, because there appeared to be a good river there. Presently, near to the S.E. side of the cape, at a distance of two cross-bow shots, he saw a large stream of beautiful water falling from the mountains154-3 above, with a loud noise. He went to it, and saw some stones shining in its bed like gold.154-4[155] He remembered that in the river Tagus, near its junction with the sea, there was gold; so it seemed to him that this should contain gold, and he ordered some of these stones to be collected, to be brought to the Sovereigns. Just then the sailor boys called out that they had found large pines. The Admiral looked up the hill, and saw that they were so wonderfully large that he could not exaggerate their height and straightness, like stout yet fine spindles. He perceived that here there was material for great store of planks and masts for the largest ships in Spain. He saw oaks and arbutus trees,155-1 with a good river, and the means of making water-power.155-2 The climate was temperate, owing to the height of the mountains. On the beach he saw many other stones of the color of iron, and others that some said were like silver ore, all brought down by the river. Here he obtained a new mast and yard for the mizzen of the caravel Niña. He came to the mouth of the river, and entered a creek which was deep and wide, at the foot of that S.E. part of the cape, which would accommodate a hundred ships without any anchor or hawsers. Eyes never beheld a better harbor. The mountains are very high, whence descend many limpid streams, and all the hills are covered with pines, and an infinity of diverse and beautiful trees. Two or three other rivers were not visited.

Before sunrise, the Admiral got into the boat and headed to a point of land to the southeast of the flat island, about a mile and a half away, because it looked like there was a good river there. Soon, near the southeast side of the cape, at a distance of two crossbow shots, he saw a large stream of beautiful water cascading down from the mountains above, making a loud noise. He approached it and noticed some stones glimmering in its bed like gold. He remembered that near the sea's mouth, the Tagus River had gold; so he thought this river might contain gold as well, and he ordered some of these stones to be collected to take back to the Sovereigns. Just then, the sailor boys shouted that they had found large pines. The Admiral looked up the hill and saw the trees were so impressively tall that he could hardly exaggerate their height and straightness, like stout yet elegant spindles. He realized there was enough material here for plenty of planks and masts for the biggest ships in Spain. He noticed oaks and arbutus trees, with a good river and the potential for water power. The climate was mild due to the height of the mountains. On the beach, he saw many other stones that looked like iron, and others that some said resembled silver ore, all washed down by the river. Here, he secured a new mast and yard for the mizzen of the caravel Niña. He reached the mouth of the river and entered a deep, wide creek at the foot of that southeast part of the cape, which could accommodate a hundred ships without needing anchors or hawsers. No one had ever seen a better harbor. The mountains are very tall, with many clear streams flowing down, and all the hills are covered with pines and an abundance of diverse and beautiful trees. Two or three other rivers were left unvisited.

The Admiral described all this, in much detail, to the Sovereigns, and declared that he had derived unspeakable joy and pleasure at seeing it, more especially the pines, because they enable as many ships as is desired to be built here, bringing out the rigging, but finding here abundant supplies of wood and provisions. He affirms that he has not enumerated a hundredth part of what there is here, and that it pleased our Lord always to show him one thing better than another, as well on the ground and among the trees, herbs, fruits, and flowers, as in the people, and always something different in each place. It had been the same as regards the havens and[156] the waters. Finally, he says that if it caused him who saw it so much wonder, how much more will it affect those who hear about it; yet no one can believe until he sees it.

The Admiral described all of this in great detail to the Sovereigns and expressed that he felt incredible joy and pleasure in witnessing it, especially the pines, because they allow as many ships to be built as desired, with plenty of wood and provisions available. He claims he hasn't even covered a tiny fraction of what’s there and that it always pleased our Lord to show him one amazing thing after another, whether on the ground, among the trees, herbs, fruits, and flowers, or in the people, with something unique at each place. The same was true for the harbors and[156] the waters. Finally, he says that if it filled him with so much wonder, how much more will it impact those who hear about it; yet no one can truly believe it until they see it.

Monday, 26th of November

Monday, November 26th

At sunrise the Admiral weighed the anchors in the haven of Santa Catalina, where he was behind the flat island, and steered along the coast in the direction of Cabo del Pico, which was S.E. He reached the cape late, because the wind failed and then saw another cape, S.E. b. E. 60 miles, which, when 20 miles off, was named Cabo de Campana, but it could not be reached that day. They made good 32 miles during the day, which is 8 leagues. During this time the Admiral noted nine remarkable ports,156-1 which all the sailors thought wonderfully good, and five large rivers; for they sailed close along the land, so as to see everything. All along the coast there are very high and beautiful mountains, not arid or rocky, but all accessible, and very lovely. The valleys, like the mountains, were full of tall and fine trees, so that it was a glory to look upon them, and there seemed to be many pines. Also, beyond the said Cabo de Pico to the S.E. there are two islets, each about two leagues round, and inside them three excellent havens and two large rivers. Along the whole coast no inhabited places were visible from the sea. There may have been some, and there were indications of them, for, when the men landed, they found signs of people and numerous remains of fires. The Admiral conjectured that the land he saw to-day S.E. of the Cabo de Campana was the island called by the Indians Bohio:156-2 it looked as if this cape was separated from the mainland. The Admiral says that all the people he has hitherto met with have very great fear of those of Caniba or Canima. They affirm that they live in the island of Bohio, which must be very large, according to all accounts. The Admiral understood that those of Caniba come to take people from their homes, they being[157] very cowardly, and without knowledge of arms. For this use it appears that these Indians do not settle on the sea-coast owing to being near the land of Caniba. When the natives who were on board saw a course shaped for that land, they feared to speak, thinking they were going to be eaten; nor could they rid themselves of their fear. They declared that the Canibas157-1 had only one eye and dogs’ faces. The Admiral thought they lied, and was inclined to believe that it was people from the dominions of the Gran Can who took them into captivity.

At sunrise, the Admiral weighed anchor in the harbor of Santa Catalina, where he was sheltered behind the flat island, and steered along the coast towards Cabo del Pico, which was to the southeast. He reached the cape late because the wind died down and then spotted another cape, southeast by east about 60 miles away, which they named Cabo de Campana when they were 20 miles off, but it couldn’t be reached that day. They made good progress, covering 32 miles that day, which is about 8 leagues. During this time, the Admiral observed nine notable ports, which all the sailors found impressive, and five large rivers; they sailed close to shore to see everything. Along the coastline, there were very tall and beautiful mountains that were not dry or rocky, but all accessible and quite lovely. The valleys, like the mountains, were filled with tall, fine trees, making it a glorious sight, and there seemed to be many pines. Also, beyond Cabo de Pico to the southeast, there were two small islands, each about two leagues around, and between them were three excellent harbors and two large rivers. Throughout the entire coast, no inhabited places were visible from the sea. There might have been some, as there were signs of them; when the men landed, they found evidence of people and numerous remnants of fires. The Admiral guessed that the land he saw today southeast of Cabo de Campana was the island the Indians called Bohio, as it appeared that this cape was separate from the mainland. The Admiral notes that all the people he has encountered so far have a great fear of those from Caniba or Canima. They claim that they live on the island of Bohio, which must be quite large according to all reports. The Admiral learned that the Canibas come to capture people from their homes; they seem very cowardly and have no knowledge of weapons. It appears that these Indians do not settle on the coast because of the proximity to the land of Caniba. When the natives on board saw a course set for that land, they were too afraid to speak, fearing they would be eaten, and couldn’t shake off their fear. They stated that the Canibas had just one eye and dog-like faces. The Admiral thought they were lying and was inclined to believe it was people from the Gran Can’s dominions who took them captive.

Tuesday, 27th of November

Tuesday, November 27

Yesterday, at sunset, they arrived near a cape named Campana by the Admiral; and, as the sky was clear and the wind light, he did not wish to run in close to the land and anchor, although he had five or six singularly good havens under his lee. The Admiral was attracted on the one hand by the longing and delight he felt to gaze upon the beauty and freshness of those lands, and on the other by a desire to complete the work he had undertaken. For these reasons he remained close hauled, and stood off and on during the night. But, as the currents had set him more than 5 or 6 leagues to the S.E. beyond where he had been at nightfall, passing the land of Campana, he came in sight of a great opening beyond that cape, which seemed to divide one land from another, leaving an island between them. He decided to go back, with the wind S.E., steering to the point where the opening had appeared, where he found that it was only a large bay,157-2 and at the end of it, on the S.E. side, there was a point of land on which was a high and square-cut hill,157-3 which had looked like an island. A breeze sprang up from the north, and the Admiral continued on a S.E. course, to explore the coast and discover all that was there. Presently he saw, at the[158] foot of the Cabo de Campana, a wonderfully good port158-1, and a large river, and, a quarter of a league on, another river, and a third, and a fourth to a seventh at similar distances, from the furthest one to Cabo de Campana being 20 miles S.E. Most of these rivers have wide and deep mouths, with excellent havens for large ships, without sandbanks or sunken rocks. Proceeding onwards from the last of these rivers, on a S.E. course, they came to the largest inhabited place they had yet seen, and a vast concourse of people came down to the beach with loud shouts, all naked, with their darts in their hands. The Admiral desired to have speech with them, so he furled sails and anchored. The boats of the ship and the caravel were sent on shore, with orders to do no harm whatever to the Indians, but to give them presents. The Indians made as if they would resist the landing, but, seeing that the boats of the Spaniards continued to advance without fear, they retired from the beach. Thinking that they would not be terrified if only two or three landed, three Christians were put on shore, who told them not to be afraid, in their own language, for they had been able to learn a little from the natives who were on board. But all ran away, neither great nor small remaining. The Christians went to the houses, which were of straw, and built like the others they had seen, but found no one in any of them. They returned to the ships, and made sail at noon in the direction of a fine cape158-2 to the eastward, about 8 leagues distant. Having gone about half a league, the Admiral saw, on the south side of the same bay, a very remarkable harbor158-3, and to the S.E. some wonderfully beautiful country like a valley among the mountains, whence much smoke arose, indicating a large population, with signs of much cultivation. So he resolved to stop at this port, and see if he could have any speech or intercourse with the inhabitants. It was so that, if the Admiral had praised the other havens, he must praise this still more for its lands, climate, and people. He[159] tells marvels of the beauty of the country and of the trees, there being palms and pine trees; and also of the great valley which is not flat, but diversified by hill and dale, the most lovely scene in the world. Many streams flow from it, which fall from the mountains.

Yesterday, at sunset, they reached a cape called Campana by the Admiral. Since the sky was clear and the wind was light, he didn't want to get too close to shore and anchor, even though he had five or six really good harbors nearby. The Admiral was drawn, on one hand, by the desire to admire the beauty and freshness of the land, and, on the other hand, by the need to finish the work he had started. For these reasons, he kept a close haul and spent the night off and on. However, the currents pushed him more than 5 or 6 leagues to the S.E. past where he had been as night fell. As he passed Campana, he saw a large opening beyond the cape that looked like it separated one landmass from another, leaving an island in between. He decided to turn back, with the wind blowing S.E., heading toward where he had seen the opening. He discovered it was just a wide bay, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and at the end of it, on the S.E. side, there was a point of land featuring a tall, square-cut hill,157-3 which had looked like an island. A breeze came in from the north, and the Admiral continued southeast to explore the coast and see what else was there. Soon, he spotted, at the foot of Cabo de Campana, an excellent port__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, along with a large river, and a quarter of a league away, another river, then a third, and a fourth, all the way to a seventh at similar distances, with the furthest one being 20 miles S.E. Most of these rivers had wide and deep mouths, with great harbors for large ships, free of sandbanks or sunken rocks. Continuing southeast from the last river, they came to the largest inhabited area they had seen so far, where a huge crowd of people gathered on the beach, shouting loudly, all naked and armed with darts. The Admiral wanted to speak with them, so he furled the sails and anchored. The ship's boats and the caravel were sent ashore with instructions to harm the Indians in no way but to offer them gifts. The Indians pretended to resist the landing, but when they saw the Spaniards' boats advance without fear, they retreated from the beach. Thinking they wouldn’t be scared if only two or three landed, three Christians were sent ashore to reassure them, speaking in their own language, as they had learned a little from the natives on board. But everyone fled, without anyone left large or small. The Christians checked out the houses, which were made of straw and built like others they had seen, but found nobody inside. They returned to the ships and set sail at noon towards a nice cape158-2 to the east, about 8 leagues away. After going about half a league, the Admiral noticed, on the south side of the same bay, a striking harbor __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, and to the S.E., some incredibly beautiful land resembling a valley among the mountains, with a lot of smoke rising, suggesting a large population and signs of significant cultivation. So he decided to stop at this port to see if he could communicate or interact with the people there. The Admiral thought that if he had praised the other harbors, he must praise this one even more for its land, climate, and people. He[159] tells wondrous things about the beauty of the country and its trees, including palms and pines; and also about the great valley, which is not flat but features hills and valleys, creating one of the most beautiful scenes in the world. Many streams flow from it, cascading down from the mountains.

As soon as the ship was at anchor the Admiral jumped into the boat, to get soundings in the port, which is the shape of a hammer. When he was facing the entrance he found the mouth of a river on the south side of sufficient width for a galley to enter it, but so concealed that it is not visible until close to. Entering it for the length of the boat, there was a depth of from 5 to 8 fathoms. In passing up it the freshness and beauty of the trees, the clearness of the water, and the birds, made it all so delightful that he wished never to leave them. He said to the men who were with him that to give a true relation to the Sovereigns of the things they had seen, a thousand tongues would not suffice, nor his hand to write it, for that it was like a scene of enchantment. He desired that many other prudent and credible witnesses might see it, and he was sure that they would be as unable to exaggerate the scene as he was.

As soon as the ship dropped anchor, the Admiral jumped into the boat to take soundings in the port, which is shaped like a hammer. Facing the entrance, he discovered the mouth of a river on the south side wide enough for a galley to enter, but so hidden that it wasn’t visible until you got really close. As they went in the length of the boat, the depth ranged from 5 to 8 fathoms. Moving farther up, the freshness and beauty of the trees, the clarity of the water, and the birds made it so delightful that he wished he could stay forever. He told the men with him that to truly convey to the Sovereigns what they had seen, a thousand tongues wouldn't be enough, nor could his hand write it, because it felt like something out of a fairytale. He hoped many other wise and trustworthy witnesses would experience it too, knowing they would be just as unable to exaggerate the scene as he was.

The Admiral also says:—“How great the benefit that is to be derived from this country would be, I cannot say. It is certain that where there are such lands there must be an infinite number of things that would be profitable. But I did not remain long in one port, because I wished to see as much of the country as possible, in order to make a report upon it to your Highnesses; and besides, I do not know the language, and these people neither understand me nor any other in my company; while the Indians I have on board often misunderstand. Moreover, I have not been able to see much of the natives, because they often take to flight. But now, if our Lord pleases, I will see as much as possible, and will proceed by little and little, learning and comprehending; and I will make some of my followers learn the language. For I have perceived that there is only one language up to this point. After they understand the advantages, I shall labor[160] to make all these people Christians. They will become so readily, because they have no religion nor idolatry, and your Highnesses will send orders to build a city and fortress, and to convert the people. I assure your Highnesses that it does not appear to me that there can be a more fertile country nor a better climate under the sun, with abundant supplies of water. This is not like the rivers of Guinea, which are all pestilential. I thank our Lord that, up to this time, there has not been a person of my company who has had so much as a headache, or been in bed from illness, except an old man who has suffered from the stone all his life, and he was well again in two days. I speak of all three vessels. If it will please God that your Highnesses should send learned men out here, they will see the truth of all I have said. I have related already how good a place Rio de Mares would be for a town and fortress, and this is perfectly true; but it bears no comparison with this place, nor with the Mar de Nuestra Señora. For here there must be a large population, and very valuable productions, which I hope to discover before I return to Castile. I say that if Christendom will find profit among these people, how much more will Spain, to whom the whole country should be subject. Your Highnesses ought not to consent that any stranger should trade here, or put his foot in the country, except Catholic Christians, for this was the beginning and end of the undertaking; namely, the increase and glory of the Christian religion, and that no one should come to these parts who was not a good Christian.”160-1

The Admiral also says:—“I can’t say exactly how much benefit this country could provide. It’s clear that with such lands, there must be countless profitable opportunities. But I didn’t stay long in one place because I wanted to explore as much of the country as possible to report back to your Highnesses. Plus, I don’t know the language, and the locals don’t understand me or anyone in my group; even the Indians I have on board often misunderstand. Also, I haven't been able to see much of the natives because they frequently run away. But now, if God allows, I will see as much as I can, moving slowly, learning and understanding; I will have some of my crew learn the language. I’ve noticed that there seems to be only one language used so far. Once they see the benefits, I will work to convert these people to Christianity. They will likely accept it easily, as they have no religion or idolatry. Your Highnesses should send orders to build a city and fortress and convert the people. I assure your Highnesses that I can't imagine a more fertile country or better climate under the sun, with plenty of fresh water. This is not like the rivers of Guinea, which are all unhealthy. I thank God that so far, no one in my group has even had a headache or been sick, except for an old man who has had kidney stones his whole life, and he recovered in two days. I'm talking about all three ships. If it pleases God for your Highnesses to send educated men here, they will witness the truth of everything I’ve said. I’ve already mentioned how great a location Rio de Mares would be for a town and fortress, and that’s absolutely true; but it doesn’t compare to this place, nor to the Sea of Our Lady. Because here, there must be a large population and very valuable resources, which I hope to discover before I go back to Castile. I say if Christendom finds profit among these people, how much more will Spain, to whom this whole country should belong. Your Highnesses should not allow any outsiders to trade here or set foot on this land, except for Catholic Christians, as this is the beginning and end of the mission; namely, the growth and glory of the Christian religion, and that no one should come to these parts who is not a good Christian.”160-1

All the above are the Admiral’s words. He ascended the river for some distance, examined some branches of it, and, returning to the mouth, he found some pleasant groves of trees, like a delightful orchard. Here he came upon a boat or[161] canoa, dug out of one tree as big as a fusta161-1 of twelve benches, fastened under a boat-house or bower made of wood, and thatched with palm-leaves, so that it could be neither injured by sun nor by the water. He says that here would be the proper site for a town and fort, by reason of the good port, good water, good land, and abundance of fuel.

All of the above are the Admiral's words. He traveled up the river for a while, checked out some of its branches, and, after returning to the mouth, he discovered some beautiful groves of trees, resembling a lovely orchard. There, he came across a boat or [161] canoa, made from a single tree, as large as a fusta161-1 with twelve benches, stored under a wooden boat-house or shelter, thatched with palm leaves, so it wouldn't be damaged by the sun or the water. He mentioned that this would be an ideal location for a town and fort, due to the good port, fresh water, fertile land, and plenty of firewood.

Wednesday, 28th of November

Wednesday, November 28

The Admiral remained during this day, in consequence of the rain and thick weather, though he might have run along the coast, the wind being S.W., but he did not weigh, because he was unacquainted with the coast beyond, and did not know what danger there might be for the vessels. The sailors of the two vessels went on shore to wash their clothes, and some of them walked inland for a short distance. They found indications of a large population, but the houses were all empty, everyone having fled. They returned by the banks of another river, larger than that which they knew of, at the port.

The Admiral stayed put that day because of the rain and thick fog, even though he could have moved along the coast with the wind coming from the southwest. He didn’t set sail because he wasn’t familiar with the coastline beyond where they were, and he was unsure of the dangers that might threaten the ships. The sailors from both vessels went ashore to wash their clothes, and some of them wandered inland for a bit. They noticed signs of a large population, but all the houses were empty; everyone had fled. They made their way back along the banks of a different river, which was bigger than the one they knew at the port.

Thursday, 29th of November

Thursday, November 29

The rain and thick weather continuing, the Admiral did not get under way. Some of the Christians went to another village to the N.W., but found no one, and nothing in the houses. On the road they met an old man who could not run away, and caught him. They told him they did not wish to do him any harm, gave him a few presents, and let him go. The Admiral would have liked to have had speech with him, for he was exceedingly satisfied with the delights of that land, and wished that a settlement might be formed there, judging that it must support a large population. In one house they found a cake of wax,161-2 which was taken to the Sovereigns, the[162] Admiral saying that where there was wax there were also a thousand other good things. The sailors also found, in one house, the head of a man in a basket, covered with another basket, and fastened to a post of the house. They found the same things in another village. The Admiral believed that they must be the heads of some founder, or principal ancestor of a lineage, for the houses are built to contain a great number of people in each; and these should be relations, and descendants of a common ancestor.

The rain and bad weather kept the Admiral from setting sail. Some of the Christians went to another village to the northwest but found no one and nothing in the houses. On the way, they came across an old man who couldn’t run away, so they caught him. They told him they didn’t mean him any harm, gave him a few gifts, and let him go. The Admiral would have liked to talk to him because he was very pleased with the beauty of the land and hoped a settlement could be established there, believing it could support a large population. In one house, they found a block of wax,161-2 which was taken to the Sovereigns, with the Admiral saying that where there was wax, there were also a thousand other good things. The sailors also discovered the head of a man in a basket, covered with another basket, and tied to a post of the house. They found similar things in another village. The Admiral thought these might be the heads of some founder or important ancestor of a lineage, as the houses were built to accommodate many people, who would be relatives and descendants of a common ancestor.

Friday, 30th of November

Friday, November 30

They could not get under way to-day because the wind was east, and dead against them. The Admiral sent 8 men well armed, accompanied by two of the Indians he had on board, to examine the villages inland, and get speech with the people. They came to many houses, but found no one and nothing, all having fled. They saw four youths who were digging in their fields, but, as soon as they saw the Christians, they ran away, and could not be overtaken. They marched a long distance, and saw many villages and a most fertile land, with much cultivation and many streams of water. Near one river they saw a canoe dug out of a single tree, 95 palmos162-1 long, and capable of carrying 150 persons.

They couldn't set out today because the wind was blowing from the east, directly against them. The Admiral sent 8 armed men, along with two of the Native Americans he had on board, to explore the villages inland and talk to the people. They came across many houses but found no one and nothing; everyone had fled. They spotted four young men working in their fields, but as soon as they saw the Europeans, they ran away and could not be caught. They walked a long way, seeing many villages and very fertile land filled with crops and numerous streams. Near one river, they found a canoe carved from a single tree, 95 palmos162-1 long, and able to carry 150 people.

Saturday, 1st of December

Saturday, December 1st

They did not depart, because there was still a foul wind, with much rain. The Admiral set up a cross at the entrance of this port, which he called Puerto Santo,162-2 on some bare rocks. The point is that which is on the S.E. side of the entrance; but he who has to enter should make more over to the N.W.; for at the foot of both, near the rock, there are 12[163] fathoms and a very clean bottom. At the entrance of the port, toward the S.E. point, there is a reef of rocks above water,163-1 sufficiently far from the shore to enable one to pass between if it is necessary, for both on the side of the rock and the shore there is a depth of 12 to 15 fathoms; and, on entering, a ship’s head should be turned S.W.

They didn’t leave because there was still a bad wind and a lot of rain. The Admiral put up a cross at the entrance of this port, which he named Puerto Santo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ on some bare rocks. The point is on the southeast side of the entrance; however, anyone entering should aim more toward the northwest, as there are 12[163] fathoms and a very clean bottom at the foot of both, near the rock. At the port entrance, toward the southeast point, there’s a reef of rocks above water,163-1 far enough from the shore to allow passage if needed, since there are 12 to 15 fathoms of depth both at the rock and the shore; when entering, a ship should head southwest.

Sunday, 2nd of December

Sunday, December 2nd

The wind was still contrary, and they could not depart. Every night the wind blows on the land, but no vessel need be alarmed at all the gales in the world, for they cannot blow home by reason of a reef of rocks at the opening to the haven, etc. A sailor-boy found, at the mouth of the river, some stones which looked as if they contained gold; so they were taken to be shown to the Sovereigns. The Admiral says that there are great rivers at the distance of a lombard shot.163-2

The wind was still against them, and they couldn’t leave. Every night, the wind comes in from the sea, but no ship needs to worry about the gales out there, since they can’t blow into the harbor because of a reef of rocks at the entrance, etc. A young sailor found some stones at the river’s mouth that looked like they might be gold; so, they were taken to show the Sovereigns. The Admiral claims that there are large rivers a lombard shot away. 163-2

Monday, 3rd of December

Monday, December 3rd

By reason of the continuance of an easterly wind the Admiral did not leave this port. He arranged to visit a very beautiful headland a quarter of a league to the S.E. of the anchorage. He went with the boats and some armed men. At the foot of the cape there was the mouth of a fair river, and on entering it they found the width to be a hundred paces, with a depth of one fathom. Inside they found 12, 5, 4, and 2 fathoms, so that it would hold all the ships there are in Spain. Leaving the river, they came to a cove in which were five very[164] large canoes,164-1 so well constructed that it was a pleasure to look at them. They were under spreading trees, and a path led from them to a very well-built boat-house, so thatched that neither sun nor rain could do any harm. Within it there was another canoe made out of a single tree like the others, like a fusta with 17 benches. It was a pleasant sight to look upon such goodly work. The Admiral ascended a mountain, and afterwards found the country level, and cultivated with many things of that land, including such calabashes, as it was a glory to look upon them.164-2 In the middle there was a large village, and they came upon the people suddenly; but, as soon as they were seen, men and women took to flight. The Indian from on board, who was with the Admiral, cried out to them that they need not be afraid, as the strangers were good people. The Admiral made him give them bells, copper ornaments, and glass beads, green and yellow, with which they were well content. He saw that they had no gold nor any other precious thing, and that it would suffice to leave them in peace. The whole district was well peopled, the rest having fled from fear. The Admiral assures the Sovereigns that ten thousand of these men would run from ten, so cowardly and timid are they. No arms are carried by them, except wands,164-3 on the point of which a short piece of wood is fixed, hardened by fire, and these they are very ready to exchange. Returning to where he had left the boats, he sent back some men up the hill, because he fancied he had seen a large apiary. Before those he had sent[165] could return, they were joined by many Indians, and they went to the boats, where the Admiral was waiting with all his people. One of the natives advanced into the river near the stern of the boat, and made a long speech, which the Admiral did not understand. At intervals the other Indians raised their hands to Heaven, and shouted. The Admiral thought he was assuring him that he was pleased at his arrival; but he saw the Indian who came from the ship change the color of his face, and turn as yellow as wax, trembling much, and letting the Admiral know by signs that he should leave the river, as they were going to kill him. He pointed to a cross-bow which one of the Spaniards had, and showed it to the Indians, and the Admiral let it be understood that they would all be slain, because that cross-bow carried far and killed people. He also took a sword and drew it out of the sheath, showing it to them, and saying the same, which, when they had heard, they all took to flight; while the Indian from the ship still trembled from cowardice, though he was a tall, strong man. The Admiral did not want to leave the river, but pulled towards the place where the natives had assembled in great numbers, all painted, and as naked as when their mothers bore them. Some had tufts of feathers on their heads, and all had their bundles of darts.

Due to the ongoing easterly wind, the Admiral stayed in port. He planned to visit a beautiful headland about a quarter of a league southeast of the anchorage. He went with boats and some armed men. At the base of the cape, they found the mouth of a nice river. Upon entering it, they discovered it was a hundred paces wide and one fathom deep. Inside, they encountered depths of 12, 5, 4, and 2 fathoms, enough to accommodate all the ships in Spain. After leaving the river, they came to a cove that had five very large canoes, so well-built they were a pleasure to see. They were sheltered under large trees and a path led from them to a sturdy boat-house, designed to protect against sun and rain. Inside, there was another canoe made from a single tree, like the others, resembling a fusta with 17 benches. It was satisfying to admire such fine craftsmanship. The Admiral climbed a mountain and then found flat, cultivated land filled with various local plants, including beautiful calabashes. In the center, there was a large village, and they suddenly came upon its people. However, as soon as they were spotted, men and women ran away. The Indian from the ship who was with the Admiral shouted to them that they shouldn’t be afraid, as the strangers were good people. The Admiral had him give them bells, copper ornaments, and glass beads in green and yellow, which pleased them. He noticed they had no gold or other precious items, and decided it was best to leave them in peace. The entire area was well-populated, but most had fled in fear. The Admiral assured the Sovereigns that ten thousand of these people would run away from just ten, as they were very cowardly and timid. They didn’t carry any weapons except for wands, with a short piece of wood hardened by fire attached to the end, which they were quick to trade. When he returned to where he had left the boats, he sent some men back up the hill because he thought he saw a large beehive. Before those he sent could return, they were joined by many Indians, and they headed to the boats where the Admiral was waiting with all his crew. One of the natives stepped into the river near the back of the boat and began a long speech that the Admiral couldn’t understand. Occasionally, the other Indians raised their hands to the sky and shouted. The Admiral thought he was expressing happiness at his arrival, but he saw the Indian from the ship go pale, turning as yellow as wax, trembling, and signaling the Admiral to leave the river because they intended to kill him. He pointed to a crossbow one of the Spaniards had and showed it to the Indians, signaling that it could shoot far and kill people. He also pulled out a sword, pointing it out to them and conveying the same message. Upon hearing this, they all fled, while the Indian from the ship continued to tremble, despite being a tall, strong man. The Admiral didn’t want to leave the river, but headed toward the area where the natives had gathered in large numbers, all painted and as naked as when they were born. Some had feather tufts on their heads, and all carried bundles of darts.

The Admiral says: “I came to them, and gave them some mouthfuls of bread, asking for the darts, for which I gave in exchange copper ornaments, bells, and glass beads. This made them peaceable, so that they came to the boats again, and gave us what they had. The sailors had killed a turtle, and the shell was in the boat in pieces. The sailor-boys gave them some in exchange for a bundle of darts. These are like the other people we have seen, and with the same belief that we came from Heaven. They are ready to give whatever thing they have in exchange for any trifle without saying it is little; and I believe they would do the same with gold and spices if they had any. I saw a fine house, not very large, and with two doors, as all the rest have. On entering, I saw a marvellous work, there being rooms made in a peculiar way,[166] that I scarcely know how to describe it. Shells and other things were fastened to the ceiling. I thought it was a temple, and I called them and asked, by signs, whether prayers were offered up there. They said that they were not, and one of them climbed up and offered me all the things that were there, of which I took some.”

The Admiral says: “I approached them and shared some pieces of bread, asking for the darts in return. I offered copper ornaments, bells, and glass beads in exchange. This made them friendly, so they came back to the boats and traded us what they had. The sailors had caught a turtle, and the shell was in the boat in pieces. The sailor boys exchanged some of it for a bundle of darts. These people remind me of others we’ve encountered, believing that we came from Heaven. They are willing to trade anything they possess for even the smallest trinket without considering it unimportant; I believe they would do the same for gold and spices if they had any. I saw a nice house, not very big, with two doors like all the others. Upon entering, I saw an incredible sight, with rooms arranged in a unique way,[166] which I can barely describe. Shells and other items were attached to the ceiling. I thought it was a temple, so I gestured to them, asking if prayers were offered there. They said no, and one of them climbed up and offered me all the things that were there, of which I took some.”

Tuesday, 4th of December

Tuesday, December 4th

The Admiral made sail with little wind, and left that port, which he called Puerto Santo. After going two leagues, he saw the great river166-1 of which he spoke yesterday. Passing along the land, and beating to windward on S.E. and W.N.W. courses, they reached Cabo Lindo,166-2 which is E.S.E. 5 leagues from Cabo del Monte. A league and a half from Cabo del Monte there is an important but rather narrow river, which seemed to have a good entrance, and to be deep. Three-quarters of a league further on, the Admiral saw another very large river, and he thought it must have its source at a great distance. It had a hundred paces at its mouth, and no bar, with a depth of 8 fathoms. The Admiral sent the boat in, to take soundings, and they found the water fresh until it enters the sea.

The Admiral set sail with little wind and left the port he named Puerto Santo. After traveling two leagues, he spotted the huge river166-1 he mentioned yesterday. As they navigated along the coast, sailing against the wind on southeast and northwest courses, they arrived at Cabo Lindo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, which is five leagues east-southeast of Cabo del Monte. A mile and a half from Cabo del Monte, there’s an important but somewhat narrow river that appeared to have a good entrance and was deep. Three-quarters of a league further, the Admiral spotted another very large river and figured it must originate far away. It had a hundred paces at its mouth, no sandbar, with a depth of 8 fathoms. The Admiral sent a boat in to take measurements, and they discovered the water was fresh until it met the sea.

This river had great volume, and must have a large population on its banks. Beyond Cabo Lindo there is a great bay, which would be open for navigation to E.N.E. and S.E. and S.S.W.

This river had a large flow and must support a sizable population along its banks. Beyond Cabo Lindo, there is a large bay that would allow for navigation to the northeast, southeast, and south-southwest.

Wednesday, 5th of December

Wednesday, December 5

All this night they were beating to windward off Cape Lindo, to reach the land to the east, and at sunrise the Admiral sighted another cape,166-3 two and a half leagues to the east. Having passed it, he saw that the land trended S. and S.W.,[167] and presently saw a fine high cape in that direction, 7 leagues distant.167-1 He would have wished to go there, but his object was to reach the island of Babeque, which, according to the Indians, bore N.E.; so he gave up the intention. He could not go to Babeque either, because the wind was N.E. Looking to the S.E., he saw land, which was a very large island, according to the information of the Indians, well peopled, and called by them Bohio.167-2 The Admiral says that the inhabitants of Cuba, or Juana,167-3 and of all the other islands, are much afraid of the inhabitants of Bohio, because they say that they eat people. The Indians relate other things, by signs, which are very wonderful; but the Admiral did not believe them. He only inferred that those of Bohio must have more cleverness and cunning to be able to capture the others, who, however, are very poor-spirited. The wind veered from N.E. to North, so the Admiral determined to leave Cuba, or Juana, which, up to this time, he had supposed to be the mainland, on account of its size, having coasted along it for 120 leagues.167-4 He shaped a course S.E. b. E., the land he had sighted bearing S.E.; taking this precaution because the wind always veered from N. to N.E. again, and thence to east and S.E. The wind increased, and he made all sail, the current helping them; so that they were making 8 miles an hour from the morning until one in the afternoon (which is barely 6 hours, for they say that the nights were nearly 15 hours). Afterwards they went 10 miles an hour, making good 88 miles by sunset, equal to 22 leagues, all to the S.E. As night was coming on, the[168] Admiral ordered the caravel Niña, being a good sailer, to proceed ahead, so as to sight a harbor at daylight. Arriving at the entrance of a port which was like the Bay of Cadiz, while it was still dark, a boat was sent in to take soundings, which showed a light from a lantern. Before the Admiral could beat up to where the caravel was, hoping that the boat would show a leading-mark for entering the port, the candle in the lantern went out. The caravel, not seeing the light, showed a light to the Admiral, and, running down to him, related what had happened. The boat’s crew then showed another light, and the caravel made for it; but the Admiral could not do so, and was standing off and on all night.

All night they were sailing against the wind off Cape Lindo, trying to reach the land to the east, and at sunrise the Admiral spotted another cape,166-3 two and a half leagues to the east. After passing it, he noticed that the land stretched to the south and southwest,[167] and soon saw a tall, beautiful cape in that direction, 7 leagues distant. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ He would have liked to go there, but his goal was to reach the island of Babeque, which, according to the Indians, was to the northeast; so he abandoned that plan. He also couldn't go to Babeque because the wind was coming from the northeast. Looking to the southeast, he spotted land that turned out to be a very large, well-populated island according to the Indians, called Bohio. 167-2 The Admiral mentions that the people of Cuba, or Juana, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and the other islands, are very afraid of the people of Bohio because they say that they eat humans. The Indians also shared other incredible stories through signs, but the Admiral didn’t take them seriously. He could only conclude that the people of Bohio must be more clever and cunning to be able to capture others who, in contrast, are very timid. The wind shifted from northeast to north, leading the Admiral to decide to leave Cuba, or Juana, which he had believed to be the mainland due to its size after traveling along its coast for 120 leagues. 167-4 He set a course south-east by east, with the land he had spotted lying to the southeast; he took this precaution because the wind always shifted from north to northeast again, then to east and southeast. The wind picked up, and he set all sails, with the current working in their favor, so they were traveling at 8 miles an hour from morning until one in the afternoon (which is just under 6 hours, since the nights were nearly 15 hours long). Later, they reached 10 miles an hour, covering 88 miles by sunset, equivalent to 22 leagues, all in the southeast direction. As night fell, the[168] Admiral ordered the caravel Niña, which was a good sailor, to go ahead to look for a harbor in the daylight. When they reached the entrance of a port that resembled the Bay of Cadiz, while it was still dark, a boat was sent in to take soundings, which revealed a light from a lantern. Before the Admiral could sail up to where the caravel was, hoping that the boat would show him how to enter the port, the candle in the lantern went out. The caravel, not seeing the light, signaled to the Admiral, and when it came down to him, it explained what had occurred. The boat's crew then lit another signal, and the caravel headed toward it; however, the Admiral couldn't do the same and was left drifting all night.

Thursday, 6th of December

Thursday, December 6

When daylight arrived the Admiral found himself four leagues from the port, to which he gave the name of Puerto Maria,168-1 and to a fine cape bearing S.S.W. he gave the name of Cabo de la Estrella.168-2 It seemed to be the furthest point of the island towards the south, distant 28 miles. Another point of land, like an island, appeared about 40 miles to the east. To another fine point, 54 miles to the east, he gave the name of Cabo del Elefante,168-3 and he called another, 28 miles to the S.E., Cabo de Cinquin. There was a great opening or bay, which might be the mouth of a river,168-4 distant 20 miles. It seemed that between Cabo del Elefante and that of Cinquin there was a great opening,168-5 and some of the sailors said that it formed an island, to which the name of Isla de la Tortuga168-6 was given. The island appeared to be very high land, not closed in with mountains, but with beautiful valleys, well cultivated, the crops appearing like the wheat on the plain of Cordova in May.[169] That night they saw many fires, and much smoke, as if from workshops,169-1 in the day time; it appeared to be a signal made by people who were at war. All the coast of this land trends to the east.

When daylight broke, the Admiral found himself four leagues from the port, which he named Puerto Maria, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and to a beautiful cape located S.S.W., he gave the name Cabo de la Estrella. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ It seemed to be the southernmost point of the island, 28 miles away. Another piece of land that looked like an island was about 40 miles to the east. He named another prominent point, 54 miles to the east, Cabo del Elephant,168-3 and called another, located 28 miles to the S.E., Cabo de Cinquin. There was a large opening or bay that could be the mouth of a river,168-4 situated 20 miles away. It appeared that between Cabo del Elefante and Cabo de Cinquin there was a large opening,168-5 and some of the sailors mentioned that it created an island, which was named Isla de la Tortuga __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. The island looked like high land, not surrounded by mountains, but featuring beautiful valleys that were well cultivated, with crops that looked like wheat in the plains of Cordova in May.[169] That night, they noticed many fires and a lot of smoke, as if from workshops, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ during the day; it appeared to be a signal made by people who were at war. All the coast of this land extends to the east.

At the hour of vespers the Admiral reached this port, to which he gave the name of Puerto de San Nicolas, in honor of St. Nicholas, whose day it was;169-2 and on entering it he was astonished at its beauty and excellence. Although he had given great praise to the ports of Cuba, he had no doubt that this one not only equalled, but excelled them, and none of them are like it. At the entrance it is a league and a half wide, and a vessel’s head should be turned S.S.E., though, owing to the great width, she may be steered on any bearing that is convenient; proceeding on this course for two leagues.169-3 On the south side of the entrance the coast forms a cape, and thence the course is almost the same as far as a point where there is a fine beach, and a plain covered with fruit-bearing trees of many kinds; so that the Admiral thought there must be nutmegs and other spices among them, but he did not know them, and they were not ripe. There is a river falling into the harbor, near the middle of the beach. The depth of this port is surprising, for, until reaching the land, for a distance of ...169-4 the lead did not reach the bottom at 40 fathoms; and up to this length there are 15 fathoms with a very clean bottom. Throughout the port there is a depth of 15 fathoms, with a clean bottom, at a short distance from the shore; and all along the coast there are soundings with clean bottom, and not a single sunken rock. Inside, at the length of a boat’s oar from the land, there are 5 fathoms. Beyond the limit of the port to the S.S.E. a thousand carracks could beat up.[170] One branch of the port to the N.E. runs into the land for a long half league, and always the same width, as if it had been measured with a cord. Being in this creek, which is 25 paces wide, the principal entrance to the harbor is not in sight, so that it appears land-locked.170-1 The depth of this creek is 11 fathoms throughout, all with clean bottom; and close to the land, where one might put the gangboards on the grass, there are eight fathoms.

At vespers, the Admiral arrived at this port, which he named Puerto de San Nicolas in honor of St. Nicholas, as it was his day; and upon entering, he was amazed by its beauty and quality. Although he had praised the ports of Cuba, he believed this one not only matched them but surpassed them, as none of them resembled it. The entrance is a league and a half wide, and a ship should head S.S.E., though due to its great width, it can be steered in any convenient direction; continuing on this course for two leagues. On the south side of the entrance, the coast forms a cape, and from there, the course is nearly the same until reaching a point with a beautiful beach and a plain filled with various fruit-bearing trees; the Admiral thought there might be nutmeg and other spices among them, although he couldn't recognize them, and they weren’t ripe. A river flows into the harbor near the center of the beach. The depth of this port is impressive because, until reaching the land, the lead didn't touch the bottom at 40 fathoms; up to that distance, there are 15 fathoms with a very clean bottom. Throughout the port, there is a depth of 15 fathoms with a clean bottom just a short distance from the shore, and along the coast, the soundings have clean bottoms with no sunken rocks. Inside, at a boat's oar length from the shore, the depth is 5 fathoms. Beyond the port limit to the S.S.E., a thousand carracks could navigate easily. One branch of the port to the N.E. extends into the land for half a league, maintaining the same width, as if it had been measured with a cord. While in this creek, which is 25 paces wide, the main entrance to the harbor is not visible, making it appear landlocked. The depth of this creek is consistently 11 fathoms with a clean bottom; and close to the land, where gangplanks could be placed onto the grass, there are eight fathoms.

The whole port is open to the air, and clear of trees. All the island appeared to be more rocky than any that had been discovered. The trees are smaller, and many of them of the same kinds as are found in Spain, such as the ilex, the arbutus and others, and it is the same with the herbs. It is a very high country, all open and clear, with a very fine air, and no such cold has been met with elsewhere, though it cannot be called cold except by comparison. Towards the front of the haven there is a beautiful valley, watered by a river; and in that district there must be many inhabitants, judging from the number of large canoes, like galleys, with 15 benches. All the natives fled as soon as they saw the ships. The Indians who were on board had such a longing to return to their homes that the Admiral considered whether he should not take them back when he should depart from here. They were already suspicious, because he did not shape a course towards their country; whence he neither believed what they said, nor could he understand them, nor they him, properly. The Indians on board had the greatest fear in the world of the people of this island. In order to get speech of the people it would be necessary to remain some days in harbor; but the Admiral did not do so, because he had to continue his discoveries, and because he could not tell how long he might be detained. He trusted in our Lord that the Indians he brought with him would understand the language of the people of this island; and afterwards he would communicate with them, trusting that it might please God’s Majesty that he might find trade in gold before he returned.[171]

The entire port is open to the air and free of trees. The island seems rockier than any previously discovered. The trees are smaller, and many are similar to those found in Spain, like the holm oak, the strawberry tree, and others, and the same goes for the herbs. It's a very high area, all open and clear, with really nice air, and while it feels cold, it can only be described that way in comparison. In front of the harbor, there's a beautiful valley, watered by a river, and there must be many people living in that area, judging by the number of large canoes, like galleys, with 15 benches. All the natives fled as soon as they saw the ships. The Indians on board were so eager to return home that the Admiral considered whether he should take them back with him when he left. They were already suspicious because he wasn’t heading directly toward their country; as a result, he didn’t completely believe what they said, nor could he properly understand them, and they couldn’t understand him either. The Indians on board were extremely afraid of the people of this island. To communicate with the locals, it would be necessary to stay in the harbor for a few days, but the Admiral didn’t do that, as he needed to continue his exploration, and he couldn’t predict how long he might be delayed. He trusted in our Lord that the Indians he brought with him would understand the language of the people on this island; afterwards, he hoped to make contact with them, trusting that it might please God’s Majesty for him to find trade in gold before he returned.[171]

Friday, 7th of December

Friday, December 7

At daybreak the Admiral got under way, made sail, and left the port of St. Nicholas. He went on with the wind in the west for two leagues, until he reached the point which forms the Carenero, when the angle in the coast bore S.E., and the Cabo de la Estrella was 24 miles to the S.W. Thence he steered along the coast eastward to Cabo Cinquin about 48 miles, 20 of them being on an E.N.E. coast. All the coast is very high, with a deep sea. Close in shore there are 20 to 30 fathoms, and at the distance of a lombard-shot there is no bottom; all which the Admiral discovered that day, as he sailed along the coast with the wind S.W., much to his satisfaction. The cape, which runs out in the port of St. Nicholas the length of a shot from a lombard, could be made an island by cutting across it, while to sail round it is a circuit of 3 or 4 miles. All that land is very high, not clothed with very high trees, but with ilex, arbutus, and others proper to the land of Castile. Before reaching Cape Cinquin by two leagues, the Admiral discovered a small roadstead171-1 like an opening in the mountains, through which he could see a very large valley, covered with crops like barley, and he therefore judged that it must sustain a large population. Behind there was a high range of mountains. On reaching Cabo Cinquin, the Cabo de la Tortuga bore N.E. 32 miles.171-2 Off Cabo Cinquin, at the distance of a lombard-shot, there is a high rock, which is a good landmark. The Admiral being there, he took the bearing of Cabo del Elefante, which was E.S.E. about 70 miles,171-3 the intervening land being very high. At a distance of 6 leagues there was a conspicuous cape,171-4 and he saw many large valleys and plains, and high mountains inland, all reminding him of Spain. After 8 leagues he came to a very deep but narrow river, though a carrack[172] might easily enter it, and the mouth without bar or rocks. After 16 miles there was a wide and deep harbor,172-1 with on bottom at the entrance, nor, at 3 paces from the shore, less than 15 fathoms; and it runs inland a quarter of a league. It being yet very early, only one o’clock in the afternoon, and the wind being aft and blowing fresh, yet, as the sky threatened much rain, and it was very thick, which is dangerous even on a known coast, how much more in an unknown country, the Admiral resolved to enter the port, which he called Puerto de la Concepcion. He landed near a small river at the point of the haven, flowing from valleys and plains, the beauty of which was a marvel to behold. He took fishing-nets with him; and, before he landed, a mullet, like those of Spain, jumped into the boat, this being the first time they had seen fish resembling the fish of Castile. The sailors caught and killed others and soles and other fish like those of Castile. Walking a short distance inland, the Admiral found much land under cultivation, and heard the singing of nightingales and other birds of Castile. Five men were seen, but they would not stop, running away. The Admiral found myrtles and other trees and plants, like those of Castile, and so also were the land and mountains.172-2

At dawn, the Admiral set off, raised the sails, and left the port of St. Nicholas. He traveled westward for about two leagues, until he reached the point marking Carenero, where the coastline turned southeast, and Cabo de la Estrella was 24 miles to the southwest. From there, he sailed along the coast east toward Cabo Cinquin, covering around 48 miles, with 20 of those miles on an east-northeast course. The entire coast is very high and has deep waters. Close to shore, the depth ranges from 20 to 30 fathoms, and a lombard-shot away, there's no bottom; all of this the Admiral observed that day as he sailed with the wind from the southwest, which pleased him greatly. The cape extending from the port of St. Nicholas, about the distance of a lombard shot, could be made into an island by cutting across it, while sailing around it would take an extra 3 or 4 miles. The land is very high, covered not with towering trees but with ilex, arbutus, and other plants typical of the land of Castile. Before reaching Cabo Cinquin, by two leagues, the Admiral spotted a small roadstead171-1 that looked like an opening in the mountains, through which he could see a vast valley filled with crops like barley, suggesting a large population there. Behind that was a tall mountain range. Upon arriving at Cabo Cinquin, Cabo de la Tortuga was 32 miles to the northeast.miles.171-2 Off Cabo Cinquin, about a lombard-shot away, there's a high rock that serves as a good landmark. While there, the Admiral took the bearing of Cabo del Elefante, which was east-southeast, roughly 70 miles away,miles, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ with very high land in between. Six leagues away, he saw a notable cape, along with many large valleys and plains, and high mountains inland, all reminiscent of Spain. After traveling 8 leagues, he encountered a very deep but narrow river that a carrack[172] could easily navigate, with no bar or rocks at the mouth. After another 16 miles, he found a wide and deep harbor,harbor,172-1 where at the entrance there was no less than 15 fathoms of water, just three paces from the shore; it extends inland about a quarter of a league. It was still quite early, only one o’clock in the afternoon, and with the wind at his back blowing steadily, he decided to enter the port, which he named Puerto de la Concepcion. He landed near a small river at the point of the harbor, flowing from the valleys and plains, the beauty of which was breathtaking. He brought fishing nets with him; before he could land, a mullet, similar to those in Spain, jumped into the boat—this was the first time they had seen fish resembling those from Castile. The sailors caught and killed others, including soles and other fish like those from Castile. After walking a short distance inland, the Admiral discovered much cultivated land and heard the songs of nightingales and other birds from Castile. Five men were spotted, but they ran away without stopping. The Admiral found myrtles and other trees and plants similar to those in Castile, as did the land andmountains. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Saturday, 8th of December

Saturday, December 8th

In this port there was heavy rain, with a fresh breeze from the north. The harbor is protected from all winds except the north; but even this can do no harm whatever, because there is a great surf outside, which prevents such a sea within the river as would make a ship work on her cables. After midnight the wind veered to N.E., and then to east, from which winds this port is well sheltered by the island of Tortuga, distant 36 miles.172-3[173]

In this port, it was pouring rain, with a fresh breeze coming from the north. The harbor is shielded from all winds except the north, but even that isn't a problem because there's a big surf outside that prevents the kind of rough sea within the river that would make a ship strain on its anchor. After midnight, the wind shifted to the northeast and then to the east, and this port is well protected from those winds by the island of Tortuga, which is 36 miles.172-3[173]

Sunday, 9th of December

Sunday, December 9th

To-day it rained, and the weather was wintry, like October Castile. No habitations had been seen except a very beautiful house in the Puerto de S. Nicolas, which was better built than any that had been in other parts. “The island is very large” says the Admiral: “it would not be much if it has a circumference of 200 leagues. All the parts he had seen were well cultivated. He believed that the villages must be at a distance from the sea, whither they went when the ships arrived; for they all took to flight, taking everything with them, and they made smoke-signals, like a people at war.” This port has a width of a thousand paces at its entrance, equal to a quarter of a league. There is neither bank nor reef within, and there are scarcely soundings close in shore. Its length, running inland, is 3000 paces, all clean, and with a sandy bottom; so that any ship may anchor in it without fear, and enter it without precaution. At the upper end there are the mouths of two rivers, with the most beautiful champaign country, almost like the lands of Spain: these even have the advantage; for which reasons the Admiral gave the name of the said island Isla Española.173-1

Today it rained, and the weather felt wintry, like October in Castile. The only building seen was a very beautiful house in the Puerto de S. Nicolas, which was better constructed than any others in different areas. “The island is very large,” says the Admiral: “it would be significant if it has a circumference of 200 leagues. All the parts he saw were well-cultivated. He thought the villages must be located further from the sea, where they went when the ships arrived; because everyone fled, taking everything with them, and made smoke signals, like a people at war.” This port has a width of a thousand paces at its entrance, which is about a quarter of a league. There are no banks or reefs inside, and there are barely soundings close to the shore. Its length inland is 3000 paces, all clear, with a sandy bottom; so any ship can anchor in it safely and enter without caution. At the upper end, there are the mouths of two rivers, with the most beautiful flat country, almost like the lands of Spain: these even have the advantage; for which reasons the Admiral named this island Isla Español.173-1

Monday, 10th of December

Monday, December 10th

It blew hard from the N.E., which made them drag their anchors half a cable’s length. This surprised the Admiral,[174] who had seen that the anchors had taken good hold of the ground. As he saw that the wind was foul for the direction in which he wanted to steer, he sent six men on shore, well armed to go two or three leagues inland, and endeavor to open communications with the natives. They came and returned without having seen either people or houses. But they found some hovels, wide roads, and some places where many fires had been made. They saw excellent lands, and many mastic trees, some specimens of which they took; but this is not the time for collecting it, as it does not coagulate.

The wind was blowing hard from the northeast, which caused them to drag their anchors about half a cable length. This took the Admiral by surprise,[174] as he had observed that the anchors had secured well to the ground. Noticing that the wind was unfavorable for the direction he wanted to go, he sent six men ashore, armed and prepared to travel two or three leagues inland to try to establish contact with the locals. They went out and returned without seeing any people or houses. However, they discovered some shelters, wide paths, and various spots where many fires had been made. They noticed great land and many mastic trees, some of which they collected, but this wasn’t the right time to gather it, as it doesn’t solidify.

Tuesday, 11th of December

Tuesday, December 11

The Admiral did not depart, because the wind was still east and S.E. In front of this port, as has been said, is the island of La Tortuga. It appears to be a large island, with the coast almost like that of Española, and the distance between them is about ten leagues.174-1 It is well to know that from the Cabo de Cinquin, opposite Tortuga, the coast trends to the south. The Admiral had a great desire to see that channel between these two islands, and to examine the island of Española, which is the most beautiful thing in the world. According to what the Indians said who were on board, he would have to go to the island of Babeque. They declared that it was very large, with great mountains, rivers, and valleys; and that the island of Bohio was larger than Juana, which they call Cuba, and that it is not surrounded by water. They seem to imply that there is mainland behind Española, and they call it Caritaba, and say it is of vast extent. They have reason in saying that the inhabitants are a clever race, for all the people of these islands are in great fear of those of Caniba. So the Admiral repeats, what he has said before, that Caniba is nothing else but the Gran Can, who ought now to be very near. He sends ships to capture the islanders; and as they do not return, their countrymen believe that they have been eaten.[175] Each day we understand better what the Indians say, and they us, so that very often we are intelligible to each other. The Admiral sent people on shore, who found a great deal of mastic, but did not gather it. He says that the rains make it, and that in Chios they collect it in March. In these lands, being warmer, they might take it in January. They caught many fish like those of Castile—dace, salmon, hake, dory, gilt heads, mullets, corbinas, shrimps,175-1 and they saw sardines. They found many aloes.175-2

The Admiral didn't leave because the wind was still coming from the east and southeast. In front of this port, as mentioned earlier, is the island of La Tortuga. It seems to be a large island, with a coast similar to that of Española, and the distance between them is about ten leagues.174-1 It's important to know that from Cabo de Cinquin, opposite Tortuga, the coast goes south. The Admiral really wanted to see the channel between these two islands and explore Española, which is considered the most beautiful place in the world. According to the Indians on board, he would need to go to the island of Babeque. They claimed it was very large, with big mountains, rivers, and valleys; and that the island of Bohio is larger than Juana, which they call Cuba, and is not surrounded by water. They suggested that there is land behind Española, which they call Caritaba, and say it is huge. They have a point in saying that the inhabitants are smart, as all the people of these islands are very afraid of those from Caniba. So the Admiral repeats what he has said before, that Caniba is just the Gran Can, who should be very close now. He sends ships to capture the islanders, and since they don’t return, their fellow countrymen believe they have been eaten.[175] Each day, we understand more of what the Indians say, and they understand us, so we often can communicate clearly. The Admiral sent people ashore, who found a lot of mastic, but didn't collect it. He mentioned that the rains produce it, and that in Chios they collect it in March. In these warmer lands, they might be able to gather it in January. They caught many fish similar to those in Castile—dace, salmon, hake, dory, gilt heads, mullets, corbinas, shrimps, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and they saw sardines. They also found many aloes.175-2

Wednesday, 12th of December

Wednesday, December 12

The Admiral did not leave the port to-day, for the same reason: a contrary wind. He set up a great cross on the west side of the entrance, on a very picturesque height, “in sign,” he says, “that your Highnesses hold this land for your own, but chiefly as a sign of our Lord Jesus Christ.” This being done, three sailors strolled into the woods to see the trees and bushes. Suddenly they came upon a crowd of people, all naked like the rest. They called to them, and went towards them, but they ran away. At last they caught a woman; for I had ordered that some should be caught, that they might be treated well, and made to lose their fear. This would be a useful event, for it could scarcely be otherwise, considering the beauty of the country. So they took the woman, who was very young and beautiful, to the ship, where she talked to the Indians on board; for they all speak the same language. The Admiral caused her to be dressed, and gave her glass beads, hawks’ bells, and brass ornaments; then he sent her back to the shore very courteously, according to his custom.[176] He sent three of the crew with her, and three of the Indians he had on board, that they might open communications with her people. The sailors in the boat, who took her on shore, told the Admiral that she did not want to leave the ship, but would rather remain with the other women he had seized at the port of Mares, in the island of Juana or Cuba. The Indians who went to put the woman on shore said that the natives came in a canoe, which is their caravel, in which they navigate from one place to another; but when they came to the entrance of the harbor, and saw the ships, they turned back, left the canoe, and took the road to the village. The woman pointed out the position of the village. She had a piece of gold in her nose, which showed that there was gold in that island.

The Admiral didn’t leave the port today for the same reason: the wind was against him. He set up a large cross on the west side of the entrance, on a very scenic height, “to show,” he said, “that your Highnesses claim this land for yourselves, but mainly as a sign of our Lord Jesus Christ.” After that, three sailors wandered into the woods to check out the trees and bushes. Suddenly, they came across a group of people, all naked like the others. They called out to them and approached, but the people ran away. Eventually, they caught a woman; I had instructed that some should be captured so they could be treated well and lose their fear. This would be beneficial, given the country’s beauty. They brought the woman, who was very young and beautiful, back to the ship, where she talked to the Indians on board since they all spoke the same language. The Admiral had her dressed and gave her glass beads, hawks’ bells, and brass ornaments; then he kindly sent her back to the shore, as was his custom.[176] He sent three crew members with her and three Indians from the ship to help establish communication with her people. The sailors in the boat, who brought her ashore, told the Admiral that she didn’t want to leave the ship but would prefer to stay with the other women he had captured at the port of Mares, on the island of Juana or Cuba. The Indians who took her to the shore said that the natives arrived in a canoe, which serves as their boat for traveling; however, when they saw the ships at the entrance of the harbor, they turned back, abandoned the canoe, and headed to the village. The woman pointed out where the village was located. She had a piece of gold in her nose, indicating that there was gold on that island.

Thursday, 13th of December

Thursday, December 13

The three men who had been sent by the Admiral with the woman returned at 3 o’clock in the morning, not having gone with her to the village, because the distance appeared to be long, or because they were afraid. They said that next day many people would come to the ships, as they would have been reassured by the news brought them by the woman. The Admiral, with the desire of ascertaining whether there were any profitable commodities in that land, being so beautiful and fertile, and of having some speech with the people, and being desirous of serving the Sovereigns, determined to send again to the village, trusting in the news brought by the woman that the Christians were good people. For this service he selected nine men well armed, and suited for such an enterprise, with whom an Indian went from those who were on board. They reached the village, which is 4 1/2 leagues to the S.E., and found that it was situated in a very large and open valley. As soon as the inhabitants saw the Christians coming they all fled inland, leaving all their goods behind them. The village consisted of a thousand houses, with over three thousand inhabitants. The Indian whom the Christians had brought[177] with them ran after the fugitives, saying that they should have no fear, for the Christians did not come from Cariba, but were from Heaven, and that they gave many beautiful things to all the people they met. They were so impressed with what he said, that upwards of two thousand came close up to the Christians, putting their hands on their heads, which was a sign of great reverence and friendship; and they were all trembling until they were reassured. The Christians related that, as soon as the natives had cast off their fear, they all went to the houses, and each one brought what he had to eat, consisting of yams,177-1 which are roots like large radishes, which they sow and cultivate in all their lands, and is their staple food. They make bread of it, and roast it. The yam has the smell of a chestnut, and anyone would think he was eating chestnuts. They gave their guests bread and fish, and all they had. As the Indians who came in the ship had understood that the Admiral wanted to have some parrots, one of those who accompanied the Spaniards mentioned this, and the natives brought out parrots, and gave them as many as they wanted, without asking anything for them. The natives asked the Spaniards not to go that night, and that they would give them many other things that they had in the mountains. While all these people were with the Spaniards, a great multitude was seen to come, with the husband of the woman whom the Admiral had honored and sent away. They wore hair over their shoulders, and came to give thanks to the Christians for the honor the Admiral had done them, and for the gifts. The Christians reported to the Admiral that this was a handsomer and finer people than any that had hitherto been met with. But the Admiral says that he does not see how they can be a finer people than the others, giving to understand that all those he had found in the other islands were very well conditioned. As regards beauty, the Christians said there was no comparison, both men and women, and that their skins are whiter than the others. They saw two girls whose skins were as white as any that could be seen in Spain. They also[178] said, with regard to the beauty of the country they saw, that the best land in Castile could not be compared with it. The Admiral also, comparing the lands they had seen before with these, said that there was no comparison between them, nor did the plain of Cordova come near them, the difference being as great as between night and day. They said that all these lands were cultivated, and that a very wide and large river passed through the centre of the valley, and could irrigate all the fields. All the trees were green and full of fruit, and the plants tall and covered with flowers. The roads were broad and good. The climate was like April in Castile; the nightingale and other birds sang as they do in Spain during that month, and it was the most pleasant place in the world. Some birds sing sweetly at night. The crickets and frogs are heard a good deal. The fish are like those of Spain. They saw much aloe and mastic, and cotton-fields. Gold was not found, and it is not wonderful that it should not have been found in so short a time.

The three men who had been sent by the Admiral with the woman returned at 3 a.m., having not accompanied her to the village, either because the distance seemed too far or they were afraid. They reported that many people would come to the ships the next day, as they had been reassured by the woman's news. The Admiral, wanting to find out if there were any useful goods in that beautiful and fertile land, and eager to communicate with the people and serve the Sovereigns, decided to send another group to the village, trusting the woman's account that the Christians were good people. For this task, he chose nine well-armed men fit for such a venture, along with an Indian from those who were on board. They reached the village, which is 4 1/2 leagues to the southeast, and discovered that it was located in a very large and open valley. As soon as the inhabitants saw the Christians approaching, they all fled inland, leaving their belongings behind. The village had a thousand houses and over three thousand people. The Indian the Christians brought[177] with them chased after the fleeing villagers, telling them not to be afraid, for the Christians did not come from Cariba but were from Heaven, and they gave many beautiful gifts to everyone they met. They were so moved by his words that more than two thousand approached the Christians, placing their hands on their heads as a sign of great respect and friendship; they all trembled until they felt reassured. The Christians recounted that as soon as the natives shed their fear, they went back to their homes, each bringing what they had to eat, which included yams,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ roots similar to large radishes, widely grown in their lands and their main staple. They made bread from it and roasted it. The yam smelled like chestnuts, making you think you were eating chestnuts. They offered their guests bread and fish, giving them all they had. Since the Indians who came on the ship knew the Admiral wanted some parrots, one of those with the Spaniards mentioned this, and the natives brought out parrots, giving as many as they wanted without asking for anything in return. The natives asked the Spaniards not to leave that night, promising to provide many more goods from the mountains. While all these people were with the Spaniards, a large crowd was seen approaching, including the husband of the woman the Admiral had honored and sent away. They wore long hair and came to thank the Christians for the honor the Admiral had shown them and for the gifts. The Christians reported to the Admiral that this group was more handsome and finer than any they had encountered before. However, the Admiral expressed doubt, suggesting all those he had found in the other islands were very well-mannered. Regarding beauty, the Christians insisted there was no comparison, with both men and women having whiter skin than others. They saw two girls whose skin was as white as could be found in Spain. They also[178] commented that the beauty of the country they saw was unmatched, claiming that even the best land in Castile could not compare. The Admiral, comparing the lands they had seen before with these, agreed there was no comparison between them, stating that the plain of Cordova could not come close, the difference as great as between night and day. They reported that all these lands were cultivated and that a wide, large river ran through the center of the valley, able to irrigate all the fields. All the trees were green and full of fruit, and the plants were tall and covered with flowers. The roads were broad and in good condition. The climate was like April in Castile; the nightingale and other birds sang as they do in Spain during that month, making it the most pleasant place in the world. Some birds sang sweetly at night, and the sounds of crickets and frogs were abundant. The fish resembled those in Spain. They saw a lot of aloe, mastic, and cotton fields. Gold was not found, though it isn't surprising that it wasn’t discovered so quickly.

Here the Admiral calculated the number of hours in the day and night, and from sunrise to sunset. He found that twenty half-hour glasses passed, though he says that here there may be a mistake, either because they were not turned with equal quickness, or because some sand may not have passed. He also observed with a quadrant, and found that he was 34 degrees from the equinoctial line.178-1

Here the Admiral figured out the number of hours in the day and night, and from sunrise to sunset. He discovered that twenty half-hour hourglasses had passed, although he mentions that there could have been an error, either because they weren’t turned at the same speed, or because some sand might not have made it through. He also used a quadrant to observe and found that he was 34 degrees from the equinoctial line.178-1

Friday, 14th of December

Friday, December 14

The Admiral left the Puerto de la Concepcion with the land-breeze, but soon afterwards it fell calm (and this is experienced every day by those who are on this coast). Later an east wind sprang up, so he steered N.N.E., and arrived at the island of Tortuga. He sighted a point which he named Punta Pierna, E.N.E. of the end of the island 12 miles; and from thence[179] another point was seen and named Punta Lanzada, in the same N.E. direction 16 miles. Thus from the end of Tortuga to Punta Aguda the distance is 44 miles, which is 11 leagues E.N.E. Along this route there are several long stretches of beach. The island of Tortuga is very high, but not mountainous, and is very beautiful and populous, like Española, and the land is cultivated, so that it looked like the plain of Cordova. Seeing that the wind was foul, and that he could not steer for the island of Baneque,179-1 he determined to return to the Puerto de la Concepcion whence he had come; but he could not fetch a river which is two leagues to the east of that port.

The Admiral left the Puerto de la Concepcion with a land breeze, but it soon became calm (something that happens daily along this coast). Later, an east wind picked up, so he steered N.N.E. and arrived at the island of Tortuga. He spotted a point he named Punta Pierna, located E.N.E. of the end of the island, about 12 miles away; from there, he saw another point and named it Punta Lanzada, in the same N.E. direction, 16 miles away. The distance from the end of Tortuga to Punta Aguda is 44 miles, which is 11 leagues E.N.E. Along this route, there are several long stretches of beach. The island of Tortuga is very high but not mountainous, and it's very beautiful and populated, similar to Española, with cultivated land that resembled the plain of Cordova. Noticing that the wind was unfavorable and that he couldn’t head towards the island of Baneque,179-1 he decided to return to the Puerto de la Concepcion from where he had come; however, he couldn't reach a river located two leagues to the east of that port.

Saturday, 15th of December

Saturday, December 15

Once more the Admiral left the Puerto de la Concepcion, but, on leaving the port, he was again met by a contrary east wind. He stood over to Tortuga, and then steered with the object of exploring the river he had been unable to reach yesterday; nor was he able to fetch the river this time, but he anchored half a league to leeward of it, where there was clean and good anchoring ground. As soon as the vessels were secured, he went with the boats to the river, entering an arm of the sea, which proved not to be the river. Returning, he found the mouth, there being only one, and the current very strong. He went in with the boats to find the villagers that had been seen the day before. He ordered a tow-rope to be got out and manned by the sailors, who hauled the boats up for a distance of two lombard-shots. They could not get further owing to the strength of the current. He saw some houses, and the large valley where the villages were, and he said that a more beautiful valley he had never seen, this river flowing through the centre of it. He also saw people at the entrance, but they all took to flight. He further says that these people must be much hunted, for they live in such a state of fear. When the ships arrived at any port, they pres[180]ently made signals by fires on heights throughout the country; and this is done more in this island of Española and in Tortuga, which is also a large island, than in the others that were visited before. He called this valley Valle del Paraiso,180-1 and the river Guadalquivir; because he says that it is the size of the Guadalquivir at Cordova. The banks consist of shingle, suitable for walking.180-2

Once again, the Admiral left the Puerto de la Concepcion, but as he departed the port, he was met by an opposing east wind. He headed towards Tortuga and then aimed to explore the river he hadn’t been able to reach the day before; however, he couldn’t get to the river this time either, so he anchored half a league downwind where the anchorage was clean and good. Once the ships were secure, he took the boats to the river, entering a branch of the sea that turned out not to be the river. Upon returning, he found the true mouth of the river, which had only one entrance and a very strong current. He went in with the boats to find the villagers he had seen the previous day. He ordered a tow-rope to be prepared and manned by the sailors, who pulled the boats for a distance of two lombard shots. They couldn’t go further due to the strength of the current. He spotted some houses and a large valley where the villages were located, declaring it the most beautiful valley he had ever seen, with the river flowing through its center. He also noticed people at the entrance, but they all fled. He remarked that these people must be heavily hunted, as they live in such a state of fear. When the ships arrived at any port, they quickly signaled with fires on the heights across the country; this is done more in the island of Española and in Tortuga, which is also a large island, than in the other places visited before. He named this valley Valle del Paraiso and the river Guadalquivir because he said it is the size of the Guadalquivir at Cordova. The banks are made of gravel, suitable for walking.

Sunday, 16th of December

Sunday, December 16

At midnight the Admiral made sail with the land-breeze to get clear of that gulf. Passing along the coast of Española on a bowline, for the wind had veered to the east, he met a canoe in the middle of the gulf, with a single Indian in it. The Admiral was surprised how he could have kept afloat with such a gale blowing. Both the Indian and his canoe were taken on board, and he was given glass beads, bells, and brass trinkets, and taken in the ship, until she was off a village 17 miles from the former anchorage, where the Admiral came to again. The village appeared to have been lately built, for all the houses were new. The Indian then went on shore in his canoe, bringing the news that the Admiral and his companions were good people; although the intelligence had already been conveyed to the village from the place where the natives had their interview with the six Spaniards. Presently more than five hundred natives with their king came to the shore opposite the ships, which were anchored very close to the land. Presently one by one, then many by many, came to the ship without bringing anything with them, except that some had a few grains of very fine gold in their ears and noses, which they readily gave away. The Admiral ordered them all to be well treated; and he says: “for they are the best people in the world, and the gentlest; and above all I entertain the hope in our Lord that your Highnesses will make them all Christians,[181] and that they will be all your subjects, for as yours I hold them.” He also saw that they all treated the king with respect, who was on the sea-shore. The Admiral sent him a present, which he received in great state. He was a youth of about 21 years of age, and he had with him an aged tutor, and other councillors who advised and answered him, but he uttered very few words. One of the Indians who had come in the Admiral’s ship spoke to him, telling him how the Christians had come from Heaven, and how they came in search of gold, and wished to find the island of Baneque. He said that it was well and that there was much gold in the said island. He explained to the alguazil of the Admiral181-1 that the way they were going was the right way, and that in two days they would be there; adding, that if they wanted anything from the shore he would give it them with great pleasure. This king, and all the others, go naked as their mothers bore them, as do the women without any covering, and these were the most beautiful men and women that had yet been met with. They are fairly white, and if they were clothed and protected from the sun and air, they would be almost as fair as people in Spain. This land is cool, and the best that words can describe. It is very high, yet the top of the highest mountain could be ploughed with bullocks; and all is diversified with plains and valleys. In all Castile there is no land that can be compared with this for beauty and fertility. All this island, as well as the island of Tortuga, is cultivated like the plain of Cordova. They raise on these lands crops of yams,181-2 which are small branches, at the foot of which grow roots like carrots, which serve as bread. They powder and knead them, and make them into bread; then they plant the same branch in another part, which again sends out four or five of the same roots, which are very nutritious, with the taste of chestnuts. Here they have the largest the Admiral had seen in any part of the world,[182] for he says that they have the same plant in Guinea. At this place they were as thick as a man’s leg. All the people were stout and lusty, not thin, like the natives that had been seen before, and of a very pleasant manner, without religious belief. The trees were so luxuriant that the leaves left off being green, and were dark colored with verdure. It was a wonderful thing to see those valleys, and rivers of sweet water, and the cultivated fields, and land fit for cattle, though they have none, for orchards, and for anything in the world that a man could seek for.

At midnight, the Admiral set sail using the land breeze to clear out of that gulf. Sailing along the coast of Española on a tight reach, since the wind had shifted to the east, he encountered a canoe in the middle of the gulf, occupied by a single Indian. The Admiral was astonished that he could stay afloat in such a strong wind. Both the Indian and his canoe were brought on board, and he received glass beads, bells, and brass trinkets before being taken to the ship, which anchored near a village 17 miles from the previous mooring, where the Admiral stopped again. The village seemed recently built, as all the houses were new. The Indian then went ashore in his canoe, delivering the news that the Admiral and his crew were good people; although this information had already been shared with the village from where the natives had met the six Spaniards. Soon, more than five hundred natives along with their king came to the shore opposite the ships, which were anchored quite close to the land. One by one, and then in larger groups, they came to the ship without bringing anything, except some had a few pieces of very fine gold in their ears and noses, which they willingly gave away. The Admiral instructed that they should all be treated well; and he stated: “for they are the best people in the world, and the gentlest; and above all I hope in our Lord that your Highnesses will make them all Christians,[181] and that they will all be your subjects, for I consider them yours.” He also observed that they all showed respect to the king, who was by the seashore. The Admiral sent him a gift, which he accepted with great formality. The king was about 21 years old, accompanied by an elderly tutor and other advisors who spoke on his behalf, while he said very few words. One of the Indians who had come with the Admiral spoke to him, explaining how the Christians had come from Heaven, seeking gold, and wanted to find the island of Baneque. He confirmed that it was indeed true and that there was plenty of gold on that island. He informed the alguazil of the Admiral __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ that the route they were on was correct, and that they would arrive in two days, adding that if they needed anything from the shore, he would happily provide it. This king, along with all the others, was naked as they were born, just like the women, who also had no clothing, and they were the most beautiful people encountered so far. They had a fair complexion, and if they were clothed and shielded from the sun and air, they would be nearly as light-skinned as people in Spain. The land was cool and as beautiful as words can describe. It was very high, yet the top of the tallest mountain could be plowed with oxen; and it was filled with plains and valleys. No land in Castile could compare to this in terms of beauty and fertility. This whole island, along with Tortuga, is cultivated like the plain of Cordova. They grow crops of yams,181-2 which are small branches that produce carrot-like roots, serving as bread. They grind and knead them to make bread; then they plant the same branch elsewhere, which again produces four or five of the same roots, very nutritious and tasting like chestnuts. Here, they had the largest yams the Admiral had seen in any part of the world,[182] noting that the same plant exists in Guinea. At this place, they were as thick as a man's leg. All the people were sturdy and healthy, unlike the thinner natives previously encountered, and they had a very pleasant demeanor, without any religious beliefs. The trees were so lush that instead of being green, their leaves were dark with verdure. It was marvelous to see those valleys, rivers of fresh water, cultivated fields, and land suitable for livestock, even though they had none, for orchards, and for anything one could ever desire.

In the afternoon the king came on board the ship, where the Admiral received him in due form, and caused him to be told that the ships belonged to the Sovereigns of Castile, who were the greatest princes in the world. But neither the Indians who were on board, who acted as interpreters, nor the king, believed a word of it. They maintained that the Spaniards came from Heaven, and that the Sovereigns of Castile must be in Heaven, and not in this world. They placed Spanish food before the king to eat, and he ate a mouthful, and gave the rest to his councillors and tutor, and to the rest who came with him.

In the afternoon, the king boarded the ship, where the Admiral welcomed him formally and informed him that the ships belonged to the Sovereigns of Castile, who were the most powerful rulers in the world. However, neither the Indians on board, acting as interpreters, nor the king believed any of it. They insisted that the Spaniards came from Heaven and that the Sovereigns of Castile had to be in Heaven, not in this world. They served Spanish food to the king, who took a bite and then gave the rest to his advisors, tutor, and the others who accompanied him.

“Your Highnesses may believe that these lands are so good and fertile, especially these of the island of Española, that there is no one who would know how to describe them, and no one who could believe if he had not seen them. And your Highnesses may believe that this island, and all the others, are as much yours as Castile. Here there is only wanting a settlement and the order to the people to do what is required. For I, with the force I have under me, which is not large, could march over all these islands without opposition. I have seen only three sailors land, without wishing to do harm, and a multitude of Indians fled before them. They have no arms, and are without warlike instincts; they all go naked, and are so timid that a thousand would not stand before three of our men. So that they are good to be ordered about, to work and sow, and do all that may be necessary, and to build towns, and they should be taught to go about clothed and to adopt our customs.”[183]

“Your Highnesses may think that these lands are incredibly fertile, especially the island of Española, so much so that it’s hard to put into words, and anyone who hasn’t seen them wouldn’t believe it. And your Highnesses may believe that this island, along with all the others, belongs to you as much as Castile does. All that’s needed here is to set up a settlement and instruct the people to do what’s necessary. With the small force I have, I could navigate all these islands without facing any resistance. I’ve only seen three sailors land, not intending any harm, and a large number of Indigenous people ran away from them. They have no weapons and lack a warrior spirit; they are all naked and so timid that a thousand would not confront three of our men. Therefore, they are fit to be guided, to work the land, to plant, to do all that is required, and to build towns; they should also be taught to wear clothes and adopt our ways.”[183]

Monday, 17th of December

Monday, December 17

It blew very hard during the night from E.N.E., but there was not much sea, as this part of the coast is enclosed and sheltered by the island of Tortuga. The sailors were sent away to fish with nets. They had much intercourse with the natives, who brought them certain arrows of the Caniba or Canibales. They are made of reeds, pointed with sharp bits of wood hardened by fire, and are very long. They pointed out two men who wanted certain pieces of flesh on their bodies, giving to understand that the Canibales had eaten them by mouthfuls. The Admiral did not believe it. Some Christians were again sent to the village, and, in exchange for glass beads, obtained some pieces of gold beaten out into fine leaf. They saw one man, whom the Admiral supposed to be Governor of that province, called by them Cacique,183-1 with a piece of gold leaf as large as a hand, and it appears that he wanted to barter with it. He went into his house, and the other remained in the open space outside. He cut the leaf into small pieces, and each time he came out he brought a piece and exchanged it. When he had no more left, he said by signs that he had sent for more, and that he would bring it another day. The Admiral says that all these things, and the manner of doing them, with their gentleness and the information they gave, showed these people to be more lively and intelligent than any that had hitherto been met with. In the afternoon a canoe arrived from the island of Tortuga with a crew of forty men; and when they arrived on the beach, all the people of the village sat down in sign of peace, and nearly all the crew came on shore. The cacique rose by himself, and, with words that appeared to be of a menacing character, made them go back to the canoe and shove off. He took up stones from the beach and threw them into the water, all having obediently gone back into the canoe. He also took a stone and put it in the hands of my Alguazil,183-2 that he might throw it. He had been sent on shore[184] with the Secretary184-1 to see if the canoe had brought anything of value. The alguazil did not wish to throw the stone. That cacique showed that he was well disposed to the Admiral. Presently the canoe departed, and afterwards they said to the Admiral that there was more gold in Tortuga than in Española, because it is nearer to Baneque. The Admiral did not think that there were gold mines either in Española or Tortuga, but that the gold was brought from Baneque in small quantities, there being nothing to give in return. That land is so rich that there is no necessity to work much to sustain life, nor to clothe themselves, as they go naked. He believed that they were very near the source, and that our Lord would point out where the gold has its origin. He had information that from here to Baneque was four days’ journey, about 34 leagues, which might be traversed with a fair wind in a single day.

It was really windy during the night coming from the northeast, but there wasn't much of a sea since this part of the coast is protected by the island of Tortuga. The sailors were sent out to fish with nets. They interacted a lot with the locals, who brought them some arrows from the Caniba or Cannibals. These arrows are made from reeds, tipped with sharp pieces of wood hardened by fire, and are quite long. The locals indicated two men who were missing pieces of flesh from their bodies, implying that the Cannibals had eaten them bit by bit. The Admiral didn't believe this. Some Christians were sent again to the village and, in exchange for glass beads, received pieces of gold that had been hammered into thin sheets. They saw a man, whom the Admiral thought was the Governor of that province, called Cacique, holding a piece of gold leaf as big as a hand, and it seemed he wanted to trade with it. He went into his house while the others waited outside. He cut the leaf into small pieces and each time he came out, he brought one to trade. Once he ran out, he gestured that he had sent for more and would bring it another day. The Admiral noted that all of this, including their gentle manner and the information they provided, showed these people to be more lively and intelligent than any others they had encountered. In the afternoon, a canoe arrived from the island of Tortuga with a crew of forty. When they reached the beach, everyone from the village sat down as a sign of peace, and most of the crew came ashore. The cacique stood up alone and, using threatening gestures, made them return to the canoe and push off. He picked up stones from the beach and threw them into the water, and everyone obediently went back to the canoe. He even handed a stone to my alguazil, telling him to throw it. The alguazil had been sent ashore with the Secretary to check if the canoe had brought anything valuable. He didn't want to throw the stone. The cacique showed that he was amiable towards the Admiral. Soon after, the canoe left, and later they told the Admiral that there was more gold in Tortuga than in Española since it's closer to Baneque. The Admiral doubted there were gold mines in either Española or Tortuga, believing instead that the gold came from Baneque in small amounts, as there was nothing to trade for it. That land is so rich that you don’t need to work much to survive, nor do they need clothing as they are naked. He thought they were very close to the source, and hoped that God would reveal where the gold originated. He learned that the distance from here to Baneque was a four-day journey, about 34 leagues, which could be covered in a day with favorable winds.

Tuesday, 18th of December

Tuesday, December 18

The Admiral remained at the same anchorage, because there was no wind, and also because the cacique had said that he had sent for gold. The Admiral did not expect much from what might be brought, but he wanted to understand better whence it came. Presently he ordered the ship and caravel to be adorned with arms and dressed with flags, in honor of the feast of Santa Maria de la O,184-2 or commemoration of the Annunciation, which was on that day, and many rounds were fired from the lombards. The king of that island of Española had got up very early and left his house, which is about five leagues away, reaching the village at three in the morning. There[185] were several men from the ship in the village, who had been sent by the Admiral to see if any gold had arrived. They said that the king came with two hundred men; that he was carried in a litter by four men; and that he was a youth, as has already been said. To-day, when the Admiral was dining under the poop, the king came on board with all his people.

The Admiral stayed at the same anchorage because there was no wind, and also because the chief had mentioned he sent for gold. The Admiral didn’t expect much from what might come, but he wanted to better understand its origins. Soon, he ordered the ship and caravel to be decorated with arms and flags to honor the feast of Santa Maria de la O, or the commemoration of the Annunciation, which was that day, and many rounds were fired from the cannons. The king of the island of Española had risen very early and left his house, which is about five leagues away, arriving at the village at three in the morning. There were several men from the ship in the village, sent by the Admiral to see if any gold had arrived. They reported that the king came with two hundred men; that he was carried in a litter by four men; and that he was a young man, as previously mentioned. Today, while the Admiral was dining under the poop, the king came on board with all his people.

The Admiral says to the Sovereigns: “Without doubt, his state, and the reverence with which he is treated by all his people, would appear good to your Highnesses, though they all go naked. When he came on board, he found that I was dining at a table under the poop, and, at a quick walk, he came to sit down by me, and did not wish that I should give place by coming to receive him or rising from the table, but that I should go on with my dinner. I thought that he would like to eat of our viands, and ordered them to be brought for him to eat. When he came under the poop, he made signs with his hand that all the rest should remain outside, and so they did, with the greatest possible promptitude and reverence. They all sat on the deck, except the men of mature age, whom I believe to be his councillors and tutor, who came and sat at his feet. Of the viands which I put before him, he took of each as much as would serve to taste it, sending the rest to his people, who all partook of the dishes. The same thing in drinking: he just touched with his lips, giving the rest to his followers. They were all of fine presence and very few words. What they did say, so far as I could make out, was very clear and intelligent. The two at his feet watched his mouth, speaking to him and for him, and with much reverence. After dinner, an attendant brought a girdle, made like those of Castile, but of different material, which he took and gave to me, with pieces of worked gold, very thin. I believe they get very little here, but they say that they are very near the place where it is found, and where there is plenty. I saw that he was pleased with some drapery I had over my bed, so I gave it him, with some very good amber beads I wore on my neck, some colored shoes, and a bottle of orange-flower water. He was marvellously well content, and both he and his tutor and councillors were very[186] sorry that they could not understand me, nor I them. However, I knew that they said that, if I wanted anything, the whole island was at my disposal. I sent for some beads of mine, with which, as a charm, I had a gold excelente,186-1 on which your Highnesses were stamped. I showed it to him, and said as I had done yesterday, that your Highnesses ruled the best part of the world, and that there were no princes so great. I also showed him the royal standards, and the others with a cross, of which he thought much. He said to his councillors what great lords your Highnesses must be to have sent me from so far, even from Heaven to this country, without fear. Many other things passed between them which I did not understand, except that it was easy to see that they held everything to be very wonderful.”

The Admiral says to the Sovereigns: “Undoubtedly, his kingdom and the respect he receives from all his people would impress your Highnesses, even though they are all naked. When he came on board, he saw that I was having dinner at a table under the stern, and quickly walked over to sit next to me. He didn't want me to get up or move to greet him; he wanted me to continue my meal. I thought he might enjoy our food, so I had some brought for him. When he arrived under the stern, he gestured for everyone else to stay outside, and they did so with the utmost speed and respect. They all sat on the deck, except for the older men, whom I believe were his advisors and tutor; they came and sat at his feet. From the food I offered him, he took a small bit of each dish just to taste, then sent the rest to his people, who all shared in the feast. The same went for drinking: he only touched the cup to his lips and then passed it to his followers. They were all well-presented and spoke very little. What they did say, to the best of my understanding, was clear and intelligent. The two men at his feet closely observed his lips, speaking to him and for him, with great respect. After dinner, an attendant brought a belt, similar to those from Castile, but made of different material. He accepted it and gave me delicate pieces of worked gold. I believe they don't have much gold here, but they claim they are close to a place where it can be found in abundance. I noticed he liked some drapery I had over my bed, so I gave it to him, along with some fine amber beads I wore, some colored shoes, and a bottle of orange-flower water. He was extremely pleased, and both he and his tutor and advisors regretted that they couldn't understand me, nor I them. However, I gathered that they were saying if I needed anything, the entire island was at my disposal. I asked for some beads I had; as a charm, I owned a gold excelente on which your Highnesses' names were inscribed. I showed it to him, saying, as I had the day before, that your Highnesses ruled the best part of the world and that there were no greater princes. I also showed him the royal standards and others with a cross, which he found very significant. He told his advisors what great lords your Highnesses must be to have sent me from so far, all the way from Heaven to this land, without fear. Many other things were exchanged between them that I couldn't understand, except that it was evident they found everything very remarkable.”

When it got late, and the king wanted to go, the Admiral sent him on shore in his boat very honorably, and saluted him with many guns. Having landed, he got into his litter, and departed with his 200 men, his son being carried behind on the shoulders of an Indian, a man highly respected. All the sailors and people from the ships were given to eat, and treated with much honor wherever they liked to stop. One sailor said that he had stopped in the road and seen all the things given by the Admiral. A man carried each one before the king, and these men appeared to be among those who were most respected. His son came a good distance behind the king, with a similar number of attendants, and the same with a brother of the king, except that the brother went on foot, supported under the arms by two honored attendants. This brother came to the ship after the king, and the Admiral presented him with some of the things used for barter. It was then that the Admiral learnt that a king was called Cacique in their language. This day little gold was got by barter, but the Admiral heard from an old man that there were many neighboring islands, at a distance of a hundred leagues or more, as he understood, in which much gold is found; and there is even one island that was all gold. In the others there[187] was so much that it was said they gather it with sieves, and they fuse it and make bars, and work it in a thousand ways. They explained the work by signs. This old man pointed out to the Admiral the direction and position, and he determined to go there, saying that if the old man had not been a principal councillor of the king he would detain him, and make him go, too; or if he knew the language he would ask him, and he believed, as the old man was friendly with him and the other Christians, that he would go of his own accord. But as these people were now subjects of the King of Castile, and it would not be right to injure them, he decided upon leaving him. The Admiral set up a very large cross in the centre of the square of that village, the Indians giving much help; they made prayers and worshipped it, and, from the feeling they show, the Admiral trusted in our Lord that all the people of those islands would become Christians.

As it got late and the king was ready to leave, the Admiral honorably sent him ashore in his boat, saluting him with many cannon shots. After landing, the king climbed into his litter and left with his 200 men, his son being carried on the shoulders of a highly respected Indian. All the sailors and crew from the ships were given food and treated with great respect wherever they chose to stop. One sailor mentioned that he had paused in the road and saw all the items presented by the Admiral. A man carried each item before the king, and these men seemed to be among the most respected. The king's son followed a good distance behind, accompanied by a similar number of attendants, and the king's brother followed as well, but he walked on foot, supported under the arms by two honored attendants. This brother came to the ship after the king, and the Admiral gifted him some trading items. It was then that the Admiral learned that a king was referred to as Cacique in their language. On that day, little gold was obtained through trade, but the Admiral heard from an elderly man that there were many nearby islands, about a hundred leagues away or so, where significant amounts of gold could be found; one island was said to be entirely made of gold. In the others, there was so much that they claimed it was gathered with sieves, melted down into bars, and crafted in a thousand different ways. They explained the process using gestures. This old man pointed out the direction and location to the Admiral, who decided to go there, stating that if the old man hadn't been a principal advisor to the king, he would have detained him and made him come along; or if he spoke the language, he would have asked him, believing that since the old man was friendly with him and other Christians, he would go willingly. However, since these people were now subjects of the King of Castile, and it wouldn’t be right to harm them, he chose to let him go. The Admiral erected a large cross in the center of the village square, with significant help from the Indians; they prayed and worshiped it, and based on their enthusiasm, the Admiral had faith that all the people of those islands would become Christians.

Wednesday, 19th of December

Wednesday, December 19th

This night the Admiral got under way to leave the gulf formed between the islands of Tortuga and Española, but at dawn of day a breeze sprang up from the east, against which he was unable to get clear of the strait between the two islands during the whole day. At night he was unable to reach a port which was in sight.187-1 He made out four points of land, and a great bay with a river, and beyond he saw a large bay,187-2 where there was a village, with a valley behind it among high mountains covered with trees, which appeared to be pines. Over the Two Brothers there is a very high mountain-range running N.E. and S.W., and E.S.E. from the Cabo de Torres is a small island to which the Admiral gave the name of Santo Tomas, because to-morrow was his vigil. The whole circuit of this island alternates with capes and excellent harbors, so far as could be judged from the sea. Before coming to the island on[188] the west side, there is a cape which runs far into the sea, in part high, the rest low; and for this reason the Admiral named it Cabo Alto y Bajo.188-1 From the road188-2 of Torres East by South 60 miles, there is a mountain higher than any that reaches the sea,188-3 and from a distance it looks like an island, owing to a depression on the land side. It was named Monte Caribata, because that province was called Caribata. It is very beautiful, and covered with green trees, without snow or clouds. The weather was then, as regards the air and temperature, like March in Castile, and as regards vegetation, like May. The nights lasted 14 hours.188-4

That night, the Admiral set out to leave the bay formed between the islands of Tortuga and Española. However, at dawn, a breeze came up from the east, making it impossible for him to navigate out of the strait between the two islands throughout the day. By night, he couldn't reach a port that was in sight. He spotted four land points and a large bay with a river, and beyond that, he noticed a bigger bay where there was a village, with a valley behind it surrounded by tall trees that looked like pines. Above the Two Brothers, there's a very tall mountain range running northeast to southwest, and southeast of Cabo de Torres is a small island that the Admiral named Santo Tomas, since tomorrow was his vigil. The entire coastline of this island alternated with capes and excellent harbors, at least from what could be seen from the sea. Before approaching the island on the west side, there’s a cape that extends far into the sea, part of it high and the rest low; because of this, the Admiral named it Cabo Alto y Bajo. From the road of Torres East by South 60 miles, there is a mountain higher than any that reaches the sea, which, from a distance, looks like an island due to a depression on the land side. It was named Monte Caribata because that province was called Caribata. It is very beautiful and covered with green trees, without snow or clouds. At that time, the weather was, in terms of air and temperature, like March in Castile, and in terms of vegetation, similar to May. The nights lasted 14 hours.

Thursday, 20th of December

Thursday, December 20

At sunrise they entered a port between the island of Santo Tomas and the Cabo de Carabata,188-5 and anchored. This port is very beautiful, and would hold all the ships in Christendom. The entrance appears impossible from the sea to those who have never entered, owing to some reefs of rocks which run from the mountainous cape almost to the island. They are not placed in a row, but one here, another there, some towards the sea, others near the land. It is therefore necessary to keep a good look-out for the entrances, which are wide and with a depth of 7 fathoms, so that they can be used without fear. Inside the reefs there is a depth of 12 fathoms. A ship can lie with a cable made fast, against any wind that blows. At the entrance of this port there is a channel on the west side of a sandy islet with 7 fathoms, and many trees on its shore. But there are many sunken rocks in that direction, and a look-out should be kept up until the port is reached. Afterwards there is no need to fear the greatest storm in the world. From this port a very beautiful cultivated valley is in sight, descending from the S.E.,[189] surrounded by such lofty mountains that they appear to reach the sky, and covered with green trees. Without doubt there are mountains here which are higher than the island of Tenerife, in the Canaries, which is held to be the highest yet known.189-1 On this side of the island of Santo Tomas, at a distance of a league, there is another islet, and beyond it another, forming wonderful harbors; though a good look-out must be kept for sunken rocks. The Admiral also saw villages, and smoke made by them.

At sunrise, they entered a port between the island of Santo Tomas and Cabo de Carabata, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and dropped anchor. This port is really stunning and could accommodate all the ships in Christendom. From the sea, the entrance looks impossible to those who haven't been through it before, due to some rocky reefs that extend from the mountain cape almost to the island. The rocks are scattered, some in the sea and others near the shore. It's important to carefully watch for the entrances, which are wide and have a depth of 7 fathoms, allowing for safe navigation. Inside the reefs, the depth is 12 fathoms. A ship can secure itself with a cable, safe from any wind. At the port's entrance, there’s a channel on the west side of a sandy islet with 7 fathoms, lined with many trees. However, there are numerous submerged rocks in that direction, so vigilance is necessary until reaching the port. After that, there's no need to fear even the fiercest storm. From this port, a beautiful cultivated valley is visible, sloping down from the southeast,[189] surrounded by such towering mountains that they seem to touch the sky, and covered in green trees. Without a doubt, there are mountains here that are taller than the island of Tenerife in the Canaries, which is considered the highest known. 189-1 On this side of the island of Santo Tomas, about a league away, there’s another islet, and beyond that, another, creating amazing harbors; though one must stay alert for submerged rocks. The Admiral also spotted villages and smoke coming from them.

Friday, 21st of December

Friday, December 21

To-day the Admiral went with the ship’s boats to examine this port, which he found to be such that it could not be equalled by any he had yet seen; but, having praised the others so much, he knew not how to express himself, fearing that he will be looked upon as one who goes beyond the truth. He therefore contents himself with saying that he had old sailors with him who say the same. All the praises he has bestowed on the other ports are true, and that this is better than any of them is equally true. He further says: “I have traversed the sea for 23 years,189-2 without leaving it for any time worth counting, and I saw all the east and the west, going on the route of the north, which is England, and I have been to Guinea, but in all those parts there will not be found the perfection of harbors ...189-3 always found ...189-4 better than another, that I, with good care, saw written; and I again affirm it was well written, that this one is better than all others, and will hold all the ships of the world, secured with the[190] oldest cables.”190-1 From the entrance to the end is a distance of five leagues.190-2 The Admiral saw some very well cultivated lands, although they are all so, and he sent two of the boat’s crew to the top of a hill to see if any village was near, for none could be seen from the sea. At about ten o’clock that night, certain Indians came in a canoe to see the Admiral and the Christians, and they were given presents, with which they were much pleased. The two men returned, and reported that they had seen a very large village at a short distance from the sea.190-3 The Admiral ordered the boat to row towards the place where the village was until they came near the land, when he saw two Indians, who came to the shore apparently in a state of fear. So he ordered the boats to stop, and the Indians that were with the Admiral were told to assure the two natives that no harm whatever was intended to them. Then they came nearer the sea, and the Admiral nearer the land. As soon as the natives had got rid of their fear, so many came that they covered the ground, with women and children, giving a thousand thanks. They ran hither and thither to bring us bread made of niames, which they call ajes, which is very white and good, and water in calabashes, and in earthen jars made like those of Spain, and everything else they had and that they thought the Admiral could want, and all so willingly and cheerfully that it was wonderful. “It cannot be said that, because what they gave was worth little, therefore they gave liberally, because those who had pieces of gold gave as freely as those who had a calabash of water; and it is easy to know when a thing is given with a hearty desire to give.” These are the Admiral’s words. “These people have no spears nor any other arms, nor have any of the inhabitants of the whole[191] island, which I believe to be very large. They go naked as when their mothers bore them, both men and women. In Juana and the other islands the women wear a small clout of cotton in front, with which to cover their private parts, as large as the flap of a man’s breeches, especially after they have passed the age of twelve years, but here neither old nor young do so. Also, the men in the other islands jealously hide their women from the Christians, but here they do not.” The women have very beautiful bodies, and they were the first to come and give thanks to Heaven, and to bring what they had, especially things to eat, such as bread of ajes, nuts,191-1 and four or five kinds of fruits, some of which the Admiral ordered to be preserved, to be taken to the Sovereigns. He says that the women did not do less in other ports before they were hidden; and he always gave orders that none of his people should annoy them; that nothing should be taken against their wills, and that everything that was taken should be paid for. Finally, he says that no one could believe that there could be such good-hearted people, so free to give, anxious to let the Christians have all they wanted, and, when visitors arrived, running to bring everything to them.

Today, the Admiral went with the ship’s boats to check out this port, which he found to be unmatched by any he had seen before. However, after praising the others so much, he didn’t know how to express himself without seeming like he was exaggerating. So, he settled for saying that he had old sailors with him who agree. Everything he has said about the other ports is true, and it’s equally true that this one is better than all of them. He further stated: “I have sailed the sea for 23 years,189-2 without leaving it for any considerable time, and I have seen all of the east and the west, going up north to England, and I’ve been to Guinea, but in all those places, you won't find harbors as perfect as 189-3 always better than another, which I carefully noted down; and I affirm that it was well documented that this one is better than all others, and can hold every ship in the world, secured with the [190] oldest cables.”190-1 From the entrance to the end is five leagues.190-2 The Admiral saw some very well-cultivated land, although they’re all like that, and he sent two of the crew to climb a hill to see if any villages were nearby, as none could be spotted from the sea. Around ten that night, some Indians arrived in a canoe to meet the Admiral and the Christians, and they were given gifts that they appreciated a lot. The two men returned and reported that they had seen a very large village not far from the sea.190-3 The Admiral ordered the boat to head towards where the village was until they got close to the shore, where he saw two Indians who appeared fearful as they approached the land. So, he told the boats to stop, and the Indians with the Admiral were instructed to reassure the two natives that no harm was intended. Then they came closer to the sea, and the Admiral got closer to the land. Once the natives calmed down, so many came that they filled the ground, with women and children, expressing a thousand thanks. They ran around bringing us bread made from niames, which they call ajes, which is very white and good, and water in calabashes, as well as in clay jars similar to those from Spain, along with everything else they had that they thought the Admiral might need, all given so willingly and cheerfully that it was amazing. “It’s not fair to say that, because what they offered was not worth much, they were generous, because those with pieces of gold gave as freely as those with a calabash of water; it’s clear when something is given with genuine joy,” the Admiral stated. “These people have no spears or any other weapons, nor do any of the inhabitants of the entire [191] island, which I believe to be very large. They go around completely naked, both men and women. In Juana and the other islands, women wear a small piece of cotton in front to cover their private parts, about the size of a man’s breeches flap, especially after they turn twelve, but here neither young nor old do so. The men in the other islands carefully protect their women from Christians, but here they don’t.” The women have very beautiful bodies, and they were the first to come and give thanks to Heaven and bring what they had, especially food, like ajes bread, nuts, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and several kinds of fruit, some of which the Admiral ordered to be preserved to take to the Sovereigns. He mentions that the women in other ports did the same before they were hidden; and he always instructed that none of his people should bother them, that nothing should be taken without their consent, and that everything taken should be paid for. Finally, he noted that no one could believe there could be such kind-hearted people, so eager to give, wanting to provide the Christians with everything they desired, and, when visitors showed up, running to bring everything to them.

Afterwards the Admiral sent six Christians to the village to see what it was like, and the natives showed them all the honor they could devise, and gave them all they had; for no doubt was any longer entertained that the Admiral and all his people had come from Heaven; and the same was believed by the Indians who were brought from the other islands, although they had now been told what they ought to think. When the six Christians had gone, some canoas came with people to ask the Admiral to come to their village when he left the place where he was. Canoa is a boat in which they navigate, some large and others small. Seeing that this village of the chief was on the road, and that many people were waiting there for him, the Admiral went there; but, before he could depart, an enormous crowd came to the shore, men, women, and chil[192]dren, crying out to him not to go, but to stay with them. The messengers from the other chief, who had come to invite him, were waiting with their canoes, that he might not go away, but come to see their chief, and so he did. On arriving where the chief was waiting for him with many things to eat, he ordered that all the people should sit down, and that the food should be taken to the boats, where the Admiral was, on the sea-shore. When he saw that the Admiral had received what he sent, all or most of the Indians ran to the village, which was near, to bring more food, parrots, and other things they had, with such frankness of heart that it was marvellous. The Admiral gave them glass beads, brass trinkets, and bells: not because they asked for anything in return, but because it seemed right, and, above all, because he now looked upon them as future Christians, and subjects of the Sovereigns, as much as the people of Castile. He further says that they want nothing except to know the language and be under governance; for all they may be told to do will be done without any contradiction. The Admiral left this place to go to the ships, and the people, men, women, and children, cried out to him not to go, but remain with them. After the boats departed, several canoes full of people followed after them to the ship, who were received with much honor, and given to eat. There had also come before another chief from the west, and many people even came swimming, the ship being over a good half-league from the shore. I sent certain persons to the chief, who had gone back, to ask him about these islands. He received them very well, and took them to his village, to give them some large pieces of gold. They arrived at a large river, which the Indians crossed by swimming. The Christians were unable, so they turned back. In all this district there are very high mountains which seem to reach the sky, so that the mountain in the island of Tenerife appears as nothing in height and beauty, and they are all green with trees. Between them there are very delicious valleys, and at the end of this port, to the south, there is a valley so large that the end of it is not visible, though no mountains intervene, so that it[193] seems to be 15 or 20 leagues long. A river flows through it, and it is all inhabited and cultivated, and as green as Castile in May or June; but the night contains 14 hours, the land being so far north. This port is very good for all the winds that can blow, being enclosed and deep, and the shores peopled by a good and gentle race without arms or evil designs. Any ship may lie within it without fear that other ships will enter at night to attack her, because, although the entrance is over two leagues wide, it is protected by reefs of rocks which are barely awash; and there is only a very narrow channel through the reef, which looks as if it had been artificially made, leaving an open door by which ships may enter. In the entrance there are 7 fathoms of depth up to the shore of a small flat island, which has a beach fringed with trees. The entrance is on the west side, and a ship can come without fear until she is close to the rock. On the N.W. side there are three islands, and a great river a league from the cape on one side of the port. It is the best harbor in the world, and the Admiral gave it the name of Puerto de la Mar de Santo Tomas, because to-day it was that Saint’s day. The Admiral called it a sea, owing to its size.

Afterwards, the Admiral sent six Christians to the village to see what it was like, and the natives showed them all the honor they could think of and offered them everything they had; there was no doubt anymore that the Admiral and all his people had come from Heaven. The same belief was held by the Indians brought from other islands, even though they had now been told what they should think. After the six Christians left, some canoes came with people asking the Admiral to visit their village when he finished at his current location. A canoa is a type of boat used for navigation, some large and others small. Noticing that this village was on the way and many people were waiting for him, the Admiral decided to go there; but, before he could leave, a huge crowd of men, women, and children came to the shore, pleading with him not to go but to stay with them. The messengers from another chief, who had come to invite him, were waiting with their canoes so he wouldn’t leave but would come to see their chief, and he agreed. Upon arriving where the chief awaited him with plenty of food, he instructed everyone to sit down and for the food to be brought to the boats, which were on the seaside where the Admiral was. Once he saw that the Admiral received what he sent, all or most of the Indians ran back to their nearby village to fetch more food, parrots, and other items with such generosity that it was astonishing. The Admiral gave them glass beads, brass trinkets, and bells, not because they asked for anything in return, but because it felt right, and above all, because he now viewed them as future Christians and subjects of the Sovereigns, just like the people of Castile. He also mentioned that they wanted nothing but to learn the language and be governed; whatever they were told to do, they would comply without any complaints. The Admiral left this place to return to the ships, and the people—men, women, and children—cried out to him not to go but to stay with them. After the boats departed, several canoes full of people followed them to the ship, and they were welcomed with great respect and given food. Another chief from the west had also come before, and many people even swam, though the ship was over half a league from the shore. I sent some individuals to the chief, who had returned, to ask him about these islands. He received them warmly and took them to his village to give them some large pieces of gold. They arrived at a large river, which the Indians crossed by swimming. The Christians were unable to cross, so they turned back. In this entire area, there are very high mountains that seem to reach the sky, making the mountain on the island of Tenerife look small in height and beauty, and they are all lush with trees. Between them, there are very fertile valleys, and at the end of this port to the south, there is a valley so vast that its end is not visible, with no mountains blocking the view, making it seem about 15 or 20 leagues long. A river flows through it, and it is fully inhabited and cultivated, as green as Castile in May or June; however, the night lasts 14 hours, as this land is quite far north. This port is excellent for all winds that can blow, being protected and deep, with shores populated by a good and gentle people without weapons or malicious intentions. Any ship can anchor here without fear of being attacked by others at night, because, even though the entrance is over two leagues wide, it is safeguarded by rocks that are barely submerged; and there is only a very narrow channel through the reef, which appears to have been artificially created, allowing an open passage for ships to enter. At the entrance, there are 7 fathoms of depth up to the shore of a small flat island, which has a tree-lined beach. The entrance is on the west side, and a ship can approach without fear until it is close to the rocks. On the northwest side, there are three islands, and a great river one league from the cape on one side of the port. It is the best harbor in the world, and the Admiral named it Puerto de la Mar de Santo Tomas because it was that Saint’s day today. The Admiral referred to it as a sea due to its size.

Saturday, 22nd of December

Saturday, December 22

At dawn the Admiral made sail to shape a course in search of the islands which the Indians had told him contained much gold, some of them having more gold than earth. But the weather was not favorable, so he anchored again, and sent away the boat to fish with a net. The lord of that land,193-1 who had a place near there, sent a large canoe full of people, including one of his principal attendants, to invite the Admiral to come with the ships to his land, where he would give him all he wanted. The chief sent, by this servant, a girdle which, in[194]stead of a purse,194-1 had attached to it a mask with two large ears made of beaten gold, the tongue, and the nose. These people are very open-hearted, and whatever they are asked for they give most willingly; while, when they themselves ask for anything, they do so as if receiving a great favor. So says the Admiral. They brought the canoe alongside the boat, and gave the girdle to a boy; then they came on board with their mission. It took a good part of the day before they could be understood. Not even the Indians who were on board understood them well, because they have some differences of words for the names of things. At last their invitation was understood by signs. The Admiral determined to start to-morrow, although he did not usually sail on a Sunday, owing to a devout feeling, and not on account of any superstition whatever. But in the hope that these people would become Christians through the willingness they show, and that they will be subjects of the Sovereigns of Castile, and because he now holds them to be so, and that they may serve with love, he wished and endeavored to please them. Before leaving, to-day, the Admiral sent six men to a large village three leagues to the westward, because the chief had come the day before and said that he had some pieces of gold. When the Christians arrived, the secretary of the Admiral, who was one of them, took the chief by the hand. The Admiral had sent him, to prevent the others from imposing upon the Indians. As the Indians are so simple, and the Spaniards so avaricious and grasping, it does not suffice that the Indians should give them all they want in exchange for a bead or a bit of glass, but the Spaniards would take everything without any return at all. The Admiral always prohibits this, although, with the exception of gold, the things given by the Indians are of little value. But the Admiral, seeing the simplicity of the Indians,[195] and that they will give a piece of gold in exchange for six beads, gave the order that nothing should be received from them unless something had been given in exchange. Thus the chief took the secretary by the hand and led him to his house, followed by the whole village, which was very large. He made his guests eat, and the Indians brought them many cotton fabrics, and spun-cotton in skeins. In the afternoon the chief gave them three very fat geese and some small pieces of gold. A great number of people went back with them, carrying all the things they had got by barter, and they also carried the Spaniards themselves across streams and muddy places. The Admiral ordered some things to be given to the chief, and both he and his people were very well satisfied, truly believing that the Christians had come from Heaven, so that they considered themselves fortunate in beholding them. On this day more than 120 canoes came to the ships, all full of people, and all bringing something, especially their bread and fish, and fresh water in earthen jars. They also brought seeds of good kinds, and there was a grain which they put into a porringer of water and drank it. The Indians who were on board said that this was very wholesome.

At dawn, the Admiral set sail to find the islands that the Indians had told him were rich with gold, some even having more gold than earth. However, the weather wasn’t great, so he anchored again and sent the boat out to fish with a net. The lord of the land, who lived nearby, sent a large canoe filled with people, including one of his main attendants, to invite the Admiral to come to his land with the ships, where he would provide everything he wanted. The chief sent a belt with a mask attached featuring large ears made of beaten gold, along with a nose and tongue. These people are very generous; they give willingly when asked, and when they themselves request something, they do so as if they’re receiving a great gift. According to the Admiral, they brought the canoe alongside the boat and gave the belt to a boy, then came on board to deliver their message. It took a substantial part of the day to understand each other. Even the Indians on board didn’t fully comprehend them because they have different words for the names of things. Eventually, their invitation was understood through gestures. The Admiral decided to set sail the next day, even though he typically wouldn’t sail on a Sunday due to religious reasons, not superstition. He hoped these people would become Christians because of their willingness and that they would become subjects of the Sovereigns of Castile, as he viewed them as such, and wished to please them. Before leaving today, the Admiral sent six men to a large village three leagues west because the chief had come the day before and mentioned he had some gold pieces. When the Christians arrived, the Admiral’s secretary, one of them, took the chief by the hand. The Admiral had sent him to prevent others from taking advantage of the Indians. Since the Indians are quite naive and the Spaniards are greedy, simply getting what they want in exchange for a bead or a piece of glass isn’t enough; the Spaniards would take everything without giving anything back. The Admiral consistently prohibited this, although, apart from gold, the items given by the Indians were not very valuable. But seeing the Indians’ simplicity and that they would give a piece of gold for six beads, the Admiral ordered that nothing should be taken from them unless something was offered in return. So the chief took the secretary by the hand and led him to his house, followed by the entire village, which was quite large. He ensured his guests were fed, and the Indians brought various cotton fabrics and spun cotton in skeins. In the afternoon, the chief gifted them three very plump geese and some small gold pieces. A significant number of people followed them back, carrying all the items they had traded for, and they helped carry the Spaniards across streams and muddy areas. The Admiral directed that some items be given to the chief, and both he and his people were very pleased, genuinely believing that the Christians had come from Heaven, considering themselves lucky to see them. On that day, more than 120 canoes arrived at the ships, all filled with people and bringing various offerings, especially their bread and fish, alongside fresh water in clay jars. They also brought high-quality seeds, and there was a grain that they soaked in water and drank, which the Indians on board said was very healthy.

Sunday, 23rd of December

Sunday, December 23

The Admiral could not go with the ships to that land whither he had been invited by the chief, because there was no wind. But he sent, with the three messengers who were waiting for the boats, some people, including the secretary. While they were gone, he sent two of the Indians he had on board with him to the villages which were near the anchorage. They returned to the ship with a chief, who brought the news that there was a great quantity of gold in that island of Española, and that people from other parts came to buy it. They said that here the Admiral would find as much as he wanted. Others came, who confirmed the statement that there was much gold in the island, and explained the way it was collected.[196] The Admiral understood all this with much difficulty; nevertheless, he concluded that there was a very great quantity in those parts, and that, if he could find the place whence it was got, there would be abundance; and, if not, there would be nothing. He believed there must be a great deal, because during the three days that he had been in that port, he had got several pieces of gold, and he could not believe that it was brought from another land. “Our Lord, who holds all things in his hands, look upon me, and grant what shall be for his service.” These are the Admiral’s words. He says that, according to his reckoning, a thousand people had visited the ship, all of them bringing something. Before they come alongside, at a distance of a crossbow-shot, they stand up in the canoe with what they bring in their hands, crying out, “Take it! take it!” He also reckoned that 500 came to the ship swimming, because they had no canoes, the ship being near a league from the shore. Among the visitors, five chiefs had come, sons of chiefs, with all their families of wives and children, to see the Christians. The Admiral ordered something to be given to all, because such gifts were all well employed. “May our Lord favor me by his clemency, that I may find this gold, I mean the mine of gold, which I hold to be here, many saying that they know it.” These are his words. The boats arrived at night, and said that there was a grand road as far as they went, and they found many canoes, with people who went to see the Admiral and the Christians, at the mountain of Caribatan. They held it for certain that, if the Christmas festival was kept in that port,196-1 all the people of the island would come, which they calculated to be larger than England.196-2 All the people went with them to the village,196-3 which they said was the largest, and the best laid out with streets, of any they had seen. The Admiral says it is part of the Punta Santa,196-4 almost three leagues S.E. The canoes go[197] very fast with paddles; so they went ahead to apprise the Cacique, as they call the chief. Up to that time the Admiral had not been able to understand whether Cacique meant king or governor. They also have another name for a great man—Nitayno;197-1 but it was not clear whether they used it for lord, or governor, or judge. At last the cacique came to them, and joined them in the square, which was clean-swept, as was all the village. The population numbered over 2,000 men. This king did great honor to the people from the ship, and every inhabitant brought them something to eat and drink. Afterwards the king gave each of them cotton cloths such as women wear, with parrots for the Admiral, and some pieces of gold. The people also gave cloths and other things from their houses to the sailors; and as for the trifles they got in return, they seemed to look upon them as relics. When they wanted to return in the afternoon, he asked them to stay until the next day, and all the people did the same. When they saw that the Spaniards were determined to go, they accompanied them most of the way, carrying the gifts of the cacique on their backs as far as the boats, which had been left at the mouth of the river.

The Admiral couldn't sail with the ships to the land where the chief had invited him because there was no wind. Instead, he sent some people, including the secretary, with the three messengers who were waiting for the boats. While they were away, he sent two of the Indians he had on board to the nearby villages by the anchorage. They returned with a chief who brought news that there was a lot of gold on the island of Española, and that people from other places came to buy it. They said the Admiral would find as much as he wanted there. Others confirmed that there was plenty of gold on the island and explained how it was collected. The Admiral understood all this with difficulty; however, he concluded that there was a significant amount in those parts and that if he could find where it came from, there would be plenty; otherwise, there would be nothing. He believed there had to be a lot since during the three days he had been in that port, he had received several pieces of gold, and he couldn't believe they were brought from elsewhere. "Our Lord, who holds all things in your hands, look upon me and grant what shall be for your service." These are the Admiral’s words. He estimated that a thousand people had visited the ship, all bringing something. Before they got close, at a distance of a crossbow shot, they would stand up in their canoes with what they brought, shouting, "Take it! take it!" He also figured that 500 came to the ship swimming because they had no canoes, the ship being almost a league from the shore. Among the visitors, five chiefs came, sons of chiefs, along with all their families of wives and children, to see the Christians. The Admiral ordered something to be given to everyone because such gifts were well received. "May our Lord favor me with his kindness, that I may find this gold, meaning the gold mine, which I believe is here, with many saying they know where it is." These are his words. The boats arrived at night and reported that there was a great path as far as they went, and they found many canoes with people who came to see the Admiral and the Christians at the mountain of Caribatan. They were certain that if the Christmas festival were held in that port,196-1 all the people of the island would come, which they estimated was larger than England.196-2 Everyone went with them to the village, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ which they said was the largest and best organized with streets of any they had seen. The Admiral noted it is part of Punta Santa, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ almost three leagues southeast. The canoes moved very fast with paddles; they went ahead to inform the Cacique, as they call the chief. Until then, the Admiral had not been able to figure out whether Cacique meant king or governor. They also had another term for a great man—Nitayno; 197-1 but it was unclear whether they used it for lord, governor, or judge. Eventually, the cacique joined them in the square, which was clean, as was the rest of the village. The population was over 2,000 men. This king honored the visitors from the ship, and every resident brought them something to eat and drink. Later, the king gave each of them cotton cloths worn by women, along with parrots for the Admiral and some pieces of gold. The locals also offered cloth and other items from their homes to the sailors; and regarding the small things they received in return, they seemed to treat them as treasures. When they wanted to head back in the afternoon, he requested they stay until the next day, and everyone asked the same. When they saw that the Spaniards were set on leaving, they accompanied them most of the way, carrying the cacique's gifts on their backs as far as the boats, which had been left at the mouth of the river.

Monday, 24th of December

Monday, December 24

Before sunrise the Admiral got under way with the land-breeze. Among the numerous Indians who had come to the ship yesterday, and had made signs that there was gold in the island, naming the places whence it was collected, the Admiral noticed one who seemed more fully informed, or who spoke with more willingness, so he asked him to come with the Christians and show them the position of the gold mines. This Indian has a companion or relation with him, and among other places they mentioned where gold was found, they named Cipango, which they called Civao.197-2 Here they said that there[198] was a great quantity of gold, and that the cacique carried banners of beaten gold. But they added that it was very far off to the eastward.

Before sunrise, the Admiral set sail with the land breeze. Among the many Indians who had come to the ship yesterday and had indicated that there was gold on the island, naming the places where it was found, the Admiral noticed one who seemed to have more information or spoke more openly. He asked this Indian to come with the Christians and show them where the gold mines were located. This Indian had a companion or relative with him, and among other places they mentioned where gold could be found, they named Cipango, which they referred to as Civao.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ They said that there[198] was a large amount of gold there, and that the cacique carried banners made of beaten gold. However, they added that it was very far to the east.

Here the Admiral addresses the following words to the Sovereigns: “Your Highnesses may believe that there is no better nor gentler people in the world. Your Highnesses ought to rejoice that they will soon become Christians, and that they will be taught the good customs of your kingdom. A better race there cannot be, and both the people and the lands are in such quantity that I know not how to write it. I have spoken in the superlative degree of the country and people of Juana which they call Cuba, but there is as much difference between them and this island and people as between day and night. I believe that no one who should see them could say less than I have said, and I repeat that the things and the great villages of this island of Española, which they call Bohio, are wonderful. All here have a loving manner and gentle speech, unlike the others, who seem to be menacing when they speak. Both men and women are of good stature, and not black. It is true that they all paint, some with black, others with other colors, but most with red. I know that they are tanned by the sun, but this does not affect them much. Their houses and villages are pretty, each with a chief, who acts as their judge, and who is obeyed by them. All these lords use few words, and have excellent manners. Most of their orders are given by a sign with the hand, which is understood with surprising quickness.” All these are the words of the Admiral.

Here the Admiral addresses the following words to the Sovereigns: “Your Highnesses may believe there’s no better or kinder people in the world. You should be glad that they will soon become Christians and learn the good customs of your kingdom. There’s no better race, and there are so many people and lands that I don’t know how to express it. I’ve spoken highly of the country and people of Juana, which they call Cuba, but there’s as much difference between them and this island and its people as between day and night. I believe that no one who saw them could say less than I have, and I repeat that the things and the great villages of this island of Española, which they call Bohio, are amazing. Everyone here has a warm demeanor and gentle way of speaking, unlike the others, who seem threatening when they talk. Both men and women have good stature and aren’t black. It’s true that they all paint themselves, some with black, others with various colors, but most with red. I know they’re tanned by the sun, but it doesn’t affect them much. Their houses and villages are beautiful, each with a chief who acts as their judge and is obeyed by them. All these leaders use few words and have excellent manners. Most of their commands are given with a hand gesture, which is understood surprisingly quickly.” All these are the words of the Admiral.

He who would enter the sea of Santo Tomé198-1 ought to stand for a good league across the mouth to a flat island in the middle, which was named La Amiga,198-2 pointing her head towards it. When the ship is within a stone’s-throw of it the course should be altered to make for the eastern shore, leaving the west side, and this shore, and not the other, should be kept on board, because a great reef runs out from the west, and even beyond that there are three sunken rocks. This reef comes within a[199] lombard-shot of the Amiga island. Between them there are seven fathoms at least, with a gravelly bottom. Within, a harbor will be found large enough for all the ships in the world, which would be there without need of cables. There is another reef with sunken rocks, on the east side of the island of Amiga, which are extensive and run out to sea, reaching within two leagues of the cape. But it appeared that between them there was an entrance, within two lombard-shots of Amiga, on the west side of Monte Caribatan, where there was a good and very large port.199-1

He who wants to enter the sea of Santo Tomé __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ should aim for a good distance across the mouth to a flat island in the middle, called La Amiga, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ which points towards it. When the ship is close enough to throw a stone at it, the course should change to head for the eastern shore, keeping the west side and this shore on board, because a large reef extends from the west, and beyond that, there are three submerged rocks. This reef is within a[199] cannon shot of Amiga island. Between them, there are at least seven fathoms of water with a gravelly bottom. Inside, there is a harbor big enough for all the ships in the world, which could anchor there without needing cables. There's another reef with submerged rocks on the east side of Amiga island, which is extensive and extends out to sea, reaching within two leagues of the cape. However, it seems there is an entrance between them, within two cannon shots of Amiga, on the west side of Monte Caribatan, where there is a good and very large port.199-1

Tuesday, 25th of December. Christmas

Tuesday, December 25. Christmas

Navigating yesterday, with little wind, from Santo Tomé to Punta Santa, and being a league from it, at about eleven o’clock at night the Admiral went down to get some sleep, for he had not had any rest for two days and a night. As it was calm, the sailor who steered the ship thought he would go to sleep, leaving the tiller in charge of a boy.199-2 The Admiral had forbidden this throughout the voyage, whether it was blowing or whether it was calm. The boys were never to be entrusted with the helm. The Admiral had no anxiety respecting sand-banks and rocks, because, when he sent the boats to that king on Sunday, they had passed to the east of Punta Santa at least three leagues and a half, and the sailors had seen all the coast, and the rocks there are from Punta Santa, for a distance of three leagues to the E.S.E. They saw the course that should be taken, which had not been the case before, during this voyage. It pleased our Lord that, at twelve o’clock at night, when the Admiral had retired to rest, and when all had fallen asleep, seeing that it was a dead calm and the sea like glass, the tiller being in the hands of a boy, the current carried the ship on one of the sand-banks. If it had not been night the bank could have been seen, and the surf on it could be heard for a good league. But the ship ran upon[200] it so gently that it could scarcely be felt. The boy, who felt the helm and heard the rush of the sea, cried out. The Admiral at once came up, and so quickly that no one had felt that the ship was aground. Presently the master of the ship,200-1 whose watch it was, came on deck. The Admiral ordered him and others to launch the boat, which was on the poop, and lay out an anchor astern. The master, with several others, got into the boat, and the Admiral thought that they did so with the object of obeying his orders. But they did so in order to take refuge with the caravel, which was half a league to leeward. The caravel would not allow them to come on board acting judiciously, and they therefore returned to the ship; but the caravel’s boat arrived first. When the Admiral saw that his own people fled in this way, the water rising and the ship being across the sea, seeing no other course, he ordered the masts to be cut away and the ship to be lightened as much as possible, to see if she would come off. But, as the water continued to rise, nothing more could be done. Her side fell over across the sea, but it was nearly calm. Then the timbers opened, and the ship was lost.200-2 The Admiral went to the caravel to arrange about the reception of the ship’s crew, and as a light breeze was blowing from the land, and continued during the greater part of the night, while it was unknown how far the bank extended, he hove her to until daylight. He then went back to the ship, inside the reef; first having sent a boat on shore with Diego de Arana of Cordova, alguazil of the fleet, and Pedro Gutierrez, gentleman of the king’s bedchamber, to inform the king, who had invited the ships to come on the previous Saturday. His town was about a league and a half from the sand-bank. They reported that he wept when he[201] heard the news, and he sent all his people with large canoes to unload the ship. This was done, and they landed all there was between decks in a very short time. Such was the great promptitude and diligence shown by that king. He himself, with brothers and relations, was actively assisting as well in the ship as in the care of the property when it was landed, that all might be properly guarded. Now and then he sent one of his relations weeping to the Admiral, to console him, saying that he must not feel sorrow or annoyance, for he would supply all that was needed. The Admiral assured the Sovereigns that there could not have been such good watch kept in any part of Castile, for that there was not even a needle missing. He ordered that all the property should be placed by some houses which the king placed at his disposal, until they were emptied, when everything would be stowed and guarded in them. Armed men were placed round the stores to watch all night. “The king and all his people wept [says the Admiral]. They are a loving people, without covetousness, and fit for anything; and I assure your Highnesses that there is no better land nor people. They love their neighbors as themselves, and their speech is the sweetest and gentlest in the world, and always with a smile. Men and women go as naked as when their mothers bore them. Your Highnesses should believe that they have very good customs among themselves. The king is a man of remarkable presence, and with a certain self-contained manner that is a pleasure to see. They have good memories, wish to see everything, and ask the use of what they see.” All this is written by the Admiral.

Last night, with barely any wind, we sailed from Santo Tomé to Punta Santa. We were about a league away when the Admiral went below to catch some sleep, having gone two days and nights without rest. Because it was calm, the sailor at the helm thought it would be okay to sleep, leaving the tiller with a boy.199-2 The Admiral had strictly prohibited this throughout the journey, whether it was windy or still, because the boys were never to be trusted with the helm. The Admiral didn't worry about sandbanks or rocks since he'd sent boats to the king the previous Sunday, and they had passed at least three and a half leagues to the east of Punta Santa. The sailors had seen the coastline and the rocks extending three leagues to the E.S.E. They noted the safe course, which they hadn't been able to do before during the journey. At midnight, while the Admiral was resting and everyone was asleep, a dead calm settled in and the sea was like glass. With the tiller in the boy's hands, the current unexpectedly carried the ship onto one of the sandbanks. If it hadn't been night, the bank would have been visible, and the waves on it could be heard for a good league. But the ship hit it so gently that it was barely noticeable. The boy, sensing something was wrong and hearing the rush of the waves, cried out. The Admiral quickly rushed up, and so swiftly that no one realized the ship had run aground. Soon, the master of the ship, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ who was on watch, came on deck. The Admiral ordered him and a few others to launch the boat from the stern and drop an anchor at the back. The master and several others climbed into the boat, and the Admiral thought they were following his orders. Instead, they were trying to seek refuge on the caravel, which was half a league downwind. The caravel wisely refused them entry, prompting them to return to the ship, but the caravel's boat arrived first. When the Admiral saw his crew fleeing, with the water rising and the ship turning sideways in the sea, he realized there was no other option. He ordered the masts to be cut down and the ship to be lightened to see if it would float free. But as the water continued to rise, nothing else could be done. The ship tilted further over, but thankfully, the sea remained mostly calm. Then the timbers began to crack, and the ship was lost.200-2 The Admiral went to the caravel to arrange for the crew's safety, and with a light breeze blowing from the land throughout most of the night, unsure of how far the sandbank extended, he kept the ship steady until dawn. He then returned to the ship inside the reef; first, he sent a boat ashore with Diego de Arana of Cordova, the fleet's alguazil, and Pedro Gutierrez, a gentleman of the king's bedchamber, to inform the king, who had invited the ships the previous Saturday. His town was about a league and a half from the sandbank. They reported that the king wept upon hearing the news and quickly sent his people with large canoes to unload the ship. This was done efficiently, and they managed to land everything between decks in no time. The king displayed great promptness and diligence. He, along with his brothers and relatives, actively assisted both with the unloading of the ship and the care of the salvaged property to ensure everything was well-guarded. Occasionally, he sent one of his relatives to the Admiral, who was in tears, to comfort him, assuring him not to feel sorrow or anger, as he would provide everything necessary. The Admiral assured the Sovereigns that no better watch could have been maintained anywhere in Castile, as nothing was missing—not even a needle. He ordered that all property be placed in some houses the king offered until they could be emptied, ensuring that everything was stored and secured in them. Armed men stood guard around the stores for the night. “The king and all his people wept [says the Admiral]. They are a loving people, without greed, and very capable; and I assure your Highnesses that there is no better land or people. They love their neighbors as themselves, and their speech is the sweetest and gentlest in the world, always accompanied by a smile. Men and women are as naked as when they were born. Your Highnesses should know they possess very good customs among themselves. The king is a man of impressive presence and carries himself with a composed manner that is a pleasure to witness. They have good memories, are eager to see everything, and inquire about the uses of what they encounter.” All this is written by the Admiral.

Wednesday, 26th of December

Wednesday, December 26

To-day, at sunrise, the king of that land came to the caravel Niña where the Admiral was, and said to him, almost weeping, that he need not be sorry, for that he would give him all he had; that he had placed two large houses at the disposal of the Christians who were on shore, and that he would give more if they were required, and as many canoes as could load from the ship and discharge on shore, with as many people as[202] were wanted. This had all been done yesterday, without so much as a needle being missed. “So honest are they,” says the Admiral, “without any covetousness for the goods of others, and so above all was that virtuous king.” While the Admiral was talking to him, another canoe arrived from a different place, bringing some pieces of gold, which the people in the canoe wanted to exchange for a hawk’s bell; for there was nothing they desired more than these bells. They had scarcely come alongside when they called and held up the gold, saying Chuq chuq for the bells, for they are quite mad about them. After the king had seen this, and when the canoes which came from other places had departed, he called the Admiral and asked him to give orders that one of the bells was to be kept for another day, when he would bring four pieces of gold the size of a man’s hand. The Admiral rejoiced to hear this, and afterwards a sailor, who came from the shore, told him that it was wonderful what pieces of gold the men on shore were getting in exchange for next to nothing. For a needle they got a piece of gold worth two castellanos, and that this was nothing to what it would be within a month. The king rejoiced much when he saw that the Admiral was pleased. He understood that his friend wanted much gold, and he said, by signs, that he knew where there was, in the vicinity, a very large quantity; so that he must be in good heart, for he should have as much as he wanted. He gave some account of it, especially saying that in Cipango, which they call Cibao,202-1 it is so abundant that it is of no value, and that they will bring it, although there is also much more in the island of Española, which they call Bohio, and in the province of Caritaba. The king dined on board the caravel with the Admiral and afterwards went on shore, where he received the Admiral with much honor. He gave him a collation consisting of three or four kinds of ajes, with shrimps and game, and other viands they have, besides the bread they call cazavi.202-2 He then took the Admiral to see some groves[203] of trees near the houses, and they were accompanied by at least a thousand people, all naked. The lord had on a shirt and a pair of gloves, given to him by the Admiral, and he was more delighted with the gloves than with anything else. In his manner of eating, both as regards the high-bred air and the peculiar cleanliness he clearly showed his nobility. After he had eaten, he remained some time at table, and they brought him certain herbs, with which he rubbed his hands. The Admiral thought that this was done to make them soft, and they also gave him water for his hands. After the meal he took the Admiral to the beach. The Admiral then sent for a Turkish bow and a quiver of arrows, and took a shot at a man of his company, who had been warned. The chief, who knew nothing about arms, as they neither have them nor use them, thought this a wonderful thing. He, however, began to talk of those of Caniba, whom they call Caribes. They come to capture the natives, and have bows and arrows without iron, of which there is no memory in any of these lands, nor of steel, nor any other metal except gold and copper. Of copper the Admiral had only seen very little. The Admiral said, by signs, that the Sovereigns of Castile would order the Caribs to be destroyed, and that all should be taken with their hands tied together. He ordered a lombard and a hand-gun to be fired off, and seeing the effect caused by its force and what the shots penetrated, the king was astonished. When his people heard the explosion they all fell on the ground. They brought the Admiral a large mask, which had pieces of gold for the eyes and ears and in other parts, and this they gave, with other trinkets of gold that the same king had put on the head and round the neck of the Admiral, and of other Christians, to whom they also gave many pieces. The Admiral received much pleasure and consolation from these things, which tempered the anxiety and sorrow he felt at the loss of the ship. He knew our Lord had caused the ship to stop here, that a settlement might be formed. “From this,” he says, “originated so many things that, in truth, the disaster was really a piece of good fortune. For it is certain that, if I had not lost the ship, I should have[204] gone on without anchoring in this place, which is within a great bay, having two or three reefs of rock. I should not have left people in the country during this voyage, nor even if I had desired to leave them, should I have been able to obtain so much information, nor such supplies and provisions for a fortress. And true it is that many people had asked me to give them leave to remain. Now I have given orders for a tower and a fort, both well built, and a large cellar, not because I believe that such defences will be necessary. I believe that with the force I have with me I could subjugate the whole island, which I believe to be larger than Portugal, and the population double.204-1 But they are naked and without arms and hopelessly timid. Still, it is advisable to build this tower being so far from your Highnesses. The people may thus know the skill of the subjects of your Highnesses, and what they can do; and will obey them with love and fear. So they make preparations to build the fortress, with provision of bread and wine for more than a year, with seeds for sowing, the ship’s boat, a caulker and carpenter, a gunner and cooper. Many among these men have a great desire to serve your Highnesses and to please me, by finding out where the mine is whence the gold is brought. Thus everything is got in readiness to begin the work. Above all, it was so calm that there was scarcely wind or wave when the ship ran aground.” This is what the Admiral says; and he adds more to show that it was great good luck, and the settled design of God, that the ship should be lost in order that people might be left behind. If it had not been for the treachery of the master and his boat’s crew, who were all or mostly his countrymen,204-2 in neglecting to lay out the anchor so as to haul the ship off in obedience to the Admiral’s orders, she would have been saved. In that case, the same knowledge of the land as has been gained in these days would not have been secured, for the Admiral always proceeded with[205] the object of discovering, and never intended to stop more than a day at any one place, unless he was detained by the wind. Still the ship was very heavy and unsuited for discovery. It was the people of Palos who obliged him to take such a ship, by not complying “with what they had promised to the King and Queen, namely, to supply suitable vessels for this expedition. This they did not do. Of all that there was on board the ship, not a needle, nor a board, nor a nail was lost, for she remained as whole as when she sailed, except that it was necessary to cut away and level down in order to get out the jars and merchandise, which were landed and carefully guarded.” He trusted in God that, when he returned from Spain, according to his intention, he would find a tun of gold collected by barter by those he was to leave behind, and that they would have found the mine, and spices in such quantities that the Sovereigns would, in three years, be able to undertake and fit out an expedition to go and conquer the Holy Sepulchre. “With this in view,” he says, “I protested to your Highnesses that all the profits of this my enterprise should be spent in the conquest of Jerusalem, and your Highnesses laughed and said that it pleased them, and that, without this, they entertained that desire.” These are the Admiral’s words.

Today, at sunrise, the king of that land visited the caravel Niña where the Admiral was and told him, almost in tears, not to be upset because he would give him everything he had. He had already arranged for two large houses for the Christians on shore and would offer more if needed, along with as many canoes as could load from the ship and unload on shore, with as many people as required. This had all been done yesterday without losing even a needle. “They are so honest,” said the Admiral, “without any greed for others' goods, and that virtuous king was exceptional.” While the Admiral was speaking with him, another canoe arrived from elsewhere, bringing some pieces of gold that the people in the canoe wanted to trade for a hawk’s bell, as they wanted nothing more than these bells. They had scarcely come alongside when they called out and held up the gold, shouting Chuq chuq for the bells, as they were quite obsessed with them. After the king saw this, and when the canoes from other places had left, he asked the Admiral to hold one of the bells for another day, when he would bring four pieces of gold the size of a man's hand. The Admiral was thrilled to hear this, and later a sailor from the shore told him about the amazing pieces of gold the locals were getting in exchange for almost nothing. For a needle, they obtained a piece of gold worth two castellanos, and that this was nothing compared to what it would be within a month. The king was very pleased when he saw the Admiral happy. He understood that his friend wanted a lot of gold and signaled that he knew where there was a large quantity nearby, so he should be optimistic, as he would have as much as he wanted. He explained that in Cipango, which they call Cibao,202-1 there is so much gold that it is practically worthless, and that they would bring it, although there is even more on the island of Española, which they call Bohio, and in the province of Caritaba. The king had lunch on board the caravel with the Admiral and later went on shore, where he received the Admiral with great honor. He provided a meal that included three or four types of ajes, along with shrimp and game, and other dishes they had, as well as the bread they called cazavi.202-2 Afterward, he took the Admiral to see some groves[203] of trees near the houses, accompanied by at least a thousand people, all naked. The lord wore a shirt and a pair of gloves given to him by the Admiral, and he was more delighted with the gloves than anything else. In his dining manner, both with his high-born air and unique cleanliness, he clearly displayed his nobility. After he ate, he stayed at the table for a while, and people brought him certain herbs to rub on his hands. The Admiral thought this was to soften them, and they also provided him with water for his hands. After the meal, he took the Admiral to the beach. The Admiral then called for a Turkish bow and a quiver of arrows and took a shot at one of his men, who had been warned. The chief, unfamiliar with weapons as they don’t have them or use them, found this amazing. He began to talk about the Caniba people, whom they call Caribes. They come to capture the natives and possess bows and arrows made without iron, as there is no memory of any such metal in these lands, nor of steel, or any other metal except gold and copper. The Admiral had only seen a little copper. The Admiral signaled that the Sovereigns of Castile would order the destruction of the Caribs and that all would be captured with their hands tied. He ordered a lombard and a hand-gun to be fired, and upon seeing the impact and what the shots penetrated, the king was astonished. When his people heard the explosion, they all fell to the ground. They brought the Admiral a large mask adorned with pieces of gold for the eyes and ears and other parts, along with other gold trinkets that the same king had placed on the Admiral’s head and around the neck of other Christians, who also received many pieces. The Admiral took great pleasure and comfort in these gifts, which eased the anxiety and sadness he felt over the loss of the ship. He knew our Lord had brought the ship to this location so a settlement could be established. “From this,” he said, “came so many opportunities that, in reality, the disaster was truly a stroke of good fortune. For it is certain that, if I had not lost the ship, I would have continued on without anchoring here, which is within a great bay, having two or three reefs of rock. I wouldn’t have left people in the land during this journey, and even if I had wanted to, I wouldn’t have been able to gather so much information or such supplies and provisions for a fortress. And it is true that many people had asked me for permission to stay. Now I have given orders for a tower and a fort, both to be well-built, along with a large cellar, not because I think such defenses are necessary. I believe that with the force I have, I could conquer the entire island, which I think is larger than Portugal, and its population is double.204-1 But they are naked and unarmed and incredibly timid. Still, it is wise to build this tower since we are so far from your Highnesses. The people will thus know the skills of your Highnesses’ subjects and what they can do; they will obey them with love and fear. So they are making preparations to build the fortress, with supplies of bread and wine for more than a year, with seeds for planting, the ship’s boat, a caulker and carpenter, a gunner, and a cooper. Many of these men are eager to serve your Highnesses and please me by finding out where the gold mine is located. So everything is being arranged to start the work. Above all, it was so calm that there was barely any wind or wave when the ship ran aground.” This is what the Admiral says; and he adds more to show that it was truly great luck and the deliberate plan of God that the ship should be lost so that people could be left behind. If it hadn’t been for the betrayal of the master and his crew, who were all or mostly his countrymen,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ in neglecting to drop the anchor to haul the ship off as the Admiral had commanded, it would have been saved. In that case, the same knowledge of the land that has been gained these days wouldn’t have been acquired, for the Admiral always set out to explore and never intended to stay more than a day at any one place, unless delayed by the wind. Still, the ship was very heavy and not suited for exploration. It was the people of Palos who forced him to take such a ship by failing to comply with what they had promised the King and Queen, namely to provide suitable vessels for this expedition. They did not do that. Of all that was on board the ship, not a needle, a board, or a nail was lost; she remained as intact as when she set sail, except that it was necessary to cut away and level down to get out the jars and merchandise, which were landed and carefully guarded.” He trusted in God that, when he returned from Spain, as he intended, he would find a tun of gold collected through barter by those he was to leave behind, and that they would have discovered the mine, along with spices in such quantities that the Sovereigns could, in three years, undertake and equip an expedition to conquer the Holy Sepulchre. “With this in mind,” he said, “I assured your Highnesses that all the profits from this endeavor should be spent on the conquest of Jerusalem, and your Highnesses laughed and said that it pleased them, and that, without this, they desired it as well.” These are the Admiral’s words.

Thursday, 27th of December

Thursday, December 27

The king of that land came alongside the caravel at sunrise, and said that he had sent for gold, and that he would collect all he could before the Admiral departed; but he begged him not to go. The king and one of his brothers, with another very intimate relation, dined with the Admiral, and the two latter said they wished to go to Castile with him. At this time the news came that the caravel Pinta was in a river at the end of this island. Presently the cacique sent a canoe there, and the Admiral sent a sailor in it. For it was wonderful how devoted the cacique was to the Admiral. The necessity was now evident of hurrying on preparations for the return to Castile.[206]

The king of that land approached the caravel at sunrise and said he had sent for gold, promising to gather as much as he could before the Admiral left; he pleaded with him not to go. The king and one of his brothers, along with another close relative, dined with the Admiral, and the latter two expressed their desire to travel to Castile with him. At that moment, word came that the caravel Pinta was in a river at the far end of the island. Soon, the cacique sent a canoe there, and the Admiral sent a sailor along. It was remarkable how loyal the cacique was to the Admiral. It became clear that preparations needed to be rushed for the return to Castile.[206]

Friday, 28th of December

Friday, December 28

The Admiral went on shore to give orders and hurry on the work of building the fort, and to settle what men should remain behind.206-1 The king, it would seem, had watched him getting into the boat, and quickly went into his house dissimulating, sending one of his brothers to receive the Admiral and conduct him to one of the houses that had been set aside for the Spaniards, which was the largest and best in the town. In it there was a couch made of palm matting, where they sat down. Afterward the brother sent an attendant to say that the Admiral was there, as if the king did not know that he had come. The Admiral, however, believed that this was a feint in order to do him honor more. The attendant gave the message, and the cacique came in great haste, and put a large soft piece of gold he had in his hand round the Admiral’s neck. They remained together until the evening, arranging what had to be done.

The Admiral went ashore to give orders and speed up the construction of the fort, and to decide which men should stay behind. It seemed that the king had watched him get into the boat and quickly went into his house to pretend he didn’t notice, sending one of his brothers to greet the Admiral and take him to one of the houses set aside for the Spaniards, which was the largest and best in town. Inside, there was a couch made of palm matting where they sat down. Later, the brother sent an attendant to announce that the Admiral was there, as if the king didn’t already know he had arrived. However, the Admiral thought this was a ploy to honor him even more. The attendant delivered the message, and the cacique rushed in, placing a large soft piece of gold he held in his hand around the Admiral’s neck. They stayed together until evening, discussing what needed to be done.

Saturday, 29th of December

Saturday, December 29

A very youthful nephew of the king came to the caravel at sunrise, who showed a good understanding and disposition. As the Admiral was always working to find out the origin of the gold, he asked everyone, for he could now understand somewhat by signs. This youth told him that, at a distance of four days’ journey, there was an island to the eastward called Guarionex, and others called Macorix, Mayonic, Fuma, Cibao, and Coroay,206-2 in which there was plenty of gold. The Admiral[207] wrote these names down, and now understood what had been said by a brother of the king, who was annoyed with him, as the Admiral understood. At other times the Admiral had suspected that the king had worked against his knowing where the gold had its origin and was collected, that he might not go away to barter in another part of the island. For there are such a number of places in this same island that it is wonderful. After nightfall the king sent a large mask of gold, and asked for a washhand basin and jug. The Admiral thought he wanted them for patterns to copy from, and therefore sent them.

A young nephew of the king arrived at the caravel at sunrise, showing a good understanding and attitude. Since the Admiral was always trying to discover the source of the gold, he asked everyone, as he could now grasp some meanings through gestures. This young man told him that, a four-day journey away to the east, there was an island called Guarionex, along with others named Macorix, Mayonic, Fuma, Cibao, and Coroay, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ where there was an abundance of gold. The Admiral[207] wrote these names down and now understood what had been expressed by a brother of the king, who was annoyed with him, as the Admiral realized. Previously, the Admiral had suspected that the king was trying to prevent him from knowing where the gold was sourced and collected, so he wouldn't go off to trade in another part of the island. There are so many places on this island that it's astounding. After dark, the king sent a large gold mask and requested a washbasin and jug. The Admiral assumed he wanted them as templates to replicate, so he sent them.

Sunday, 30th of December

Sunday, December 30

The Admiral went on shore to dinner, and came at a time when five kings had arrived, all with their crowns, who were subject to this king, named Guacanagari. They represented a very good state of affairs, and the Admiral says to the Sovereigns that it would have given them pleasure to see the manner of their arrival. On landing, the Admiral was received by the king, who led him by the arms to the same house where he was yesterday, where there were chairs, and a couch on which the Admiral sat. Presently the king took the crown off his head and put it on the Admiral’s head, and the Admiral took from his neck a collar of beautiful beads of several different colors, which looked very well in all its parts, and put it on the king. He also took off a cloak of fine material, in which he had dressed himself that day, and dressed the king in it, and sent for some colored boots, which he put on his feet, and he put a large silver ring on his finger, because he had heard that he had admired greatly a silver ornament worn by one of the sailors. The king was highly delighted and well satisfied, and two of those kings who were with him came with him to where the Admiral was, and each gave him a piece of gold. At this time an Indian came and reported that it was two days since he left the caravel Pinta in a port to the eastward. The Admiral returned to the caravel and Vincent Anes,207-1 the cap[208]tain, said that he had seen the rhubarb plant, and that they had it on the island Amiga, which is at the entrance of the sea of Santo Tomé, six leagues off, and that he had recognized the branches and roots. They say that rhubarb forms small branches above ground, and fruit like green mulberries, almost dry, and the stalk, near the root, is as yellow and delicate as the best color for painting, and underground the root grows like a large pear.

The Admiral went ashore for dinner and arrived when five kings, all wearing their crowns, had come to visit the king named Guacanagari, who ruled over them. This situation looked very promising, and the Admiral told the kings that it would have pleased them to see how they arrived. Once on land, the Admiral was welcomed by the king, who took him by the arm and led him to the same house where he had been yesterday. There were chairs and a couch for the Admiral to sit on. Soon, the king removed his crown and placed it on the Admiral's head, while the Admiral took a beautiful, multi-colored beaded necklace from his own neck and put it on the king. He also took off a fine cloak he had worn that day and draped it over the king, then had some colorful boots brought, which he put on the king’s feet, along with a large silver ring he gave him because he had heard the king admired a silver ornament worn by one of the sailors. The king was very pleased and satisfied, and two of the kings who were with him came to where the Admiral was, each presenting him with a piece of gold. At that moment, an Indian arrived and reported that he had left the caravel Pinta in a port to the east two days earlier. The Admiral returned to the caravel, and Vincent Anes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ the captain, mentioned that he had seen the rhubarb plant on the island Amiga, which is six leagues away at the entrance of the sea of Santo Tomé, and recognized its branches and roots. It is said that rhubarb produces small branches above ground and fruit resembling green mulberries that are almost dry, and the stalk near the root is as yellow and delicate as the best paint color, while underground, the root grows like a large pear.

Monday, 31st of December

Monday, December 31

To-day the Admiral was occupied in seeing that water and fuel were taken on board for the voyage to Spain, to give early notice to the Sovereigns, that they might despatch ships to complete the discoveries. For now the business appeared to be so great and important that the Admiral was astonished.208-1 He did not wish to go until he had examined all the land to the eastward, and explored the coast, so as to know the route to Castile, with a view to sending sheep and cattle.208-2 But as he had been left with only a single vessel, it did not appear prudent to encounter the dangers that are inevitable in making discoveries. He complained that all this inconvenience had been caused by the caravel Pinta having parted company.

Today, the Admiral was busy making sure that water and fuel were loaded onto the ship for the journey to Spain, so he could notify the Sovereigns early enough for them to send out ships to finalize the discoveries. The task now seemed so significant and important that the Admiral was astonished. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ He didn’t want to leave until he had mapped out all the land to the east and explored the coastline to understand the route to Castile, with the intention of sending sheep and cattle. 208-2 However, since he was left with only one ship, it didn’t seem wise to face the inevitable dangers of exploration. He complained that all this trouble had been caused by the caravel Pinta leaving the group.

Tuesday, 1st of January, 1493

Tuesday, January 1, 1493

At midnight the Admiral sent a boat to the island Amiga to bring the rhubarb. It returned at vespers with a bundle of it. They did not bring more because they had no spade to dig it up with; it was taken to be shown to the Sovereigns. The king of that land said that he had sent many canoes for gold. The canoe returned that had been sent for tidings of the Pinta, without having found her. The sailor who went in[209] the canoe said that twenty leagues from there he had seen a king who wore two large plates of gold on his head, but when the Indians in the canoe spoke to him he took them off. He also saw much gold on other people. The Admiral considered that the King Guacanagari ought to have prohibited his people from selling gold to the Christians, in order that it might all pass through his hands. But the king knew the places, as before stated, where there was such a quantity that it was not valued. The supply of spices also is extensive, and is worth more than pepper or manegueta.209-1 He left instructions to those who wished to remain that they were to collect as much as they could.

At midnight, the Admiral sent a boat to Amiga Island to bring back rhubarb. It returned at sunset with a bundle. They didn’t bring more because they had no spade to dig it up. It was taken to show the Sovereigns. The king of that land said he had sent many canoes for gold. The canoe that was sent to look for the Pinta came back without finding her. The sailor who went in the canoe said that twenty leagues away, he saw a king wearing two large plates of gold on his head, but when the Indians in the canoe spoke to him, he took them off. He also saw a lot of gold on other people. The Admiral thought that King Guacanagari should have stopped his people from selling gold to the Christians so that it would all go through him. However, the king knew the locations, as mentioned earlier, where there was so much gold that it wasn’t valued. There is also a lot of spices, which are worth more than pepper or manegueta.209-1 He left instructions for those who wanted to stay that they should collect as much as they could.

Wednesday, 2nd of January

Wednesday, January 2

In the morning the Admiral went on shore to take leave of the King Guacanagari, and to depart from him in the name of the Lord. He gave him one of his shirts. In order to show him the force of the lombards, and what effect they had, he ordered one to be loaded and fired into the side of the ship that was on shore, for this was apposite to the conversation respecting the Caribs, with whom Guacanagari was at war. The king saw whence the lombard-shot came, and how it passed through the side of the ship and went far away over the sea. The Admiral also ordered a skirmish of the crews of the ships, fully armed, saying to the cacique that he need have no fear of the Caribs even if they should come. All this was done that the king might look upon the men who were left behind as friends, and that he might also have a proper fear of them. The king took the Admiral to dinner at the house where he was established, and the others who came with him. The Admiral strongly recommended to his friendship Diego de Arana, Pedro Gutierrez, and Rodrigo Escovedo, whom he left jointly as his lieutenants over the people who remained behind, that all might be well regulated and governed for service of their Highnesses. The cacique showed much[210] love for the Admiral, and great sorrow at his departure, especially when he saw him go on board. A relation of that king said to the Admiral that he had ordered a statue of pure gold to be made, as big as the Admiral, and that it would be brought within ten days. The Admiral embarked with the intention of sailing presently, but there was no wind.

In the morning, the Admiral went ashore to say goodbye to King Guacanagari and to depart from him in the name of the Lord. He gave him one of his shirts. To demonstrate the power of the cannons and their impact, he ordered one to be loaded and fired into the side of the ship that was on shore, as it related to the conversation about the Caribs, with whom Guacanagari was at war. The king saw where the cannonball came from, how it pierced the ship's side, and disappeared far out over the sea. The Admiral also arranged for a skirmish among the crew members of the ships, fully armed, telling the cacique that he shouldn’t fear the Caribs even if they came. All this was done so the king would see the men left behind as allies, and so he would have a healthy fear of them. The king hosted the Admiral and his companions for dinner at his place. The Admiral strongly recommended that Diego de Arana, Pedro Gutierrez, and Rodrigo Escovedo be treated as his lieutenants over those remaining, ensuring everything was well organized and governed for the service of their Highnesses. The cacique expressed much love for the Admiral and deep sadness at his departure, especially as he watched him board the ship. A relative of the king told the Admiral that he had ordered a statue made of pure gold, as big as the Admiral, which would be delivered within ten days. The Admiral boarded with the intent of sailing soon, but there was no wind.

He left on that island of Española, which the Indians called Bohio, 39 men210-1 with the fortress, and he says that they were great friends of Guacanagari. The lieutenants placed over them were Diego de Arana of Cordova, Pedro Gutierrez, keeper of the king’s drawing-room, and servant of the chief butler, and Rodrigo de Escovedo, a native of Segovia, nephew of Fray Rodrigo Perez, with all the powers he himself received from the Sovereigns. He left behind all the merchandise which had been provided for bartering, which was much, that they might trade for gold. He also left the ship’s boat, that they, most of them being sailors, might go, when the time seemed convenient, to discover the gold mine, in order that the Admiral, on his return, might find much gold. They were also to find a good site for a town, for this was not altogether a desirable port; especially as the gold the natives brought came from the east; also, the farther to the east the nearer to Spain. He also left seeds for sowing, and his officers, the alguazil and secretary, as well as a ship’s carpenter, a caulker, a good gunner familiar with engineering (que sabe bien de ingenios), a cooper, a physician, and a tailor, all being seamen as well.210-2

He left on the island of Española, which the locals called Bohio, 39 men210-1 with the fortress, and he mentioned that they were good friends with Guacanagari. The lieutenants assigned to them were Diego de Arana from Cordova, Pedro Gutierrez, who was in charge of the king’s drawing-room and a servant of the chief butler, and Rodrigo de Escovedo, a native of Segovia and nephew of Fray Rodrigo Perez, holding all the powers he received from the Sovereigns. He left behind all the merchandise intended for trade, which was substantial, so they could exchange it for gold. He also left the ship's boat, so most of them, being sailors, could go as soon as it seemed right to explore the gold mine, ensuring that when the Admiral returned, he would find a lot of gold. They were also tasked with finding a suitable site for a town, since this wasn’t the best port; especially since the gold the natives brought came from the east, which was also closer to Spain. He also left seeds for planting and stationed his officers, the alguazil and secretary, along with a ship’s carpenter, a caulker, a skilled gunner knowledgeable in engineering (que sabe bien de ingenios), a cooper, a physician, and a tailor, all of whom were seamen as well. 210-2

Thursday, 3rd of January

Thursday, January 3rd

The Admiral did not go to-day, because three of the Indians whom he had brought from the islands, and who had staid behind, arrived, and said that the others with their women[211] would be there at sunrise.211-1 The sea also was rather rough, so that they could not land from the boat. He determined to depart to-morrow, with the grace of God. The Admiral said that if he had the caravel Pinta with him he could make sure of shipping a tun of gold, because he could then follow the coasts of these islands, which he would not do alone, for fear some accident might impede his return to Castile, and prevent him from reporting all he had discovered to the Sovereigns. If it was certain that the caravel Pinta would arrive safely in Spain with Martin Alonso Pinzon, he would not hesitate to act as he desired; but as he had no certain tidings of him, and as he might return and tell lies to the Sovereigns, that he might not receive the punishment he deserved for having done so much harm in having parted company without permission, and impeded the good service that might have been done, the Admiral could only trust in our Lord that he would grant favorable weather, and remedy all things.

The Admiral didn’t leave today because three of the Indians he brought from the islands, who had stayed behind, arrived and said that the others with their women would be there at sunrise. The sea was also pretty rough, so they couldn’t land from the boat. He decided to set out tomorrow, with God’s grace. The Admiral mentioned that if he had the caravel *Pinta* with him, he could probably secure a load of gold because he could then explore the coasts of these islands, which he wouldn’t do alone, fearing some mishap might prevent his return to Castile and keep him from reporting all he found to the Sovereigns. If he was sure that the caravel *Pinta* would safely make it back to Spain with Martin Alonso Pinzon, he wouldn’t hesitate to act as he wanted; but since he didn’t have any definite news about him, and because he might come back and lie to the Sovereigns to avoid punishment for causing so much trouble by leaving without permission and hindering the good work that could have been done, the Admiral could only trust in our Lord to provide good weather and fix everything.

Friday, 4th of January

Friday, January 4

At sunrise the Admiral weighed the anchor, with little wind, and turned her head N.W. to get clear of the reef, by another channel wider than the one by which he entered, which, with others, is very good for coming in front of the Villa de la Navidad, in all which the least depth is from 3 to 9 fathoms. These two channels run N.W. and S.E., and the reefs are long, extending from the Cabo Santo to the Cabo de Sierpe for more than six leagues, and then a good three leagues out to sea. At a league outside Cabo Santo there are not more than 8 fathoms of depth, and inside that cape, on the east side, there are many sunken rocks, and channels to enter between them. All this coast trends N.W. and S.E., and it is all beach, with the land very level for about a quarter of a league inland.[212] After that distance there are very high mountains, and the whole is peopled with a very good race, as they showed themselves to the Christians. Thus the Admiral navigated to the east, shaping a course for a very high mountain, which looked like an island, but is not one, being joined to the mainland by a very low neck. The mountain has the shape of a very beautiful tent. He gave it the name of Monte Cristi. It is due east of Cabo Santo, at a distance of 18 leagues.212-1 That day, owing to the light wind, they could not reach within six leagues of Monte Cristi. He discovered four very low and sandy islets,212-2 with a reef extending N.W. and S.E. Inside, there is a large gulf,212-3 which extends from this mountain to the S.E. at least twenty leagues,212-4 which must all be shallow, with many sandbanks, and inside numerous rivers which are not navigable. At the same time the sailor who was sent in the canoe to get tidings of the Pinta reported that he saw a river212-5 into which ships might enter. The Admiral anchored at a distance of 6 leagues212-6 from Monte Cristi, in 19 fathoms, and so kept clear of many rocks and reefs. Here he remained for the night. The Admiral gives notice to those who would go to the Villa de la Navidad that, to make Monte Cristi, he should stand off the land two leagues, etc. (But as the coast is now known it is not given here.) The Admiral concluded that Cipango was in that island, and that it contained much gold, spices, mastic, and rhubarb.

At sunrise, the Admiral lifted the anchor amid light winds and steered N.W. to navigate away from the reef through a channel broader than the one he entered. This and other channels are suitable for approaching the Villa de la Navidad, where the water depth ranges from 3 to 9 fathoms. These two channels run N.W. and S.E., with the reefs stretching long from Cabo Santo to Cabo de Sierpe for over six leagues, and extending a good three leagues out to sea. A league off Cabo Santo, there’s only about 8 fathoms of depth, and inside that cape, on the east side, lie many submerged rocks and channels to navigate through. The coastline trends N.W. and S.E. and features a continuous beach with land that is very flat for about a quarter of a league inland.[212] Beyond that distance, there are very tall mountains, inhabited by a very good people, as they demonstrated to the Christians. The Admiral set sail eastward, aiming for a high mountain that resembled an island but is actually connected to the mainland by a low isthmus. The mountain is shaped like a stunning tent, and he named it Monte Cristi. It lies directly east of Cabo Santo, about 18 leagues.212-1 Due to the light wind that day, they couldn’t get within six leagues of Monte Cristi. He spotted four very low sandy islets,212-2 with a reef extending N.W. and S.E. Inside is a large gulf,212-3 stretching at least twenty leagues, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ which is likely shallow with many sandbanks, and contains numerous non-navigable rivers. Meanwhile, the sailor sent in a canoe to check on the Pinta reported seeing a river212-5 that could accommodate ships. The Admiral anchored six leagues__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ from Monte Cristi at a depth of 19 fathoms to avoid rocks and reefs. He stayed there for the night. The Admiral informed those wishing to head to the Villa de la Navidad that to reach Monte Cristi, they should stay two leagues off the land, etc. (However, details about the now-known coast are not included here.) The Admiral concluded that Cipango was located on that island and that it was rich in gold, spices, mastic, and rhubarb.

Saturday, 5th of January

Saturday, January 5th

At sunrise the Admiral made sail with the land-breeze, and saw that to the S.S.E.212-7 of Monte Cristi, between it and an[213] island, there seemed to be a good port to anchor in that night. He shaped an E.S.E. course, afterward S.S.E., for six leagues round the high land, and found a depth of 17 fathoms, with a very clean bottom, going on for three leagues with the same soundings. Afterwards it shallowed to 12 fathoms up to the promontory of the mountain, and off the promontory, at one league, the depth of 9 fathoms was found, the bottom clean, and all fine sand. The Admiral followed the same course until he came between the mountain and the island,213-1 where he found 3 1/2 fathoms at low water, a very good port, and here he anchored.213-2 He went in the boat to the islet, where he found remains of fire and footmarks, showing that fishermen had been there. Here they saw many stones painted in colors, or a quarry of such stones, very beautifully worked by nature, suited for the building of a church or other public work, like those he found on the island of San Salvador. On this islet he also found many plants of mastic. He says that this Monte Cristi is very fine and high, but accessible, and of a very beautiful shape, all the land round it being low, a very fine plain, from which the height rises, looking at a distance like an island disunited from other land. Beyond the mountain, to the east, he saw a cape at a distance of 24 miles, which he named Cabo del Becerro,213-3 whence to the mountain for two leagues there are reefs of rocks, though it appeared as if there were navigable channels between them. It would, however, be advisable to approach in daylight, and to send a boat ahead to sound. From the mountain eastward to Cabo del Becerro, for four leagues, there is a beach, and the land is low, but the rest is very high, with beautiful mountains and some cultivation. Inland, a chain of mountains runs N.E. and S.W., the most beautiful he had seen, appearing like the hills of Cordova. Some other very lofty mountains appear in the distance toward the south and S.E., and very extensive green valleys with large rivers: all this in such quantity that he did not believe[214] he had exaggerated a thousandth part. Afterwards he saw, to the eastward of the mountain, a land which appeared like that of Monte Cristi in size and beauty. Further to the east and N.E. there is land which is not so high, extending for some hundred miles or near it.

At sunrise, the Admiral set sail with the land breeze and noticed that to the S.S.E.212-7 of Monte Cristi, between it and an[213] island, there appeared to be a good place to anchor that night. He steered an E.S.E. course, then S.S.E., for six leagues around the high land, finding a depth of 17 fathoms with a very clean bottom, continuing for three leagues with the same measurements. Afterward, it shallowed to 12 fathoms up to the mountain's promontory, and off the promontory, at one league away, he found a depth of 9 fathoms, with a clean bottom of fine sand. The Admiral continued on the same course until he reached the area between the mountain and the island, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ where he found 3 Modernize it: 1/2 fathoms at low tide, a very good harbor, and here he anchored.213-2 He took a boat to the islet, where he discovered remains of fire and footprints, indicating that fishermen had been there. There, they saw many stones painted in colors, or a quarry of such stones, beautifully crafted by nature, suitable for building a church or other public structures, similar to those he found on the island of San Salvador. On this islet, he also found many mastic plants. He remarked that Monte Cristi is very fine and high, but accessible, with a beautiful shape, surrounded by low land, a fine plain rising to the height, appearing from a distance like an island separated from other land. East of the mountain, he saw a cape about 24 miles away, which he named Cabo del Becerro, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ from which, extending two leagues to the mountain, there are reefs of rocks, although it seemed there might be navigable channels between them. However, it would be wise to approach in daylight and send a boat ahead to check the depths. From the mountain eastward to Cabo del Becerro, there is a beach for four leagues, and the land is low, but the rest of the area is very high, featuring beautiful mountains and some cultivation. Inland, a chain of mountains runs N.E. and S.W., the most stunning he had seen, resembling the hills of Cordova. In the distance to the south and S.E., other very tall mountains appeared along with extensive green valleys and large rivers: so much so that he didn’t think[214] he had exaggerated even a small fraction. Later, he saw, to the east of the mountain, land that looked like Monte Cristi in size and beauty. Further east and N.E., there is land that isn’t as high, stretching out for several hundred miles or so.

Sunday, 6th of January

Sunday, January 6

That port is sheltered from all winds, except north and N.W., and these winds seldom blow in this region. Even when the wind is from those quarters, shelter may be found near the islet in 3 or 4 fathoms. At sunrise the Admiral made sail to proceed along the coast, the course being east, except that it is necessary to look out for several reefs of stone and sand, within which there are good anchorages, with channels leading to them. After noon it blew fresh from the east. The Admiral ordered a sailor to go to the mast-head to look out for reefs, and he saw the caravel Pinta coming, with the wind aft, and she joined the Admiral.214-1 As there was no place to anchor, owing to the rocky bottom, the Admiral returned for ten leagues to Monte Cristi, with the Pinta in company. Martin Alonso Pinzon came on board the caravel Niña, where the Admiral was, and excused himself by saying that he had parted company against his will, giving reasons for it. But the Admiral says that they were all false; and that on the night when Pinzon parted company he was influenced by pride and covetousness. He could not understand whence had come the insolence and disloyalty with which Pinzon had treated him during the voyage. The Admiral had taken no notice, because he did not wish to give place to the evil works of Satan, who desired to impede the voyage. It appeared that one of the Indians, who had been put on board the caravel by the Admiral with others, had said that there was much gold in an island called Baneque, and, as Pinzon’s vessel was light and swift, he determined to go there, parting company with[215] the Admiral, who wished to remain and explore the coasts of Juana and Española, with an easterly course. When Martin Alonso arrived at the island of Baneque215-1 he found no gold. He then went to the coast of Española, on information from the Indians that there was a great quantity of gold and many mines in that island of Española, which the Indians call Bohio. He thus arrived near the Villa de Navidad, about 15 leagues from it, having then been absent more than twenty days, so that the news brought by the Indians was correct, on account of which the King Guacanagari sent a canoe, and the Admiral put a sailor on board; but the Pinta must have gone before the canoe arrived. The Admiral says that the Pinta obtained much gold by barter, receiving large pieces the size of two fingers in exchange for a needle. Martin Alonso took half, dividing the other half among the crew. The Admiral then says: “Thus I am convinced that our Lord miraculously caused that vessel to remain here, this being the best place in the whole island to form a settlement, and the nearest to the gold mines.” He also says that he knew of another great island, to the south of the island of Juana, in which there is more gold than in this island, so that they collect it in bits the size of beans, while in Española they find the pieces the size of grains of wheat. They call that island Yamaye.215-2 The Admiral also heard of an island further east, in which there were only women, having been told this by many people.215-3 He was also informed that Yamaye and the island of Española were ten days’ journey in a canoe from the mainland, which would be about 70 or 80 leagues, and that there the people wore clothes.215-4[216]

That harbor is protected from all winds except for the north and northwest, and those winds rarely occur in this area. Even when the wind is from that direction, you can find shelter near the islet in 3 or 4 fathoms of water. At sunrise, the Admiral set sail to go along the coast, heading east, but he had to be careful of several reefs made of stone and sand, which had good anchorages and channels leading to them. After noon, the wind picked up from the east. The Admiral ordered a sailor to climb to the masthead to look for reefs, and he spotted the caravel Pinta coming in with the wind at her back, and she joined the Admiral. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ With no place to anchor due to the rocky bottom, the Admiral sailed back for ten leagues to Monte Cristi, accompanied by the Pinta. Martin Alonso Pinzon came aboard the caravel Niña, where the Admiral was, and excused himself by saying that he had separated from the group against his will, offering reasons for it. However, the Admiral claimed these were all lies; that on the night Pinzon separated, he was motivated by pride and greed. He couldn’t understand the insolence and disloyalty Pinzon had shown him during the voyage. The Admiral had ignored it because he didn’t want to give in to the evil works of Satan, who wanted to disrupt the voyage. It turned out that one of the Indians, who had been sent aboard the caravel by the Admiral along with others, mentioned that there was a lot of gold on an island called Baneque. Since Pinzon's vessel was light and fast, he decided to go there, separating from[215] the Admiral, who wanted to stay and explore the coasts of Juana and Española, heading east. When Martin Alonso reached the island of Baneque__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, he found no gold. He then traveled to the coast of Española, based on info from the Indians that there was a lot of gold and many mines on that island, which the Indians referred to as Bohio. He arrived near Villa de Navidad, about 15 leagues away, having been gone for more than twenty days, confirming that the news from the Indians was accurate. The king Guacanagari sent a canoe, and the Admiral sent a sailor on board; however, the Pinta must have left before the canoe arrived. The Admiral said that the Pinta acquired a lot of gold through trade, getting large pieces the size of two fingers in exchange for a needle. Martin Alonso took half and divided the other half among the crew. The Admiral then stated: “Thus I am convinced that our Lord miraculously caused that vessel to stay here, making this the best place in the whole island to establish a settlement, being the closest to the gold mines.” He also mentioned that he was aware of another large island south of Juana, where there was more gold than in this island, as they collected it in pieces the size of beans, whereas in Española they found pieces the size of wheat grains. They called that island Yamaye. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The Admiral also learned about an island further east, where only women lived, as many people__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ had informed him. He was told that Yamaye and the island of Española were a ten-day canoe trip from the mainland, which would be about 70 or 80 leagues, and that the people there wore clothes. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__[216]

Monday, 7th of January

Monday, January 7

This day the Admiral took the opportunity of calking the caravel, and the sailors were sent to cut wood. They found mastic and aloes in abundance.

This day, the Admiral took the chance to caulk the caravel, and the sailors were sent to gather wood. They found plenty of mastic and aloes.

Tuesday, 8th of January

Tuesday, January 8

As the wind was blowing fresh from the east and S.E., the Admiral did not get under way this morning. He ordered the caravel to be filled up with wood and water and with all other necessaries for the voyage. He wished to explore all the coast of Española in this direction. But those he appointed to the caravels as captains were brothers, namely, Martin Alonso Pinzon and Vicente Anes. They also had followers who were filled with pride and avarice, considering that all now belonged to them, and unmindful of the honor the Admiral had done them. They had not and did not obey his orders, but did and said many unworthy things against him; while Martin Alonso had deserted him from the 21st of November until the 6th of January without cause or reason, but from disaffection. All these things had been endured in silence by the Admiral in order to secure a good end to the voyage. He determined to return as quickly as possible, to get rid of such an evil company, with whom he thought it necessary to dissimulate, although they were a mutinous set, and though he also had with him many good men; for it was not a fitting time for dealing out punishment.

As the wind was blowing fresh from the east and southeast, the Admiral didn’t set sail this morning. He ordered the caravel to be stocked with wood, water, and all other essentials for the journey. He wanted to explore the entire coastline of Hispaniola in that direction. However, those he appointed as captains of the caravels were brothers, Martin Alonso Pinzon and Vicente Anes. They also had followers who were filled with pride and greed, believing that everything now belonged to them, while ignoring the honor the Admiral had given them. They did not obey his orders and spoke and acted disrespectfully towards him; Martin Alonso even deserted him from November 21 until January 6 without any reason, only out of discontent. The Admiral endured all this in silence to ensure a successful voyage. He decided to return as quickly as possible to rid himself of such a troublesome company, knowing he had to keep up appearances, even though they were a rebellious group, and he also had many loyal men with him; it wasn’t the right time for punishment.

The Admiral got into the boat and went up the river216-1 which is near, toward the S.S.W. of Monte Cristi, a good league. This is where the sailors went to get fresh water for the ships. He found that the sand at the mouth of the river, which is very large and deep, was full of very fine gold, and in astonishing quantity. The Admiral thought that it was pul[217]verized in the drift down the river, but in a short time he found many grains as large as lentils, while there was a great deal of the fine powder.

The Admiral got into the boat and headed up the river216-1 nearby, heading towards the S.S.W. of Monte Cristi, about a league away. This was the spot where the sailors went to collect fresh water for the ships. He discovered that the sand at the mouth of the large and deep river was filled with very fine gold, and in surprising amounts. The Admiral initially thought it had been washed down the river, but soon found many grains as large as lentils, along with a lot of the fine powder.

As the fresh water mixed with the salt when it entered the sea, he ordered the boat to go up for the distance of a stone’s-throw. They filled the casks from the boat, and when they went back to the caravel they found small bits of gold sticking to the hoops of the casks and of the barrel. The Admiral gave the name of Rio del Oro to the river.217-1 Inside the bar it is very deep, though the mouth is shallow and very wide. The distance to the Villa de la Navidad is 17 leagues,217-2 and there are several large rivers on the intervening coast, especially three which probably contain much more gold than this one, because they are larger. This river is nearly the size of the Guadalquivir at Cordova, and from it to the gold mines the distance is not more than 20 leagues.217-3 The Admiral further says that he did not care to take the sand containing gold, because their Highnesses would have it all as their property at their town of Navidad; and because his first object was now to bring the news and to get rid of the evil company that was with him, whom he had always said were a mutinous set.

As the fresh water mixed with the salt when it entered the sea, he ordered the boat to move a short distance. They filled the barrels from the boat, and when they returned to the caravel, they found small pieces of gold stuck to the hoops of the barrels and casks. The Admiral named the river Rio del Oro. 217-1 Inside the bar, it's very deep, although the mouth is shallow and quite wide. The distance to Villa de la Navidad is 17 leagues,217-2 and there are several large rivers along the coast between, especially three that probably hold much more gold than this one because they are bigger. This river is nearly the size of the Guadalquivir at Cordova, and the distance from it to the gold mines is no more than 20 leagues.217-3 The Admiral also mentioned that he didn't want to take the gold-containing sand because their Highnesses would claim it all at their town of Navidad; and since his main goal was now to bring back news and to get rid of the troublesome crew he had with him, whom he had always described as a rebellious group.

Wednesday, 9th of January

Wednesday, January 9th

The Admiral made sail at midnight, with the wind S.E., and shaped an E.N.E. course, arriving at a point named Punta Roja,217-4 which is 60 miles217-5 east of Monte Cristi, and anchored under its lee three hours before nightfall. He did not venture to go out at night, because there are many reefs, until they are known. Afterwards, if, as will probably be the case, channels are found between them, the anchorage, which is[218] good and well sheltered, will be profitable. The country between Monte Cristi and this point where the Admiral anchored is very high land, with beautiful plains, the range running east and west, all green and cultivated, with numerous streams of water, so that it is wonderful to see such beauty. In all this country there are many turtles, and the sailors took several when they came on shore to lay their eggs at Monte Cristi, as large as a great wooden buckler.

The Admiral set sail at midnight, with the wind coming from the southeast, and charted an east-northeast course, arriving at a location called Punta Roja, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ which is 60 miles__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ east of Monte Cristi. He anchored there three hours before nightfall. He didn’t go out at night because there are many reefs that need to be mapped first. Later on, if channels are found between them, the anchorage, which is[218] good and well sheltered, will be beneficial. The land between Monte Cristi and where the Admiral anchored is very hilly, with beautiful plains. The range runs east and west, all lush and cultivated, with many streams, making it truly stunning to see. In this area, there are plenty of turtles, and the sailors caught several when they came ashore to lay their eggs at Monte Cristi, which were as large as a big wooden shield.

On the previous day, when the Admiral went to the Rio del Oro, he saw three mermaids,218-1 which rose well out of the sea; but they are not so beautiful as they are painted, though to some extent they have the form of a human face. The Admiral says that he had seen some, at other times, in Guinea, on the coast of the Manequeta.218-2

On the previous day, when the Admiral went to the Rio del Oro, he saw three mermaids, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ which emerged from the sea; but they aren't as beautiful as they're depicted, though they do somewhat resemble a human face. The Admiral mentions that he has seen some before, at other times, in Guinea, along the Manequeta. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

The Admiral says that this night, in the name of our Lord, he would set out on his homeward voyage without any further delay whatever, for he had found what he sought, and he did not wish to have further cause of offence with Martin Alonso until their Highnesses should know the news of the voyage and what had been done. Afterwards he says, “I will not suffer the deeds of evil-disposed persons, with little worth, who, without respect for him to whom they owe their positions, presume to set up their own wills with little ceremony.”[219]

The Admiral says that tonight, in the name of our Lord, he would set out on his way home without any further delay because he had found what he was looking for, and he didn't want to cause any more trouble with Martin Alonso until their Highnesses learned the news of the voyage and what had happened. Then he says, “I will not put up with the actions of those who mean harm, who, without any respect for the person to whom they owe their positions, dare to impose their own wishes without any courtesy.”[219]

Thursday, 10th of January

Thursday, January 10

He departed from the place where he had anchored, and at sunset he reached a river, to which he gave the name of Rio de Gracia, three leagues to the S.E. He came to at the mouth,219-1 where there is good anchorage on the east side. There is a bar with no more than two fathoms of water, and very narrow across the entrance. It is a good and well-sheltered port, except that there are many shipworms,219-2 owing to which the caravel Pinta, under Martin Alonso, received a good deal of damage. He had been here bartering for 16 days, and got much gold, which was what Martin Alonso wanted. As soon as he heard from the Indians that the Admiral was on the coast of the same island of Española, and that he could not avoid him, Pinzon came to him. He wanted all the people of the ship to swear that he had not been there more than six days. But his treachery was so public that it could not be concealed. He had made a law that half of all the gold that was collected was his. When he left this port he took four men and two girls by force. But the Admiral ordered that they should be clothed and put on shore to return to their homes. “This,” the Admiral says, “is a service of your Highnesses. For all the men and women are subjects of your Highnesses, as well in this island as in the others. Here, where your Highnesses already have a settlement, the people ought to be treated with honor and favor, seeing that this island has so much gold and such good spice-yielding lands.”

He left the place where he had anchored, and at sunset he reached a river, which he named Rio de Gracia, three leagues to the southeast. He anchored at the mouth,219-1 where there is good anchorage on the east side. There is a bar with no more than two fathoms of water, and it is very narrow at the entrance. It is a decent and well-sheltered port, except that there are many shipworms, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, which caused significant damage to the caravel Pinta, under Martin Alonso. He had been here trading for 16 days and acquired a lot of gold, which was exactly what Martin Alonso wanted. As soon as he found out from the Indians that the Admiral was on the same coast of the island of Española and that he couldn't avoid him, Pinzon came to see him. He wanted all the crew to swear that he had only been there for six days. But his betrayal was so obvious that it couldn’t be hidden. He had declared that half of all the gold collected was his. When he left this port, he forcibly took four men and two girls. However, the Admiral ordered that they be clothed and put ashore to return to their homes. “This,” the Admiral says, “is to serve your Highnesses. For all the men and women are subjects of your Highnesses, both in this island and in the others. Here, where your Highnesses already have a settlement, the people ought to be treated with respect and kindness, considering that this island has so much gold and such valuable spice-producing lands.”

Friday, 11th of January

Friday, January 11

At midnight the Admiral left the Rio de Gracia with the land-breeze, and steered eastward until he came to a cape[220] named Belprado, at a distance of four leagues. To the S.E. is the mountain to which he gave the name of Monte de Plata,220-1 eight leagues distant. Thence from the cape Belprado to E.S.E. is the point named Angel, eighteen leagues distant; and from this point to the Monte de Plata there is a gulf, with the most beautiful lands in the world, all high and fine lands which extend far inland. Beyond there is a range of high mountains running east and west, very grand and beautiful. At the foot of this mountain there is a very good port,220-2 with 14 fathoms in the entrance. The mountain is very high and beautiful, and all the country is well peopled. The Admiral believed there must be fine rivers and much gold. At a distance of 4 leagues E.S.E. of Cabo del Angel there is a cape named Punta del Hierro,220-3 and on the same course, 4 more leagues, a point is reached named Punta Seca.220-4 Thence, 6 leagues further on, is Cabo Redondo,220-5 and further on Cabo Frances, where a large bay220-6 is formed, but there did not appear to be anchorage in it. A league further on is Cabo del Buen Tiempo, and thence, a good league S.S.E., is Cabo Tajado.220-7 Thence, to the south, another cape was sighted at a distance of about 15 leagues. To-day great progress was made, as wind and tide were favorable. The Admiral did not venture to anchor for fear of the rocks, so he was hove-to all night.

At midnight, the Admiral left the Rio de Gracia with the land breeze and headed eastward until he reached a cape called Belprado, which was four leagues away. To the southeast is the mountain he named Monte de Plata, located eight leagues distant. From Cape Belprado, going southeast, there’s a point called Angel, eighteen leagues away; along this route lies a gulf with some of the most stunning land in the world, all high and fine, extending far inland. Beyond that, there's a range of high mountains stretching east and west, very grand and beautiful. At the base of this mountain, there’s a great port with 14 fathoms at the entrance. The mountain is very tall and beautiful, and the entire area is well populated. The Admiral believed there must be great rivers and much gold. Four leagues southeast of Cabo del Angel is a cape known as Punta del Hierro, and on the same path, four more leagues brings you to a point called Punta Seca. Six leagues further on is Cabo Redondo, and beyond that is Cabo Frances, where a large bay is formed, although it didn't seem suitable for anchorage. One league farther is Cabo del Buen Tiempo, and then about a league south-southeast is Cabo Tajado. From there, another cape was spotted about fifteen leagues away. Today, significant progress was made because the wind and tide were in our favor. The Admiral didn’t risk anchoring due to the rocks, so he stayed hove-to all night.

Saturday, 12th of January

Saturday, January 12

Towards dawn the Admiral filled and shaped a course to the east with a fresh wind, running 20 miles before daylight,[221] and in two hours afterwards 24 miles. Thence he saw land to the south,221-1 and steered towards it, distant 48 miles. During the night he must have run 28 miles N.N.E., to keep the vessels out of danger. When he saw the land, he named one cape that he saw Cabo de Padre y Hijo, because at the east point there are two rocks, one larger than the other.221-2 Afterwards, at two leagues to the eastward, he saw a very fine bay between two grand mountains. He saw that it was a very large port with a very good approach; but, as it was very early in the morning, and as the greater part of the time it was blowing from the east, and then they had a N.N.W. breeze, he did not wish to delay any more. He continued his course to the east as far as a very high and beautiful cape, all of scarped rock, to which he gave the name of Cabo del Enamorado,221-3 which was 32 miles to the east of the port named Puerto Sacro.221-4 On rounding the cape, another finer and loftier point came in sight,221-5 like Cape St. Vincent in Portugal, 12 miles east of Cabo del Enamorado. As soon as he was abreast of the Cabo del Enamorado, the Admiral saw that there was a great bay221-6 between this and the next point, three leagues across, and in the middle of it a small island.221-7 The depth is great at the entrance close to the land. He anchored here in twelve fathoms, and sent the boat on shore for water, and to see if intercourse could be opened with the natives, but they all fled. He also anchored to ascertain whether this was all one land with the island of Española, and to make sure that this was a gulf and not a channel, forming another island. He remained astonished at the great size of Española.[222]

Towards dawn, the Admiral charted a course to the east with a fresh wind, covering 20 miles before daylight,[221] and 24 miles in the two hours that followed. Soon after, he spotted land to the south,221-1 and steered towards it, which was 48 miles away. During the night, he must have traveled 28 miles N.N.E. to keep the ships safe. Upon seeing the land, he named one cape Cabo de Padre y Hijo because, at the east point, there are two rocks, one larger than the other.221-2 A little later, two leagues to the east, he discovered a beautiful bay nestled between two grand mountains. He noted that it was a large harbor with a good approach; however, since it was very early in the morning and the wind had mostly been coming from the east—then shifting to a N.N.W. breeze—he didn't want to linger any longer. He continued eastward until he reached a high, stunning cape made entirely of steep rock, which he named Cabo del In love,221-3 located 32 miles east of the port called Puerto Sacro. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ As he rounded the cape, he spotted another even finer and taller point, similar to Cape St. Vincent in Portugal, 12 miles east of Cabo del Enamorado. Once he was in line with Cabo del Enamorado, the Admiral noticed a large bay221-6 between this point and the next, measuring three leagues across, with a small island in the middle. The entrance had significant depth close to the land. He anchored here in twelve fathoms and sent a boat ashore to collect water and see if he could make contact with the locals; however, they all fled. He also anchored to determine whether this land was connected to the island of Española and to confirm that this was a gulf and not a channel forming another island. He remained astonished at the immense size of Española.[222]

Sunday, 13th of January

Sunday, January 13

The Admiral did not leave the port, because there was no land-breeze with which to go out. He wished to shift to another better port, because this was rather exposed. He also wanted to wait, in that haven, the conjunction of the sun and moon, which would take place on the 17th of this month, and the opposition of the moon with Jupiter and conjunction with Mercury, the sun being in opposition to Jupiter, which is the cause of high winds. He sent the boat on shore to a beautiful beach to obtain yams for food. They found some men with bows and arrows, with whom they stopped to speak, buying two bows and many arrows from them. They asked one of them to come on board the caravel and see the Admiral; who says that he was very wanting in reverence, more so than any native he had yet seen.222-1 His face was all stained with charcoal,222-2 but in all parts there is the custom of painting the body different colors. He wore his hair very long, brought together and fastened behind, and put into a small net of parrots’ feathers. He was naked, like all the others. The Admiral supposed that he belonged to the Caribs, who eat men,222-3 and that the gulf he had seen yesterday formed this part of the land into an island by itself. The Admiral asked about the Caribs, and he pointed to the east, near at hand, which means that he saw the Admiral yesterday before he entered the bay. The Indian said there was much gold to the east, pointing to the poop of the caravel, which was a good size, meaning that there were pieces as large. He called gold tuob, and did not understand caona, as they call it in the first part of the island that was visited, nor nozay, the name in San Salvador and the other islands. Copper or a base gold is[223] called tuob in Española.223-1 Of the island of Matinino this Indian said that it was peopled by women without men,223-2 and that in it there was much tuob, which is gold or copper, and that it is more to the east of Carib.223-3 He also spoke of the island of Goanin,223-4 where there was much tuob. The Admiral says that he had received notices of these islands from many persons; that in the other islands the natives were in great fear of the Caribs, called by some of them Caniba, but in Española Carib. He thought they must be an audacious race, for they go to all these islands and eat the people they can capture. He understood a few words, and the Indians who were on board comprehended more, there being a difference in the languages owing to the great distance between the various islands. The Admiral ordered that the Indian should be fed, and given pieces of green and red cloth, and glass beads, which they like very much, and then sent on shore. He was told to bring gold if he had any, and it was believed that he had, from some small things he brought with him. When the boat reached the shore there were fifty-five men behind the trees, naked, and with very long hair, as the women wear it in Castile. Behind the head they wore plumes of feathers of parrots and other birds, and each man carried a bow. The Indian landed, and signed to the others to put down their bows and arrows, and a piece of a staff, which is like...,223-5[224] very heavy, carried instead of a sword.224-1 As soon as they came to the boat the crew landed, and began to buy the bows and arrows and other arms, in accordance with an order of the Admiral. Having sold two bows, they did not want to give more, but began to attack the Spaniards, and to take hold of them. They were running back to pick up their bows and arrows where they had laid them aside, and took cords in their hands to bind the boat’s crew. Seeing them rushing down, and being prepared—for the Admiral always warned them to be on their guard—the Spaniards attacked the Indians, and gave one a slash with a knife in the buttocks, wounding another in the breast with an arrow. Seeing that they could gain little, although the Christians were only seven and they numbered over fifty, they fled, so that none were left, throwing bows and arrows away.224-2 The Christians would have killed many, if the pilot, who was in command, had not prevented them. The Spaniards presently returned to the caravel with the boat. The Admiral regretted the affair for one reason, and was pleased for another. They would have fear of the Christians, and they were no doubt an ill-conditioned people, probably Caribs, who eat men. But the Admiral felt alarm lest they should do some harm to the 39 men left in the fortress and town of Navidad, in the event of their coming here in their boat. Even if they are not Caribs, they are a neighboring people, with similar habits, and fearless, unlike the other inhabitants of the island, who are timid, and without arms. The Admiral says all this, and adds that he would have liked to have captured some of them. He says that they lighted many smoke signals, as is the custom in this island of Española.[225]

The Admiral did not leave the port because there was no land breeze to take him out. He wanted to move to a better port since this one was quite exposed. He also wanted to wait in that harbor for the conjunction of the sun and moon, which would happen on the 17th of this month, and the moon’s opposition with Jupiter and conjunction with Mercury, as the sun was in opposition to Jupiter, causing high winds. He sent a boat ashore to a beautiful beach to get yams for food. They encountered some men with bows and arrows and stopped to talk, buying two bows and many arrows from them. They asked one of the men to come on board the caravel to see the Admiral, who remarked that this man showed a lack of respect, more than any native he had seen before. His face was covered in charcoal, but it was customary to paint the body in different colors. He had very long hair tied back and styled with a small net made of parrots’ feathers. He was naked, like the others. The Admiral thought he belonged to the Caribs, known to eat people, and he assumed that the gulf he had seen the day before formed this part of the land into a separate island. The Admiral inquired about the Caribs, and the man pointed to the east, suggesting he had seen the Admiral yesterday before he entered the bay. The Indian said there was a lot of gold to the east, indicating the stern of the caravel, implying there were pieces as large as that. He referred to gold as tuob and didn't understand caona, as they called it in the first part of the island he visited, nor nozay, the name used in San Salvador and other islands. Copper or base gold is referred to as tuob in Española. Regarding the island of Matinino, this Indian said it was inhabited by women without men and that it had a lot of tuob, which is gold or copper, and that it was further east of Caribbean. 223-3 He also mentioned the island of Goanin, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ where there was a lot of tuob. The Admiral said he had heard about these islands from many people; that in the other islands, the natives were very fearful of the Caribs, referred to by some as Caniba, but in Española as Carib. He thought they must be a fierce people since they travel to all these islands and eat those they can capture. He understood a few words, and the Indians on board understood more, as there were differences in languages due to the great distances between the various islands. The Admiral ordered that the Indian be fed and given pieces of green and red cloth, as well as glass beads, which they really liked, before sending him back ashore. He was told to bring gold if he had any, as it was believed he had some small items with him. When the boat reached the shore, there were fifty-five men behind the trees, naked, and with very long hair, styled like women’s in Castile. They wore feathers of parrots and other birds in their hair, and each man carried a bow. The Indian disembarked and signaled for the others to put down their bows and arrows and a piece of a staff that was quite heavy, used instead of a sword.224-1 As soon as they reached the boat, the crew landed and started to buy bows, arrows, and other weapons, following the Admiral's orders. After selling two bows, the men didn’t want to sell anymore, but began to attack the Spaniards, trying to grab them. They rushed back to get their bows and arrows, which they had set aside, and picked up ropes to bind the boat’s crew. Noticing them coming at them and being prepared—for the Admiral always warned them to stay alert—the Spaniards fought back, wounding one Indian with a knife in the buttocks and another in the breast with an arrow. Seeing they were getting little out of it, even though the Christians were only seven and they numbered more than fifty, they fled, leaving behind bows and arrows. The Christians could have killed many if the pilot, who was in charge, hadn't stopped them. The Spaniards soon returned to the caravel with the boat. The Admiral felt regret about the incident for one reason and relief for another. They would now fear the Christians, and they were undoubtedly a savage people, likely Caribs, who eat humans. However, the Admiral worried that they might harm the 39 men left at the fort and town of Navidad if they came here in their boat. Even if they were not Caribs, they were neighboring tribes with similar habits and were fearless, unlike the other inhabitants of the island, who were timid and unarmed. The Admiral said all of this and mentioned he would have liked to capture some of them. He noted that they lit many smoke signals, as is customary on this island of Española.[225]

Monday, 14th of January

Monday, January 14th

This evening the Admiral wished to find the houses of the Indians and to capture some of them, believing them to be Caribs. For, owing to the strong east and north-east winds and the heavy sea, he had remained during the day. Many Indians were seen on shore. The Admiral, therefore, ordered the boat to be sent on shore, with the crew well armed. Presently the Indians came to the stern of the boat, including the man who had been on board the day before, and had received presents from the Admiral. With him there came a king, who had given to the said Indian some beads in token of safety and peace for the boat’s crew. This king, with three of his followers, went on board the boat and came to the caravel. The Admiral ordered them to be given biscuit and treacle to eat, and gave the chief a red cap, some beads, and a piece of red cloth. The others were also given pieces of cloth. The chief said that next day he would bring a mask made of gold, affirming that there was much here, and in Carib225-1 and Matinino.225-2 They afterwards went on shore well satisfied.

This evening, the Admiral wanted to find the houses of the Indigenous people and capture a few, believing they were Caribs. Due to the strong east and northeast winds and rough seas, he had stayed put during the day. Many Indigenous people were spotted on the shore. Therefore, the Admiral ordered a boat to be sent to shore with the crew well-armed. Soon, the Indigenous people came to the back of the boat, including the man who had been on board the day before and received gifts from the Admiral. With him was a king who had given the aforementioned man some beads as a sign of safety and peace for the boat's crew. This king, along with three of his followers, boarded the boat and came to the caravel. The Admiral instructed them to be given biscuits and treacle to eat, and gave the chief a red cap, some beads, and a piece of red cloth. The others also received pieces of cloth. The chief said he would bring a gold mask the next day, claiming there was plenty of it here, as well as in Caribbean __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and Matinino. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ They then went back to shore, feeling pleased.

The Admiral here says that the caravels were making much water, which entered by the keel; and he complains of the caulkers at Palos, who caulked the vessels very badly, and ran away when they saw that the Admiral had detected the badness of their work, and intended to oblige them to repair the defect. But, notwithstanding that the caravels were making much water, he trusted in the favor and mercy of our Lord, for his high Majesty well knew how much controversy there was before the expedition could be despatched from Castile, that no one was in the Admiral’s favor save Him alone who knew his heart, and after God came your Highnesses, while all others were against him without any reason. He further says: “And this has been the cause that the royal crown of your Highnesses has not a hundred millions of revenue more[226] than after I entered your service, which is seven years ago in this very month, the 20th of January.226-1 The increase will take place from now onwards. For the almighty God will remedy all things,”226-2 These are his words.

The Admiral says that the caravels were taking on a lot of water, which was coming in through the keel. He also complains about the caulkers in Palos, who did a terrible job sealing the ships and fled when they saw that the Admiral had discovered the poor quality of their work and planned to make them fix it. Despite the caravels leaking, he trusted in the favor and mercy of our Lord, because his Majesty knew the extent of the disputes that delayed the expedition from leaving Castile. He felt that the only one in the Admiral's corner was God, who understood his heart, and after God came your Highnesses, while everyone else was against him for no good reason. He also states: “And this has been the reason that the royal crown of your Highnesses has not gained an extra hundred million in revenue since I began serving you, seven years ago this month, on January 20th. The increase will start from now on. For almighty God will fix all things.” These are his words.

Tuesday, 15th of January

Tuesday, January 15

The Admiral now wished to depart, for there was nothing to be gained by further delay, after these occurrences and the tumult with the Indians. To-day he had heard that all the gold was in the district of the town of Navidad, belonging to their Highnesses; and that in the island of Carib226-3 there was much copper, as well as in Matinino. The intercourse at Carib would, however, be difficult, because the natives are said to eat human flesh. Their island would be in sight from thence, and the Admiral determined to go there, as it was on the route, and thence to Matinino, which was said to be entirely peopled by women, without men.226-4 He would thus see both islands, and[227] might take some of the natives. The Admiral sent the boat on shore, but the king of that district had not come, for his village was distant. He, however, sent his crown of gold, as he had promised; and many other natives came with cotton, and bread made from yams, all with their bows and arrows. After the bartering was finished, four youths came to the caravel. They appeared to the Admiral to give such a clear account of the islands to the eastward, on the same route as the Admiral would have to take, that he determined to take them to Castile with him. He says that they had no iron nor other metals; at least none was seen, but it was impossible to know much of the land in so short a time, owing to the difficulty with the language, which the Admiral could not understand except by guessing, nor could they know what was said to them, in such a few days. The bows of these people are as large as those of France or England. The arrows are similar to the darts of the natives who have been met with previously, which are made of young canes, which grow very straight, and a yard and a half or two yards in length. They point them with a piece of sharp wood, a span and a half long, and at the end some of them fix a fish’s tooth, but most of them anoint it with an herb.227-1 They do not shoot as in other parts, but in a certain way which cannot do much harm. Here they have a great deal of fine and long cotton, and plenty of mastic. The bows appeared to be of yew, and there is gold and copper. There is also plenty of aji,227-2 which is their pepper, which is more valuable than pepper, and all the people eat nothing else, it being very wholesome. Fifty caravels might be annually loaded with it from Española. The Admiral says that he found a great deal of weed in this bay, the same as was met with at sea when he came on this discovery. He therefore[228] supposed that there were islands to the eastward, in the direction of the position where he began to meet with it; for he considers it certain that this weed has its origin in shallow water near the land, and, if this is the case, these Indies must be very near the Canary Islands. For this reason he thought the distance must be less than 400 leagues.

The Admiral now wanted to leave, as there was nothing to be gained by staying any longer after these events and the chaos with the Indians. Today he had learned that all the gold was in the area of the town of Navidad, which belonged to their Highnesses, and that the island of Caribbean __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ had a lot of copper, as did Matinino. However, getting to Carib would be tough because the locals are said to eat human flesh. Their island would be visible from there, and the Admiral decided to go there since it was on the way, then to Matinino, which was said to be entirely inhabited by women, with no men.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ This way, he could see both islands and might even take some of the locals with him. The Admiral sent the boat to shore, but the king of that area hadn’t come because his village was far away. He did send his gold crown as promised, and many other locals arrived with cotton and bread made from yams, all carrying their bows and arrows. After the trading was done, four young men came to the caravel. They seemed to give such a clear description of the islands to the east on the route the Admiral would take that he decided to bring them back to Castile with him. He noted that they didn’t have iron or other metals; at least none were seen, but it was hard to learn much about the land in such a short time due to the language barrier, which the Admiral could only guess at, and the locals couldn’t understand what was said to them in just a few days. The bows of these people were as large as those from France or England. Their arrows were similar to the darts of the natives previously encountered, made from young straight canes, about a yard and a half to two yards long. They sharpened them with a piece of sharp wood about a span and a half long, and at the end, some attached a fish’s tooth, while most covered it with an herb.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ They didn’t shoot like people do in other places but had a method that seemed less harmful. Here, there was a lot of fine, long cotton and plenty of mastic. The bows looked like they were made of yew, and there was gold and copper. There was also a lot of aji,227-2 their type of pepper, which is more valuable than regular pepper, and the locals mainly ate that, as it was very healthy. Fifty caravels could be loaded with it from Española each year. The Admiral mentioned finding a lot of weed in this bay, similar to what he encountered at sea during his exploration. He therefore[228] thought there were islands to the east in the direction he first noticed it; he believed that this weed must come from shallow waters close to land, and if that was the case, these Indies must be very close to the Canary Islands. For this reason, he thought the distance had to be less than 400 leagues.

Wednesday, 16th of January

Wednesday, January 16

They got under way three hours before daylight, and left the gulf, which was named Golfo de las Flechas,228-1 with the land-breeze. Afterwards there was a west wind, which was fair to go to the island of Carib on an E.N.E. course. This was where the people live of whom all the natives of the other islands are so frightened, because they roam over the sea in canoes without number, and eat the men they can capture. The Admiral steered the course indicated by one of the four Indians he took yesterday in the Puerto de las Flechas. After having sailed about 64 miles, the Indians made signs that the island was to the S.E.228-2 The Admiral ordered the sails to be trimmed for that course, but, after having proceeded on it for two leagues, the wind freshened from a quarter which was very favorable for the voyage to Spain. The Admiral had noticed that the crew were downhearted when he deviated from the direct route home, reflecting that both caravels were leaking badly, and that there was no help but in God. He therefore gave up the course leading to the islands, and shaped a direct course for Spain E.N.E. He sailed on this course, making 48 miles, which is 12 leagues, by sunset. The Indians said that by that route they would fall in with the island of Matinino, peopled entirely by women without men, and the Admiral wanted very much to take five or six of them to the Sovereigns. But he doubted whether the Indians understood[229] the route well, and he could not afford to delay, by reason of the leaky condition of the caravels. He, however, believed the story and that, at certain seasons, men came to them from the island of Carib, distant ten or twelve leagues. If males were born, they were sent to the island of the men; and if females, they remained with their mothers.229-1 The Admiral says that these two islands cannot have been more than 15 or 20 leagues to the S.E. from where he altered course, the Indians not understanding how to point out the direction. After losing sight of the cape, which was named San Theramo,229-2 which was left 16 leagues to the west, they went for 12 leagues E.N.E. The weather was very fine.

They set off three hours before dawn, leaving the gulf called Golfo de las Flechas, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ with a land breeze. Afterwards, a west wind picked up, making it easy to head towards the island of Carib on an E.N.E. course. This was where the locals lived, who scared the inhabitants of the other islands because they traveled the seas in countless canoes and captured men to eat. The Admiral steered the course suggested by one of the four Indians he had taken yesterday in the Puerto de las Flechas. After sailing about 64 miles, the Indians indicated that the island was to the S.E. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The Admiral ordered the sails adjusted for that direction, but after two leagues, the wind picked up from a direction that was very favorable for the journey back to Spain. He noticed that the crew seemed disheartened when he strayed from the direct route home, considering that both caravels were leaking badly and that their only hope was in God. He therefore abandoned the course towards the islands and set a direct course to Spain E.N.E. He sailed on this course, covering 48 miles, which is 12 leagues, by sunset. The Indians claimed that if they followed this route, they would come across the island of Matinino, which was populated entirely by women with no men, and the Admiral was eager to capture five or six of them for the Sovereigns. However, he doubted the Indians fully understood the route and couldn't afford to delay due to the leaking caravels. He believed the tale and thought that at certain times, men would come from the island of Carib, located ten or twelve leagues away. If boys were born, they were sent to the island of men, and if girls, they remained with their moms.229-1 The Admiral indicated that these two islands couldn't have been more than 15 or 20 leagues to the S.E. from where he changed course, as the Indians did not know how to indicate direction properly. After losing sight of the cape, named San Theramo,229-2 which was left 16 leagues to the west, they sailed for 12 leagues E.N.E. The weather was really nice.

Thursday, 17th of January

Thursday, January 17th

The wind went down at sunset yesterday, the caravels having sailed 14 glasses, each a little less than half-an-hour, at 4 miles an hour, making 28 miles. Afterwards the wind freshened, and they ran all that watch, which was 10 glasses. Then another six until sunrise at 8 miles an hour, thus making altogether 84 miles, equal to 21 leagues, to the E.N.E., and until sunset 44 miles, or 11 leagues, to the east. Here a booby229-3 came to the caravel, and afterwards another. The Admiral saw a great deal of gulf-weed.

The wind died down at sunset yesterday, and the ships had sailed for 14 turns, each lasting just under half an hour, at a speed of 4 miles per hour, covering a total of 28 miles. After that, the wind picked up, and they sailed for the entire next watch, which was 10 turns. Then they continued for another six turns until sunrise at a speed of 8 miles per hour, making a total of 84 miles, which equals 21 leagues, to the E.N.E., and until sunset they traveled 44 miles, or 11 leagues, to the east. Here, a booby __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ approached the ship, and then another one did as well. The Admiral noticed a lot of gulf weed.

Friday, 18th of January

Friday, January 18th

During the night they steered E.S.E., with little wind, for 40 miles, equal to 10 leagues, and then 30 miles, or 7 1/2 leagues, until sunrise. All day they proceeded with little wind to E.N.E. and N.E. by E., more or less, her head being sometimes[230] north and at others N.N.E., and, counting one with the other they made 60 miles, or 15 leagues. There was little weed, but yesterday and to-day the sea appeared to be full of tunnies. The Admiral believed that from there they must go to the tunny-fisheries of the Duke, of Conil and Cadiz.230-1 He also thought they were near some islands, because a frigate-bird230-2 flew round the caravel, and afterwards went away to the S.S.E. He said that to the S.E. of the island of Española were the islands of Carib, Matinino, and many others.

During the night, they navigated E.S.E. with barely any wind for 40 miles, which is about 10 leagues, and then continued for another 30 miles, or 7½ leagues, until sunrise. All day, they moved slowly with little wind toward E.N.E. and N.E. by E., more or less, with the ship's head occasionally pointing north and at other times N.N.E. In total, they covered 60 miles, or 15 leagues. There was not much seaweed, but yesterday and today the water appeared to be teeming with tuna. The Admiral thought they needed to head toward the Duke's tuna fisheries near Conil and Cádiz. He also believed they were close to some islands because a frigate bird circled the caravel and then flew off to the S.S.E. He mentioned that to the S.E. of the island of Española were the islands of Carib, Matinino, and many others.

Saturday, 19th of January

Saturday, January 19

During the night they made good 56 miles N.N.E., and 64 N.E. by N. After sunrise they steered N.E. with the wind fresh from S.W., and afterwards W.S.W. 84 miles, equal to 21 leagues. The sea was again full of small tunnies. There were boobies, frigate-birds, and terns.230-3

During the night, they covered a solid 56 miles N.N.E. and 64 miles N.E. by N. After sunrise, they headed N.E. with a fresh wind from the S.W., then turned W.S.W. for 84 miles, which is about 21 leagues. The sea was once again filled with small tunas. There were boobies, frigate birds, and terns.230-3

Sunday, 20th of January

Sunday, January 20

It was calm during the night, with occasional slants of wind, and they only made 20 miles to the N.E. After sunrise they went 11 miles S.E., and then 36 miles N.N.E., equal to 9 leagues. They saw an immense quantity of small tunnies, the air very soft and pleasant, like Seville in April or May,[231] and the sea, for which God be given many thanks, always very smooth. Frigate-birds, sandpipers,231-1 and other birds were seen.

It was calm at night, with occasional gusts of wind, and they only covered 20 miles to the northeast. After sunrise, they traveled 11 miles southeast and then 36 miles north-northeast, which is equivalent to 9 leagues. They spotted a huge number of small tunas, the air was very soft and pleasant, like Seville in April or May,[231] and the sea, for which we thank God, was always very smooth. Frigate-birds, sandpipers,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and other birds were observed.

Monday, 21st of January

Monday, January 21

Yesterday, before sunset, they steered N.E. b. E., with the wind east, at the rate of 8 miles an hour until midnight, equal to 56 miles. Afterwards they steered N.N.E. 8 miles an hour, so that they made 104 miles, or 26 leagues, during the night N.E. by N. After sunrise they steered N.N.E. with the same wind, which at times veered to N.E., and they made good 88 miles in the eleven hours of daylight, or 21 leagues: except one that was lost by delay caused by closing with the Pinta to communicate. The air was colder, and it seemed to get colder as they went further north, and also that the nights grew longer owing to the narrowing of the sphere. Many boatswain-birds and terns231-2 were seen, as well as other birds but not so many fish, perhaps owing to the water being colder. Much weed was seen.

Yesterday, just before sunset, they headed N.E. by E., with the wind coming from the east, at a speed of 8 miles an hour until midnight, totaling 56 miles. After that, they changed direction to N.N.E. and continued at 8 miles an hour, making 104 miles, or 26 leagues, during the night N.E. by N. After sunrise, they steered N.N.E. with the same wind, which occasionally shifted to N.E., and they covered 88 miles in the eleven hours of daylight, or 21 leagues, minus one mile lost due to a delay while getting close to the Pinta to communicate. The air was colder, and it seemed to get chillier as they traveled further north, with the nights also growing longer due to the narrowing of the sphere. Many boatswain-birds and terns231-2 were spotted, along with other birds, but not as many fish, possibly because the water was colder. A lot of seaweed was seen.

Tuesday, 22nd of January

Tuesday, January 22nd

Yesterday, after sunset, they steered N.N.E. with an east wind. They made 8 miles an hour during five glasses, and three before the watch began, making eight glasses, equal to 72 miles, or 18 leagues. Afterwards they went N.E. by N. for six glasses, which would be another 18 miles. Then, during four glasses of the second watch N.E. at six miles an hour, or three leagues. From that time to sunset, for eleven glasses, E.N.E. at 6 leagues an hour,231-3 equal to seven leagues. Then[232] E.N.E. until 11 o’clock, 32 miles. Then the wind fell, and they made no more during that day. The Indians swam about. They saw boatswain-birds and much weed.

Yesterday, after sunset, they headed N.N.E. with an east wind. They traveled at 8 miles an hour for five watches and three before the shift started, totaling eight watches, which adds up to 72 miles, or 18 leagues. After that, they went N.E. by N. for six watches, covering another 18 miles. Then, during four watches of the second shift, they went N.E. at six miles an hour, or three leagues. From then until sunset, for eleven watches, they went E.N.E. at 6 leagues an hour, which equals seven leagues. Then they continued E.N.E. until 11 o’clock, covering 32 miles. After that, the wind died down, and they didn't make any more progress for the day. The Indians swam around. They saw boatswain-birds and a lot of seaweed.

Wednesday, 23rd of January

Wednesday, January 23rd

To-night the wind was very changeable, but, making the allowances applied by good sailors, they made 84 miles or 21 leagues, N.E. by N. Many times the caravel Niña had to wait for the Pinta, because she sailed badly when on a bowline the mizzen being of little use owing to the weakness of the mast. He says that if her captain, that is, Martin Alonso Pinzon, had taken the precaution to provide her with a good mast in the Indies, where there are so many and such excellent spars, instead of deserting his commander from motives of avarice, he would have done better. They saw many boatswain-birds and much weed. The heavens have been clouded over during these last days, but there has been no rain. The sea has been as smooth as a river, for which many thanks be given to God. After sunrise they went free, and made 30 miles, or 7 1/2 leagues N.E. During the rest of the day E.N.E. another 30 miles.

Tonight, the wind was really unpredictable, but, factoring in what good sailors know, they traveled 84 miles or 21 leagues, N.E. by N. The caravel Niña often had to wait for the Pinta because it didn’t sail well when heading into the wind, with the mizzen being of little use due to the mast’s weakness. He claims that if her captain, Martin Alonso Pinzon, had taken the extra step to equip her with a good mast in the Indies, where there are so many excellent timbers, instead of abandoning his commander out of greed, he would have fared better. They spotted many boatswain birds and a lot of seaweed. The sky has been overcast these past few days, but there’s been no rain. The sea has been as calm as a river, for which we give many thanks to God. After sunrise, they sailed freely, covering 30 miles, or 7 1/2 leagues N.E. They continued the rest of the day E.N.E., traveling another 30 miles.

Thursday, 24th of January

Thursday, January 24th

They made 44 miles, or 11 leagues, during the night, allowing for many changes in the wind, which was generally N.E. After sunrise until sunset E.N.E. 14 leagues.

They covered 44 miles, or 11 leagues, overnight, accounting for several shifts in the wind, which was mainly from the northeast. From sunrise to sunset, the wind was east-northeast, covering 14 leagues.

Friday, 25th of January

Friday, January 25

They steered during part of the night E.N.E. for 13 glasses, making 9 1/2 leagues. Then N.N.E. 6 miles. The wind fell, and during the day they only made 28 miles E.N.E., or 7 leagues. The sailors killed a tunny and a very large shark,[233] which was very welcome, as they now had nothing but bread and wine, and some yams from the Indies.

They navigated during part of the night E.N.E. for 13 hours, covering 9 1/2 leagues. Then N.N.E. for 6 miles. The wind died down, and during the day they only traveled 28 miles E.N.E., or 7 leagues. The sailors caught a tuna and a very large shark,[233] which was a welcome addition since they only had bread, wine, and some yams from the Indies left.

Saturday, 26th of January

Saturday, January 26

This night they made 56 miles, or 14 leagues, E.S.E. After sunrise they steered E.S.E., and sometimes S.E., making 40 miles up to 11 o’clock. Afterwards they went on another tack, and then on a bowline, 24 miles, or 6 leagues, to the north, until night.

This night they covered 56 miles, or 14 leagues, E.S.E. After sunrise, they headed E.S.E. and occasionally S.E., covering 40 miles by 11 o’clock. Then they changed direction again and sailed on a close reach, going 24 miles, or 6 leagues, north until nightfall.

Sunday, 27th of January

Sunday, January 27

Yesterday, after sunset, they steered N.E. and N.E. by N. at the rate of five miles an hour, which in thirteen hours would be 65 miles, or 16 1/2 leagues. After sunrise they steered N.E. 24 miles, or 6 leagues, until noon, and from that time until sunset 3 leagues E.N.E.

Yesterday, after sunset, they headed northeast and northeast by north at a speed of five miles per hour, which over thirteen hours would be 65 miles, or 16 1/2 leagues. After sunrise, they traveled northeast for 24 miles, or 6 leagues, until noon, and from then until sunset, they covered 3 leagues east-northeast.

Monday, 28th of January

Monday, January 28

All night they steered E.N.E. 36 miles, or 9 leagues. After sunrise until sunset E.N.E. 20 miles, or 5 leagues. The weather was temperate and pleasant. They saw boatswain-birds, sandpipers,233-1 and much weed.

All night they navigated E.N.E. for 36 miles, or 9 leagues. From sunrise to sunset, they went E.N.E. for 20 miles, or 5 leagues. The weather was mild and nice. They spotted boatswain-birds, sandpipers, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and a lot of seaweed.

Tuesday, 29th of January

Tuesday, January 29

They steered E.N.E. 39 miles, or 9 1/2 leagues, and during the whole day 8 leagues. The air was very pleasant, like April in Castile, the sea smooth, and fish they call dorados233-2 came on board.[234]

They headed E.N.E. for 39 miles, or 9 1/2 leagues, and throughout the entire day, covered 8 leagues. The weather was really nice, like April in Castile, the sea was calm, and fish known as golden fish233-2 came on board.[234]

Wednesday, 30th of January

Wednesday, January 30

All this night they made 6 leagues E.N.E., and in the day S.E. by S. 13 1/2 leagues. Boatswain-birds, much weed, and many tunnies.

All night, they covered 6 leagues to the east-northeast, and during the day, 1.5 leagues to the southeast by south. They encountered boatswain-birds, a lot of seaweed, and many tuna.

Thursday, 31st of January

Thursday, January 31

This night they steered N.E. by N. 30 miles, and afterwards N.E. 35 miles, or 16 leagues. From sunrise to night E.N.E. 13 1/2 leagues. They saw boatswain-birds and terns.[1]

This night, they headed northeast by north for 30 miles, then northeast for another 35 miles, which is about 16 leagues. From sunrise to sunset, they traveled east-northeast for 13 and a half leagues. They spotted boatswain birds and terns.[1]

Friday, 1st of February

Friday, February 1st

They made 16 1/2 leagues E.N.E. during the night, and went on the same course during the day 29 1/4 leagues. The sea very smooth, thanks be to God.

They traveled 16 1/2 leagues E.N.E. during the night, and continued on the same route for 29 1/4 leagues during the day. The sea was very calm, thank God.

Saturday, 2nd of February

Saturday, February 2

They made 40 miles, or 10 leagues, E.N.E. this night. In the daytime, with the same wind aft, they went 7 miles an hour, so that in eleven hours they had gone 77 miles, or 9 1/4 leagues. The sea was very smooth, thanks be to God, and the air very soft. They saw the sea so covered with weed that, if they had not known about it before, they would have been fearful of sunken rocks. They saw terns.234-1

They traveled 40 miles, or 10 leagues, east-northeast that night. During the day, with the wind at their back, they went 7 miles an hour, so in eleven hours, they covered 77 miles, or 9¾ leagues. The sea was very calm, thank God, and the air was quite gentle. They saw the ocean so covered with seaweed that, if they hadn't known about it before, they would have been worried about hidden rocks. They spotted terns.234-1

Sunday, 3rd of February

Sunday, February 3rd

This night, the wind being aft and the sea very smooth, thanks be to God, they made 29 leagues. The North Star appeared very high, as it does off Cape St. Vincent. The[235] Admiral was unable to take the altitude, either with the astrolabe or with the quadrant, because the rolling caused by the waves prevented it. That day he steered his course E.N.E., going 10 miles an hour, so that in eleven hours he made 27 leagues.

That night, with the wind behind them and the sea calm, thanks to God, they traveled 29 leagues. The North Star was very high in the sky, just like it is off Cape St. Vincent. The[235] Admiral couldn’t measure the altitude with either the astrolabe or the quadrant because the rolling waves made it impossible. That day he navigated E.N.E., averaging 10 miles an hour, which allowed them to cover 27 leagues in eleven hours.

Monday, 4th of February

Monday, February 4th

During the night the course was N.E. by E., going twelve miles an hour part of the time, and the rest ten miles. Thus they made 130 miles, or 32 leagues and a half. The sky was very threatening and rainy, and it was rather cold, by which they knew that they had not yet reached the Azores. After sunrise the course was altered to east. During the whole day they made 77 miles, or 19 1/4 leagues.

During the night, they were headed N.E. by E., traveling at twelve miles an hour some of the time, and ten miles the rest of the time. In total, they covered 130 miles, or 32 and a half leagues. The sky was very threatening and rainy, and it was quite cold, which made them realize they hadn’t reached the Azores yet. After sunrise, they changed their course to east. Throughout the day, they covered 77 miles, or 19 1/4 leagues.

Tuesday, 5th of February

Tuesday, February 5

This night they steered east, and made 55 miles, or 13 1/2 leagues. In the day they were going ten miles an hour, and in eleven hours made 110 miles, or 27 1/2 leagues. They saw sandpipers, and some small sticks, a sign that they were near land.

This night they headed east and covered 55 miles, or 13 1/2 leagues. During the day, they were traveling at ten miles per hour, and in eleven hours, they covered 110 miles, or 27 1/2 leagues. They spotted sandpipers and some small sticks, a sign that they were close to land.

Wednesday, 6th of February

Wednesday, February 6

They steered east during the night, going at the rate of eleven miles an hour, so that in the thirteen hours of the night they made 143 miles, or 35 1/4 leagues. They saw many birds. In the day they went 14 miles an hour, and made 154 miles, or 38 1/2 leagues; so that, including night and day, they made 74 leagues, more or less. Vicente Anes235-1 said that they had left the island of Flores to the north and Madeira to the east. Roldan235-2 said that the island of Fayal, or San Gregorio, was[236] to the N.N.E. and Puerto Santo to east. There was much weed.

They headed east during the night, traveling at eleven miles per hour, so in the thirteen hours of night, they covered 143 miles, or 35 1/4 leagues. They spotted many birds. During the day, they moved at 14 miles per hour, making 154 miles, or 38 1/2 leagues; in total, they covered about 74 leagues, day and night. Vicente Anes said they had left the island of Flores to the north and Madeira to the east. Roldan mentioned that the island of Fayal, or San Gregorio, was to the N.N.E. and Puerto Santo was to the east. There was a lot of seaweed.

Thursday, 7th of February

Thursday, February 7th

This night they steered east, going ten miles an hour, so that in thirteen hours they made 130 miles, or 32 1/2 leagues. In the daytime the rate was eight miles an hour, in eleven hours 88 miles, or 22 leagues. This morning the Admiral found himself 65 leagues south of the island of Flores, and the pilot Pedro Alonso,236-1 being further north, according to his reckoning, passed between Terceira and Santa Maria to the east, passing to windward of the island of Madeira, twelve leagues further north. The sailors saw a new kind of weed, of which there is plenty in the islands of the Azores.

This night, they headed east, traveling at ten miles an hour, so in thirteen hours they covered 130 miles, or 32 1/2 leagues. During the day, their speed was eight miles an hour, allowing them to cover 88 miles, or 22 leagues, in eleven hours. This morning, the Admiral found himself 65 leagues south of the island of Flores, while the pilot Pedro Alonso, being further north according to his calculations, navigated between Terceira and Santa Maria to the east, passing upwind of the island of Madeira, which is twelve leagues further north. The sailors spotted a new type of seaweed, which is abundant in the Azores islands.

Friday, 8th of February

Friday, February 8th

They went three miles an hour to the eastward for some time during the night, and afterwards E.S.E., going twelve miles an hour. From sunrise to noon they made 27 miles, and the same distance from noon till sunset, equal to 13 leagues S.S.E.

They traveled three miles per hour eastward for a while during the night, and then E.S.E., going twelve miles per hour. From sunrise to noon, they covered 27 miles, and the same distance from noon until sunset, totaling 13 leagues S.S.E.

Saturday, 9th of February

Saturday, February 9th

For part of this night they went 3 leagues S.S.E., and afterwards S. by E., then N.E. 5 leagues until ten o’clock in the forenoon, then 9 leagues east until dark.

For part of this night, they traveled 3 leagues south-southeast, then south by east, and then northeast for 5 leagues until 10 AM, followed by 9 leagues east until dark.

Sunday, 10th of February

Sunday, February 10th

From sunset they steered east all night, making 130 miles, or 32 1/2 leagues. During the day they went at the rate of nine[237] miles an hour, making 99 miles, or 24 1/2 leagues, in eleven hours.

From sunset, they headed east all night, covering 130 miles, or 32 1/2 leagues. During the day, they traveled at a speed of nine[237] miles an hour, covering 99 miles, or 24 1/2 leagues in eleven hours.

In the caravel of the Admiral, Vicente Yañez and the two pilots, Sancho Ruiz and Pedro Alonso Niño, and Roldan, charted or plotted the route. They all made the position a good deal beyond the islands of the Azores to the east, and, navigating to the north, none of them touched Santa Maria, which is the last of all the Azores. They made the position five leagues beyond it, and were in the vicinity of the islands of Madeira and Puerto Santo. But the Admiral was very different from them in his reckoning, finding the position very much in rear of theirs. This night he found the island of Flores to the north, and to the east he made the direction to be towards Nafe in Africa, passing to leeward of the island of Madeira to the north ... leagues.237-1 So that the pilots were nearer to Castile than the Admiral by 150 leagues. The Admiral says that, with the grace of God, when they reach the land they will find out whose reckoning was most correct. He also says that he went 263 leagues from the island of Hierro to the place where he first saw the gulf-weed.

In the Admiral's caravel, Vicente Yañez, along with the two pilots, Sancho Ruiz and Pedro Alonso Niño, and Roldan, mapped out the journey. They all determined their position quite a bit beyond the Azores islands to the east, and while navigating north, none of them stopped at Santa Maria, the last of the Azores. They placed their position five leagues beyond it, near the islands of Madeira and Puerto Santo. However, the Admiral had a different calculation, finding his position much further back than theirs. That night, he located the island of Flores to the north and determined the direction towards Nafe in Africa, passing to the leeward of Madeira to the north... leagues.237-1 Thus, the pilots were 150 leagues closer to Castile than the Admiral. The Admiral states that, with God's grace, they'll figure out whose navigation was more accurate when they reach land. He also mentioned that he traveled 263 leagues from the island of Hierro to where he first spotted the gulf weed.

Monday, 11th of February

Monday, February 11

This night they went twelve miles an hour on their course, and during the day they ran 16 1/2 leagues. They saw many birds, from which they judged that land was near.

This night they traveled twelve miles an hour, and during the day they covered 16 1/2 leagues. They spotted many birds, which made them think that land was close.

Tuesday, 12th of February

Tuesday, February 12

They went six miles an hour on an east course during the night, altogether 73 miles, or 18 1/4 leagues. At this time they began to encounter bad weather with a heavy sea; and, if the caravel had not been very well managed, she must have been lost. During the day they made 11 or 12 leagues with much difficulty and danger.[238]

They traveled at six miles an hour on an eastward course during the night, covering a total of 73 miles, or 18 1/4 leagues. At this point, they started to face bad weather with rough seas; if the caravel hadn't been very well handled, it would have surely been lost. Throughout the day, they managed to cover 11 or 12 leagues despite significant difficulties and dangers.[238]

Wednesday, 13th of February

Wednesday, February 13

From sunset until daylight there was great trouble with the wind, and the high and tempestuous sea. There was lightning three times to the N.N.E.—a sign of a great storm coming either from that quarter or its opposite. They were lying-to most of the night, afterwards showing a little sail, and made 52 miles, which is 13 leagues. In the day the wind moderated a little, but it soon increased again. The sea was terrific, the waves crossing each other, and straining the vessels. They made 55 miles more, equal to 13 1/2 leagues.

From sunset to sunrise, there was a lot of trouble with the wind and the rough, stormy sea. There was lightning three times to the N.N.E.—a sign that a big storm was coming from that direction or the opposite. They were stationary for most of the night but then set a little sail and covered 52 miles, which is 13 leagues. During the day, the wind eased up a bit, but it quickly picked up again. The sea was terrifying, with waves crashing into each other and straining the ships. They made another 55 miles, equivalent to 13 1/2 leagues.

Thursday, 14th of February

Thursday, February 14

This night the wind increased, and the waves were terrible, rising against each other, and so shaking and straining the vessel that she could make no headway, and was in danger of being stove in. They carried the mainsail very closely reefed, so as just to give her steerage-way, and proceeded thus for three hours, making 20 miles. Meanwhile, the wind and sea increased, and, seeing the great danger, the Admiral began to run before it, there being nothing else to be done. The caravel Pinta began to run before the wind at the same time, and Martin Alonso ran her out of sight,238-1 although the Admiral kept showing lanterns all night, and the other answered. It would seem that she could do no more, owing to the force of the tempest, and she was taken far from the route of the Admiral. He steered that night E.N.E., and made 54 miles, equal to 13 leagues. At sunrise the wind blew still harder, and the cross sea was terrific. They continued to show the closely-reefed mainsail, to enable her to rise from between the[239] waves, or she would otherwise have been swamped. An E.N.E. course was steered, and afterwards N.E. by E. for six hours, making 7 1/2 leagues. The Admiral ordered that a pilgrimage should be made to Our Lady of Guadalupe,239-1 carrying a candle of 6 lbs. of weight in wax, and that all the crew should take an oath that the pilgrimage should be made by the man on whom the lot fell. As many chick-peas were got as there were persons on board, and on one a cross was cut with a knife. They were then put into a cap and shaken up. The first who put in his hand was the Admiral, and he drew out the chick-pea with a cross, so the lot fell on him; and he was bound to go on the pilgrimage and fulfil the vow. Another lot was drawn, to go on pilgrimage to Our Lady of Loreto, which is in the march of Ancona, in the Papal territory, a house where Our Lady works many and great miracles.239-2 The lot fell on a sailor of the port of Santa Maria, named Pedro de Villa, and the Admiral promised to pay his travelling expenses. Another pilgrimage was agreed upon, to watch for one night in Santa Clara at Moguer,239-3 and have a mass said, for which they again used the chick-peas, including the one with a cross. The lot again fell on the Admiral. After this the Admiral and all the crew made a vow that, on arriving at the first land, they would all go in procession, in their shirts, to say their prayers in a church dedicated to Our Lady.

That night, the wind picked up, and the waves became massive, crashing against each other and shaking the ship so much that it was unable to make any progress and was at risk of being damaged. They had the mainsail tightly secured, just enough to steer the ship, and they managed to cover 20 miles in three hours. As the wind and sea grew even worse, the Admiral decided to run with the wind since there was no other option. The caravel Pinta also ran before the wind at the same time, and Martin Alonso took her out of sight, even though the Admiral kept signaling with lanterns all night, and the other vessel responded. It seemed like she couldn't do any better due to the storm's intensity, and she strayed far from the Admiral's course. He steered northeast that night and covered 54 miles, which is equal to 13 leagues. At sunrise, the wind blew even harder, and the rough seas were terrible. They continued to sail with the closely-reefed mainsail to help the ship rise between the waves; otherwise, it would have capsized. They steered an E.N.E. course and then N.E. by E. for six hours, covering 7 1/2 leagues. The Admiral ordered a pilgrimage to Our Lady of Guadalupe, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ carrying a 6-pound wax candle, and required all the crew to swear that the pilgrimage would be made by the person selected by lot. They collected as many chickpeas as there were crew members, and one was marked with a cross. The chickpeas were then placed in a cap and shaken up. The first to reach in was the Admiral, and he drew the chickpea with the cross, so he was chosen; he had to go on the pilgrimage and fulfill the vow. Another lot was drawn for a pilgrimage to Our Lady of Loreto, located in the Ancona region of the Papal territory, a place known for many great miracles. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ This time, the lot fell on a sailor from Santa Maria named Pedro de Villa, and the Admiral promised to cover his travel expenses. They agreed on another pilgrimage to keep vigil for one night at Santa Clara in Moguer,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and to have a mass said, for which they again used the chickpeas, including the one marked with a cross. Once again, the lot fell on the Admiral. After this, the Admiral and the entire crew vowed that upon reaching the first land, they would all go in procession in their shirts to pray in a church dedicated to Our Lady.

Besides these general vows made in common, each sailor made a special vow; for no one expected to escape, holding themselves for lost, owing to the fearful weather from which they were suffering. The want of ballast increased the danger of the ship, which had become light, owing to the consumption of the provisions and water. On account of the favorable[240] weather enjoyed among the islands, the Admiral had omitted to make provision for this need, thinking that ballast might be taken on board at the island inhabited by women, which he had intended to visit. The only thing to do was to fill the barrels that had contained wine or fresh water with water from the sea, and this supplied a remedy.

Besides the general vows made together, each sailor made a personal vow; no one expected to survive, believing they were doomed because of the awful weather they were facing. The lack of ballast made the ship even more dangerous, as it had become lighter due to the depletion of food and water. Because of the good weather they experienced among the islands, the Admiral had not prepared for this need, thinking they could take on ballast at the island inhabited by women, which he planned to visit. The only solution was to fill the barrels that had held wine or fresh water with seawater, which provided a fix.

Here the Admiral writes of the causes which made him fear that he would perish, and of others that gave him hope that God would work his salvation, in order that such news as he was bringing to the Sovereigns might not be lost. It seemed to him that the strong desire he felt to bring such great news, and to show that all he had said and offered to discover had turned out true, suggested the fear that he would not be able to do so, and that each stinging insect would be able to thwart and impede the work. He attributes this fear to his little faith, and to his want of confidence in Divine Providence.

Here the Admiral talks about the reasons that made him worry he might perish and the others that gave him hope that God would save him, so that the message he was bringing to the Sovereigns wouldn’t be lost. He felt a strong urge to share such important news and to prove that everything he had said and promised to discover was true, which made him fear that he wouldn’t be able to do it, and that every irritating obstacle would get in the way of his efforts. He blames this fear on his lack of faith and his low confidence in Divine Providence.

He was comforted, on the other hand, by the mercies of God in having vouchsafed him such a victory, in the discoveries he had made, and in that God had complied with all his desires in Castile, after much adversity and many misfortunes. As he had before put all his trust in God, who had heard him and granted all he sought, he ought now to believe that God would permit the completion of what had been begun, and ordain that he should be saved. Especially as he had freed him on the voyage out, when he had still greater reason to fear, from the trouble caused by the sailors and people of his company, who all with one voice declared their intention to return, and protested that they would rise against him.240-1 But the eternal God gave him force and valor to withstand them all, and in many other marvellous ways had God shown his will in this voyage besides those known to their Highnesses. Thus he ought not to fear the present tempest, though his weakness and anxiety prevent him from giving tranquillity to his mind. He says further that it gave him great sorrow to think of the two sons he left at their studies in Cordova, who would be left orphans,[241] without father or mother,241-1 in a strange land; while the Sovereigns would not know of the services he had performed in this voyage, nor would they receive the prosperous news which would move them to help the orphans. To remedy this, and that their Highnesses might know how our Lord had granted a victory in all that could be desired respecting the Indies,241-2 and that they might understand that there were no storms in those parts, which may be known by the herbs and trees which grow even within the sea;241-3 also that the Sovereigns might still have information, even if he perished in the storm, he took a parchment and wrote on it as good an account as he could of all he had discovered, entreating any one who might pick it up to deliver it to the Sovereigns. He rolled this parchment up in waxed cloth, fastened it very securely, ordered a large wooden barrel to be brought, and put it inside, so that no one else knew what it was. They thought that it was some act of devotion, and so he ordered the barrel to be thrown into the sea. Afterwards, in the showers and squalls, the wind veered to the west, and they went before it, only with the foresail, in a very confused sea, for five hours. They made 2 1/2 leagues N.E. They had taken in the reefed mainsail, for fear some wave of the sea should carry all away.241-4[242]

He found comfort, however, in God's mercy for granting him such a victory, in the insights he had gained, and in the fact that God had fulfilled all his wishes in Castile after enduring much hardship and many setbacks. Just as he had previously placed all his trust in God, who had listened to him and given him everything he desired, he should now believe that God would allow the completion of what had been started and ensure his salvation. Especially since God had saved him on the outward journey, when he had even more reason to fear, due to the trouble caused by the sailors and crew, who all unanimously declared their intention to return and threatened to rebel against him. But the eternal God gave him the strength and courage to endure them all, and in many other remarkable ways, God had revealed His will during this journey beyond what their Highnesses knew. Therefore, he should not be afraid of the current storm, even though his weakness and anxiety keep him from finding peace of mind. He further expressed great sorrow at the thought of the two sons he had left studying in Cordova, who would be left orphans, without a father or mother, in a foreign land; while the Sovereigns would remain unaware of the services he had rendered on this voyage, nor would they receive the good news that might prompt them to assist the orphans. To address this, and so their Highnesses might know how the Lord had granted a victory in all matters concerning the Indies, and to make them understand that there were no storms in those areas—evidenced by the herbs and trees that grow even in the sea—he took a parchment and wrote as detailed an account as he could about all he had discovered, asking anyone who might find it to deliver it to the Sovereigns. He rolled this parchment in waxed cloth, secured it very tightly, ordered a large wooden barrel to be brought, and placed it inside, ensuring that no one else knew what it was. They thought it was an act of devotion, so he instructed the barrel to be thrown into the sea. Later, amidst heavy rain and squalls, the wind shifted to the west, and they sailed before it, using only the foresail, in very rough seas, for five hours. They covered 2½ leagues N.E. They had stowed the reefed mainsail in case a wave might sweep everything away.

Friday, 15th of February

Friday, February 15

Last night, after sunset, the sky began to clear toward the west, showing that the wind was inclined to come from[243] that quarter. The admiral added the bonnet243-1 to the mainsail. The sea was still very high, although it had gone down slightly. They steered E.N.E., and went four miles an hour, which made 13 leagues during the eleven hours of the night. After sunrise they sighted land. It appeared from the bows to bear E.N.E. Some said it was the island of Madeira, others that it was the rock of Cintra, in Portugal, near Lisbon. Presently the wind headed to E.N.E., and a heavy sea came from the west, the caravel being 5 leagues from the land. The Admiral found by his reckoning that he was close to the Azores, and believed that this was one of them. The pilots and sailors thought it was the land of Castile.243-2

Last night, after sunset, the sky started to clear in the west, indicating that the wind was likely coming from[243] that direction. The admiral added the bonnet to the mainsail. The sea was still quite rough, although it had calmed down a bit. They steered E.N.E. and traveled at four miles an hour, which totaled 13 leagues over the eleven hours of the night. After sunrise, they spotted land. It appeared from the bow to be bearing E.N.E. Some believed it was the island of Madeira, while others thought it was the rock of Cintra, near Lisbon, Portugal. Soon, the wind shifted to E.N.E., and a strong sea came from the west, with the caravel being 5 leagues from land. The Admiral calculated that he was near the Azores and believed this was one of them. The pilots and sailors thought it was the land of Castile. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Saturday, 16th of February

Saturday, February 16

All that night the Admiral was standing off and on to keep clear of the land, which they now knew to be an island, sometimes standing N.E., at others N.N.E., until sunrise, when they tacked to the south to reach the island, which was now concealed by a great mist. Another island was in sight from the poop, at a distance of eight leagues. Afterwards, from sunrise until dark, they were tacking to reach the land against a strong wind and head-sea. At the time of repeating the Salve, which is just before dark, some of the men saw a light to leeward, and it seemed that it must be on the island they first saw yesterday. All night they were beating to windward, and going as near as they could, so as to see some way to the island at sunrise. That night the Admiral got a little rest, for he had not slept nor been able to sleep since Wednesday, and he had lost the use of his legs from long exposure[244] to the wet and cold. At sunrise244-1 he steered S.S.W., and reached the island at night, but could not make out what island it was, owing to the thick weather.

All night, the Admiral was navigating to stay clear of the land, which they now realized was an island, sometimes heading N.E. and at other times N.N.E. until sunrise, when they turned south to approach the island, now hidden by heavy mist. Another island was visible from the poop, about eight leagues away. After that, from sunrise to sunset, they were tacking toward the land against a strong wind and choppy seas. As they repeated the Salve just before dark, some of the crew spotted a light to leeward, which seemed to be coming from the island they first saw yesterday. All night, they fought against the wind, trying to get as close as possible to see a path to the island at sunrise. That night, the Admiral managed to get a little rest, having not slept since Wednesday, and his legs had lost strength due to prolonged exposure to the wet and cold. At sunrise, he set course S.S.W. and reached the island by night, but couldn't identify which island it was because of the thick weather.

Monday, 18th of February

Monday, February 18

Yesterday, after sunset, the Admiral was sailing round the island, to see where he could anchor and open communications. He let go one anchor, which he presently lost, and then stood off and on all night. After sunrise he again reached the north side of the island, where he anchored, and sent the boat on shore. They had speech with the people, and found that it was the island of Santa Maria, one of the Azores. They pointed out the port244-2 to which the caravel should go. They said that they had never seen such stormy weather as there had been for the last fifteen days, and they wondered how the caravel could have escaped. They gave many thanks to God, and showed great joy at the news that the Admiral had discovered the Indies. The Admiral says that his navigation had been very certain, and that he had laid his route down on the chart. Many thanks were due to our Lord, although there had been some delay. But he was sure that he was in the region of the Azores, and that this was one of them. He pretended to have gone over more ground, to mislead the pilots and mariners who pricked off the charts, in order that he might remain master of that route to the Indies, as, in fact, he did. For none of the others kept an accurate reckoning, so that no one but himself could be sure of the route to the Indies.

Yesterday, after sunset, the Admiral was navigating around the island to find a place to anchor and establish communications. He dropped one anchor, which he soon lost, and then drifted back and forth all night. After sunrise, he returned to the north side of the island, where he anchored again and sent a boat to shore. They spoke with the locals and discovered that this was Santa Maria, one of the Azores. They pointed out the port to which the caravel should go. They mentioned that they had never experienced such stormy weather as they had in the last fifteen days and were amazed that the caravel had managed to escape. They expressed their gratitude to God and showed great joy at the news that the Admiral had discovered the Indies. The Admiral noted that his navigation had been very accurate and that he had plotted his course on the chart. Many thanks were due to our Lord, even though there had been some delays. But he was certain he was in the Azores and that this was one of the islands. He pretended to have traveled further to mislead the pilots and sailors who marked the charts, so he could keep control of the route to the Indies, which he indeed did. None of the others kept an accurate record, so no one but him could be sure of the way to the Indies.

Tuesday, 19th of February

Tuesday, February 19

After sunset three natives of the island came to the beach and hailed. The Admiral sent the boat, which returned with fowls and fresh bread. It was carnival time, and they brought[245] other things which were sent by the captain of the island, named Juan de Castañeda, saying that he knew the Admiral very well, and that he did not come to see him because it was night but that at dawn he would come with more refreshments, bringing with him three men of the boat’s crew, whom he did not send back owing to the great pleasure he derived from hearing their account of the voyage. The Admiral ordered much respect to be shown to the messengers, and that they should be given beds to sleep in that night, because it was late, and the town was far off. As on the previous Thursday, when they were in the midst of the storm, they had made a vow to go in procession to a church of Our Lady as soon as they came to land, the Admiral arranged that half the crew should go to comply with their obligation to a small chapel, like a hermitage, near the shore; and that he would himself go afterwards with the rest. Believing that it was a peaceful land, and confiding in the offers of the captain of the island, and in the peace that existed between Spain and Portugal, he asked the three men to go to the town and arrange for a priest to come and say mass. The half of the crew then went in their shirts, in compliance with their vow. While they were at their prayers, all the people of the town, horse and foot, with the captain at their head, came and took them all prisoners. The Admiral, suspecting nothing, was waiting for the boat to take him and the rest to accomplish the vow. At 11 o’clock, seeing that they did not come back, he feared that they had been detained, or that the boat had been swamped, all the island being surrounded by high rocks. He could not see what had taken place, because the hermitage was round a point. He got up the anchor, and made sail until he was in full view of the hermitage, and he saw many of the horsemen dismount and get into the boat with arms. They came to the caravel to seize the Admiral. The captain stood up in the boat, and asked for an assurance of safety from the Admiral, who replied that he granted it; but, what outrage was this, that he saw none of his people in the boat? The Admiral added that they might come on board, and that[246] he would do all that might be proper. The Admiral tried, with fair words, to get hold of this captain, that he might recover his own people, not considering that he broke faith by giving him security, because he had offered peace and security, and had then broken his word. The captain, as he came with an evil intention, would not come on board. Seeing that he did not come alongside, the Admiral asked that he might be told the reason for the detention of his men, an act which would displease the King of Portugal, because the Portuguese received much honor in the territories of the King of Castile, and were as safe as if they were in Lisbon. He further said that the Sovereigns had given him letters of recommendation to all the Lords and Princes of the world, which he would show the captain if he would come on board; that he was the Admiral of the Ocean Sea, and Viceroy of the Indies, which belonged to their Highnesses,246-1 and that he would show the commissions signed with their signatures, and attested by their seals, which he held up from a distance. He added that his Sovereigns were in friendship and amity with the King of Portugal, and had ordered that all honor should be shown to ships that came from Portugal. Further, that if the captain did not surrender his people, he would still go on to Castile, as he had quite sufficient to navigate as far as Seville, in which case the captain and his followers would be severely punished for their offence. Then the captain and those with him replied that they did not know the King and Queen of Castile there, nor their letters, nor were they afraid of them, and they would give the Admiral to understand that this was Portugal, almost menacing him. On hearing this the Admiral was much moved, thinking that some cause of disagreement might have arisen between the two kingdoms during his absence, yet he could not endure that they should not be answered reasonably. Afterwards he turned to the captain,[247] and said that he should go to the port with the caravel, and that all that had been done would be reported to the King his Lord. The Admiral made those who were in the caravel bear witness to what he said, calling to the captain and all the others, and promising that he would not leave the caravel until a hundred Portuguese had been taken to Castile, and all that island had been laid waste. He then returned to anchor in the port where he was first, the wind being very unfavorable for doing anything else.

After sunset, three locals from the island came to the beach and called out. The Admiral sent a boat, which returned with chickens and fresh bread. It was carnival time, and they also brought[245] other items sent by the island’s captain, Juan de Castañeda, who said he knew the Admiral well. He didn’t come to see him because it was nighttime, but he would come at dawn with more supplies, bringing three men from the boat’s crew, whom he didn’t send back because he enjoyed hearing their accounts of the voyage. The Admiral ordered that the messengers be treated with great respect and given beds for the night, as it was late and the town was far away. Just like the previous Thursday, when they were in the middle of a storm, they had vowed to go in procession to a church of Our Lady as soon as they reached land. The Admiral arranged for half the crew to go to fulfill their promise at a small chapel, like a hermitage, near the shore, and he would go later with the rest. Believing that the land was peaceful, and trusting in the captain’s assurances and the peace between Spain and Portugal, he asked the three men to go to the town and arrange for a priest to come and say mass. Half of the crew then went in their shirts to honor their vow. While they were praying, the entire town, both horsemen and foot soldiers, led by the captain, came and took them all prisoner. The Admiral, sensing nothing was wrong, waited for the boat to take him and the others to complete their vow. At 11 o'clock, when he noticed they hadn’t returned, he feared they had been detained or that the boat had capsized since the island was surrounded by high rocks. He couldn’t make out what happened because the hermitage was around a point. He raised the anchor and set sail until he could see the hermitage, where he noticed many horsemen dismounting and getting into the boat armed. They came to the caravel to capture the Admiral. The captain stood up in the boat and asked for a guarantee of safety from the Admiral, who agreed; but he wanted to know what was happening since none of his crew were in the boat. The Admiral insisted they could come aboard and that[246] he would handle everything properly. He tried to use reason to persuade the captain to return his people, not realizing he was breaking faith by offering security, as he had promised peace which was now violated. The captain, with ill intentions, refused to board. Seeing this, the Admiral requested to know why his men were being held, stating that this would anger the King of Portugal, as the Portuguese were esteemed in the territories of Castile, and were as safe as if they were in Lisbon. He went on to say that the Sovereigns had given him letters of recommendation to all the Lords and Princes of the world, which he would show the captain if he came aboard; that he was the Admiral of the Ocean Sea and Viceroy of the Indies, which belonged to their Highnesses, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and that he would display the commissions signed by them and sealed, holding them up from afar. He added that his Sovereigns were friends with the King of Portugal and had commanded that all honors be afforded to ships arriving from Portugal. Further, he said if the captain didn’t release his men, he would continue to Castile, as he had enough provisions to reach Seville, in which case the captain and his followers would face severe punishment for their offense. The captain and those with him replied that they didn’t recognize the King and Queen of Castile, nor their letters, and they weren’t afraid of them, and they would make it clear to the Admiral that this was Portugal, almost threatening him. Upon hearing this, the Admiral was deeply shaken, thinking that some disagreement might have arisen between the two kingdoms while he was away, yet he couldn’t accept that they wouldn’t respond reasonably. He then turned to the captain,[247] telling him to go to the port with the caravel, and that everything that had transpired would be reported to the King. The Admiral instructed those in the caravel to witness his words, calling out to the captain and others, assuring them that he wouldn’t leave the caravel until a hundred Portuguese were taken to Castile and the entire island was destroyed. He then returned to anchor in the original port, as the wind was very unfavorable for doing anything else.

Wednesday, 20th of February

Wednesday, February 20

The Admiral ordered the ship to be repaired, and the casks to be filled alongside for ballast. This was a very bad port, and he feared he might have to cut the cables. This was so, and he made sail for the island of San Miguel; but there is no good port in any of the Azores for the weather they then experienced, and there was no other remedy but to go to sea.

The Admiral ordered the ship to be fixed and the barrels to be filled up for ballast. This was a terrible port, and he was worried he might have to cut the cables. As it turned out, he set sail for the island of San Miguel; however, there isn’t a decent port in any of the Azores for the weather they were dealing with, and the only option was to head out to sea.

Thursday, 21st of February

Thursday, February 21

Yesterday the Admiral left that island of Santa Maria for that of San Miguel, to see if a port could be found to shelter his vessel from the bad weather. There was much wind and a high sea, and he was sailing until night without being able to see either one land or the other, owing to the thick weather caused by wind and sea. The Admiral says he was in much anxiety, because he only had three sailors who knew their business, the rest knowing nothing of seamanship.247-1 He was lying-to all that night, in great danger and trouble. Our Lord showed him mercy in that the waves came in one direction, for if there had been a cross sea they would have suffered much more. After sunrise the island of San Miguel was not in sight, so the Admiral determined to return to Santa Maria, to see if he could recover his people and boat, and the anchors and cables he had left there.[248]

Yesterday, the Admiral left the island of Santa Maria for San Miguel, hoping to find a port to protect his ship from the bad weather. There was a strong wind and rough seas, and he sailed through the night without being able to see either land, thanks to the thick weather caused by the wind and waves. The Admiral felt very anxious because he only had three sailors who were experienced; the others were completely inexperienced at seamanship.247-1 He spent the whole night at sea, facing great danger and difficulty. Our Lord showed him mercy by having the waves come from one direction, because if there had been a cross sea, they would have suffered even more. When the sun came up, the island of San Miguel was still not visible, so the Admiral decided to head back to Santa Maria to see if he could recover his crew and boat, as well as the anchors and cables he had left there.[248]

The Admiral says that he was astonished at the bad weather he encountered in the region of these islands. In the Indies he had navigated throughout the winter without the necessity for anchoring, and always had fine weather, never having seen the sea for a single hour in such a state that it could not be navigated easily. But among these islands he had suffered from such terrible storms. The same had happened in going out as far as the Canary Islands, but as soon as they were passed there was always fine weather, both in sea and air. In concluding these remarks, he observes that the sacred theologians and wise men248-1 said well when they placed the terrestrial paradise in the Far East, because it is a most temperate region. Hence these lands that he had now discovered must, he says, be in the extreme East.

The Admiral says he was shocked by the bad weather he faced in the area of these islands. In the Indies, he had sailed through the winter without needing to anchor, and he always had good weather, never seeing the sea in such a state that it couldn't be navigated easily. But among these islands, he endured some really terrible storms. The same thing happened when he went out as far as the Canary Islands, but once they were passed, the weather was always pleasant, both at sea and in the air. In wrapping up his thoughts, he notes that the esteemed theologians and wise men rightly placed the earthly paradise in the Far East because it’s a very mild region. Therefore, these lands he has just discovered must, he argues, be in the farthest East.

Friday, 22nd of February

Friday, February 22

Yesterday the Admiral anchored off Santa Maria, in the place or port where he had first anchored. Presently a man came down to some rocks at the edge of the beach, signalling that they were not to go away. Soon afterwards the boat came with five sailors, two priests, and a scrivener. They asked for safety, and when it was granted by the Admiral, they came on board, and as it was night they slept on board, the Admiral showing them all the civility he could. In the morning they asked to be shown the authority of the Sovereigns of Castile, by which the voyage had been made. The Admiral felt that they did this to give some color of right to what they had done, and to show that they had right on their side. As they were unable to secure the person of the Admiral, whom they intended to get into their power when they came with the boat armed, they now feared that their game might not turn out so well, thinking, with some fear, of what the Admiral had threatened, and which he proposed to put into[249] execution. In order to get his people released, the Admiral displayed the general letter of the Sovereigns to all Princes and Lords, and other documents, and having given them of what he had, the Portuguese went on shore satisfied, and presently released all the crew and the boat. The Admiral heard from them that if he had been captured also, they never would have been released, for the captain said that those were the orders of the King his Lord.

Yesterday, the Admiral dropped anchor near Santa Maria, in the spot where he first anchored. Soon, a man approached the rocks at the edge of the beach, signaling that they shouldn't leave. Shortly after, a boat arrived with five sailors, two priests, and a scrivener. They requested safety, and when the Admiral granted it, they came on board. Since it was nighttime, they slept on the ship, and the Admiral treated them with all the courtesy he could. In the morning, they asked to see the authority of the Sovereigns of Castile under which the voyage had been undertaken. The Admiral sensed that they were doing this to lend some legitimacy to their actions and to show they had a valid claim. As they couldn't capture the Admiral, whom they had intended to seize when they arrived in the armed boat, they now worried that their plan might backfire, thinking nervously about the Admiral's threats and what he intended to carry out. To secure the release of his people, the Admiral presented the general letter from the Sovereigns to all Princes and Lords, along with other documents, and after sharing what he had, the Portuguese went ashore satisfied and eventually released the entire crew and the boat. The Admiral learned from them that if he had also been captured, they would never have been released, as the captain said those were the King’s orders.

Saturday, 23rd of February

Saturday, February 23rd

Yesterday the weather began to improve, and the Admiral got under way to seek a better anchorage, where he could take in wood and stones for ballast; but he did not find one until the hour of compline.249-1

Yesterday, the weather started to get better, and the Admiral set out to find a better anchorage where he could gather wood and stones for ballast; however, he didn't find one until the hour of compline.249-1

Sunday, 24th of February

Sunday, February 24

He anchored yesterday in the afternoon, to take in wood and stones, but the sea was so rough that they could not land from the boat, and during the first watch it came on to blow from the west and S.W. He ordered sail to be made, owing to the great danger there is off these islands in being at anchor with a southerly gale, and as the wind was S.W. it would go round to south. As it was a good wind for Castile, he gave up his intention of taking in wood and stones, and shaped an easterly course until sunset, going seven miles an hour for six hours and a half, equal to 45 1/2 miles. After sunset he made six miles an hour, or 66 miles in eleven hours, altogether 111 miles, equal to 28 leagues.

He anchored yesterday afternoon to collect wood and stones, but the sea was too rough to land from the boat. During the first watch, the wind picked up from the west and southwest. He decided to set sail because it’s very risky to be anchored off these islands with a southerly gale, and since the wind was southwest, it was likely to shift to south. Since it was a favorable wind for Castile, he abandoned his plan to gather wood and stones and took an easterly course until sunset, traveling seven miles an hour for six and a half hours, which is a total of 45 1/2 miles. After sunset, he maintained a speed of six miles an hour, covering 66 miles in eleven hours, making a total of 111 miles, or 28 leagues.

Monday, 25th of February

Monday, February 25

Yesterday, after sunset, the caravel went at the rate of five miles an hour on an easterly course, and in the eleven[250] hours of the night she made 65 miles, equal to 16 1/4 leagues. From sunrise to sunset they made another 16 1/2 leagues with a smooth sea, thanks be to God. A very large bird, like an eagle, came to the caravel.

Yesterday, after sunset, the caravel traveled at a speed of five miles an hour on an easterly direction, and during the eleven[250] hours of the night, she covered 65 miles, which is equal to 16 1/4 leagues. From sunrise to sunset, they traveled another 16 1/2 leagues across smooth seas, thank God. A very large bird, resembling an eagle, came to the caravel.

Tuesday, 26th of February

Tue, February 26

Yesterday night the caravel steered her course in a smooth sea, thanks be to God. Most of the time she was going eight miles an hour, and made a hundred miles, equal to 25 leagues. After sunrise there was little wind and some rain-showers. They made about 8 leagues E.N.E.

Yesterday evening, the caravel navigated on a calm sea, thank God. Most of the time, she was cruising at eight miles an hour and covered a hundred miles, which is equivalent to 25 leagues. After sunrise, there was little wind and some rain showers. They made about 8 leagues E.N.E.

Wednesday, 27th of February

Wednesday, February 27

During the night and day she was off her course, owing to contrary winds and a heavy sea. She was found to be 125 leagues from Cape St. Vincent, and 80 from the island of Madeira, 106 from Santa Maria. It was very troublesome to have such bad weather just when they were at the very door of their home.

During the night and day, she was off her course because of strong winds and rough seas. She was found to be 125 leagues from Cape St. Vincent, 80 from the island of Madeira, and 106 from Santa Maria. It was really frustrating to have such terrible weather just when they were so close to home.

Thursday, 28th of February

Thursday, February 28

The same weather during the night, with the wind from south and S.E., sometimes shifting to N.E. and E.N.E., and it was the same all day.

The weather was the same throughout the night, with the wind coming from the south and southeast, occasionally shifting to northeast and east-northeast, and it remained the same all day.

Friday, 1st of March

Friday, March 1

To-night the course was E.N.E., and they made twelve leagues. During the day, 23 1/2 leagues on the same course.

To-night the course was E.N.E., and they covered twelve leagues. During the day, 23 1/2 leagues on the same course.

Saturday, 2nd of March

Saturday, March 2

The course was E.N.E., and distance made good 28 leagues during the night, and 20 in the day.[251]

The course was E.N.E., and they covered 28 leagues at night and 20 during the day.[251]

Sunday, 3rd of March

Sunday, March 3rd

After sunset the course was east; but a squall came down, split all the sails, and the vessel was in great danger; but God was pleased to deliver them. They drew lots for sending a pilgrim in a shirt to Santa Maria de la Cinta at Huelva, and the lot fell on the Admiral. The whole crew also made a vow to fast on bread and water during the first Saturday after their arrival in port. They had made 60 miles before the sails were split. Afterwards they ran under bare poles, owing to the force of the gale and the heavy sea. They saw signs of the neighborhood of land, finding themselves near Lisbon.

After sunset, the course was east; but a storm hit, tearing all the sails, putting the ship in serious danger; but God was kind enough to save them. They drew lots to send a pilgrim in a shirt to Santa Maria de la Cinta in Huelva, and the lot fell on the Admiral. The entire crew also vowed to fast on bread and water during the first Saturday after they arrived in port. They had covered 60 miles before the sails were torn. After that, they sailed with no sails up, due to the strength of the storm and the rough seas. They saw signs of land nearby, finding themselves close to Lisbon.

Monday, 4th of March

Monday, March 4

During the night they were exposed to a terrible storm, expecting to be overwhelmed by the cross-seas, while the wind seemed to raise the caravel into the air, and there was rain and lightning in several directions. The Admiral prayed to our Lord to preserve them, and in the first watch it pleased our Lord to show land, which was reported by the sailors. As it was advisable not to reach it before it was known whether there was any port to which he could run for shelter, the Admiral set the mainsail, as there was no other course but to proceed, though in great danger. Thus God preserved them until daylight, though all the time they were in infinite fear and trouble. When it was light, the Admiral knew the land, which was the rock of Cintra, near the river of Lisbon, and he resolved to run in because there was nothing else to be done. So terrible was the storm, that in the village of Cascaes, at the mouth of the river, the people were praying for the little vessel all that morning. After they were inside, the people came off, looking upon their escape as a miracle. At the third hour they passed Rastelo, within the river of Lisbon, where they were told that such a winter, with so many storms, had never before been known, and that 25 ships had been lost in[252] Flanders, while others had been wind-bound in the river for four months. Presently the Admiral wrote to the king of Portugal, who was then at a distance of nine leagues, to state that the Sovereigns of Castile had ordered him to enter the ports of his Highness, and ask for what he required for payment, and requesting that the king would give permission for the caravel to come to Lisbon, because some ruffians hearing that he had much gold on board, might attempt a robbery in an unfrequented port, knowing that they did not come from Guinea, but from the Indies.252-1

During the night, they faced a terrible storm, fearing they would be overwhelmed by the rough seas, while the wind seemed to lift the caravel into the air, with rain and lightning striking from various directions. The Admiral prayed to our Lord for their safety, and during the first watch, it pleased our Lord to reveal land, which the sailors reported. Since it was wise not to reach it before knowing if there was any port for shelter, the Admiral set the mainsail, with no other option but to continue, despite the great danger. God kept them safe until daylight, although they were in constant fear and distress. When it was light, the Admiral recognized the land as the rock of Cintra, near the river of Lisbon, and he decided to head there since they had no other choice. The storm was so severe that in the village of Cascaes, at the river's mouth, people prayed for the little vessel all morning. Once they were inside, the locals came out, seeing their survival as a miracle. By the third hour, they passed Rastelo, within the river of Lisbon, where they learned that such a winter with so many storms had never been seen before, and that 25 ships had been lost in[252] Flanders, while others were stranded in the river for four months. Soon after, the Admiral wrote to the king of Portugal, who was then nine leagues away, to inform him that the Sovereigns of Castile had ordered him to enter his Highness's ports and to ask for what he needed for payment, requesting permission for the caravel to come to Lisbon because some ruffians, having heard that he carried a lot of gold on board, might try to rob them in an isolated port, knowing they were not coming from Guinea, but from the Indies. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Tuesday, 5th of March

Tuesday, March 5th

To-day the great ship of the King of Portugal was also at anchor off Rastelo, with the best provision of artillery and arms that the Admiral had ever seen. The master of her, named Bartolomé Diaz, of Lisbon, came in an armed boat to the caravel, and ordered the Admiral to get into the boat, to go and give an account of himself to the agents of the king and to the captain of that ship. The Admiral replied that he was the Admiral of the Sovereigns of Castile, and that he would not give an account to any such persons, nor would he leave the ship except by force, as he had not the power to resist. The master replied that he must then send the master of the caravel. The Admiral answered that neither the master nor any other person should go except by force, for if he allowed anyone to go, it would be as if he went himself; and that such was the custom of the Admirals of the Sovereigns of Castile, rather to die than to submit, or to let any of their people submit. The master then moderated his tone, and told the Admiral that if that was his determination he might do as he pleased. He, however, requested that he might be shown the letters of the Kings of Castile, if they were on board. The Admiral readily showed them, and the master returned to the[253] ship and reported what had happened to the captain, named Alvaro Dama. That officer, making great festival with trumpets and drums, came to the caravel to visit the Admiral, and offered to do all that he might require.253-1

Today, the grand ship belonging to the King of Portugal was anchored off Rastelo, equipped with the finest artillery and weapons the Admiral had ever seen. The ship's captain, Bartolomé Diaz from Lisbon, approached the caravel in an armed boat and instructed the Admiral to board it to report to the king’s agents and the captain of that ship. The Admiral replied that he was the Admiral of the Sovereigns of Castile and would not report to anyone like that, nor would he leave the ship unless forced, as he lacked the power to resist. The captain insisted that he must send the master of the caravel instead. The Admiral countered that neither the master nor anyone else would go unless compelled, as allowing anyone to leave would be the same as leaving himself; this was the custom of the Admirals of the Sovereigns of Castile, to prefer death over submission or allowing any of their crew to submit. The captain then softened his tone and told the Admiral that if that was his stance, he could do as he wished. However, he requested to see the letters from the Kings of Castile, if they were on board. The Admiral readily showed them, and the captain returned to the[253] ship to report what had happened to the captain, Alvaro Dama. That officer, celebrating with trumpets and drums, came to the caravel to visit the Admiral and offered to assist him in any way he needed.253-1

Wednesday, 6th of March

Wednesday, March 6

As soon as it was known that the Admiral came from the Indies, it was wonderful how many people came from Lisbon to see him and the Indians, giving thanks to our Lord, and saying that the heavenly Majesty had given all this to the Sovereigns of Castile as a reward for their faith and their great desire to serve God.

As soon as it became known that the Admiral had returned from the Indies, it was amazing how many people traveled from Lisbon to see him and the Indians, expressing their gratitude to the Lord and saying that divine Majesty had granted all of this to the Sovereigns of Castile as a reward for their faith and their strong desire to serve God.

Thursday, 7th of March

Thursday, March 7th

To-day an immense number of people came to the caravel, including many knights, and amongst them the agents of the king, and all gave infinite thanks to our Lord for so wide an increase of Christianity granted by our Lord to the Sovereigns of Castile; and they said that they received it because their Highnesses had worked and labored for the increase of the religion of Christ.

Today, a huge number of people came to the caravel, including many knights, along with the king's agents, and they all offered endless thanks to our Lord for such a significant expansion of Christianity granted to the Sovereigns of Castile; they said that they received it because their Highnesses had worked hard for the growth of Christ’s religion.

Friday, 8th of March

Friday, March 8

To-day the Admiral received a letter from the king of Portugal,253-2 brought by Don Martin de Noroña, asking him to[254] visit him where he was, as the weather was not suitable for the departure of the caravel. He complied, to prevent suspicion, although he did not wish to go, and went to pass the night at Sacanben. The king had given orders to his officers that all that the Admiral, his crew, and the caravel were in need of should be given without payment, and that all the Admiral wanted should be complied with.

Today, the Admiral received a letter from the king of Portugal,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ brought by Don Martin de Noroña, asking him to[254] visit him where he was, since the weather wasn’t good for the caravel to leave. He agreed to go to avoid any suspicion, even though he didn’t want to, and spent the night at Sacanben. The king had instructed his officers to provide everything the Admiral, his crew, and the caravel needed without charging them, and to fulfill all the Admiral’s requests.

Saturday, 9th of March

Saturday, March 9

To-day the Admiral left Sacanben, to go where the king was residing, which was at Valparaiso, nine leagues from Lisbon. Owing to the rain, he did not arrive until night. The king caused him to be received very honorably by the principal officers of his household; and the king himself received the Admiral with great favor, making him sit down, and talking very pleasantly. He offered to give orders that everything should be done for the service of the Sovereigns of Castile, and said that the successful termination of the voyage had given him great pleasure. He said further that he understood that, in the capitulation between the Sovereigns and himself, that conquest belonged to him.254-1 The Admiral replied that he had not seen the capitulation, nor knew more than that the Sovereigns had ordered him not to go either to La Mina254-2 or to any other port of Guinea, and that this had been ordered to be proclaimed in all the ports of Andalusia before he sailed. The king graciously replied that he held it for certain that there would be no necessity for any arbitrators. The Admiral was assigned as a guest to the Prior of Clato, who was the[255] principal person in that place, and from whom he received many favors and civilities.

Today, the Admiral left Sacanben to head to where the king was staying, which was in Valparaiso, nine leagues from Lisbon. Due to the rain, he didn't arrive until night. The king had him received very honorably by the main officers of his household; the king himself welcomed the Admiral warmly, inviting him to sit down and chatting pleasantly. He offered to ensure everything would be arranged for the service of the Sovereigns of Castile and mentioned that the successful completion of the voyage brought him great joy. He further stated that, according to the agreement between the Sovereigns and himself, that conquest belonged to him.254-1 The Admiral responded that he hadn't seen the agreement and didn't know anything beyond the fact that the Sovereigns had instructed him not to go to La Mina __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ or any other port in Guinea, and that this had been ordered to be announced in all the ports of Andalusia before he set sail. The king graciously replied that he was certain there would be no need for any arbitrators. The Admiral was assigned as a guest to the Prior of Clato, who was the[255] main figure in that area, and from whom he received many favors and courtesies.

Sunday, 10th of March

Sunday, March 10

To-day, after mass, the king repeated that if the Admiral wanted anything he should have it. He conversed much with the Admiral respecting his voyage, always ordering him to sit down, and treating him with great favor.

Today, after mass, the king reiterated that if the Admiral needed anything, he should get it. He chatted a lot with the Admiral about his voyage, always telling him to take a seat and treating him with great favor.

Monday, 11th of March

Monday, March 11

To-day the Admiral took leave of the king, who entrusted him with some messages to the Sovereigns, and always treating him with much friendliness.255-1 He departed after dinner, Don[256] Martin de Noroña being sent with him, and all the knights set out with him, and went with him some distance, to do him honor. Afterwards he came to a monastery of San Antonio, near a place called Villafranca, where the Queen was residing. The Admiral went to do her reverence and to kiss her hand, because she had sent to say that he was not to go without seeing her. The Duke256-1 and the Marquis were with her, and the Admiral was received with much honor. He departed at night, and went to sleep at Llandra.

Today, the Admiral said goodbye to the king, who entrusted him with some messages for the Sovereigns and treated him with great friendliness. He left after dinner, accompanied by Don Martin de Noroña, and all the knights accompanied him for a distance to honor him. Later, he arrived at a monastery of San Antonio, near a place called Villafranca, where the Queen was staying. The Admiral went to pay his respects and kiss her hand because she had sent word that he should not leave without seeing her. The Duke and the Marquis were with her, and the Admiral was received with great honor. He departed at night and went to sleep at Llandra.

Tuesday, 12th of March

Tuesday, March 12

To-day, as he was leaving Llandra to return to the caravel, an esquire of the king arrived, with an offer that if he desired to go to Castile by land, that he should be supplied with lodgings, and beasts, and all that was necessary. When the Admiral took leave of him, he ordered a mule to be supplied to him, and another for his pilot, who was with him, and he says that the pilot received a present of twenty espadines.256-2 He said this that the Sovereigns might know all that was done. He arrived on board the caravel that night.[257]

Today, as he was leaving Llandra to head back to the caravel, an esquire of the king arrived with an offer: if he wanted to travel to Castile by land, he would be provided with lodging, animals, and everything else needed. When the Admiral said goodbye, he arranged for a mule to be provided for him and another for his pilot, who was accompanying him. He mentioned that the pilot received a gift of twenty < i>espadines< /i>.256-2 He said this so the Sovereigns would know everything that was done. He boarded the caravel that night.[257]

Wednesday, 13th of March

Wednesday, March 13

To-day, at 8 o’clock, with the flood tide, and the wind N.N.W., the Admiral got under way and made sail for Seville.

Today, at 8 o'clock, with the tide coming in and the wind coming from the N.N.W., the Admiral set off and sailed for Seville.

Thursday, 14th of March

Thursday, March 14

Yesterday, after sunset, a southerly course was steered, and before sunrise they were off Cape St. Vincent, which is in Portugal. Afterwards he shaped a course to the east for Saltes, and went on all day with little wind, “until now that the ship is off Furon.”

Yesterday, after sunset, we headed south, and before sunrise we passed Cape St. Vincent in Portugal. Then, we changed course to the east towards Saltes, sailing all day with little wind, “until now that the ship is off Furon.”

Friday, 15th of March

Friday, March 15

Yesterday, after sunset, she went on her course with little wind, and at sunrise she was off Saltes. At noon, with the tide rising, they crossed the bar of Saltes, and reached the port which they had left on the 3rd of August of the year before.257-1 The Admiral says that so ends this journal, unless it becomes necessary to go to Barcelona by sea, having received news that their Highnesses are in that city, to give an account of all his voyage which our Lord had permitted him to make, and saw fit to set forth in him. For, assuredly, he held with a firm and strong knowledge that His High Majesty made all things good, and that all is good except sin. Nor can he value or think of anything being done without His consent. “I know respecting this voyage,” says the Admiral, “that he has miraculously shown his will, as may be seen from this journal, setting forth the numerous miracles that have been displayed in the voyage, and in me who was so long at the court of your Highnesses, working in opposition to and against the opinions of so many chief persons of your household, who were all[258] against me, looking upon this enterprise as folly. But I hope in our Lord, that it will be a great benefit to Christianity, for so it has ever appeared.” These are the final words of the Admiral Don Cristoval Colon respecting his first voyage to the Indies and their discovery.

Yesterday, after sunset, she continued her journey with little wind, and by sunrise, she was off Saltes. At noon, with the tide coming in, they crossed the Saltes bar and returned to the port they had left on August 3rd of the previous year. 257-1 The Admiral states that this concludes the journal unless it becomes necessary to travel by sea to Barcelona, having heard news that their Highnesses are in the city, to report on all the voyages our Lord allowed him to undertake and felt appropriate to reveal through him. For surely, he believed firmly and strongly that His High Majesty makes all things good, and that everything is good except sin. He cannot value or consider anything done without His consent. “I know regarding this voyage,” says the Admiral, “that He has miraculously shown His will, as can be seen from this journal, detailing the many miracles that have occurred during the voyage and in me while I was at the court of your Highnesses, working against the opinions of many key figures in your court, who were all[258] against me, viewing this mission as foolishness. But I trust in our Lord that it will greatly benefit Christianity, as it has always seemed.” These are the final words of Admiral Don Cristoval Colon regarding his first voyage to the Indies and their discovery.

89-1 The Alhambra.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The Alhambra.

89-2 This information Columbus is ordinarily supposed to have derived from Toscanelli’s letter which may be found in Fiske, Discovery of America, I. 356 ff. and II. App. The original source of the information, however, is Marco Polo, and Columbus summarized the passage on the margin in his copy of Marco Polo, Lib. I., ch. IV., as follows: “Magnus Kam misit legatos ad pontificem:” Raccolta Colombiana, Part I, Tomo 2, p. 446. That he read and annotated these passages before 1492 seems most probable. See Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 10-15, and Vignaud, Toscanelli and Columbus, p. 284.

89-2 Columbus is generally believed to have gotten this information from Toscanelli’s letter, which can be found in Fiske’s Discovery of America, I. 356 ff. and II. App. However, the original source of the information is Marco Polo, and Columbus summarized the relevant passage in the margins of his copy of Marco Polo, Lib. I., ch. IV., as follows: “Magnus Kam misit legatos ad pontificem:” Raccolta Colombiana, Part I, Tomo 2, p. 446. It seems very likely that he read and made notes on these passages before 1492. See Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 10-15, and Vignaud, Toscanelli and Columbus, p. 284.

90-1 It is interesting to notice the emphasis of the missionary motive in this preamble. Nothing is said in regard to the search for a new route to the Indies for commercial reasons. Nor is reference made to the expectation of new discoveries which is prominent in the royal patent granted to Columbus, see above p. 78.

90-1 It's noteworthy to see how much the missionary motive is emphasized in this introduction. There’s no mention of seeking a new route to the Indies for commercial purposes. Additionally, there’s no reference to the hope of new discoveries, which is a key point in the royal patent issued to Columbus, as mentioned above p. 78.

90-2 The edict of expulsion bears the date of March 30.

90-2 The expulsion order is dated March 30.

91-1 Columbus reckoned in Italian miles, four of which make a league. (Navarrete.)

91-1 Columbus calculated in Italian miles, four of which equal a league. (Navarrete.)

93-1 On June 30, 1484, King John II. of Portugal granted to Fernam Domimguez do Arco, “resident in the island of Madeyra, if he finds it, an island which he is now going in search of.” Alguns Documentos do Archivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, p. 56.

93-1 On June 30, 1484, King John II of Portugal gave Fernam Dominguez do Arco, “who lives on the island of Madeira, permission to search for an island that he is currently looking for.” Alguns Documentos do Archivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, p. 56.

94-1 Tres horas de noche means three hours after sunset.

94-1 Tres horas de noche means three hours after sunset.

94-2 “On this day [Sunday, Sept. 9] they lost sight of land; and many, fearful of not being able to return for a long time to see it, sighed and shed tears. But the admiral, after he had comforted all with big offers of much land and wealth to keep them in hope and to lessen their fear which they had of the long way, when that day the sailors reckoned the distance 18 leagues, said he had counted only 15, having decided to lessen the record so that the crew would not think they were as far from Spain as in fact they were.” Historie del Signor Don Fernando Colombo (London ed., 1867), pp. 61-62.

94-2 “On this day [Sunday, Sept. 9], they lost sight of land; many, afraid they wouldn’t be able to return for a long time to see it again, sighed and cried. But the admiral, after comforting everyone with promises of vast amounts of land and wealth to keep their hopes up and ease their fears about the long journey, noted that the sailors estimated the distance at 18 leagues, while he had only counted 15, deciding to downplay the distance so that the crew wouldn’t think they were as far from Spain as they actually were.” Historie del Signor Don Fernando Colombo (London ed., 1867), pp. 61-62.

95-1 Las Casas in his Historia, I. 267, says “on that day at nightfall the needles northwested that is to say the fleur de lis which marks the north was not pointing directly at it but verged somewhat to the left of north and in the morning northeasted that is to say the fleur de lis pointed to right of the north until sunset.”

95-1 Las Casas in his Historia, I. 267, states, “that evening at sunset, the north needle, which is represented by the fleur de lis marking north, wasn't pointing directly to it but instead tilted a bit to the left of north, and in the morning it pointed to the right of north until sunset.”

The Historie agrees with the text of the Journal that the needle declined more to the west, instead of shifting to an eastern declination.

The Historie agrees with the text of the Journal that the needle leaned more to the west, rather than shifting to an eastern declination.

The author of the Historie remarks: “This variation no one had ever observed up to this time,” p. 62. “Columbus had crossed the point of no variation, which was then near the meridian of Flores, in the Azores, and found the variation no longer easterly, but more than a point westerly. His explanation that the pole-star, by means of which the change was detected, was not itself stationary, is very plausible. For the pole-star really does describe a circle round the pole of the earth, equal in diameter to about six times that of the sun; but this is not equal to the change observed in the direction of the needle.” (Markham.)

The author of the Historie notes: “This variation no one had ever noticed until now,” p. 62. “Columbus crossed the point of no variation, which was then near the meridian of Flores in the Azores, and found the variation was no longer to the east, but more than a point to the west. His explanation that the pole star, which was used to detect the change, was not stationary is quite believable. The pole star does trace a circle around the north pole of the earth, with a diameter about six times that of the sun; however, this doesn’t account for the change observed in the direction of the needle.” (Markham.)

96-1 Garjao. This word is not in the Spanish dictionaries that I have consulted. The translator has followed the French translators MM. Chalumeau de Verneuil and de la Roquette who accepted the opinion of the naturalist Cuvier that the Garjao was the hirondelle de mer, the Sterna maxima or royal tern.

96-1 Garjao. This word isn't found in the Spanish dictionaries I've checked. The translator has relied on the French translators MM. Chalumeau de Verneuil and de la Roquette, who agreed with the naturalist Cuvier that the Garjao referred to the hirondelle de mer, the Sterna maxima, or royal tern.

96-2 Rabo de junco, literally, reedtail, is the tropic bird or Phaethon. The name “boatswain-bird” is applied to some other kinds of birds, besides the tropic bird. Cf. Alfred Newton, Dictionary of Birds (London, 1896). Ferdinand Columbus says: rabo di giunco, “a bird so called because it has a long feather in its tail,” p. 63.

96-2 Rabo de junco, which translates to reedtail, refers to the tropic bird or Phaethon. The term “boatswain-bird” is used for several other types of birds in addition to the tropic bird. Cf. Alfred Newton, Dictionary of Birds (London, 1896). Ferdinand Columbus mentions: rabo di giunco, “a bird named for having a long feather in its tail,” p. 63.

96-3 This remark is, of course, not true of the tropic bird or rabo de junco, as was abundantly proved on this voyage.

96-3 This statement is obviously not accurate for the tropic bird or rabo de junco, as was clearly demonstrated on this journey.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Check __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

98-1 Alcatraz. The rendering “booby” follows Cuvier’s note to the French translation. The “booby” is the “booby gannet.” The Spanish dictionaries give pelican as the meaning of Alcatraz. The gannets and the pelicans were formerly classed together. The word Alcatraz was taken over into English and corrupted to Albatros. Alfred Newton, Dictionary of Birds (London, 1896), art. “Albatros.”

98-1 Alcatraz. The term “booby” comes from Cuvier’s note in the French translation. The “booby” refers to the “booby gannet.” Spanish dictionaries define Alcatraz as pelican. Gannets and pelicans were previously grouped together. The word Alcatraz was adopted into English and changed to Albatros. Alfred Newton, Dictionary of Birds (London, 1896), art. “Albatros.”

98-2 More exactly, “He sailed this day toward the West a quarter northwest and half the division [i.e., west by north and west by one eighth northwest] because of the veering winds and calm that prevailed.”

98-2 To be precise, “He set sail today toward the West, a quarter to the northwest and half a division [i.e., west by north and west by one eighth northwest] due to the shifting winds and the calm conditions that were present.”

100-1 The abridger of the original journal missed the point here and his epitome is unintelligible. Las Casas says in his Historia, I. 275: “The Admiral says in this place that the adverseness of the winds and the high sea were very necessary to him since they freed the crew of their erroneous idea that there would be no favorable sea and winds for their return and thereby they received some relief of mind or were not in so great despair, yet even then some objected, saying that that wind would not last, up to the Sunday following, when they had nothing to answer when they saw the sea so high. By which means, Cristóbal Colon says here, God dealt with him and with them as he dealt with Moses and the Jews when he drew them from Egypt showing signs to favor and aid him and to their confusion.”

100 minus 1 The person summarizing the original journal missed the essence here, making his version confusing. Las Casas mentions in his Historia, I. 275: “The Admiral points out in this section that the strong winds and rough seas were essential for him because they freed the crew from their mistaken belief that there would be calm seas and favorable winds for their return. This relief of mind helped them feel less desperate, although some still argued that the wind wouldn’t hold up until the following Sunday. They had nothing to say when they saw how rough the seas were. In this way, Cristóbal Colón explains here, God treated him and them like He did with Moses and the Israelites when He led them out of Egypt, showing signs to support and assist him, resulting in their confusion.”

100-2 Las Casas, Historia, I. 275-276, here describes with detail the discontent of the sailors and their plots to put Columbus out of the way. The passage is translated in Thacher, Christopher Columbus, I. 524. The word rendered “sandpipers” is pardelas, petrels. The French translation has petrels tachetes, i.e., “pintado petrels,” or cape pigeons.

100-2 Las Casas, Historia, I. 275-276, here describes in detail the discontent of the sailors and their schemes to get rid of Columbus. The passage is translated in Thacher, Christopher Columbus, I. 524. The word translated as “sandpipers” is pardelas, petrels. The French translation uses petrels tachetes, i.e., “pintado petrels,” or cape pigeons.

101-1 More exactly, “On which it seems the Admiral had painted certain islands.” The Spanish reads: “donde segun parece tenia pintadas el Almirante ciertas islas,” etc. The question is whether Columbus made the map or had it made. The rendering of the note is supported by the French translators and by Harrisse.

101-1 More specifically, “On which it seems the Admiral had depicted certain islands.” The Spanish reads: “donde segun parece tenia pintadas el Almirante ciertas islas,” etc. The question is whether Columbus created the map or had someone else create it. The interpretation of the note is backed by the French translators and by Harrisse.

101-2 Las Casas, I. 279, says: “This map is the one which Paul, the physician, the Florentine, sent, which I have in my possession with other articles which belonged to the Admiral himself who discovered these Indies, and writings in his own hand which came into my possession. In it he depicted many islands and the main land which were the beginning of India and in that region the realms of the Grand Khan,” etc. Las Casas does not tell us how he knew that the Toscanelli map which he found in Columbus’s papers was the map that the Admiral used on the first voyage. That is the general assumption of scholars, but there is no positive evidence of the fact. The Toscanelli map is no longer extant, and all reconstructions of it are based on the globe of Martin Behaim constructed in 1492. The reconstruction by H. Wagner which may be seen in S. Ruge, Columbus, 2te aufl. (Berlin, 1902) is now accepted as the most successful.

101-2 Las Casas, I. 279, says: “This map is the one that Paul, the physician from Florence, sent me. I have it along with other items that belonged to the Admiral who discovered these Indies, including writings in his own hand that I came into possession of. In it, he depicted many islands and the mainland that marked the start of India and the territories of the Grand Khan,” etc. Las Casas doesn’t explain how he knew that the Toscanelli map he found in Columbus’s papers was the one the Admiral used on his first voyage. That’s the general belief among scholars, but there’s no definitive proof of that. The Toscanelli map no longer exists, and all reconstructions of it are based on the globe made by Martin Behaim in 1492. The reconstruction by H. Wagner, which can be seen in S. Ruge, Columbus, 2te aufl. (Berlin, 1902) is now considered the most accurate.

According to the reckoning of the distances in the Journal, Columbus was now about 550 leagues or 2200 Italian miles west of the Canaries. The Toscanelli map was divided off into spaces each containing 250 miles. Columbus was therefore nine spaces west of the Canaries. No reconstruction of Toscanelli’s map puts any islands at nine spaces from the Canaries except so far as the reconstructors insert the island of Antilia on the basis of Behaim’s globe. The Antilia of Behaim according to Wagner was eight spaces west of the Canaries. Again Ferdinand Columbus, in his Historie under date of October 7 (p. 72), says the sailors “had been frequently told by him that he did not look for land until they had gone 750 leagues west from the Canaries, at which distance he had told them he would have found Española then called Cipango.” 750 leagues or 3000 Italian miles would be 12 spaces on the Toscanelli map. But according to the Toscanelli letter Cipango was 10 spaces west of Antilia, and therefore 18 spaces or 4500 miles west of the Canaries. Columbus then seems to have expected to find Cipango some 1500 miles to the east of where it was placed on the Toscanelli map. These considerations justify a very strong doubt whether Columbus was shaping his course and basing his expectations on the data of the Toscanelli letter and map, or whether the fact that Las Casas found what he took to be the Toscanelli map in the Admiral’s papers proves that it was that map which he had on his first voyage.

According to the calculations in the Journal, Columbus was now about 550 leagues or 2200 Italian miles west of the Canaries. The Toscanelli map was divided into sections, each covering 250 miles. Columbus was therefore nine sections west of the Canaries. No reconstruction of Toscanelli’s map places any islands nine sections from the Canaries, unless the reconstructors include the island of Antilia based on Behaim’s globe. According to Wagner, Behaim’s Antilia was eight sections west of the Canaries. Again, Ferdinand Columbus, in his Historie dated October 7 (p. 72), states that the sailors “had frequently been told by him that he did not expect land until they had traveled 750 leagues west from the Canaries, at which distance he had told them he would have found Española, which was then called Cipango.” 750 leagues or 3000 Italian miles would correspond to 12 sections on the Toscanelli map. However, according to the Toscanelli letter, Cipango was 10 sections west of Antilia, making it 18 sections or 4500 miles west of the Canaries. Columbus then seems to have anticipated finding Cipango about 1500 miles east of where it was positioned on the Toscanelli map. These points raise serious doubts about whether Columbus was charting his course and forming his expectations based on the information from the Toscanelli letter and map, or whether the discovery by Las Casas of what he considered to be the Toscanelli map in the Admiral’s documents suggests that it was that map he used on his first voyage.

102-1 Dorado is defined by Stevens as the dory or gilt head.

102-1 Dorado is defined by Stevens as the dory or gilt head.

103-1 Rabiforcado, Portuguese. The Spanish form is rabihorcado. It means “forked tail.” The modern English equivalent is “frigate bird.” It is “the Fregata aquila of most ornithologists, the Frégate of French and the Rabihorcado of Spanish mariners.” Newton, Dictionary of Birds, art. “Frigate-Bird.” Newton says that the name “man-of-war bird” has generally passed out of use in books.

103-1 Rabiforcado, Portuguese. The Spanish form is rabihorcado. It means “forked tail.” The modern English equivalent is “frigate bird.” It is “the Fregata aquila of most ornithologists, the Frégate of French and the Rabihorcado of Spanish mariners.” Newton, Dictionary of Birds, art. “Frigate-Bird.” Newton mentions that the name “man-of-war bird” has mostly fallen out of use in books.

103-2 Rather, the Guards, the name given to the two brightest stars in the constellation of the Little Bear. The literal translation is: “the Guards, when night comes on, are near the arm on the side to the west, and when dawn breaks they are on the line under the arm to the northeast,” etc. What Columbus meant I cannot explain. Neither Navarrete nor the French translators offer any suggestions.

103-2 Instead, the Guards, which is the name for the two brightest stars in the Little Bear constellation. The literal translation is: “the Guards, when night falls, are near the arm on the west side, and when dawn arrives they are on the line under the arm to the northeast,” etc. I can’t explain what Columbus meant. Neither Navarrete nor the French translators provide any insights.

105-1 Las Casas, I. 282, adds to the foregoing under date of October 3: “He says here that it would not have been good sense to beat about and in that way to be delayed in search of them [i.e., the islands] since he had favorable weather and his chief intention was to go in search of the Indies by way of the west, and this was what he proposed to the King and Queen, and they had sent him for that purpose. Because he would not turn back to beat up and down to find the islands which the pilots believed to be there, particularly Martin Alonzo by the chart which, as was said, Cristóbal Colon had sent to his caravel for him to see, and it was their opinion that he ought to turn, they began to stir up a mutiny, and the disagreement would have gone farther if God had not stretched out his arm as he was wont, showing immediately new signs of their being near land since now neither soft words nor entreaties nor prudent reasoning of Cristóbal Colon availed to quiet them and to persuade them to persevere.” Ferdinand Columbus says simply, “For this reason the crew began to be mutinous, persevering in their complaints and plots,” p. 71. See page 108, note 1.

105-1 Las Casas, I. 282, adds to the previous account dated October 3: “He notes that it wouldn’t have made sense to wander around and waste time searching for them [i.e., the islands] since the weather was good and his main goal was to find the Indies heading west, which is what he proposed to the King and Queen, who sent him for that purpose. Because he wouldn't turn back to search for the islands that the pilots thought were there, especially Martin Alonzo based on the chart that, as mentioned, Cristóbal Colon had sent to his ship for him to review, and since they believed he should turn back, they started to incite a mutiny. The disagreement would have escalated further if God hadn't intervened as he often did, quickly providing new signs that they were close to land, because neither gentle words nor pleas nor Cristóbal Colon's wise reasoning could calm them or convince them to continue.” Ferdinand Columbus simply states, “For this reason the crew started to become mutinous, continuing their complaints and schemes,” p. 71. See page 108, note 1.

106-1 Á la cuarta del Oueste, á la parte del Sudueste, at the quarter from the west toward the southwest, i.e., west by south.

106-1 To the quarter from the west, towards the southwest, meaning west by south.

106-2 Las Casas, in the Historia de las Indias, I. 283, writes, “That night Martin Alonso said that it would be well to sail west by south for the island of Cipango which the map that Cristóbal Colon showed him represented.” Cf. page 101, note 2.

106-2 Las Casas, in the Historia de las Indias, I. 283, writes, “That night, Martin Alonso suggested it would be good to sail west-southwest toward the island of Cipango, as the map that Cristóbal Colon showed him indicated.” Cf. page 101, note 2.

107-1 Las Casas remarks, I. 285, “If he had kept up the direct westerly course and the impatience of the Castilians had not hindered him, there is no doubt that he would have struck the main land of Florida and from there to New Spain, although the difficulties would have been unparalleled and the losses unbearable that they would have met with, and it would have been a divine miracle if he had ever returned to Castile.”

107-1 Las Casas notes, I. 285, “If he had maintained his direct westward route and the impatience of the Castilians hadn’t gotten in the way, there’s no doubt he would have reached the mainland of Florida and then continued on to New Spain, even though the challenges would have been immense and the losses unimaginable, and it would have taken a divine miracle for him to return to Castile.”

107-2 A remark by the abridger who noted the inconsistency between a total of 48 miles for a day and night and even an occasional 15 miles per hour.

107-2 A comment by the editor pointing out the contradiction between a total of 48 miles for a full day and night and the occasional 15 miles per hour.

107-3 Grajaos. The translator assumed this to be the same as garjao; the French translators, on the other hand, took it to be the same as grajos, crows. In Portuguese dictionaries the word grajão is found as the name of “an Indian bird.”

107-3 Grajaos. The translator believed this to be the same as garjao; however, the French translators considered it equivalent to grajos, which means crows. In Portuguese dictionaries, the term grajão is defined as “an Indian bird.”

108-1 The trouble with the captains and the sailors is told in greatest detail by Oviedo, Historia de las Indias, lib. II., cap. V. He is the source of the story that the captains finally declared they would go on three days longer and not another hour. Oviedo does not say that Columbus acquiesced in this arrangement. Modern critics have been disposed to reject Oviedo’s account, but strictly interpreted, it is not inconsistent with our other sources. Columbus recalls in his Journal, February 14, 1493, the terror of the situation which was evidently more serious than the entry of October 10 would imply. Peter Martyr too says that the sailors plotted to throw Columbus overboard and adds: “After the thirtieth day roused by madness they declared they were going back,” but that Columbus pacified them. De Rebus Oceanicis, Dec. lib. I., fol. 2, ed. of 1574. Oviedo says that he derived information from Vicente Yañez Pinzon, “since with him I had a friendship up to the year 1514 when he died.” Historia de las Indias, II., cap. XIII.

108-1 The issues faced by the captains and the sailors are detailed in depth by Oviedo in Historia de las Indias, book II., chapter V. He shares the account that the captains ultimately declared they would go on for three more days and not a minute longer. Oviedo doesn’t state that Columbus agreed to this plan. Modern critics often dismiss Oviedo’s account, but when interpreted carefully, it aligns with our other sources. Columbus mentions in his Journal on February 14, 1493, the fear of the situation which seemed to be more dire than suggested by the entry from October 10. Peter Martyr also notes that the sailors conspired to throw Columbus overboard and adds, “After the thirtieth day, driven by madness, they declared they were going back,” but Columbus was able to calm them down. De Rebus Oceanicis, book I., fol. 2, 1574 edition. Oviedo states that he got information from Vicente Yañez Pinzon, “since I maintained a friendship with him until he died in 1514.” Historia de las Indias, II., chapter XIII.

108-2 Escaramojos. Wild roses.

Wild roses.

109-1 It was full moon on October 5. On the night of the 11th the moon rose at 11 P.M. and at 2 A.M. on the morning of the 12th it was 39° above the horizon. It would be shining brightly on the sandy shores of an island some miles ahead, being in its third quarter, and a little behind Rodrigo de Triana, when he sighted land at 2 A.M. (Markham.)

109-1 It was a full moon on October 5. On the night of the 11th, the moon rose at 11 P.M. and by 2 AM on the morning of the 12th, it was 39° above the horizon. It would be glowing brightly on the sandy shores of an island a few miles ahead, being in its third quarter, slightly behind Rodrigo de Triana when he spotted land at 2 A.M. (Markham.)

109-2 The high decks fore and aft were called castles. The name survives in the English forecastle. Stevens gives poop alone as the English for Castilla de popa.

109-2 The high decks at the front and back were referred to as castles. This term is still used today in the English word forecastle. Stevens lists poop as the English equivalent of Castilla de popa.

109-3 Oviedo, lib. II., cap. V., says that, as they were sailing along, a sailor, a native of Lepe, cried out, “Light,” “Land,” but was immediately told that the admiral had already seen it and remarked upon it.

109-3 Oviedo, book II., chapter V., says that, while they were sailing, a sailor from Lepe shouted, “Light,” “Land,” but was quickly informed that the admiral had already spotted it and commented on it.

109-4 Columbus received this award. His claiming or accepting it under the circumstances has been considered discreditable and a breach of faith by many modern writers. Oviedo says the native of Lepe was so indignant at not getting the reward that “he went over into Africa and denied the faith,” i.e., became a Mohammedan. Las Casas seems to have seen no impropriety in Columbus’ accepting the award. He tells us, I. 289, that this annuity was paid to Columbus throughout his life and was levied from the butcher shops of Seville. A maravedi was equal to two-thirds of a cent.

109-4 Columbus received this award. Many modern writers consider his acceptance of it under the circumstances to be discreditable and a breach of trust. Oviedo mentions that the native of Lepe was so upset about not receiving the reward that “he went over to Africa and renounced his faith,” i.e., he converted to Islam. Las Casas, however, did not see anything wrong with Columbus accepting the award. He tells us, I. 289, that this annuity was paid to Columbus for his entire life and was collected from the butcher shops of Seville. A maravedi equaled two-thirds of a cent.

110-1 Pronounced originally, according to Las Casas, I. 291, with the accent on the last syllable. Guanahani is now generally accepted to have been Watling Island. See Markham, Christopher Columbus, pp. 89-107, for a lucid discussion of the landfall.

110-1 Originally pronounced, as described by Las Casas, I. 291, with the emphasis on the last syllable. Guanahani is now widely accepted to be Watling Island. For a clear discussion of the landing, see Markham, Christopher Columbus, pp. 89-107.

110-2 Fernando and Ysabel.

Fernando and Ysabel.

110-3 The royal inspector.

The royal inspector.

110-4 Las Casas adds, I. 293, “To which he gave the name Sant Salvador.”

110-4 Las Casas adds, I. 293, “He named it Saint Salvador.”

110-5 We have here perhaps the original title of what in its abridged form we now call the Journal.

110-5 This might be the original title of what we now refer to in its shortened version as the Journal.

113-1 The Portuguese ceitil (pl. ceitis) was a small coin deriving its name from Ceuta, opposite Gibraltar, in Africa, a Portuguese possession. The blanca was one-half a maravedi, or about one-third of a cent.

113-1 The Portuguese ceitil (pl. ceitis) was a small coin named after Ceuta, which is across from Gibraltar in Africa, a territory owned by Portugal. The blanca was worth half a maravedi, or about one-third of a cent.

113-2 Cipango. Marco Polo’s name for Japan.

113-2 Cipango. Marco Polo’s term for Japan.

115-1 Rather, “I had lain to during the night for fear of reaching the land,” etc.

115-1 Instead, “I had stayed awake during the night out of fear of reaching the shore,” etc.

115-2 These lengths are exaggerated.

These lengths are stretched.

115-3 The word is cargué and means “raised” or “hoisted.” The same word seven lines above was translated “made sail.” Las Casas in the corresponding passage in his Historia uses alzar.

115-3 The word is cargué, which means “raised” or “hoisted.” The same word seven lines above was translated as “made sail.” Las Casas in the related section of his Historia uses alzar.

115-4 Identified as Rum Cay.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Identified as Rum Cay.

116-1 A line is missing in the original. The text may be restored as follows, beginning with the end of the preceding sentence, “jumped into the sea and got into the canoe; in the middle of the night before the other threw [himself into the sea and swam off. The boat was lowered] and put after the canoe which escaped since there never was a boat which could have overtaken him, since we were far behind him.”

116-1 A line is missing in the original. The text may be restored as follows, starting from the end of the previous sentence, “jumped into the sea and got into the canoe; in the middle of the night before the other threw [himself into the sea and swam off. The boat was lowered] and followed after the canoe that got away since there was never a boat that could have caught up with him, as we were too far behind.”

117-1 Long Island. (Markham.)

Long Island. (Markham.)

117-2 Possibly a reference to tobacco.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Probably a reference to tobacco.

118-1 It should be “about nine o’clock.” The original is á horas de tercia, which means “at the hour of tierce,” i.e., the period between nine and twelve.

118-1 It should be “around nine o’clock.” The original is á horas de tercia, which means “at the hour of tierce,” i.e., the time between nine and twelve.

119-1 Panizo, literally “panic grass.” Here Columbus seems to use the word as descriptive of maize or Indian corn, and later the word came to have this meaning. On the different species of panic grass, see Candolle, Origin of Cultivated Plants (index under panicum.)

119-1 Panizo, which means “panic grass.” Here, Columbus appears to use the term to describe maize or Indian corn, and later it became associated with this meaning. For more on the different species of panic grass, see Candolle, Origin of Cultivated Plants (index under panicum.)

120-1 Rather, “since it is noon.”

Instead, “because it's noon.”

120-2 Port Clarence in Long Island. (Markham.)

120-2 Port Clarence in Long Island. (Markham.)

121-1 Rather, “beds and hangings.” The original is paramentos de cosas, but in the corresponding passage in his Historia, I. 310, Las Casas has paramentos de casa, which is almost certainly the correct reading.

121-1 Instead, “beds and decorations.” The original is paramentos de cosas, but in the related section of his Historia, I. 310, Las Casas uses paramentos de casa, which is likely the correct version.

121-2 “These are called Hamacas in Española.” Las Casas, I. 310, where will be found an elaborate description of them.

121-2 “These are known as Hamacas in Española.” Las Casas, I. 310, where you can find a detailed description of them.

121-3 For ornament. Las Casas calls them caps or crowns, I. 311.

121-3 For decoration. Las Casas refers to them as caps or crowns, I. 311.

121-4 Rather: “mastiffs and beagles.” Las Casas, I. 311, says the Admiral called these dogs mastiffs from the report of the sailors. “If he had seen them, he would not have called them so but that they resembled hounds. These and the small ones would never bark but merely a grunt in the throat.”

121-4 Rather: “mastiffs and beagles.” Las Casas, I. 311, says the Admiral referred to these dogs as mastiffs based on what the sailors reported. “If he had actually seen them, he wouldn’t have called them that, but because they looked like hounds. These dogs and the smaller ones never barked; they just made a grunt in their throats.”

121-5 The castellano was one-sixth of an ounce. Las Casas, I. 311, remarks: “They were deceived in believing the marks to be letters since those people are wont to work it in their fashion, since never anywhere in all the Indies was there found any trace of money of gold or silver or other metal.”

121-5 The castellano was one-sixth of an ounce. Las Casas, I. 311, notes: “They were mistaken in thinking the marks were letters because those people typically made it in their own way, as there was never any evidence of gold or silver money or other metal found anywhere in the Indies.”

123-1 Crooked Island (Markham.)

Crooked Island (Markham).

123-2 Cape Beautiful.

Cape Beautiful.

125-1 “The Indians of this island of Española call it iguana.” Las Casas I. 314. He gives a minute description of it.

125-1 “The indigenous people of this island, Hispaniola, refer to it as iguana.” Las Casas I. 314. He provides a detailed description of it.

126-1 The names in the Spanish text are Colba and Bosio, errors in transcription for Cuba and Bohio. Las Casas, I. 315, says in regard to the latter: “To call it Bohio was to misunderstand the interpreters, since throughout all these islands, where the language is practically the same, they call the huts in which they live bohio and this great island Española they called Hayti, and they must have said that in Hayti there were great bohios.”

126-1 The names in the Spanish text are Colba and Bosio, which are transcription errors for Cuba and Bohio. Las Casas, I. 315, states about the latter: “Referring to it as Bohio was a misunderstanding by the interpreters, because across all these islands, where the language is essentially the same, they call the huts they live in bohio, and this large island Española was called Hayti, and they must have said that in Hayti there were large bohios.”

126-2 The name is spelled Quinsay in the Latin text of Marco Polo which Columbus annotated.

126-2 The name is spelled Quinsay in the Latin text of Marco Polo that Columbus made notes on.

127-1 One or two words are missing in the original.

127-1 One or two words are missing in the original.

128-1 The translation here should be, “raised the anchors at the island of Isabella at Cabo del Isleo, which is on the northern side where I tarried to go to the island of Cuba, which I heard from this people is very great and has gold,” etc.

128-1 The translation here should read, “pulled up the anchors at the island of Isabella at Cabo del Isleo, which is on the northern side where I stayed to head to the island of Cuba, which I heard from these people is very large and has gold,” etc.

128-2 These two lines should read, “I believe that it is the island of Cipango of which marvellous things are related.”

128-2 These two lines should read, "I think that's the island of Cipango where amazing things are said to happen."

128-3 The exact translation is, “On the spheres that I saw and on the paintings of world-maps it is this region.” The plural number is used in both cases. Of the globes of this date, i.e., 1492 or earlier, that of Behaim is the only one that has come down to us. Of the world maps Toscanelli’s, no longer extant, may have been one, but it is to be noted that Columbus uses the plural.

128-3 The exact translation is, “On the spheres I saw and on the paintings of world maps, it is this region.” The plural term is used in both cases. Among the globes from this time, namely, 1492 or earlier, Behaim's is the only one that still exists. As for the world maps, one of them might have been Toscanelli’s, which no longer survives, but it's important to point out that Columbus uses the plural.

129-1 Columbus’s conviction that he has reached the Indies is registered by his use from now on of the word “Indians” for the people.

129-1 Columbus’s belief that he has arrived in the Indies is reflected in his continued use of the term “Indians” to refer to the people.

130-1 This should be, “The mouth of the river is 12 fathoms deep and it is wide enough,” etc.

130-1 This should be, “The river mouth is 12 fathoms deep and wide enough,” etc.

131-1 Bledos. The French translators give cresson sauvage, wild cress, as the equivalent.

131-1 Bledos. The French translators use cresson sauvage, which means wild cress, as the equivalent.

131-2 Las Casas, I. 320, says Columbus understood “that from these to the mainland would be a sail of ten days by reason of the notion he had derived from the chart or picture which the Florentine sent him.”

131-2 Las Casas, I. 320, states that Columbus believed "that the journey from these to the mainland would take about ten days because of the information he got from the map or illustration sent to him by the Florentine."

131-3 Baracoa (Las Casas); Puerto Naranjo (Markham); Nipe (Navarrete); Nuevitas (Thacher).

131-3 Baracoa (Las Casas); Puerto Naranjo (Markham); Nipe (Navarrete); Nuevitas (Thacher).

132-1 Punta de Mulas. (Navarrete.)

Punta de Mulas. (Navarrete.)

132-2 Punta de Cabañas. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Punta de Cabañas. (Navarrete.)

132-3 Puerto de Banes. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Puerto de Banes. (Navarrete.)

132-4 Puerto de las Nuevitas del Principe. (Navarrete.)

132-4 Port of the New Prince. (Navarrete.)

132-5 Las Casas, I. 321, has “many heads well carved from wood.” Possibly these were totems.

132-5 Las Casas, I. 321, mentions “many heads nicely carved from wood.” They might have been totems.

133-1 Las Casas, I. 321, comments, “These must have been skulls of the manati, a very large fish, like large calves, which has a skin with no scales like a whale and its head is like that of a cow.”

133-1 Las Casas, I. 321, comments, “These must have been skulls of the manatee, a very large animal, similar to big calves, which has skin without scales like a whale and its head resembles that of a cow.”

133-2 “I believe that this port was Baracoa, which name Diego Velasquez, the first of the Spaniards to settle Cuba, gave to the harbor of Asumpcion.” Las Casas, I. 322.

133-2 “I think this port was Baracoa, a name that Diego Velasquez, the first Spaniard to settle in Cuba, gave to the harbor of Asumpcion.” Las Casas, I. 322.

133-3 Near Granada in Spain.

Near Granada, Spain.

133-4 Nuevitas del Principe. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Nuevitas del Príncipe. (Navarrete.)

133-5 “Alto de Juan Dañue.” (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ “Alto de Juan Dañue.” (Navarrete.)

134-1 Rio Maximo. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Rio Maximo. (Navarrete.)

134-2 See above, p. 91.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See above, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

134-3 Rather, “The text here is corrupt.” Las Casas, I. 324, gives the same figures and adds, “yet I think the text is erroneous.” Navarrete says the quadrants of that period measured the altitude double and so we should take half of forty-two as the real altitude. If so, one wonders why there was no explanation to this effect in the original journal which Las Casas saw or why Las Casas was not familiar with this fact and did not make this explanation. Ruge, Columbus, pp. 144, 145, says there were no such quadrants, and regards these estimates as proofs of Columbus’s ignorance as a scientific navigator.

134-3 Instead, “The text here is corrupt.” Las Casas, I. 324, presents the same numbers and adds, “yet I think the text is wrong.” Navarrete states that the quadrants of that time measured the altitude as double, so we should consider half of forty-two as the actual altitude. If that's the case, one might wonder why there was no clarification about this in the original journal that Las Casas reviewed, or why Las Casas was unaware of this information and didn’t offer this explanation. Ruge, Columbus, pp. 144, 145, claims that such quadrants didn’t exist and views these estimates as evidence of Columbus’s lack of knowledge as a scientific navigator.

134-4 In Toscanelli’s letter Cathay is a province in one place and a city in another.

134-4 In Toscanelli’s letter, Cathay refers to both a province in one instance and a city in another.

134-5 Boca de Carabelas grandes. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Large Carabelas Bay. (Navarrete.)

135-1 Punta del Maternillo. (Navarrete.)

Punta del Maternillo. (Navarrete.)

135-2 Las Casas says, I. 326. “I think the Christians did not understand, for the language of all these islands is the same, and in this island of Española gold is called caona.”

135-2 Las Casas says, I. 326. “I believe the Christians didn’t understand, because the language of all these islands is the same, and in this island of Española, gold is called caona.”

136-1 The last words should be, “distant from the one and from the other.” Las Casas, I. 327, says: “Zayton and Quisay are certain cities or provincias of the mainland which were depicted on the map of Paul the physician as mentioned above.” These Chinese cities were known from Marco Polo’s description of them. This passage in the Journal is very perplexing if it assumes that Columbus was guided by the Toscanelli letter. Again a few days earlier Columbus was sure that Cuba was Cipango, and now he is equally certain that it is the mainland of Asia asserted by Toscanelli to be 26 spaces or 6500 Italian miles west of Lisbon, but the next day his estimate of his distance from Lisbon is 4568 miles. It would seem as if Columbus attached no importance to the estimate of distances on the Toscanelli map which was the only original information in it.

136-1 The last words should be, “distant from one another.” Las Casas, I. 327, states: “Zayton and Quisay are specific cities or regions on the mainland that were shown on Paul the physician's map as mentioned earlier.” These Chinese cities were recognized from Marco Polo’s descriptions. This section in the Journal is quite confusing if it assumes that Columbus was influenced by the Toscanelli letter. Just a few days earlier, Columbus was convinced that Cuba was Cipango, and now he is equally certain that it is the mainland of Asia, which Toscanelli claimed was 26 spaces or 6500 Italian miles west of Lisbon. However, the next day, he estimates his distance from Lisbon to be 4568 miles. It seems as if Columbus placed little value on the distance estimates on the Toscanelli map, which contained the only original information.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See also. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

137-2 The true distance was 1105 leagues. (Navarrete.)

137-2 The actual distance was 1105 leagues. (Navarrete.)

138-1 Contramaestre is boatswain.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Contramaestre is a bosun.

138-2Bohio means in their language ‘house,’ and therefore it is to be supposed that they did not understand the Indians, but that it was Hayti, which is this island of Española where they made signs there was gold.” Las Casas, I. 329.

138-2Bohio translates to ‘house’ in their language, so it’s likely they didn’t understand the Indians and meant Hayti, which refers to this island of Española where they indicated there was gold.” Las Casas, I. 329.

138-3 Columbus understood the natives to say these things because of his strong preconceptions as to what he would find in the islands off the coast of Asia based on his reading of the Book of Sir John Maundeville. Cf. ch. XVIII. of that work, e.g., “a great and fair isle called Nacumera.... And all the men and women have dogs’ heads,” and ch. XIX., e.g., “In one of these isles are people of great stature, like giants, hideous to look upon; and they have but one eye in the middle of the forehead.”

138-3 Columbus interpreted the natives' words through his strong beliefs about what he would discover in the islands off the Asian coast, influenced by his reading of the Book of Sir John Maundeville. See ch. XVIII. of that work, for example, “a large and beautiful island called Nacumera.... And all the men and women have dogs’ heads,” and ch. XIX., for instance, “In one of these islands are people of great height, like giants, dreadful to look at; and they have only one eye in the center of their forehead.”

139-1 Las Casas, I. 329, identifies the mames as ajes and batatas. The batatas, whence our word “potato,” is the sweet potato. Mames is more commonly written ñames or ignames. This is the Guinea Negro name of the Dioscorea sativa, in English “Yam.” Ajes is the native West Indies name. See Peschel, Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 139, and Columbus’s journal, Dec. 13 and Dec. 16. Faxones are the common haricot kidney beans or string beans, Phaseolus vulgaris. This form of the name seems a confusion of the Spanish fásoles and the Portuguese feijões. That Columbus, an Italian by birth who had lived and married in Portugal and removed to Spain in middle life, should occasionally make slips in word-forms is not strange. More varieties of this bean are indigenous in America than were known in Europe at the time of the discoveries. Cf. De Candolle, Origin of Cultivated Plants, pp. 338 ff.

139-1 Las Casas, I. 329, identifies the mames as ajes and batatas. The batatas, which is the source of our word “potato,” refers to the sweet potato. Mames is more commonly spelled as ñames or ignames. This is the Guinea Negro name for Dioscorea sativa, known in English as “Yam.” Ajes is the native name from the West Indies. See Peschel, Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 139, and Columbus’s journal, Dec. 13 and Dec. 16. Faxones are the common kidney beans or string beans, Phaseolus vulgaris. This version of the name appears to mix up the Spanish fásoles and the Portuguese feijões. It’s not surprising that Columbus, an Italian by birth who had lived and married in Portugal before moving to Spain later in life, might occasionally make mistakes in word forms. There are more varieties of this bean native to America than were known in Europe at the time of the discoveries. Cf. De Candolle, Origin of Cultivated Plants, pp. 338 ff.

139-2 The word is contramaestre, boatswain.

The word is boatswain.

141-1 The last line should read, “but that they did not know whether there was any in the place where they were.”

141-1 The last line should say, “but they weren’t sure if there was any in the place they were at.”

141-2 The last line should read, “with a brand in their hand, [and] herbs to smoke as they are accustomed to do.” This is the earliest reference to smoking tobacco. Las Casas, I. 332, describes the process as the natives practised it: “These two Christians found on their way many people, men and women, going to and from their villages and always the men with a brand in their hands and certain herbs to take their smoke, which are dry herbs placed in a certain leaf, also dry like the paper muskets which boys make at Easter time. Having lighted one end of it, they suck at the other end or draw in with the breath that smoke which they make themselves drowsy and as if drunk, and in that way, they say, cease to feel fatigue. These muskets, or whatever we call them, they call tabacos. I knew Spaniards in this island of Española who were accustomed to take them, who, when they were rebuked for it as a vice, replied they could not give it up. I do not know what pleasant taste or profit they found in them.” Las Casas’ last remarks show that smoking was not yet common in his later life in Spain. The paper muskets of Las Casas are blow-pipes. Oviedo, lib. V., cap. II., gives a detailed description of the use of tobacco. He says that the Indians smoked by inserting these tubes in the nostrils and that after two or three inhalations they lost consciousness. He knew some Christians who used it as an anesthetic when in great pain.

141-2 The last line should read, “with a brand in their hand, [and] herbs to smoke as they usually do.” This is the earliest reference to smoking tobacco. Las Casas, I. 332, describes how the natives practiced it: “These two Christians encountered many people, men and women, traveling to and from their villages, with the men always holding a brand in their hands and certain herbs to smoke, which are dry herbs wrapped in a certain dry leaf, like the paper muskets that boys make at Easter. After lighting one end, they inhale from the other end, drawing in the smoke that makes them drowsy and somewhat intoxicated, and in this way, they say they stop feeling tired. These muskets, or whatever we call them, they call tabacos. I knew Spaniards on this island of Española who were used to smoking them, and when they were scolded for it as a bad habit, they replied that they couldn’t give it up. I don’t know what pleasant taste or benefit they found in them.” Las Casas’ final comments show that smoking was not yet common in his later life in Spain. The paper muskets of Las Casas are blow-pipes. Oviedo, lib. V., cap. II., gives a detailed description of how tobacco was used. He states that the Indians smoked by inserting these tubes in their nostrils, and after two or three inhalations, they would lose consciousness. He knew some Christians who used it as an anesthetic when in severe pain.

142-1 On this indigenous species of dumb dogs, cf. Oviedo, lib. XII. cap. V. They have long been extinct in the Antilles. Oviedo says there were none in Española when he wrote. He left the island in 1546.

142-1 Regarding this local species of clueless dogs, cf. Oviedo, lib. XII. cap. V. They have been extinct in the Antilles for a long time. Oviedo mentions that there were none in Española when he wrote. He left the island in 1546.

142-2 This last part of this sentence should read, “and is cultivated with mames, kidney beans, other beans, this same panic [i.e., Indian corn], etc.” The corresponding passage in the Historie of Ferdinand Columbus reads, “and another grain like panic called by them mahiz of very excellent flavor cooked or roasted or pounded in porridge (polenta),” p. 87.

142-2 This last part of this sentence should read, “and is cultivated with mames, kidney beans, other beans, this same panic [i.e., Indian corn], etc.” The corresponding passage in the Historie of Ferdinand Columbus reads, “and another grain like panic called by them mahiz of very excellent flavor cooked or roasted or pounded in porridge (polenta),” p. 87.

142-3 The arroba was 25 pounds and the quintal one hundred weight.

142-3 The arroba weighed 25 pounds and the quintal weighed 100 pounds.

143-1 In Las Casas, I. 339, Bohio is mentioned with Babeque, and it is in Bohio that the people were reported to gather gold on the beach.

143-1 In Las Casas, I. 339, Bohio is mentioned alongside Babeque, and it's in Bohio that people were said to collect gold on the beach.

144-1 I.e., although the Spaniards may be only fooling with them.

144-1 In other words, even if the Spaniards are just messing with them.

145-1 An interesting forecast of the future which may be compared with John Cabot’s; see one of the last pages of this volume.

145-1 An intriguing prediction about the future that can be compared to John Cabot’s; see one of the last pages of this volume.

145-2 Linaloe. Lignaloes or agallochum, to be distinguished from the medicinal aloes. Both were highly prized articles of mediaeval Oriental trade. Lignaloes is mentioned by Marco Polo as one of the principal commodities exchanged in the market of Zaitun. It is also frequently mentioned in the Bible. Cf. numbers xxiv, 6, or Psalm xlv. 8. The aloes of Columbus were probably the Barbadoes aloes of commerce, and the mastic the produce of the Bursera gummifera. The last did not prove to be a commercial resin like the mastic of Scio. See Encyclopædia Britannica under Aloes and Mastic, and Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen Age, II. 581, 633.

145-2 Linaloe. Lignaloes or agallochum, which should be distinguished from medicinal aloes. Both were highly valued items in medieval Oriental trade. Marco Polo mentioned lignaloes as one of the main goods traded in the market of Zaitun. It is also frequently referenced in the Bible. Cf. Numbers xxiv, 6, or Psalm xlv. 8. The aloes referenced by Columbus were likely the Barbadoes aloes traded in commerce, and the mastic came from the Bursera gummifera. The latter did not turn out to be a trade resin like the mastic from Scio. See Encyclopædia Britannica under Aloes and Mastic, and Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen Age, II. 581, 633.

145-3 The ducat being 9s. 2d. In the seventeenth century the value of the mastic exported from Chios (Scio) was 30,000 ducats. Chios belonged to Genoa from 1346 to 1566. (Markham.)

145-3 The ducat was worth 9s. 2d. In the seventeenth century, the value of the mastic exported from Chios (Scio) was 30,000 ducats. Chios was under Genoese control from 1346 to 1566. (Markham.)

146-1 Las Sierras del Cristal and Las Sierras de Moa. (Navarrete.)

146-1 The Crystal Mountains and The Moa Mountains. (Navarrete.)

147-1 Puerto de Taxamo, in Cuba. (Navarrete.)

147-1 Port of Taxamo, in Cuba. (Navarrete.)

148-1 Cf. Fra Mauro’s Map (1457-1459), Bourne, Spain in America, 14, and Behaim’s Globe, Winsor’s Columbus, p. 186, or Fiske’s Discovery of America, I. 422.

148-1 See Fra Mauro’s Map (1457-1459), Bourne, Spain in America, 14, and Behaim’s Globe, Winsor’s Columbus, p. 186, or Fiske’s Discovery of America, I. 422.

149-1 Las Casas did not know the meaning of this word. In all probability it is the Italian tasso, badger. Cf. p. 139, note 1. The animal, Cuvier suggested was probably the coati.

149-1 Las Casas didn’t understand what this word meant. It’s likely related to the Italian word tasso, which means badger. Cf. p. 139, note 1. The animal, according to Cuvier, was probably the coati.

149-2 Cuvier conjectured this to be the trunk fish.

149-2 Cuvier speculated that this was the trunkfish.

150-1 The agouti.

The agouti.

152-1 See p. 134, note 3. The words following “Port of Mares” should be translated “but here he says that he has the quadrant hung up (or not in use) until he reaches land to repair it. Since it seemed to him that this distance,” etc. Las Casas omitted to insert the number of degrees in his comment.

152-1 See p. 134, note 3. The words after “Port of Mares” should be translated as “but here he states that he has the quadrant put away (or not in use) until he gets to land to fix it. Since he thought that this distance,” etc. Las Casas didn’t include the number of degrees in his comment.

152-2 The sentences omitted are comments of Las Casas on these reflections of Columbus.

152-2 The sentences that were left out are Las Casas's remarks on Columbus's thoughts.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

153-2 A la hora de tercia, about 9 A.M. See p. 118, note 1.

153-2 At around three o'clock, about 9 AM See p. 118, note 1.

153-3 Cayo de Moa. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Cayo de Moa. (Navarrete.)

154-1 Rio de Moa. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Rio de Moa. (Navarrete.)

154-2 Punta del Mangle or del Guarico. (Navarrete.)

154-2 Punta del Mangle or del Guarico. (Navarrete.)

154-3 Sierras de Moa. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Moa Mountains. (Navarrete.)

154-4 “These must have been margaseta stones which look like gold in streams and of which there is an abundance in the rivers of these islands.” Las Casas, I. 346.

154-4 “These must have been margaseta stones that look like gold in streams, and there's plenty of them in the rivers of these islands.” Las Casas, I. 346.

155-1 Madroños. Arbutus unedo or the Strawberry tree. The California Madroña is the Arbutus Menziesii.

155-1 Madroños. Arbutus unedo, known as the Strawberry tree. The California Madroña is the Arbutus Menziesii.

155-2 Rather, “for making sawmills.”

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Instead, "for building sawmills."

156-1 Among these were the Bay of Yamanique, and the ports of Jaragua, Taco, Cayaganueque, Nava, and Maravi. (Navarrete.)

156-1 These included the Bay of Yamanique and the ports of Jaragua, Taco, Cayaganueque, Nava, and Maravi. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

157-1 The original of the words Cannibal and Carib and Caribbean. Cf. also p. 138, note 3.

157-1 The original words Cannibal and Carib and Caribbean. See also p. 138, note 3.

157-2 The port of Baracoa. (Navarrete)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Baracoa port. (Navarrete)

157-3 Monte del Yunque. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mount Yunque. (Navarrete.)

158-1 Port of Maravi. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Port of Maravi. (Navarrete.)

158-2 Punta de Maici. (Id.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Punta de Maici. (Id.)

158-3 Puerto de Baracoa. (Id.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Baracoa Harbor. (Id.)

160-1 With these suggestions for a colonial policy cf. Columbus’s more detailed programme in his letter to Ferdinand and Isabella, pp. 273-277 below. In the Spanish policy of exclusion of foreigners from the colonies the religious motive, as here, was quite as influential as the spirit of trade monopoly. Las Casas, in making the same quotation from the Journal, remarks, I. 351: “All these are his exact words, although some of them are not perfect Castilian, since that was not the Admiral’s mother tongue.”

160-1 With these suggestions for a colonial policy cf. Columbus’s more detailed plan in his letter to Ferdinand and Isabella, pp. 273-277 below. In the Spanish approach of keeping foreigners out of the colonies, the religious reason, just like here, was as important as the desire for trade monopoly. Las Casas, when citing the same excerpt from the Journal, notes, I. 351: “All these are his exact words, although some of them aren’t perfect Spanish, since that wasn’t the Admiral’s first language.”

161-1 The fusta was a long, low boat propelled by oars or a sail. It is represented in earlier English by “foist” and “fuste.”

161-1 The fusta was a long, low boat that was powered by oars or a sail. Earlier English referred to it as “foist” and “fuste.”

161-2 Las Casas, I. 353, remarks, “This wax was never made in the island of Cuba, and this cake that was found came from the kingdom and provinces of Yucatan, where there is an immense amount of very good yellow wax.” He supposes that it might have come from the wrecks of canoes engaged in trade along the coast of Yucatan.

161-2 Las Casas, I. 353, notes, “This wax was never produced on the island of Cuba, and this block that was discovered originated from the kingdom and provinces of Yucatan, where there is a vast supply of excellent yellow wax.” He speculates that it could have come from the remains of canoes involved in trade along the Yucatan coast.

162-1 About 70 feet. Las Casas adds the words, “it was most beautiful,” and continues, “it is no wonder for there are in that island very thick and very long and tall fragrant red cedars and commonly all their canoes are made from these valuable trees.”

162-1 About 70 feet. Las Casas notes, “it was very beautiful,” and goes on to say, “it’s no surprise because there are thick, tall, and fragrant red cedars on that island, and usually all their canoes are made from these precious trees.”

162-2 Puerto de Baracoa. (Navarrete.)

Puerto de Baracoa. (Navarrete.)

163-1 This reef actually exists on the S.E. side of the entrance to this port, which is described with great accuracy by Columbus. (Navarrete.)

163-1 This reef is located on the southeast side of the entrance to this port, which Columbus described very accurately. (Navarrete.)

163-2 Lombarda is the same as bombarda, bombard, the earliest type of cannon. The name has nothing to do with Lombardy, but is simply the form which was used in Castile in the fifteenth century while bombarda was used elsewhere in the peninsula and in Europe. The average-sized bombard was a twenty-five pounder. Diccionario Enciclopedico Hispano-Americano, art. lombardo, based on Aráutegui, Apuntes Históricos sobre la Artilleria Española en los Siglos XIV y XV.

163-2 Lombarda is the same as bombarda, which means bombard, the earliest type of cannon. The name has nothing to do with Lombardy; it's just the term used in Castile during the fifteenth century, while bombarda was used in other parts of the peninsula and in Europe. The average-sized bombard weighed around twenty-five pounds. Diccionario Enciclopedico Hispano-Americano, art. lombardo, based on Aráutegui, Apuntes Históricos sobre la Artilleria Española en los Siglos XIV y XV.

164-1 This line should be, “in which he saw five very large almadias [low, light boats] which the Indians call canoas, like fustas, very beautiful and so well constructed,” etc. “Canoe” is one of the few Arawak Indian words to have become familiar English.

164-1 This line should say, “in which he saw five very large almadias [lightweight, low boats] that the Indians refer to as canoas, similar to fustas, very beautiful and well-made,” etc. “Canoe” is one of the few Arawak Indian words that has become commonly used in English.

164-2 Rather, “He went up a mountain and then he found it all level and planted with many things of the country and gourds so that it was glorious to see it.” De Candolle believes the calabash or gourd to have been introduced into America from Africa. Cf. his Origin of Cultivated Plants, pp. 245 ff. Oviedo, however, in his Historia General y Natural de Indias, lib. VIII., cap. VIII., says that the calabaças of the Indies were the same as those in Spain and were cultivated not to eat but to use the shells as vessels.

164-2 Instead, “He went up a mountain and then he found it all flat and filled with various local plants and gourds, which made it a beautiful sight.” De Candolle thinks that the calabash or gourd was brought to America from Africa. See his Origin of Cultivated Plants, pp. 245 ff. However, Oviedo, in his Historia General y Natural de Indias, book VIII., chapter VIII., states that the calabaças in the Indies were the same as those in Spain and were grown not for food but to use the shells as containers.

164-3 Rather, “rods.”

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Instead, “rods.”

166-1 Rio Boma. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Rio Boma. (Navarrete.)

166-2 Punta del Fraile. (Id.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Punta del Fraile. (Id.)

166-3 Punta de los Azules. (Id.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Punta de los Azules. (Id.)

167-1 Las Casas, I. 359, says, “This high and beautiful cape whither he would have liked to go I believe was Point Maycí, which is the extreme end of Cuba toward the east.” According to the modern maps of Cuba it must have been one of the capes to the southwest of Point Maicí.

167-1 Las Casas, I. 359, says, “This high and beautiful cape he wanted to visit was probably Point Maycí, which is the far eastern tip of Cuba.” According to today’s maps of Cuba, it must have been one of the capes southwest of Point Maicí.

167-2 Cf. note 57. Las Casas, I. 359, remarks, “Its real name was Haytí, the last syllable long and accented.” He thinks it possible that the cape first sighted may have been called Bohio.

167-2 See note 57. Las Casas, I. 359, states, “Its actual name was Haytí, with the last syllable being long and stressed.” He suggests that the cape that was first seen might have been called Bohio.

167-3 Columbus gave Cuba the name Juana “in memory of Prince Juan the heir of Castile.” Historie, p. 83.

167-3 Columbus named Cuba Juana “to honor Prince Juan, the heir of Castile.” Historie, p. 83.

167-4 “In leaving the cape or eastern point of Cuba he gave it the name Alpha and Omega, which means beginning and end, for he believed that this cape was the end of the mainland in the Orient.” Las Casas, I. 360.

167-4 “When he departed from the eastern tip of Cuba, he named it Alpha and Omega, which means beginning and end, because he thought this point marked the end of the mainland in the East.” Las Casas, I. 360.

168-1 The port of St. Nicholas Mole, in Hayti. (Navarrete.)

168-1 The port of St. Nicholas Mole, in Haiti. (Navarrete.)

168-2 Cape of St. Nicholas. (Id.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Cape of St. Nicholas. (Id.)

168-3 Punta Palmista. (Id.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Punta Palmista. (Id.)

168-4 Puerto Escudo. (Id.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Puerto Escudo. (Id.)

168-5 The channel between Tortuga Island and the main.

168-5 The waterway between Tortuga Island and the mainland.

168-6 Tortoise.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Turtle.

169-1 Atalayas, “watchtowers.”

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Watchtowers.

169-2 This method of giving names in honor of the saint on whose day a new cape or river was discovered was very commonly followed during the period of discoveries, and sometimes the date of a discovery, or the direction of a voyage, or other data can be verified by comparing the names given with the calender.

169-2 This practice of naming places after the saint celebrated on the day a new cape or river was discovered was widely used during the age of exploration. Often, the date of a discovery, the course of a journey, or other details can be confirmed by cross-referencing the names assigned with the calendar.

169-3 This clause should be “It extends in this manner to the south-south-east two leagues.”

169-3 This clause should read, “It extends in this direction to the southeast for two leagues.”

169-4 A gap in the manuscript.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ A gap in the manuscript.

170-1 This is the “Carenero,” within the port of St. Nicholas. (Navarrete.)

170-1 This is the "Carenero," located in the port of St. Nicholas. (Navarrete.)

171-1 Accepting Navarrete’s conjecture of abrezuela or anglezuela for the reading agrezuela of the text.

171-1 Accepting Navarrete’s suggestion of abrezuela or anglezuela for the reading agrezuela of the text.

171-2 It should be north 11 miles. (Navarrete.)

171-2 It should be 11 miles north. (Navarrete.)

171-3 This is an error. It should be 15 miles. (Navarrete.) The direction al Leste cuarta del Sueste is East by South.

171-3 This is a mistake. It should be 15 miles. (Navarrete.) The direction al Leste cuarta del Sueste is East by South.

171-4 Puerto Escudo. (Navarrete.)

Puerto Escudo. (Navarrete.)

172-1 Bahia Mosquito. (Navarrete.)

Bahia Mosquito. (Navarrete.)

172-2 Cuvier notes that neither the nightingale proper nor the Spanish myrtle are found in America.

172-2 Cuvier points out that neither the nightingale nor the Spanish myrtle can be found in America.

172-3 It should be 11 miles. (Navarrete.)

172-3 It should be 11 miles. (Navarrete.)

173-1 I.e., Spanish Isle, not “Little Spain,” which is sometimes erroneously given in explanation of the Latin Hispaniola. This last is a Latinized form of Española and not a diminutive. Las Casas, I. 367, in the corresponding passage, has “Seeing the greatness and beauty of this island and its resemblance to Spain although much superior and that they had caught fish in it like the fish of Castile and for other similar reasons he decided on December 9 when in the harbor of Concepcion to name this island Spanish Island.”

173-1 That is, Spanish Isle, not “Little Spain,” which is sometimes mistakenly used to explain the Latin Hispaniola. The latter is a Latinized version of Española and not a smaller form. Las Casas, I. 367, in the relevant passage, states, “Seeing the greatness and beauty of this island and its resemblance to Spain—though it is much superior—and that they had caught fish in it like the fish of Castile, and for other similar reasons, he decided on December 9, while in the harbor of Concepcion, to name this island Spanish Island.”

At a period some time later than his first voyage Columbus decided that Española and Cipango were the same and also identical with the Ophir of the Bible. Cf. his marginal note to Landino’s Italian translation of Pliny’s Natural History, “la isola de Feyti, vel de Ofir, vel de Cipango, a la quale habio posto nome Spagnola.” Raccolta Colombiana, pt. I., vol. II., p. 472.

At some point after his first voyage, Columbus concluded that Española and Cipango were the same and also the same as the Ophir mentioned in the Bible. Cf. his note in the margins of Landino's Italian translation of Pliny's Natural History, “the island of Feyti, or of Ophir, or of Cipango, which I named Española.” Raccolta Colombiana, pt. I., vol. II., p. 472.

174-1 The distance is 11 miles. (Navarrete.)

174-1 The distance is 11 miles. (Navarrete.)

175-1 Camarones.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Shrimp.

175-2 The proper English equivalents for these names in the original are hard to find. The corbina was a black fish and the name is found in both Spanish and Portuguese. Pámpanos is translated “giltheads,” but the name is taken over into English as “pompano.” It must be remembered that in many cases the names of European species were applied to American species which resembled them but which were really distinct species of the same genus.

175-2 Finding the right English equivalents for these names in the original is challenging. The corbina was a black fish, and the name appears in both Spanish and Portuguese. Pámpanos translates to “giltheads,” but the name has been adopted in English as “pompano.” It's important to remember that in many cases, the names of European species were used for American species that looked similar but were actually different species of the same genus.

177-1 Rather, “bread of niames.” Cf. note, p. 139.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Instead, “bread of niames.” Cf. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

178-1 Las Casas, I. 373, says that at that season the length of the day in Española is somewhat over eleven hours. The correct latitude is 20°.

178-1 Las Casas, I. 373, states that during that season, the day length in Española is just over eleven hours. The accurate latitude is 20°.

179-1 Elsewhere called Babeque. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Also known as Babeque. (Navarrete.)

180-1 Paradise Valley.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Paradise Valley.

180-2 Rather, “There are on the edges or banks of the shore many beautiful stones and it is all suitable for walking.” The Spanish text seems to be defective.

180-2 Instead, “There are many beautiful stones along the edges or banks of the shore, and it's all great for walking.” The Spanish text appears to have issues.

181-1 Diego de Arana of Cordova, a near relation of Beatriz Henriquez, the mother of the Admiral’s son Fernando. (Markham.) Alguazil means constable.

181-1 Diego de Arana from Cordova, who is a close relative of Beatriz Henriquez, the mother of the Admiral’s son, Fernando. (Markham.) Alguazil means constable.

181-2 Ajes. The same as mames. Cf. note, p. 139.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ajes. The same as mames. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

183-1 This Indian word survives in modern Spanish with the meaning political boss.

183-1 This Indian word still exists in modern Spanish, meaning political boss.

183-2 Diego de Arana.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Diego de Arana.

184-1 Rodrigo de Escobedo.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Rodrigo de Escobedo.

184-2 In Spain in earlier times the Annunciation was celebrated on December 18 to avoid having it come in Lent. When the Roman usage in regard to Annunciation was adopted in Spain they instituted the Feast of our Lady’s Expectation on December 18. It was called “The Feast of O because the first of the greater antiphons is said in the vespers of its vigil.” Addis and Arnold, Catholic Dictionary, under “Mary.” The series of anthems all begin with “O.”

184-2 In earlier times in Spain, the Annunciation was celebrated on December 18 to keep it from falling during Lent. When Spain adopted the Roman practice concerning the Annunciation, they established the Feast of Our Lady’s Expectation on December 18. It was referred to as “The Feast of O” because the first of the major antiphons is sung during the vespers on its eve. Addis and Arnold, Catholic Dictionary, under “Mary.” The series of antiphons all start with “O.”

186-1 The excelente was worth two castellanos or about $6 in coin value.

186-1 The excelente was valued at two castellanos or roughly $6 in coin value.

187-1 El Puerto de la Granja. (Navarrete.)

187-1 The Port of the Farm. (Navarrete.)

187-2 The bay of Puerto Margot. (Id.)

187-2 The bay of Puerto Margot. (Id.)

188-1 Point and Island of Margot. (Navarrete.)

188-1 Point and Island of Margot. (Navarrete.)

188-2 Camino for Cabo (?). (Markham.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Camino for Cabo (?). (Markham.)

188-3 Mountain over Guarico. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Mountain over Guarico. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

188-5 Bahia de Acúl. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Bahia de Acúl. (Navarrete.)

189-1 This conjecture proved to be wrong. The Peak of Teneriffe is over 12,000 ft. high, while 10,300 ft. (Mt. Tina) is the highest elevation in Santo Domingo.

189-1 This guess turned out to be incorrect. The Peak of Teneriffe is more than 12,000 ft. high, while 10,300 ft. (Mt. Tina) is the highest point in Santo Domingo.

189-2 This is one of the passages used to determine the date of Columbus’s birth. By combining his statement quoted in the Historie of Ferdinand, ch. IV., that he went to sea at 14, and this assertion that he followed the sea steadily for 23 years, we find that he was 37 years old in 1484 or 1485, when he left Portugal and ceased sea-faring till 1492.

189-2 This is one of the key passages used to figure out when Columbus was born. By combining his statement from the Historie of Ferdinand, ch. IV., that he went to sea at 14, with his claim that he sailed continuously for 23 years, we can conclude that he was 37 years old in 1484 or 1485 when he left Portugal and stopped sailing until 1492.

189-3 A gap of a line and a half in the manuscript.

189-3 There's a gap of a line and a half in the manuscript.

189-4 Another gap in the manuscript.

189-4 Another missing section in the manuscript.

190-1 The mutilation of the text makes this passage difficult. The third line literally is, “and I saw all the east [or perhaps better the Levant, el Levante] and the west which means the way to England,” etc. After the second gap read: “better than the other which I with proper caution tried to describe.” After “world,” read: “and [is] enclosed so that the oldest cable of the ship would hold it fast.”

190-1 The way the text is cut up makes this part hard to understand. The third line literally says, “and I saw all the east [or maybe better the Levant, el Levante] and the west, which refers to the way to England,” etc. After the second gap, it should say: “better than the other which I tried to describe with proper care.” After “world,” it should say: “and [is] enclosed so that the oldest cable of the ship would hold it securely.”

190-2 The distance is six miles. (Navarrete.)

190-2 The distance is six miles. (Navarrete.)

190-3 Acúl. (Id.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Acúl. (Id.)

191-1 Gonze avellanada. The interpretation of the French translators is followed. The word gonze is not given in the dictionaries.

191-1 Gonze avellanada. We follow the interpretation of the French translators. The word gonze isn't found in the dictionaries.

193-1 “This king was a great lord and king Guacanagarí, one of the five great kings and lordships of this island.” Las Casas, I. 389.

193-1 “This king was a powerful leader, King Guacanagarí, one of the five major kings and territories on this island.” Las Casas, I. 389.

194-1 “This girdle was of fine jewellery work, like misshapen pearls, made of fish-bones white and colored interspersed, like embroidery, so sewed with a thread of cotton and by such delicate skill that on the reverse side it looked like delicate embroidery, although all white, which it was a pleasure to see.” Las Casas, I. 389. From this we learn that wampum belts were in use among the Indians of Española.

194-1 “This belt was made of fine jewelry, with misshapen pearls crafted from white and colored fish bones, arranged like embroidery. It was sewn with cotton thread and such delicate skill that the back appeared as intricate embroidery, all in white, which was a pleasure to behold.” Las Casas, I. 389. From this, we learn that wampum belts were used by the Indians of Española.

196-1 Port of Guarico. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Guarico Port. (Navarrete.)

196-2 This estimate was far too great. The island is about one-third the size of Great Britain and one-half the size of England.

196-2 This estimate was way too high. The island is roughly one-third the size of Great Britain and about half the size of England.

196-3 Guarico.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Guarico.

196-4 It is now called San Honorato. (Navarrete.)

196-4 Today, it's referred to as San Honorato. (Navarrete.)

197-1 “The fact is that Cacique was the word for king, and Nitayno for knight and principal lord.” Las Casas, I. 394.

197-1 “The truth is that Cacique meant king, and Nitayno referred to knight and main lord.” Las Casas, I. 394.

197-2 The similarity between the names and the report of gold made Columbus particularly confident of the identification.

197-2 The similarity between the names and the mention of gold made Columbus especially confident in his identification.

198-1 Entrance of the Bay of Acúl. (Navarrete.)

198-1 Entrance to the Bay of Acúl. (Navarrete.)

198-2 Isla de Ratos. (Id.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Rat Island. (Id.)

199-1 Puerto Frances. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Puerto Frances. (Navarrete.)

199-2 Perhaps better “a young common sailor.”

199-2 Maybe better described as “a young everyday sailor.”

200-1 The master, who was also the owner, of the Admiral’s ship was Juan de la Cosa of Santoña, afterwards well known as a draughtsman and Pilot. (Markham.)

200-1 The captain and owner of the Admiral’s ship was Juan de la Cosa from Santoña, who later became famous as a cartographer and navigator. (Markham.)

200-2 Rather, “Then the seams opened but not the ship.” That is, the ship was not stove. The word translated “seams” is conventos, which Las Casas, I. 398, defines as los vagos que hay entre costillas y costillas. In this passage he is using costillas not in the technical sense of costillas de nao, “ribs,” but in the sense of “planks,” as in costillas de cuba, “barrel staves.”

200-2 Rather, “Then the seams opened but not the ship.” In other words, the ship wasn't damaged. The word translated as “seams” is conventos, which Las Casas, I. 398, defines as los vagos que hay entre costillas y costillas. In this passage, he is using costillas not in the technical sense of costillas de nao, “ribs,” but in the sense of “planks,” as in costillas de cuba, “barrel staves.”

202-1 In reality Cibao was a part of Española.

202-1 In reality, Cibao was part of Hispaniola.

202-2 Made from the manioc roots or ajes. Cassava biscuit can be got to-day at fancy grocery stores. It is rather insipid.

202-2 Made from cassava roots or ajes. You can find cassava biscuits nowadays at upscale grocery stores. They are quite bland.

204-1 In reality, three-quarters the size of Portugal.

204-1 In reality, it’s three-quarters the size of Portugal.

204-2 Juan de la Cosa, the master, was a native of Santoña, on the north coast of Spain. There were two other Santoña men on board and several from the north coast. (Markham.)

204-2 Juan de la Cosa, the captain, was from Santoña, located on the northern coast of Spain. There were two other men from Santoña on board and several from the northern coast. (Markham.)

206-1 “He ordered then all his people to make great haste and the king ordered his vassals to help him and as an immense number joined with the Christians they managed so well and with such diligence that in a matter of ten days our stronghold was well made and as far as could be then constructed. He named it the City of Christmas (Villa de la Navidad) because he had arrived there on that day, and so to-day that harbor is called Navidad, although there is no memory that there even has been a fort or any building there, since it is overgrown with trees as large and tall as if fifty years had passed, and I have seen them.” Las Casas, I. 408.

206-1 “He then instructed all his people to hurry, and the king directed his vassals to assist him. With a vast number joining forces with the Christians, they worked so efficiently and diligently that within ten days, our stronghold was built as well as could be at that time. He named it the City of Christmas (Villa de la Navidad) because he arrived there on that day. To this day, that harbor is called Navidad, although there's no trace of a fort or any buildings since it's now overrun with trees as large and tall as if fifty years have passed, and I have seen them.” Las Casas, I. 408.

206-2 These were not islands, but districts whose chiefs were called by the same names. Cf. Las Casas, I. 410.

206-2 These were not islands, but regions led by chiefs who had the same names. Cf. Las Casas, I. 410.

207-1 For Yañez. Vincent Yañez Pinzon.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ For Yañez. Vincent Yañez Pinzon.

208-1 Rather, “For now the business appeared to be so great and important that it was wonderful (said the Admiral) and he said he did not wish,” etc.

208-1 Instead, “Right now, the situation seemed so significant and crucial that it was amazing (the Admiral said), and he stated that he didn’t want,” etc.

208-2 The first suggestion of systematic colonization in the New World.

208-2 The initial proposal for organized colonization in the New World.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

210-1 The actual number was 44, according to the official list given in a document printed by Navarrete, which is a notice to the next of kin to apply for wages due, dated Burgos, December 20, 1507. Markham reproduces this list in his edition of Columbus’s Journal.

210-1 The actual number was 44, based on the official list provided in a document published by Navarrete, which was a notice to the next of kin to claim unpaid wages, dated Burgos, December 20, 1507. Markham includes this list in his edition of Columbus’s Journal.

210-2 Las Casas gives the farewell speech of the Admiral to those who were left behind at Navidad, I. 415. It is translated in Thacher’s Columbus, I. 632.

210-2 Las Casas shares the Admiral's farewell address to those who stayed behind at Navidad, I. 415. You can find the translation in Thacher’s Columbus, I. 632.

211-1 “It is not known how many he took from this island but I believe he took some, altogether he carried ten or twelve Indians to Castile according to the Portuguese History [Barros] and I saw them in Seville yet I did not notice nor do I recollect that I counted them.” Las Casas, I. 419.

211-1 “It’s unclear how many he took from this island, but I think he took a few. Overall, he brought ten or twelve Indians to Castile according to the Portuguese History [Barros], and I saw them in Seville, though I didn’t take note of or remember counting them.” Las Casas, I. 419.

212-1 It is N. 80° E. 70 leagues. (Navarrete.)

212-1 It's N. 80° E. 70 leagues. (Navarrete.)

212-2 Los siete Hermanos. (Id.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The Seven Brothers. (Id.)

212-3 Bahia de Manzanillo. (Id.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Manzanillo Bay. (Id.)

212-4 Should be S.W. three leagues.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Should be S.W. three miles.

212-5 Rio Tapion, in the Bahia de Manzanillo. (Id.)

212-5 Rio Tapion, in the Bay of Manzanillo. (Id.)

212-6 A mistake for three leagues. (Id.)

212-6 An error spanning three leagues. (Id.)

212-7 Should be W.S.W. (Id.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Should be W.S.W. (Id.)

213-1 Isla Cabra. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Isla Cabra. (Navarrete.)

213-2 Anchorage of Monte Cristi. (Id.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Anchorage of Monte Cristi. (Id.)

213-3 Punta Rucia. (Id.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Punta Rucia. (Id.)

214-1 Martin Alonso Pinzon had slipped away during the night of November 21.

214-1 Martin Alonso Pinzon had quietly left during the night of November 21.

215-1 Here probably the island of Iguana Grande.

215-1 This is likely the island of Iguana Grande.

215-2 Jamaica.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Jamaica.

215-3 On this myth see below under January 15.

215-3 For more on this myth, see below under January 15.

215-4 It is remarkable that this report, which refers probably to Yucatan and to the relatively high state of culture of the Mayas, drew no further comment from Columbus. From our point of view it ought to have made a much greater impression than we have evidence that it did; from his point of view that he was off Asia it was just what was to be expected and so is recorded without comment.

215-4 It's surprising that this report, likely about Yucatan and the relatively advanced culture of the Mayas, received no additional remarks from Columbus. It should have had a much greater impact from our perspective, but there's no evidence that it did; from his perspective, being in Asia, it was exactly what he expected, so he documented it without any comments.

216-1 This is the large river Yaqui, which contains much gold in its sand. It was afterwards called the Santiago. (Navarrete.)

216-1 This is the big river Yaqui, which has a lot of gold in its sand. It was later named the Santiago. (Navarrete.)

217-1 Afterwards called the Rio de Santiago. (Navarrete.)

217-1 Later referred to as the Rio de Santiago. (Navarrete.)

217-2 This should be 8 leagues. (Id.)

217-2 This should be 8 leagues. (Id.)

217-3 Las Casas, I. 429, says the distance to the mines was not 4 leagues.

217-3 Las Casas, I. 429, states that the distance to the mines was not 4 leagues.

217-4 Punta Isabelica. (Id.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Punta Isabelica. (Id.)

217-5 The distance is 10 1/2 leagues, or 42 of the Italian miles used by Columbus. (Id.)

217-5 The distance is 10 1/2 leagues, or 42 of the Italian miles that Columbus used. (Id.)

218-1 The mermaids [Spanish, “sirens”] of Columbus are the manatis, or sea-cows, of the Caribbean Sea and great South American rivers. They are now scarcely ever seen out at sea. Their resemblance to human beings, when rising in the water, must have been very striking. They have small rounded heads, and cervical vertebrae which form a neck, enabling the animal to turn its head about. The fore limbs also, instead of being pectoral fins, have the character of the arm and hand of the higher mammalia. These peculiarities, and their very human way of suckling their young, holding it by the forearm, which is movable at the elbow-joint, suggested the idea of mermaids. The congener of the manati, which had been seen by Columbus on the coast of Guinea, is the dugong. (Markham.)

218-1 The mermaids [Spanish, “sirens”] of Columbus are the manatees, or sea cows, of the Caribbean Sea and major South American rivers. They are now rarely spotted out at sea. Their resemblance to humans, when coming up for air, must have been quite striking. They have small, rounded heads, and cervical vertebrae that form a neck, allowing the animal to turn its head. The forelimbs, instead of being pectoral fins, resemble the arms and hands of higher mammals. These features, along with their very human-like way of nursing their young, holding them by the forearm, which can move at the elbow, inspired the idea of mermaids. The relative of the manatee that Columbus saw on the coast of Guinea is the dugong. (Markham.)

218-2 Las Casas has “on the coast of Guinea where manequeta is gathered” (I. 430). Amomum Melequeta, an herbaceous, reedlike plant, three to five feet high, is found along the coast of Africa, from Sierra Leone to the Congo. Its seeds were called “Grains of Paradise,” or maniguetta, and the coast alluded to by Columbus, between Liberia and Cape Palmas, was hence called the Grain Coast. The grains were used as a condiment, like pepper, and in making the spiced wine called hippocras. (Markham.)

218-2 Las Casas mentions “on the coast of Guinea where manequeta is gathered” (I. 430). Amomum Melequeta, a tall, grass-like plant that grows three to five feet high, is found along the coast of Africa, from Sierra Leone to the Congo. Its seeds were known as “Grains of Paradise,” or maniguetta, and the area referred to by Columbus, between Liberia and Cape Palmas, became known as the Grain Coast. The grains were used as a spice, similar to pepper, and for making a spiced wine called hippocras. (Markham.)

219-1 Rio Chuzona chica. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Chuzona chica River. (Navarrete.)

219-2 Reading broma (“ship worm”) for bruma (“mist”) in the sentence: sino que tiene mucha bruma. De la Roquette in the French translation gives bruma the meaning of “shipworm,” supposing it to be a variant form of broma. The Italian translator of the letter on the fourth voyage took broma to be bruma, translated it pruina e bruma, and consequently had Columbus’s ship injured by frost near Panama in April! Cf. Thacher, Christopher Columbus, II. 625, 790.

219-2 Reading broma (“shipworm”) as bruma (“mist”) in the sentence: sino que tiene mucha bruma. De la Roquette in the French translation interprets bruma as “shipworm,” assuming it to be a variant form of broma. The Italian translator of the letter from the fourth voyage took broma to be bruma, translating it as pruina e bruma, leading to Columbus’s ship being damaged by frost near Panama in April! Cf. Thacher, Christopher Columbus, II. 625, 790.

220-1 So called because the summit is always covered with white or silver clouds. Las Casas, I. 432. A monastery of Dominicans was afterwards built on Monte de Plata, in which Las Casas began to write his history of the Indies in the year 1527. Las Casas, IV. 254. (Markham.)

220-1 It's called that because the peak is always shrouded in white or silver clouds. Las Casas, I. 432. Later, a Dominican monastery was constructed on Monte de Plata, where Las Casas started writing his history of the Indies in 1527. Las Casas, IV. 254. (Markham.)

220-2 Puerto de Plata, where a flourishing seaport town was afterwards established; founded by Ovando in 1502. It had fallen to decay in 1606. (Markham.)

220-2 Puerto de Plata, where a vibrant port town was later established, was founded by Ovando in 1502. It had fallen into decline by 1606. (Markham.)

220-3 Punta Macuris. The distance is 3, not 4 leagues. (Navarrete.)

220-3 Punta Macuris. The distance is 3, not 4 leagues. (Navarrete.)

220-4 Punta Sesua. The distance is only one league. (Id.)

220-4 Punta Sesua. The distance is just one league. (Id.)

220-5 Cabo de la Roca. It should be 5, not 6 leagues. (Id.)

220-5 Cape Roca. It should be 5 leagues, not 6. (Id.)

220-6 Bahia Escocesa. (Id.)

Bahia Escocesa. (Id.)

220-7 Las Casas says that none of these names remained even in his time. I. 432.

220-7 Las Casas mentions that none of these names were still around even during his lifetime. I. 432.

221-1 This was the Peninsula of Samana. (Navarrete.)

221-1 This was the Samana Peninsula. (Navarrete.)

221-2 Isla Yazual. (Id.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Isla Yazual. (Id.)

221-3 Cabo Cabron, or Lover’s Cape; the extreme N.E. point of the island, rising nearly 2000 feet above the sea. (Markham.)

221-3 Cabo Cabron, or Lover’s Cape; the northeasternmost point of the island, rising almost 2000 feet above the sea. (Markham.)

221-4 Puerto Yaqueron. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Puerto Yaqueron. (Navarrete.)

221-5 Cabo Samana; called Cabo de San Theramo afterwards by Columbus (Markham.)

221-5 Cabo Samana; later renamed Cabo de San Theramo by Columbus (Markham.)

221-6 The Bay of Samana. (Navarrete.)

The Bay of Samana. (Navarrete.)

221-7 Cayo de Levantados. (Id.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Cayo de Levantados. (Id.)

222-1 This should be, “who says that he was very ugly of countenance, more so than the others that he had seen.”

222-1 This should be, “who claims that he was much uglier in appearance than anyone else he had encountered.”

222-2 Las Casas says, I. 433, “Not charcoal but a certain dye they make from a certain fruit.”

222-2 Las Casas says, I. 433, “Not charcoal but a specific dye made from a particular fruit.”

222-3 Las Casas, I. 434, says there never were any cannibals in Española.

222-3 Las Casas, I. 434, states that there were never any cannibals in Española.

223-1 Las Casas, I. 434, says that a section in the northeastern part of Española “was inhabited by a tribe which called themselves Mazariges and others Ciguayos and that they spoke different languages from the rest of the island. I do not remember if they differed from each other in speech since so many years have passed, and to-day there is no one to inquire of, although I have talked many times with both generations; but more than fifty years have gone by.” The Ciguayos, he adds, were called so because they wore their hair long as women do in Castile. This passage shows that Las Casas was writing this part of his history a half-century after he went first to Española, which was in 1502, with Ovando.

223-1 Las Casas, I. 434, says that a section in the northeastern part of Hispaniola “was inhabited by a tribe that called themselves Mazariges and others Ciguayos, and they spoke different languages from the rest of the island. I don’t remember if they differed in speech from one another since it’s been so many years, and today there’s no one to ask, even though I’ve talked many times with both generations; but more than fifty years have passed.” He adds that the Ciguayos were named so because they wore their hair long like the women do in Castile. This passage indicates that Las Casas was writing this part of his history a half-century after he first went to Hispaniola, which was in 1502, with Ovando.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, under __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

223-3 Porto Rico. (Navarrete.)

Porto Rico. (Navarrete.)

223-4 Las Casas, I. 434, says that Guanin was not the name of an island, but the word for a kind of base gold.

223-4 Las Casas, I. 434, states that Guanin was not the name of an island, but the term for a type of base gold.

223-5 A gap in the original manuscript.

223-5 A gap in the original manuscript.

224-1 Las Casas, I. 435, has, “and as word of a palm-tree board which is very hard and very heavy, not sharp but blunt, about two fingers thick everywhere, with which as it is hard and heavy like iron, although a man has a helmet on his head they will crush his skull to the brain with one blow.”

224-1 Las Casas, I. 435, states, “and it’s like a palm tree board that is very tough and heavy. It’s not sharp but blunt, about two fingers thick all around, and because it’s hard and heavy like iron, it can crush a man’s skull to the brain with just one hit, even if he’s wearing a helmet.”

224-2 “This was the first fight that there was in all the Indies and when the blood of the Indians was shed.” Las Casas, I. 436.

224-2 “This was the first battle that took place in all the Indies, and it was when the blood of the Indigenous people was spilled.” Las Casas, I. 436.

225-1 Porto Rico. Navarrete says it is certain that the Indians called Porto Rico Isla de Carib.

225-1 Puerto Rico. Navarrete states that it is clear the Indigenous people referred to Puerto Rico as Isla de Carib.

225-2 Probably Martinique or Guadeloupe. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Probably Martinique or Guadeloupe. (Navarrete.)

226-1 By this calculation the Admiral entered the service of the Catholic Sovereigns on January 20, 1486. (Navarrete.)

226-1 According to this calculation, the Admiral started working for the Catholic Monarchs on January 20, 1486. (Navarrete.)

226-2 “What would he have said if he had seen the millions and millions (cuentos y millones) that the sovereigns have received from his labors since his death?” Las Casas, I. 437.

226-2 “What would he have said if he had seen the countless millions that the rulers have gained from his work since his death?” Las Casas, I. 437.

226-3 Porto Rico.

Porto Rico.

226-4 Columbus had read in Marco Polo of the islands of Masculia and Feminina in the Indian Seas and noted the passage in his copy. See ch. XXXIII. of pt. III. of Marco Polo. On the other hand there is evidence for an indigenous Amazon myth in the New World. The earliest sketch of American folk-lore ever made, that of the Friar Ramon Pane in 1497, preserved in Ferdinand Columbus’s Historie and in a condensed form in Peter Martyr’s De Rebus Oceanicis (Dec. I., lib. IX.), tells the story of the culture-hero Guagugiona, who set forth from the cave, up to that time the home of mankind, “with all the women in search of other lands and he came to Matinino, where at once he left the women and went away to another country,” etc., Historie (London ed., 1867), p. 188. Ramon’s name is erroneously given as Roman in the Historie. On the Amazons in Venezuela, see Oviedo, lib. XXV., cap. XIV. It may be accepted that the Amazon myth as given by Oviedo, from which the great river derived its name, River of the Amazons, is a composite of an Arawak folk-tale like that preserved by Ramon Pane overlaid with the details of the Marco Polo myth, which in turn derives from the classical myth.

226-4 Columbus had read in Marco Polo about the islands of Masculinity and Feminine in the Indian Seas and took note of the passage in his copy. See ch. XXXIII. of pt. III. of Marco Polo. On the other hand, there is proof of an indigenous Amazon myth in the New World. The earliest outline of American folklore ever created, by Friar Ramon Pane in 1497, preserved in Ferdinand Columbus’s Historie and summarized in Peter Martyr’s De Rebus Oceanicis (Dec. I., lib. IX.), tells the tale of the culture-hero Guagugiona, who set out from the cave, which had been the home of humanity until then, “with all the women in search of other lands, and he reached Matinino, where he immediately left the women and ventured off to another country,” etc., Historie (London ed., 1867), p. 188. Ramon's name is incorrectly stated as Roman in the Historie. For information on the Amazons in Venezuela, see Oviedo, lib. XXV., cap. XIV.. It can be accepted that the Amazon myth as described by Oviedo, from which the great river took its name, River of the Amazons, is a blend of an Arawak folk-tale like the one preserved by Ramon Pane combined with elements of the Marco Polo myth, which in turn originates from classical mythology.

227-1 Y los mas le ponen allí yerba, “and the most of them put on poison.” The description of these arrows corresponds exactly with that given by Sir E. im Thurn of the poisoned arrows of the Indians of Guiana, which still have “adjustable wooden tips smeared with poison, which are inserted in the socket at the end of a reed shaft.” Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 242.

227-1 And many of them use poison, "and most of them put on poison." The description of these arrows matches exactly what Sir E. im Thurn described about the poisoned arrows used by the Indians of Guiana, which still have “adjustable wooden tips coated with poison, fitted into the socket at the end of a reed shaft.” Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 242.

227-2 Capsicum. (Markham.)

Capsicum. (Markham.)

228-1 Gulf of the Arrows. This was the Bay of Samana, into which the river Yuna flows. (Navarrete.)

228-1 Gulf of the Arrows. This was the Bay of Samana, where the Yuna River flows into. (Navarrete.)

228-2 Porto Rico. It would have been distant about 30 leagues. (Navarrete.)

228-2 Puerto Rico. It would have been about 30 leagues away. (Navarrete.)

229-1 “The sons remain with their mothers till the age of fourteen when they go to join their fathers in their separate abode.” Marco Polo, pt. III., ch. XXXIII. Cf. p. 226, note 4.

229-1 “The boys stay with their mothers until they’re fourteen, at which point they go to live with their fathers in a different home.” Marco Polo, pt. III., ch. XXXIII. Cf. p. 226, note 4.

229-2 Now called Cabod el Engaño, the extreme eastern point of Española. It had the same name when Las Casas wrote. (Markham.)

229-2 Now known as Cabod el Engaño, the farthest eastern point of Española. It was called the same thing when Las Casas wrote. (Markham.)

229-3 Alcatraz.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Alcatraz.

230-1 The almadrabas, or tunny fisheries of Rota, near Cadiz, were inherited by the Duke, as well as those of Conil, a little fishing town 6 leagues east of Cadiz. (Markham.)

230-1 The almadrabas, or tuna fishing sites of Rota, close to Cadiz, were passed down to the Duke, along with those of Conil, a small fishing village 6 leagues east of Cadiz. (Markham.)

230-2 Un pescado (a fish), called the rabiforcado. For un pescado, we should probably read una ave pescadora, and translate: a fishing bird, called rabiforcado. See entry for September 29 and note.

230-2 A fish, called the rabiforcado. For a fish, we should probably read a fishing bird, and translate: a fishing bird, called rabiforcado. See entry for September 29 and note.

230-3 Alcatraces, rabos de juncos, and rabiforcados: boobies, boatswain-birds, and frigate-birds. The translator has not been consistent in selecting English equivalents for these names. In the entry of January 18 rabiforcado is frigate-bird; in that of January 19 rabo de junco is frigate-bird; in that of January 21 rabo de junco is boatswain-bird. September 14 garjao is the tern, while on January 19 the rabiforcado is the tern. On these birds, see notes 11, 12, 13, and 20. See also Oviedo, Historia General y natural de las Indias, lib. XIV., cap. I., for descriptions of these birds.

230-3 Alcatraces, rabos de juncos, and rabiforcados: boobies, boatswain-birds, and frigate-birds. The translator has not been consistent in choosing English equivalents for these names. In the entry of January 18 rabiforcado is frigate-bird; in that of January 19 rabo de junco is frigate-bird; in that of January 21 rabo de junco is boatswain-bird. September 14 garjao is the tern, while on January 19 the rabiforcado is the tern. For more on these birds, see notes 11, 12, 13, and 20. Also, check Oviedo, Historia General y natural de las Indias, lib. XIV., cap. I., for descriptions of these birds.

231-1 Rabiforcados y pardelas. Las Casas, I. 440, has aves pardelas. Talhausen, Neues Spanisch-deutsches Wörterbuch, defines pardelas as Peters-vogel, i.e., petrel.

231-1 Rabiforcados and petrels. Las Casas, I. 440, has petrels. Talhausen, New Spanish-German Dictionary, defines petrels as Peters-vogel, i.e., petrel.

231-2 Rabos de juncos y pardelas. The translator vacillates between sandpipers and terns in rendering pardelas. Cf. January 28 and 31, but as has just been noted “petrels” is the proper word.

231-2 Rabos de juncos y pardelas. The translator wavers between sandpipers and terns when translating pardelas. See. January 28 and 31, but as just mentioned, “petrels” is the correct term.

231-3 An error of the transcriber for miles. Each glass being half-an-hour, going six miles an hour, they would have made 33 miles or 8 1/4 leagues in five hours and a half. (Navarrete.)

231-3 A mistake by the person copying the text regarding the distance. Each glass being half an hour, and traveling at six miles per hour, they would have covered 33 miles or 8 1/4 leagues in five and a half hours. (Navarrete.)

233-1 Petrels.

Petrels.

233-2 The English equivalent is dory, or gilthead.

233-2 The English equivalent is dory or gilthead.

234-1 Petrels.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Petrels.

235-1 Vicente Yañez Pinzon.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Vicente Yañez Pinzon.

235-2 Later a rich citizen of the city of Santo Domingo, Española, where he was known as Roldan the pilot. Las Casas, I. 443.

235-2 Later, a wealthy citizen of the city of Santo Domingo, Española, who was known as Roldan the pilot. Las Casas, I. 443.

236-1 The name is also written Peralonso Niño. He made one of the first voyages to the mainland of South America after the third voyage of Columbus. See Irving, Companions of Columbus. Bourne, Spain in America, p. 69.

236-1 The name is also spelled Peralonso Niño. He was one of the first people to travel to the mainland of South America after Columbus's third voyage. See Irving, Companions of Columbus. Bourne, Spain in America, p. 69.

237-1 A gap in the original manuscript.

237-1 A gap in the original manuscript.

238-1 Martin Alonso Pinzon succeeded in bringing the caravel Pinta into port at Bayona in Galicia. He went thence to Palos, arriving in the evening of the same day as the Niña with the Admiral. Pinzon died very soon afterwards. Oviedo [I. 27] says: “He went to Palos to his own house and died after a few days since he went there very ill.” (Markham.)

238-1 Martin Alonso Pinzon successfully brought the caravel Pinta into port at Bayona in Galicia. He then went to Palos, arriving the same evening as the Niña with the Admiral. Pinzon died shortly after. Oviedo [I. 27] states: “He went home to Palos and died a few days later because he was very unwell.” (Markham.)

239-1 Virgin of Guadalupe was the patroness of Estremadura. As many of the early colonists went from Estremadura there came to be a good number of her shrines in Mexico. Cf. R. Ford, Handbook for Spain, index under “Guadalupe.”

239-1 The Virgin of Guadalupe was the patron saint of Estremadura. Since many of the early colonists came from Estremadura, a significant number of her shrines were built in Mexico. See R. Ford, Handbook for Spain, index under “Guadalupe.”

239-2 A full account of the shrine at Loreto may be found in Addis and Arnold, Catholic Dictionary, under “Loreto.”

239-2 You can find a complete description of the shrine at Loreto in Addis and Arnold, Catholic Dictionary, under “Loreto.”

239-3 “This is the house where the sailors of the country particularly have their devotions.” Las Casas, I. 446. Moguer was a village near Palos.

239-3 “This is the house where the sailors of the country especially pay their respects.” Las Casas, I. 446. Moguer was a village near Palos.

240-1 See page 108, note 1. and entry for October 10.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__. and entry for __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

241-1 As Beatriz Enriquez, the mother of Ferdinand, was still living, this passage has occasioned much perplexity. A glance at the corresponding passage, quoted in direct discourse from this entry in the Journal, in the Historie of Ferdinand, shows that the words “orphans without father or mother” were not in the original Journal, if we can trust this transcript. On the other hand, Las Casas, in his Historia, I. 447, where he used the original Journal and not the abridgment that has come down to us, has the words “huerfanos de padre y madre en tierra estraña.” It may be that Ferdinand noted the error of the original Journal and quietly corrected it.

241-1 When Beatriz Enriquez, Ferdinand's mother, was still alive, this passage caused a lot of confusion. A look at the related passage, which is quoted from this entry in the Journal in the Historie of Ferdinand, reveals that the phrase “orphans without father or mother” wasn't in the original Journal, assuming we can trust this transcript. However, Las Casas, in his Historia, I. 447, who used the original Journal instead of the shortened version we have, included the words “huerfanos de padre y madre en tierra estraña.” It's possible that Ferdinand noticed the mistake in the original Journal and quietly corrected it.

241-2 In Ferdinand’s text nothing is said explicitly about the Indies.

241-2 Ferdinand’s text doesn’t mention the Indies directly.

241-3 There is nothing corresponding to this in Ferdinand’s extract from the Journal. Was this omission also a case of pious revision?

241-3 There’s nothing like this in Ferdinand’s extract from the Journal. Was this omission also a result of careful editing?

The Admiral thought that there could be no great storms in the countries he had discovered, because trees (mangroves) actually grew with their roots in the sea. The herbage on the beach nearly reached the waves, which does not happen when the sea is rough. (Markham.)

The Admiral believed there wouldn’t be any major storms in the lands he had found, since trees (mangroves) actually grew with their roots in the ocean. The vegetation on the beach nearly touched the waves, which doesn’t occur when the sea is turbulent. (Markham.)

241-4 Ferdinand Columbus has preserved in his life of his father the exact words of the Journal for the last two pages of the entry for February 14. The extract is given here to illustrate the character of the work of the epitomizer who prepared the text of the Journal as it has come down to us. “I should have borne this fortune with less distress if my life alone had been in peril, since I am aware that I am in debt to the Most High Creator for my life and because at other times I have found myself so near to death that almost nothing remained but to suffer it. But what caused me boundless grief and trouble was the reflection that, now that Our Lord had been pleased to enlighten me with the faith and with the certainty of this undertaking in which he had already given me the victory, that just now, when our gainsayers were to be convinced and your Highnesses were to receive from me glory and enlargement of your high estate, the Divine Majesty should will to block it with my death. This last would have been more endurable if it did not involve that of the people I brought with me with the promise of a very prosperous issue. They seeing themselves in such a plight not only cursed their coming but even the fear or the restraint which after my persuasions prevented them from turning back from the way as many times they were resolved to do. And above all this my grief was redoubled at the vision before my eyes and at the recollection of two little sons that I had left at their studies in Cordova without succor in a strange land and without my having rendered (or at least without its being made manifest) the service for which one might trust that your Highnesses would remember them.

241-4 Ferdinand Columbus has recorded in his account of his father the exact words from the last two pages of the Journal entry for February 14. The following excerpt is presented to highlight the nature of the work of the summarizer who prepared the text of the Journal as we have it today. “I would have endured this fate with less distress if my life alone had been at risk, since I know that I owe my life to the Most High Creator. I’ve faced death so closely before that it was almost inevitable. But what caused me endless grief and worry was the thought that now that Our Lord had chosen to enlighten me with faith and the certainty of this mission, in which He had already granted me success, it would be at this moment, when our adversaries were to be convinced and your Highnesses were to receive from me the glory and expansion of your noble position, that Divine Majesty would choose to hinder it with my death. This last part would have been more bearable if it didn’t also involve the people I brought with me, whom I had promised a very prosperous outcome. They, finding themselves in such trouble, not only regretted coming but even cursed the fear or restraint that kept them from turning back, even though several times they had decided to do so after my persuasion. And on top of all this, my grief was intensified by the vision of and memories of my two young sons, whom I left behind in Cordova to continue their studies, without any support in a foreign land, and without my having provided (or at least without it being apparent) the service for which I hoped your Highnesses would remember them.”

“And although on the one hand I was comforted by the faith that I had that Our Lord would never suffer a work which would highly exalt his Church, which at length after so much opposition and such labors I had brought to the last stage, to remain unaccomplished and that I should be broken; on the other hand, I thought that, either on account of my demerits or to prevent my enjoying so much glory in this world, it was his pleasure to take it away from me, and so while thus in perplexity I bethought myself of the venture of your Highnesses who even if I should die and the ship be lost, might find means of not losing a victory already achieved and that it might be possible in some way for the news of the success of my voyage to come to your ears; wherefore I wrote on a parchment with the brevity that the time demanded how I had discovered the lands that I had promised to, and in how many days; and the route I had followed; and the goodness of the countries, and the quality of their inhabitants and how they were the vassals of your Highnesses who had possession of all that had been found by me. This writing folded and sealed I directed to your Highnesses with the superscription or promise of a thousand ducats to him who should deliver it unopened, in order that, if some foreigners should find it, the truth of superscription might prevent them from disposing of the information which was inside. And I straightway had a large cask brought and having wrapped the writing in a waxed cloth and put it into a kind of tart or cake of wax I placed it in the barrel which, stoutly hooped, I then threw into the sea. All believed that it was some act of devotion. Then because I thought it might not arrive safely and the ships were all the while approaching Castile I made another package like that and placed it on the upper part of the poop in order that if the ship should sink the barrel might float at the will of fate.”

“And even though I found comfort in my belief that Our Lord would never let a work that would greatly uplift his Church, which after so much struggle and hard work I had brought to its final stage, go unfinished, I also worried that, either because of my shortcomings or to keep me from enjoying so much glory in this world, he might want to take it from me. So, in my confusion, I thought about your Highnesses' venture, that even if I were to die and the ship were lost, you might still have a way to not lose a victory already achieved, and the news of my successful voyage might somehow reach you. That’s why I wrote on a parchment, keeping it brief as the situation required, how I had discovered the lands I had promised to find, in how many days, the route I had taken, the quality of the territories, the nature of their inhabitants, and how they were subjects of your Highnesses, who possessed everything I had found. I folded and sealed this writing, addressing it to your Highnesses with the promise of a thousand ducats for whoever delivered it unopened, so that if someone else found it, the truth of the address would prevent them from mishandling the information inside. I then had a large cask brought, wrapped the writing in waxed cloth, placed it into a kind of wax cake, and put it into the barrel, which I then secured tightly and threw into the sea. Everyone thought it was some act of devotion. Then, because I feared it might not arrive safely and the ships were all heading toward Castile, I made another package like that and placed it on the upper part of the poop, so that if the ship sank, the barrel could float, depending on fate.”

243-1 The bonnet was a small sail usually cut to a third the size of the mizzen, or a fourth of the mainsail. It was secured through eyelet-holes to the leech of the mainsail, in the manner of a studding sail. (Navarrete.)

243-1 The bonnet was a small sail typically sized to one-third the size of the mizzen or one-fourth the size of the mainsail. It was attached through eyelet holes to the leech of the mainsail, similar to a studding sail. (Navarrete.)

243-2 On this day the Admiral dated the letter to Santangel, the escribano de racion, which is given below on pp. 263-272.

243-2 On this day, the Admiral dated the letter to Santangel, the escribano de racion, which is provided below on pp. 263-272.

244-1 This was on Sunday, 17th of February. (Navarrete.)

244-1 This was on Sunday, February 17th. (Navarrete.)

244-2 The port of San Lorenzo. (Id.).

244-2 The port of San Lorenzo. (Id.).

246-1 The incredulity of the Portuguese governor as to these assertions was natural. The title Admiral of the Ocean Sea was novel and this was the first time it was announced that Spain or any other European power had possessions in the Indies.

246-1 It was understandable that the Portuguese governor found these claims hard to believe. The title "Admiral of the Ocean Sea" was new, and this was the first time anyone had mentioned that Spain or another European country had territories in the Indies.

247-1 Half the crew were still detained on shore.

247-1 Half the crew was still stuck on shore.

248-1 That the site of the Garden of Eden was to be found in the Orient was a common belief in the Middle Ages and later. Cf. the Book of Sir John Mandeville, ch. XXX.

248-1 It was widely believed during the Middle Ages and later that the Garden of Eden was located in the East. See the Book of Sir John Mandeville, ch. XXX.

249-1 The last of the canonical hours of prayer, about nine in the evening.

249-1 The final canonical hour of prayer, around nine in the evening.

252-1 On this day the Admiral probably wrote the postscript to his letter Santangel written at sea on February 15.

252-1 On this day, the Admiral likely wrote the postscript to his letter to Santangel that he had written at sea on February 15.

253-1 Modern scholars have too hastily identified this Bartolomé Diaz with the discoverer of the Cape of Good Hope. There is no evidence for this except the identity of the name. Against the supposition are the facts that neither Columbus, Las Casas, nor Ferdinand remark upon this meeting with the most eminent Portuguese navigator of the time, and that this Diaz is a subordinate officer on this ship who is sent to summon Columbus to report to the captain. That the great admiral of 1486-1487 would in 1493 be a simple Patron on a single ship is incredible.

253-1 Modern scholars have too quickly linked this Bartolomé Diaz with the person who discovered the Cape of Good Hope. There’s no evidence for this aside from the similarity of their names. In fact, neither Columbus, Las Casas, nor Ferdinand mention this encounter with the most notable Portuguese navigator of that time, and this Diaz is simply a junior officer on the ship who is sent to call Columbus to report to the captain. The idea that the great admiral of 1486-1487 would, in 1493, be just a Patron on a single ship is unbelievable.

253-2 João II.

João II.

254-1 The treaty of Alcaçovas signed by Portugal September 8, 1479, and by Spain March 6, 1480. In it Ferdinand and Isabella relinquished all rights to make discoveries along the coast of Africa and retained of the African islands only the Canaries. The Spanish text is printed in Alguns Documentos da Torre do Tombo (Lisbon, 1892), pp. 45-46. See also Vignaud, Toscanelli and Columbus, pp. 61-64.

254-1 The treaty of Alcaçovas was signed by Portugal on September 8, 1479, and by Spain on March 6, 1480. In this agreement, Ferdinand and Isabella gave up all rights to explore along the coast of Africa and kept only the Canary Islands from the African territories. The Spanish text is published in Alguns Documentos da Torre do Tombo (Lisbon, 1892), pp. 45-46. See also Vignaud, Toscanelli and Columbus, pp. 61-64.

254-2 “The Mine,” more commonly El Mina, a station established on the Gold Coast by Diogo de Azambuja in 1482. The full name in Portuguese was S. Jorge da Mina, St. George of the Mine.

254-2 “The Mine,” often called El Mina, is a site set up on the Gold Coast by Diogo de Azambuja in 1482. Its full name in Portuguese was S. Jorge da Mina, St. George of the Mine.

255-1 The Portuguese historian Ruide Pina, in his Cronica D’El Rey João, gives an account of Columbus’s meeting with the king which is contemporary. From his official position as chief chronicler and head of the national archives and from the details which he mentions it is safe to conclude that he was an eye-witness.

255-1 The Portuguese historian Ruide Pina, in his Cronica D’El Rey João, shares a firsthand account of Columbus’s meeting with the king that is from his own time. Given his official role as the chief chronicler and head of the national archives, along with the details he provides, it's reasonable to conclude that he witnessed the event himself.

“In the following year, 1493, while the king was in the place of the Val do Paraiso which is above the Monastery of Sancta Maria das Vertudes, on account of the great pestilences which prevailed in the principal places in this district, on the sixth of March there arrived at Restello in Lisbon Christovam Colombo, an Italian who came from the discovery of the islands of Cipango and Antilia which he had accomplished by the command of the sovereigns of Castile from which land he brought with him the first specimens of the people, gold and some other things that they have; and he was entitled Admiral of them. And the king being informed of this, commanded him to come before him and he showed that he felt disgusted and grieved because he believed that this discovery was made within the seas and bounds of his lordship of Guinea which was prohibited and likewise because the said Admiral was somewhat raised from his condition and in the account of his affairs always went beyond the bounds of the truth and made this thing in gold, silver, and riches much greater than it was. The king was accused of negligence in withdrawing from him for not giving him credit and authority in regard to this discovery for which he had first come to make request of him. And although the king was urged to consent to have him slain there, since with his death the prosecution of this enterprise so far as the sovereigns of Castile were concerned would cease on account of the decease of the discoverer; and that this could be done without suspicion if he consented and ordered it, since as he was discourteous and greatly elated they could get involved with him in such a way that each one of these his faults would seem to be the true cause of his death; yet the king like a most God-fearing prince not only forbade this but on the contrary did him honor and showed him kindness and therewith sent him away.” Collecçaõ de Livros Ineditos de Historia Portugueza, II. 178-179. It will be noted that according to this account Columbus said he had discovered Cipango and Antilia, a mythical island which is represented on the maps of the fifteenth century, and that Columbus is called Colombo his Italian name, and not Colom or Colon.

“In the following year, 1493, while the king was at the Val do Paraiso, which is above the Monastery of Sancta Maria das Vertudes, due to the terrible plagues affecting the main areas in this region, on March 6, Christovam Colombo, an Italian, arrived at Restello in Lisbon. He had come back from discovering the islands of Cipango and Antilia, which he accomplished under the orders of the monarchs of Castile, and he brought the first samples of the local people, gold, and other items with him; he was titled Admiral of them. When the king heard about this, he ordered him to come before him. The king expressed his disgust and sadness because he believed this discovery was made within the seas and territories of his lordship of Guinea, which was forbidden, and also because the Admiral seemed to think too highly of himself and often exaggerated in his accounts, inflating the extent of his findings in gold, silver, and riches. The king was criticized for being negligent in distancing himself from Colombo, for not giving him credit and authority concerning the discovery for which he initially sought his approval. Although there were suggestions that the king should allow him to be killed, as this would end the pursuit of the venture from the perspective of the monarchs of Castile if the discoverer were to die; and that this could be done discreetly since, due to his arrogance and pride, many of his faults could be seen as reasons for his demise, the king, being a truly God-fearing prince, not only forbade this but also honored him and treated him with kindness, sending him on his way.” Collecçaõ de Livros Ineditos de Historia Portugueza, II. 178-179. It will be noted that according to this account Columbus claimed he had discovered Cipango and Antilia, a mythical island depicted on maps from the fifteenth century, and that Columbus is referred to as Colombo, his Italian name, rather than Colom or Colon.

256-1 This may have been her brother, the Duke of Bejar, afterwards King Manoel.

256-1 This might have been her brother, the Duke of Bejar, who later became King Manoel.

256-2 Espadim: a Portuguese gold piece coined by João II. Las Casas, I. 466, says: “20 Espadinos, a matter of 20 ducats.” The Espadim contained 58 to 65 grains of gold. W. C. Hazlitt, Coinage of European Nations, sub voce. King João II. gave Columbus’s pilot almost exactly the sum which Henry VII. gave to John Cabot, which was £10. In the French translation and the translation in J. B. Thacher’s Christopher Columbus the word espadines is erroneously taken to be Spanish and rendered “Épées,” and “small short swords.”

256-2 Espadim: a Portuguese gold coin minted by João II. Las Casas, I. 466, states: “20 Espadinos, equivalent to 20 ducats.” The Espadim contained 58 to 65 grains of gold. W. C. Hazlitt, Coinage of European Nations, sub voce. King João II. gave Columbus’s pilot almost exactly the amount that Henry VII. gave to John Cabot, which was £10. In the French translation and in J. B. Thacher’s Christopher Columbus, the word espadines is mistakenly interpreted as Spanish and translated as “Épées,” meaning “small short swords.”

257-1 Having been absent 225 days.

257-1 Having been away for 225 days.



INTRODUCTION

This letter, the earliest published narrative of Columbus’s first voyage, was issued in Barcelona in April, 1493, not far from the time when the discoverer was received in state by the King and Queen. The Escribano de Racion, to whom it was addressed, was Luis de Santangel, who had deeply interested himself in the project of Columbus and had advanced money to enable Queen Isabella to meet the expenses of the voyage. He, no doubt, placed a copy in the hands of the printer. Only two printed copies of this Spanish letter, as it is called, have come down to us. One is a folio of the first imprint, discovered and reproduced in 1889. Of this the unique copy is in the Lenox Library in New York; its first page is reproduced in facsimile in this volume, by courteous permission of the authorities of the library. The other is a quarto of the second and slightly corrected imprint, first made known in 1852 and first reproduced in 1866. Facsimiles of both are given in Thacher’s Christopher Columbus, II. 17-20 and 33-40.

This letter, the earliest published account of Columbus’s first voyage, was issued in Barcelona in April 1493, not long after the explorer was formally welcomed by the King and Queen. The Escribano de Racion, to whom it was addressed, was Luis de Santangel, who had a strong interest in Columbus's project and had lent money to help Queen Isabella cover the voyage's expenses. He likely provided a copy to the printer. Only two printed copies of this Spanish letter, known as such, have survived. One is a folio of the first edition, discovered and reproduced in 1889. The unique copy is housed in the Lenox Library in New York; its first page is reproduced here by the kind permission of the library's authorities. The other is a quarto of the second and slightly revised edition, first identified in 1852 and reproduced in 1866. Facsimiles of both can be found in Thacher’s Christopher Columbus, II. 17-20 and 33-40.

Columbus sent a duplicate of this letter with some slight changes to Gabriel Sanxis (Spanish form, Sanchez), the treasurer of Aragon, from whose hands a copy came into the possession of Leander de Cosco, who translated it into Latin, April 29, 1493.

Columbus sent a copy of this letter with a few minor changes to Gabriel Sanxis (Spanish form, Sanchez), the treasurer of Aragon, from whose hands a copy ended up with Leander de Cosco, who translated it into Latin on April 29, 1493.

This Latin version was published in Rome, probably in May, 1493, and this issue was rapidly followed by reprints in Rome, Basel, Paris, and Antwerp. It is to this Latin version[262] that the European world outside of Spain was indebted for its first knowledge of the new discoveries.

This Latin version was published in Rome, likely in May 1493, and it was quickly followed by reprints in Rome, Basel, Paris, and Antwerp. It is to this Latin version[262] that the European world outside of Spain owes its first knowledge of the new discoveries.

A poetical paraphrase in Italian by Giuliano Dati was published in Rome in June, 1493. This is reprinted in Major’s Select Letters of Columbus. The first German edition of the letter was published in Strassburg in 1497.

A poetic paraphrase in Italian by Giuliano Dati was published in Rome in June 1493. This is reprinted in Major’s Select Letters of Columbus. The first German edition of the letter was published in Strasbourg in 1497.

In the years 1493-1497 the Santangel letter was printed twice in Spanish, and the duplicate of it, the Sanchez letter, was printed nine times in Latin, five times in Dati’s Italian paraphrase, and once in German. Until the publication in 1571 of the Historie, the Italian translation of Ferdinand Columbus’s biography of his father, which contains an abridgment of Columbus’s Journal, these letters and the account in Peter Martyr’s Decades de Rebus Oceanicis, were the only sources of information in regard to the first voyage accessible to the world at large. The translation here given is that contained in Quaritch’s The Spanish Letter of Columbus (London, 1893), with a few minor changes in the wording. An English translation of the Latin or Sanchez letter may be found in the first edition of Major’s Select Letters of Columbus (London, 1847). This version is reprinted in P. L. Ford’s Writings of Christopher Columbus, New York, 1892. By an error in the title of the first edition, Rome, 1493, Sanchez’s Christian name is given as Raphael.

In the years 1493-1497, the Santangel letter was printed twice in Spanish, and the Sanchez letter was printed nine times in Latin, five times in Dati’s Italian paraphrase, and once in German. Until the publication in 1571 of the Historie, the Italian translation of Ferdinand Columbus’s biography of his father, which includes a summary of Columbus’s Journal, these letters and the account in Peter Martyr’s Decades de Rebus Oceanicis were the only sources of information about the first voyage available to the general public. The translation provided here is from Quaritch’s The Spanish Letter of Columbus (London, 1893), with a few minor wording changes. An English translation of the Latin or Sanchez letter can be found in the first edition of Major’s Select Letters of Columbus (London, 1847). This version is reprinted in P. L. Ford’s Writings of Christopher Columbus, New York, 1892. Due to an error in the title of the first edition, Rome, 1493, Sanchez’s first name is mistakenly listed as Raphael.

The text of the Santangel letter published by Navarrete in 1825 was derived from a manuscript preserved in the Spanish Archives at Simancas. In 1858 the Brazilian scholar Varnhagen published an edition of the Sanchez letter from a manuscript discovered by him in Valencia. Neither of these manuscripts, however, has the authority of the first printed editions.

The text of the Santangel letter published by Navarrete in 1825 came from a manuscript kept in the Spanish Archives at Simancas. In 1858, the Brazilian scholar Varnhagen published an edition of the Sanchez letter from a manuscript he found in Valencia. However, neither of these manuscripts holds the same authority as the first printed editions.

E. G. B.

E.G.B.

Facsimile of the first page of the folio (first) edition of the Spanish text of Columbus's letter to Santangel, describing his first voyage, dated February 15, 1493. From the original (unique) in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Facsimile of the first page of the folio (first) edition of the Spanish text of Columbus's letter to Santangel, detailing his first voyage, dated February 15, 1493. From the original (one-of-a-kind) in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).

LETTER FROM COLUMBUS TO LUIS DE SANTANGEL

Sir: As I know that you will have pleasure from the great victory which our Lord hath given me in my voyage, I write you this, by which you shall know that in thirty-three days I passed over to the Indies with the fleet which the most illustrious King and Queen, our Lords, gave me; where I found very many islands peopled with inhabitants beyond number. And, of them all, I have taken possession for their Highnesses, with proclamation and the royal standard displayed; and I was not gainsaid. To the first which I found, I gave the name Sant Salvador, in commemoration of His High Majesty, who marvellously hath given all this: the Indians call it Guanaham.263-1 The second I named the Island of Santa Maria de Concepcion, the third Ferrandina, the fourth, Fair Island,263-2 the fifth La Isla Juana; and so for each one a new name. When I reached Juana, I followed its coast westwardly, and found it so large that I thought it might be mainland, the province of Cathay. And as I did not thus find any towns and villages on the sea-coast, save small hamlets with the people whereof I could not get speech, because they all fled away forthwith, I went on further in the same direction, thinking I should not miss of great cities or towns. And at the end of many leagues, seeing that there was no change, and that the coast was bearing me northwards, whereunto my desire was contrary, since the winter was already confronting us, I formed the purpose of making from thence to the South, and as the wind also blew against me, I determined not to wait for other weather and turned back as far as a port agreed[264] upon; from which I sent two men into the country to learn if there were a king, or any great cities. They travelled for three days, and found innumerable small villages and a numberless population, but nought of ruling authority; wherefore they returned.264-1 I understood sufficiently from other Indians whom I had already taken, that this land, in its continuousness, was an island;264-2 and so I followed its coast eastwardly for a hundred and seven leagues as far as where it terminated; from which headland I saw another island to the east, eighteen leagues distant from this, to which I at once gave the name La Spañola.264-3 And I proceeded thither, and followed the northern coast, as with La Juana, eastwardly for a hundred and eighty-eight great leagues in a direct easterly course, as with La Juana. The which, and all the others, are most fertile to an excessive degree, and this extremely so. In it, there are many havens on the sea-coast, incomparable with any others that I know in Christendom, and plenty of rivers so good and great that it is a marvel. The lands thereof are high, and in it are very many ranges of hills, and most lofty mountains incomparably beyond the island of Tenerife,264-4 all most beautiful in a thousand shapes, and all accessible, and full of trees of a thousand kinds, so lofty that they seem to reach the sky. And I am assured that they never lose their foliage; as may be imagined, since I saw them as green and as beautiful as they are in Spain during May. And some of them were in flower, some in fruit, some in another stage according to their kind. And the nightingale was singing, and other birds of a thousand sorts, in the month of November, there where I was going. There are palm-trees of six or eight species, wondrous to see for their beautiful variety; but so are the other trees, and fruits, and plants therein. There are wonderful pine-groves, and very large plains of verdure, and there is honey, and many kinds of birds, and many various fruits. In the earth there are[265] many mines of metals; and there is a population of incalculable number.265-1 Española is a marvel; the mountains and hills, and plains, and fields, and the soil, so beautiful and rich for planting and sowing, for breeding cattle of all sorts, for building of towns and villages. There could be no believing, without seeing, such harbors as are here, as well as the many and great rivers, and excellent waters, most of which contain gold. In the trees and fruits and plants, there are great diversities from those of Juana. In this, there are many spiceries, and great mines of gold and other metals. The people of this island, and of all the others that I have found and seen, or not seen, all go naked, men and women, just as their mothers bring them forth; although some women cover a single place with the leaf of a plant, or a cotton something which they make for that purpose. They have no iron or steel, nor any weapons; nor are they fit thereunto; not because they be not a well-formed people and of fair stature, but that they are most wondrously timorous. They have no other weapons than the stems of reeds in their seeding state, on the end of which they fix little sharpened stakes. Even these, they dare not use; for many times has it happened that I sent two or three men ashore to some village to parley, and countless numbers of them sallied forth, but as soon as they saw those approach, they fled away in such wise that even a father would not wait for his son. And this was not because any hurt had ever been done to any of them:—on the contrary, at every headland where I have gone and been able to hold speech with them, I gave them of everything which I had, as well cloth as many other things, without accepting aught therefor;—but such they are, incurably timid. It is true that since they have become more assured, and are losing that terror, they are artless and generous with what they have, to such a degree as no one would[266] believe but him who had seen it. Of anything they have, if it be asked for, they never say no, but do rather invite the person to accept it, and show as much lovingness as though they would give their hearts. And whether it be a thing of value, or one of little worth, they are straightways content with whatsoever trifle of whatsoever kind may be given them in return for it. I forbade that anything so worthless as fragments of broken platters, and pieces of broken glass, and strap buckles,266-1 should be given them; although when they were able to get such things, they seemed to think they had the best jewel in the world, for it was the hap of a sailor to get, in exchange for a strap,266-1 gold to the weight of two and a half castellanos,266-2 and others much more for other things of far less value; while for new blancas266-3 they gave everything they had, even though it were [the worth of] two or three gold castellanos, or one or two arrobas of spun266-4 cotton. They took even pieces of broken barrel-hoops, and gave whatever they had, like senseless brutes; insomuch that it seemed to me bad. I forbade it, and I gave gratuitously a thousand useful things that I carried, in order that they may conceive affection, and furthermore may become Christians; for they are inclined to the love and service of their Highnesses and of all the Castilian nation, and they strive to combine in giving us things which they have in abundance, and of which we are in need. And they knew no sect, nor idolatry; save that they all believe that power and goodness are in the sky, and they believed very firmly that I, with these ships and crews, came from the sky; and in such opinion, they received me at every place where I landed, after they had lost their terror. And this comes not because they are ignorant: on the contrary, they are men of very subtle wit, who navigate all those seas, and who give a marvellously good account of everything, but because they never[267] saw men wearing clothes nor the like of our ships. And as soon as I arrived in the Indies, in the first island that I found, I took some of them by force, to the intent that they should learn [our speech] and give me information of what there was in those parts. And so it was, that very soon they understood [us] and we them, what by speech or what by signs; and those [Indians] have been of much service. To this day I carry them [with me] who are still of the opinion that I come from Heaven [as appears] from much conversation which they have had with me. And they were the first to proclaim it wherever I arrived; and the others went running from house to house and to the neighboring villages, with loud cries of “Come! come to see the people from Heaven!” Then, as soon as their minds were reassured about us, every one came, men as well as women, so that there remained none behind, big or little; and they all brought something to eat and drink, which they gave with wondrous lovingness. They have in all the islands very many canoas,267-1 after the manner of rowing-galleys,267-2 some larger, some smaller; and a good many are larger than a galley of eighteen benches. They are not so wide, because they are made of a single log of timber, but a galley could not keep up with them in rowing, for their motion is a thing beyond belief. And with these, they navigate through all those islands, which are numberless, and ply their traffic. I have seen some of those canoas with seventy and eighty men in them, each one with his oar. In all those islands, I saw not much diversity in the looks of the people, nor in their manners and language; but they all understand each other, which is a thing of singular advantage for what I hope their Highnesses will decide upon for converting them to our holy faith, unto which they are well disposed. I have already told how I had gone a hundred and seven leagues, in a straight line from West to East, along the sea-coast of the Island of Juana; according to which itinerary, I can declare that that island is larger than England and Scotland [268]combined;268-1 as, over and above those hundred and seven leagues, there remain for me, on the western side, two provinces whereto I did not go—one of which they call Avan, where the people are born with tails268-2—which provinces cannot be less in length than fifty or sixty leagues, according to what may be understood from the Indians with me, who know all the islands. This other, Española, has a greater circumference than the whole of Spain from Col[ibre in Catal]unya, by the sea-coast, as far as Fuente Ravia in Biscay; since, along one of its four sides, I went for a hundred and eighty-eight great leagues in a straight line from west to east.268-3 This is [a land] to be desired,—and once seen, never to be relinquished—in which (although, indeed, I have taken possession of them all for their Highnesses, and all are more richly endowed than I have skill and power to say, and I hold them all in the name of their Highnesses who can dispose thereof as much and as completely as of the kingdoms of Castile) in this Española, in the place most suitable and best for its proximity to the gold mines, and for traffic with the mainland both on this side and with that over there belonging to the Great Can,268-4 where there will be great commerce and profit, I took possession of a large town which I named the city of Navidad.268-5 And I have made fortification there, and a fort (which by this[269] time will have been completely finished) and I have left therein men enough for such a purpose, with arms and artillery, and provisions for more than a year, and a boat, and a [man who is] master of all seacraft for making others; and great friendship with the king of that land, to such a degree that he prided himself on calling and holding me as his brother. And even though his mind might change towards attacking those men, neither he nor his people know what arms are, and go naked. As I have already said, they are the most timorous creatures there are in the world, so that the men who remain there are alone sufficient to destroy all that land, and the island is without personal danger for them if they know how to behave themselves. It seems to me that in all those islands, the men are all content with a single wife; and to their chief or king they give as many as twenty. The women, it appears to me, do more work than the men. Nor have I been able to learn whether they held personal property, for it seemed to me that whatever one had, they all took share of, especially of eatable things. Down to the present, I have not found in those islands any monstrous men, as many expected,269-1 but on the contrary all the people are very comely; nor are they black like those in Guinea, but have flowing hair; and they are not begotten where there is an excessive violence of the rays of the sun. It is true that the sun is there very strong, although it is twenty-six degrees distant from the equinoctial line.269-2 In those islands, where there are lofty mountains, the cold was very keen there, this winter; but they endure it by being accustomed thereto, and by the help of the meats which they eat with many and inordinately hot spices. Thus I have not found, nor had any information of monsters, except[270] of an island which is here the second in the approach to the Indies, which is inhabited by a people whom, in all the islands, they regard as very ferocious, who eat human flesh. These have many canoes with which they run through all the islands of India, and plunder and take as much as they can. They are no more ill-shapen than the others, but have the custom of wearing their hair long, like women; and they use bows and arrows of the same reed stems, with a point of wood at the top, for lack of iron which they have not. Amongst those other tribes who are excessively cowardly, these are ferocious; but I hold them as nothing more than the others. These are they who have to do with the women of Matinino270-1—which is the first island that is encountered in the passage from Spain to the Indies—in which there are no men. Those women practise no female usages, but have bows and arrows of reed such as above mentioned; and they arm and cover themselves with plates of copper of which they have much. In another island, which they assure me is larger than Española, the people have no hair. In this there is incalculable gold; and concerning these and the rest I bring Indians with me as witnesses. And in conclusion, to speak only of what has been done in this voyage, which has been so hastily performed, their Highnesses may see that I shall give them as much gold as they may need, with very little aid which their Highnesses will give me; spices and cotton at once, as much as their Highnesses will order to be shipped, and as much as they shall order to be shipped of mastic,—which till now has never been found except in Greece, in the island of Xio,270-2 and the Seignory sells it for what it likes; and aloe-wood as much as they shall order to be shipped; and slaves as many as they shall order to be shipped,—and these shall be from idolaters. And I believe that I have discovered rhubarb and cinnamon, and I shall find that the men whom I am leav[271]ing there will have discovered a thousand other things of value; as I made no delay at any point, so long as the wind gave me an opportunity of sailing, except only in the town of Navidad till I had left things safely arranged and well established. And in truth I should have done much more if the ships had served me as well as might reasonably have been expected. This is enough; and [thanks to] Eternal God our Lord who gives to all those who walk His way, victory over things which seem impossible; and this was signally one such, for although men have talked or written of those lands,271-1 it was all by conjecture, without confirmation from eyesight, amounting only to this much that the hearers for the most part listened and judged that there was more fable in it than anything actual, however trifling. Since thus our Redeemer has given to our most illustrious King and Queen, and to their famous kingdoms, this victory in so high a matter, Christendom should have rejoicing therein and make great festivals, and give solemn thanks to the Holy Trinity for the great exaltation they shall have by the conversion of so many peoples to our holy faith; and next for the temporal benefit which will bring hither refreshment and profit, not only to Spain, but to all Christians. This briefly, in accordance with the facts. Dated, on the caravel, off the Canary Islands,271-2 the 15 February of the year 1493.

Dude: I know you'll be happy about the great victory our Lord has given me on this voyage, so I’m writing to let you know that in thirty-three days, I crossed over to the Indies with the fleet granted to me by the most illustrious King and Queen. There, I discovered many islands filled with countless inhabitants. From all of them, I claimed land for their Highnesses, publicly proclaiming it and raising the royal standard; nobody opposed me. The first island I found, I named Sant Salvador, in honor of His High Majesty, who marvelously provided all of this: the natives call it Guanaham. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I named the second island Santa Maria de Concepcion, the third Ferrandina, the fourth Fair Island, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and the fifth La Isla Juana; and I continued naming each one. When I reached Juana, I followed its coast westward and found it so large that I thought it might connect to the mainland, the province of Cathay. Since I didn’t find any towns or villages along the coast, just small hamlets with people who fled immediately, I pressed further in the same direction, hoping to find great cities or towns. After traveling many leagues with no change and seeing the coast turning northward, which was against my wishes as winter was approaching, I decided to head south. As the winds were against me, I resolved not to wait for a change in weather and turned back to a previously agreed port; from there, I sent two men inland to gather information about whether there was a king or any large cities. They traveled for three days and found countless small villages and a huge population, but no governing authority; so they returned.264-1 I learned from other natives I had already captured that this land was, in fact, an island;264-2 and I followed its coast eastward for one hundred seven leagues until I reached its end. From that headland, I saw another island to the east, eighteen leagues away, which I named La Spañola. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I sailed there and followed the northern coast eastward for one hundred eighty-eight leagues in a direct line, similar to La Juana. All of these islands, especially this one, are extremely fertile. There are many unparalleled harbors along the sea coast and plenty of large and beautiful rivers. The land is hilly, with many ranges of hills and mountains far taller than the island of Tenerife, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ with stunning shapes, all accessible, full of trees of countless types that seem to touch the sky. I’m convinced they never lose their green leaves; I saw them as vibrant and beautiful as in Spain in May. Some were in bloom, some were bearing fruit, and some were at various stages depending on the species. Nightingales and many other birds sang in November where I traveled. There are palm trees of six to eight species, remarkable for their beauty and variety; the same goes for the other trees, fruits, and plants. There are wonderful pine groves and vast green fields, along with honey, various birds, and many different fruits. In the soil, there are numerous metal mines; the population is beyond counting. 265-1 Española is incredible; the mountains, hills, plains, fields, and soil are beautiful and fertile for planting, sowing, raising all kinds of livestock, and building towns and villages. It's hard to believe the harbors and the many great rivers here, with most containing gold. The trees, fruits, and plants found here differ greatly from those of Juana. This place hosts many spices and extensive gold and other metal mines. The people of this island, and all others I have found and seen or not seen, go completely naked, men and women, just as they were born; although some women cover one area with a leaf or a cotton fabric made for that purpose. They have no iron or steel or weapons and are not suited for them; not because they aren’t well-formed or tall, but because they are extremely timid. Their only weapons are reed stalks, sharpened at one end. Even then, they won’t use them; many times, when I sent a few men ashore to speak with them, they fled as soon as they saw them approach, so quickly that not even a father would wait for his son. This wasn't because any harm has ever been done to them—on the contrary, at every headland where I could speak with them, I gave them everything I had, including cloth and many other items, without asking for anything in return—yet they remain incurably timid. It’s true that as they grow more assured and lose that fear, they are naive and generous to an extraordinary degree; you would hardly believe it without seeing it. They never refuse anything if asked and invite you to take it, showing as much love as if they were giving their hearts. Regardless of whether what they offer is valuable or not, they seem content with whatever little thing is given to them in return. I forbade giving them anything worthless like broken pottery or glass shards and buckles; still, when they managed to acquire such items, they treated them as if they were the most precious jewels, since it happened that a sailor traded a strap,266-1 for two and a half castellanos,266-2 in gold, and even more for things of much less value; while for new blancas266-3 they willingly gave everything they had, even if it was worth two or three gold castellanos or one or two arrobas of spun cotton. They even took pieces of broken barrel hoops and gave whatever they had, like mindless animals, which I found disturbing. I forbade this and gave away a thousand useful items I carried, hoping they would develop an attachment and possibly become Christians; they are inclined towards the love and service of their Highnesses and the entire Castilian nation, eager to share what they have in abundance that we need. They have no sect or idolatry; they only believe that power and goodness come from the sky, firmly thinking I came from the sky with my ships and crew, and they received me as such everywhere I landed once their fear subsided. This isn't due to ignorance; rather, they are very clever people, capable of navigating all those waters and providing excellent accounts, but they had never seen people wearing clothes or ships like ours. As soon as I arrived in the Indies, I forcibly took some of them to help learn our language and find out more about the area. It didn't take long for us to communicate through words and signs; these natives have been very helpful. To this day, I still have them with me, and they continue to believe I came from Heaven, evident from the many conversations we've had. They were the first to announce it wherever I went; others literally ran from house to house and nearby villages, exclaiming, “Come! Come see the people from Heaven!” Once they were reassured about us, everyone came, men and women alike, leaving no one behind, big or small; they all brought something to eat or drink, offering it with extraordinary kindness. In all the islands, there are many kayaks,267-1 resembling rowing galleys; some are larger, some smaller, and many are bigger than an eighteen-bench galley. They are not very wide, as they are made from a single log, yet no galley could outrun them; their speed is incredible. With these, they navigate all the countless islands and carry out trade. I've seen some of those canoas with seventy or eighty men in them, each rowing with their own oar. In those islands, I noticed little diversity in the people’s appearances, manners, or language; they all understand each other, which is advantageous for what I hope their Highnesses will plan for converting them to our holy faith, to which they are well inclined. I've already mentioned that I traveled one hundred seven leagues straight from West to East along the coast of Juana. Based on this itinerary, I can say that this island is larger than both England and Scotland [268]combined;268-1 and beyond those one hundred seven leagues, there remain two provinces on the western side that I did not explore—one called Avan, where people are said to be born with tails__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__—and these provinces are at least fifty or sixty leagues long, based on accounts from the Indians who are with me, who know all the islands. This other, Española, has a greater circumference than all of Spain from Col[ibre in Catal]unya, along the sea coast, all the way to Fuente Ravia in Biscay; because along one of its four sides, I traveled one hundred eighty-eight leagues straight from west to east.268-3 This is a land worth desiring—once seen, never relinquished—where (even though I've claimed all these lands for their Highnesses, all of which are more richly endowed than I can express and I hold them all on their behalf) this Española is especially valuable because it's closest to the gold mines and facilitates trade with the mainland, both on this side and over there belonging to the Great Can,268-4 where great commerce and profit can thrive. I claimed a large town here that I called the city of Christmas.268-5 And I have fortified it, and by now the fort should be completely finished. I've left enough men there with arms, cannon, and supplies for over a year, along with a boat and a [man skilled in] shipbuilding to make more. I've also developed a good relationship with the local king, to the point where he considers me his brother. Even if his intentions were to turn against my men, neither he nor his people are familiar with weapons and remain naked. As I mentioned earlier, they are the most timid people in the world; thus, the men left behind there are more than capable of defending against any invasion, and the island poses little personal danger to them if they behave properly. It seems that men in those islands are content with one wife, while their chief or king may have as many as twenty. The women appear to do more work than the men. I haven’t been able to determine if they hold personal property; it seems that whatever one person has, everyone shares, especially regarding food. To date, I haven’t encountered any monstrous beings, as many expected,269-1 instead, all the people are very good-looking; they aren’t black like those in Guinea but have flowing hair; and they aren’t born where the sun’s rays are excessively harsh. It is true that the sun is very strong there, even though it lies twenty-six degrees from the equatorial line. 269-2 In those islands with high mountains, I experienced a sharp cold this winter; however, they endure it well, likely due to their accustomed diets filled with many extraordinarily hot spices. Thus, I have found no information on monsters, except for an island which is the second closest in the approach to the Indies, inhabited by a very fierce people, who are said to eat human flesh. They have numerous canoes with which they navigate across the islands of India and raid for all they can acquire. They are not uglier than the others but choose to wear their hair long like women; they use bows and arrows made from the same reed stems, sharpened with wooden tips, due to their lack of iron. Among the other cowardly tribes, this one is ferocious; however, I regard them no differently from the rest. These are the ones who interact with the women of Matinino __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__—the first island encountered in the voyage from Spain to the Indies—where there are no men. These women do not perform women’s work but carry bows and arrows made of reed, as mentioned before; they arm and cover themselves with copper plates, of which they have an abundance. In another island, said to be larger than Española, the inhabitants are completely hairless. This place has an immeasurable amount of gold, and I bring Indians with me to bear witness to these claims. In conclusion, to summarize what’s been done on this voyage, which was executed in haste, your Highnesses will see that I can provide as much gold as you may need, with very little assistance from you; spices and cotton immediately, as much as you instruct me to have shipped, along with mastic—previously only found in Greece, on the island of Xio,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ which the Seignory sells at will; and as much aloe-wood as you desire shipped, along with as many slaves as you command to be sent—these will come from idolaters. I believe I have discovered rhubarb and cinnamon, and I trust that the men I leave there will find a thousand other valuable things; as I didn’t delay anywhere as long as the winds allowed me to sail, except in the town of Navidad to ensure everything was safely arranged and firmly established. In truth, I would have accomplished much more if my ships had performed as expected. That’s enough; I give thanks to Eternal God our Lord, who grants victory over seemingly impossible things to all who walk His path; and this voyage was certainly one of those, for although many have talked or written about those lands,271-1 it was all guesswork, without visual confirmation, leading most listeners to assume there was more myth than reality, however trivial it may be. Since our Redeemer has granted our most illustrious King and Queen, and their famous kingdoms, this monumental victory, Christendom should rejoice and celebrate with grand festivals, offering solemn thanks to the Holy Trinity for the incredible exaltation that will come from converting so many peoples to our holy faith; and for the temporal benefits that will provide refreshment and profit, not just to Spain but to all Christians. This is a brief account of the facts. Dated on the caravel, off the Canary Islands, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ February 15, 1493.

At your command,

At your command,

The Admiral.

The Admiral.

Postscript which came within the Letter

Follow-up mentioned in the letter

After having written this letter, and being in the sea of Castile, there rose upon me so much wind, South and [272]South-east,272-1 that it has caused me to lighten the vessels; however I ran hither to-day into this port of Lisbon, which was the greatest wonder in the world; where I decided to write to their Highnesses. I have always found the seasons like May in all the Indies, whither I passed in thirty-three days, and returned in twenty-eight, but that these storms have delayed me twenty-three days running about this sea.272-2 All the seamen say here that there never has been so bad a winter nor so many shipwrecks.

After I finished this letter and while I was in the sea of Castile, a strong wind from the South and South-east hit me, which forced me to lighten the ships. Today, I made my way to the port of Lisbon, which is the most amazing place in the world; here, I decided to write to their Highnesses. I've always found the weather in the Indies to be like May, as I traveled there in thirty-three days and returned in twenty-eight, but these storms have delayed me for twenty-three straight days in this sea. All the sailors here say that it's the worst winter they've ever seen and that there have been more shipwrecks than ever before.

Dated the 14th of March.272-3

Dated March 14th. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Colom sent this letter to the Escrivano de Racion.272-4 Of the islands found in the Indies. Received with another for their Highnesses.272-5

Colom sent this letter to the Scribe of Ration.272-4 about the islands discovered in the Indies. It was received along with another for their Highnesses. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

263-1 Guanahani in the Journal; see entry covering October 11 and 12.

263-1 Guanahani in the Journal; see entry covering October 11 and 12.

263-2 The original text has Isla bella, which was a misprint for Isabella. Cf. Journal, October 20.

263-2 The original text has Isla bella, which was a typo for Isabella. See Journal, October 20.

264-1 Cf. Journal, November 2 and 6.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See. Journal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ and __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

264-2 Cf. Journal, November 1, for Columbus’s strong inclination to regard Cuba as mainland.

264-2 See. Journal, November 1, for Columbus’s strong belief that Cuba was part of the mainland.

264-3 Cf. Journal, December 9.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See also. Journal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

264-4 Cf. Journal, December 20 and note.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See. Journal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ and __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

265-1 The prevalent Spanish, estimate of the population of Española at the time of the first colonization was 1,100,000. The modern ethnologist and critical historian, Oscar Peschel, placed it at less than 300,000 and more than 200,000. The estimates of Indian population by the early writers were almost invariably greatly exaggerated. Cf. Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 213-214. and notes.

265-1 The common Spanish estimate of the population of Española at the time of the first colonization was 1,100,000. The modern ethnologist and critical historian, Oscar Peschel, estimated it to be between 200,000 and 300,000. Early writers' estimates of the Indigenous population were almost always significantly inflated. Cf. Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 213-214. and notes.

266-1 Cabos de agugetas. Rather the metallic tips of lacings or straps. Agugeta is a leather lacing or strap. The contemporary Latin translator used bingulae, shoe-straps, shoe-latchets.

266-1 Cabos de agugetas. More like the metal tips of laces or straps. Agugeta refers to a leather lace or strap. The modern Latin translator used bingulae, which means shoe-straps or shoe-laces.

266-2 The castellano was one-sixth of an ounce of gold.

266-2 The castellano weighed one-sixth of an ounce of gold.

266-3 Blancas were little coins worth about one-third of a cent.

266-3 Blancas were small coins that were worth about one-third of a cent.

266-4 The arroba was 25 pounds.

The arroba weighed 25 pounds.

267-1 The first appearance of this West Indian word in Europe.

267-1 The first time this West Indian word was seen in Europe.

267-2 Fustas de remo.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Rowing sculls.

268-1 Cf. Journal, December 23, and note. The reader will observe the tone of exaggeration in the letter as compared with the Journal.

268-1 See Journal, December 23, and note. The reader will notice the exaggerated tone in the letter compared to the Journal.

268-2 Marco Polo reported that in the kingdom of Lambri in Sumatra “there are men who have tails like dogs, larger than a palm, and who are covered with hair.” Marco Polo, pt. III., ch. XIV. See Yule’s note on the legend of men with tails, Yule’s Marco Polo, II. 284. The name Avan (Anan in the Latin letter) does not occur in the Journal. Bernaldez, Historia de las Reyes Catolicos, II. 19, gives Albao as one of the provinces of Española. As this name is not found in his chief source, Dr. Chanca’s letter, he may have got it from Columbus and through a lapse of memory transferred it from Cuba to Española.

268-2 Marco Polo reported that in the kingdom of Lambri in Sumatra, “there are men who have tails like dogs, larger than a palm, and who are covered with hair.” Marco Polo, pt. III., ch. XIV. See Yule’s note on the legend of men with tails, Yule’s Marco Polo, II. 284. The name Avan (Anan in the Latin letter) doesn’t appear in the Journal. Bernaldez, Historia de las Reyes Catolicos, II. 19, lists Albao as one of the provinces of Española. Since this name is not found in his primary source, Dr. Chanca’s letter, he might have gotten it from Columbus and, due to a memory slip, transferred it from Cuba to Española.

268-3 The area of Spain is about 191,000 square miles; that of Española or Hayti is 28,000. The extreme length of Hayti is 407 miles.

268-3 The area of Spain is roughly 191,000 square miles, while Española or Haiti covers 28,000 square miles. The maximum length of Haiti is 407 miles.

268-4 That is, with the mainland of Europe on this side of the Atlantic and with the mainland on that side of the ocean belonging to the Great Can, i.e., China.

268-4 In other words, with the mainland of Europe on this side of the Atlantic and the mainland on the other side of the ocean belonging to the Great Khan, i.e., China.

268-5 I.e., Nativity, Christmas, because the wreck occurred on that day. Cf. Journal, December 25 and January 4, and note to entry of December 28.

268-5 That is, Nativity, Christmas, since the disaster happened on that day. See Journal, December 25 and January 4, and note to entry of December 28.

269-1 Columbus had read in the Imago Mundi of Pierre d’Ailly and noted in the margin the passage which says that in the ends of the earth there “were monsters of such a horrid aspect that it were hard to say whether they were men or beasts.” Raccolta Colombiana, pt. I., vol. II., p. 468. Cf. also the stories in the Book of Sir John Mandeville, chs. XXVII. and XXVIII.

269-1 Columbus had read in the Imago Mundi by Pierre d’Ailly and made a note in the margin about the part that mentions how at the ends of the earth there “were monsters so horrifying that it was hard to tell if they were men or beasts.” Raccolta Colombiana, pt. I., vol. II., p. 468. See also the stories in the Book of Sir John Mandeville, chs. XXVII. and XXVIII.

269-2 Columbus apparently revised his estimate of the latitude on the return, without, however, correcting his Journal; cf. entries for October 30 and November 21.

269-2 Columbus seems to have changed his estimate of the latitude on the way back, but he didn’t update his Journal; cf. entries for October 30 and November 21.

270-1 See Journal, January 15, and note. The island is identified with Martinique.

270-1 See Journal, January 15, and note. The island is associated with Martinique.

270-2 See Journal, November 12, and note. The Seignory was the government of Genoa to which Chios [Scio] belonged at this time.

270-2 See Journal, November 12, and note. The Seignory was the government of Genoa that Chios [Scio] was part of during this period.

271-1 Such writers, for example, as Pierre d’Ailly, Marco Polo, and the author of the Book of Sir John Mandeville, from whom Columbus had derived most of his preconceptions which often biassed or misled him in interpreting the signs of the natives.

271-1 Writers like Pierre d’Ailly, Marco Polo, and the author of the Book of Sir John Mandeville influenced Columbus significantly, shaping many of his preconceived notions that often biased or misled him in understanding the signals from the natives.

271-2 According to the Journal, Columbus thought he was off the Azores, February 15.

271-2 According to the Journal, Columbus believed he was near the Azores, February 15.

272-1 The storm of March 3d; see Journal.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The storm of __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__; see Journal.

272-2 The time of the return voyage, like that of the outgoing voyage, is reckoned as that consumed in making the Atlantic passage from the last island left on one side to the first one reached on the other. Just how the twenty-three days is to be explained is not altogether clear. The editor of Quaritch’s The Spanish Letter of Columbus supposed Columbus to refer to the time which elapsed from February 16, when he arrived at the Azores, to March 13, when he left Lisbon.

272-2 The time for the return trip, just like the outgoing trip, is calculated based on the duration it takes to cross the Atlantic from the last island on one side to the first island reached on the other side. It's not entirely clear how the twenty-three days is accounted for. The editor of Quaritch’s The Spanish Letter of Columbus believed Columbus was talking about the time that passed from February 16, when he arrived in the Azores, to March 13, when he left Lisbon.

272-3 Columbus arrived at Lisbon March 4, and he is supposed by R. H. Major to have written the postscript there, but not to have despatched the letter until he reached Seville, March 15, when he redated it March 14.

272-3 Columbus reached Lisbon on March 4, and R. H. Major believes he might have written the postscript there, but he didn’t send the letter until he got to Seville on March 15, where he changed the date to March 14.

272-4 The Escrivano de Racion in the kingdom of Aragon was the high steward or controller of the king’s household expenditures. In Castile the corresponding official was the contador mayor, chief auditor or steward. Navarrete, I. 167.

272-4 The Escrivano de Racion in the kingdom of Aragon was the person in charge of managing the king's household expenses. In Castile, the equivalent position was held by the contador mayor, who was the chief auditor or steward. Navarrete, I. 167.

272-5 No longer extant. These lines are a memorandum appended to the text by Santangel or the printer, and might have been used as a title, as the similar memorandum was used in the publication of the Latin letter. The Admiral’s name is spelled as in the Articles of Agreement “Colom.”

272-5 No longer available. These lines are a note added to the text by Santangel or the printer, and may have served as a title, similar to how the note was used in the publication of the Latin letter. The Admiral’s name is spelled as in the Articles of Agreement “Colom.”


LETTER FROM COLUMBUS TO FERDINAND AND ISABELLA CONCERNING THE COLONIZATION AND COMMERCE OF ESPAÑOLA __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Most high and powerful Lords: In obedience to what your Highnesses command me, I shall state what occurs to me for the peopling and management of the Spanish Island273-2 and of all others, whether already discovered or hereafter to be discovered, submitting myself, however, to any better opinion.[274]

Most powerful lords: As you command, I will share my thoughts on settling and managing the Spanish Island __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and any other islands, whether they have already been discovered or will be in the future, but I am open to any better suggestions. [274]

In the first place, in regard to the Spanish Island: that there should go there settlers up to the number of two thousand274-1 who may want to go so as to render the possession of the country safer and cause it to be more profitable and helpful in the intercourse and traffic with the neighboring islands.

First of all, about the Spanish Island: there should be settlers sent there, up to two thousand274-1, who wish to go in order to make the ownership of the land more secure and to improve its value and utility in trade and communication with the nearby islands.

Likewise, that in the said island three or four towns be founded at convenient places, and the settlers be properly distributed among said places and towns.

Likewise, three or four towns should be established on the island in suitable locations, and the settlers should be appropriately spread across these towns and areas.

Likewise, in order to secure the better and prompter settlement of the said island, that the privilege of getting gold be granted exclusively to those who actually settle and build dwelling-houses in the settlement where they may be, in order that all may live close to each other and more safely.

Likewise, to ensure a quicker and better establishment of the island, the right to mine for gold should be granted only to those who actually move there and build homes in the settlement, so that everyone can live near one another and more securely.

Likewise, that in each place and settlement there be a mayor274-2 or mayors and a clerk274-3 according to the use and custom of Castile.

Likewise, there should be a mayor __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ or mayors and a clerk__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ in each place and settlement, following the customs and practices of Castile.

Likewise, that a church be built, and that priests or friars be sent there for the administration of the sacraments, and for divine worship and the conversion of the Indians.

Similarly, a church should be built, and priests or friars should be sent there to administer the sacraments, lead divine worship, and help convert the Indigenous people.

Likewise, that no settler be allowed to go and gather gold unless with a permit from the governor or mayor of the town in which he lives, to be given only upon his promising under oath to return to the place of his residence and faithfully report all the gold which he may have gathered, this to be done once a month, or once a week, as the time may be assigned to him, the said report to be entered on the proper registry by the clerk of the town in the presence of the mayor, and if so deemed advisable, in the presence of a friar or priest selected for the purpose.

Similarly, no settler is allowed to go and collect gold without a permit from the governor or mayor of their town. This permit will only be issued if they swear to return to their home and accurately report all the gold they have gathered. They must do this either monthly or weekly, depending on what is assigned to them. The report should be recorded by the town clerk in the presence of the mayor and, if deemed necessary, in front of a selected friar or priest.

Likewise, that all the gold so gathered be melted forthwith, and stamped with such a stamp as the town may have devised and selected, and that it be weighed and that the share of that gold which belongs to your Highnesses be given and deliv[275]ered to the mayor of the town, the proper record thereof being made by the clerk and by the priest or friar, so that it may not pass through only one hand and may so render the concealing of the truth impossible.

Likewise, all the gold collected should be melted down right away and stamped with the design chosen by the town. It should be weighed, and the portion of that gold that belongs to your Highnesses should be handed over to the mayor of the town. The clerk and the priest or friar should properly record this so that it doesn’t go through just one person’s hands, making it impossible to hide the truth.

Likewise, that all the gold which may be found without the mark or seal aforesaid in the possession of any one who formerly had reported once as aforesaid, be forfeited and divided by halves, one for the informer and the other for your Highnesses.

Likewise, all the gold that may be found without the aforementioned mark or seal in the possession of anyone who previously reported it as stated shall be forfeited and split in half, one half for the informer and the other half for your Highnesses.

Likewise, that one per cent. of all the gold gathered be set apart and appropriated for building churches, and providing for their proper furnishing and ornamentation, and to the support of the priests or friars having them in their charge, and, if so deemed advisable, for the payment of some compensation to the mayors and clerks of the respective towns, so as to cause them to fulfil their duties faithfully, and that the balance be delivered to the governor and treasurer sent there by your Highnesses.

Likewise, that one percent of all the gold collected should be set aside for building churches, properly furnishing and decorating them, and supporting the priests or friars in charge of them. If considered appropriate, some of the funds may also go towards compensating the mayors and clerks of the respective towns to ensure they carry out their duties faithfully, and the remaining amount should be given to the governor and treasurer sent by your Highnesses.

Likewise, in regard to the division of the gold and of the share which belongs to your Highnesses, I am of the opinion that it should be entrusted to the said governor and treasurer, because the amount of the gold found may sometimes be large and sometimes small, and, if so deemed advisable, that the share of your Highnesses be established for one year to be one-half, the other half going to the gatherers, reserving for a future time to make some other and better provision, if necessary.

Likewise, regarding the division of the gold and the share that belongs to your Highnesses, I believe it should be handled by the governor and treasurer. The amount of gold found can vary greatly, so, if deemed appropriate, the share for your Highnesses should be set at half for one year, with the other half going to the gatherers. We can plan for a different and better arrangement later if necessary.

Likewise, that if the mayors and clerks commit any fraud or consent to it, the proper punishment be inflicted upon them, and that a penalty be likewise imposed upon those settlers who do not report in full the whole amount of the gold which is in their possession.

Likewise, if mayors and clerks commit any fraud or allow it to happen, they should face the appropriate punishment, and there should also be a penalty for settlers who do not fully report the total amount of gold they have.

Likewise, that there be a treasurer275-1 in the said island, who[276] shall receive all the gold belonging to your Highnesses, and shall have a clerk to make and keep the proper record of the receipts, and that the mayors and clerks of the respective towns be given the proper vouchers for everything which they may deliver to the said treasurer.

Likewise, there should be a treasurer __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ on the island, who[276] will receive all the gold belonging to Your Highnesses. They will have a clerk to create and maintain accurate records of the receipts, and the mayors and clerks of the respective towns should be provided with proper vouchers for everything they deliver to the treasurer.

Likewise, that whereas the extreme anxiety of the colonists to gather gold may induce them to neglect all other business and occupations, it seems to me that prohibition should be made to them to engage in the search of gold during some season of the year, so as to give all other business, profitable to the island, an opportunity to be established and carried on.

Likewise, while the colonists' intense desire to find gold might lead them to overlook other important jobs and activities, I think they should be banned from hunting for gold during certain times of the year. This would allow other profitable businesses on the island to be developed and sustained.

Likewise, that as far as the business of discovering other lands is concerned,276-1 it is my opinion that permission to do so should be given to everyone who desires to embark in it, and that some liberality should be shown in reducing the fifth to be given away, so as to encourage as many as possible for entering into such undertakings.

Similarly, when it comes to exploring new lands, I believe that anyone who wants to take part should be allowed to do so. Additionally, we should be more generous in lowering the amount that needs to be given away to encourage as many people as possible to get involved in these ventures.

And now I shall set forth my opinion as to the manner of sending vessels to the said Spanish Island, and the regulation of this subject which must be made, which is as follows: That no vessels should be allowed to unload their cargoes except at one or two ports designated for that purpose, and that a record should be made of all that they carry and unload; and that no vessels should be allowed either to leave the island except from the same ports, after a record has been made also of all that they have taken on board, so that nothing can be concealed.

And now I will share my thoughts on how to send ships to the mentioned Spanish Island and the rules that need to be established for this matter, which are as follows: No ships should be allowed to unload their cargoes except at one or two designated ports, and a record must be kept of everything they carry and unload. Additionally, no ships should be permitted to leave the island except from those same ports, after a record has also been made of everything they have loaded on board, so that nothing can be hidden.

Likewise, in regard to the gold to be brought from the island to Castile, that the whole of it, whether belonging to your Highnesses or to some private individual, must be kept in a chest, with two keys, one to be kept by the master of the vessel and the other by some person chosen by the governor and the treasurer, and that an official record must be made of every[277]thing put in the said chest, in order that each one may have what is his, and that any other gold, much or little, found outside of the said chest in any manner be forfeited to the benefit of your Highnesses, so as to cause the transaction to be made faithfully.

Similarly, for the gold that will be brought from the island to Castile, all of it, whether it belongs to your Highnesses or to private individuals, must be stored in a chest with two keys—one held by the ship's master and the other by a person chosen by the governor and the treasurer. An official record must be kept of everything placed in that chest, ensuring everyone gets what belongs to them. Any additional gold, no matter how much or how little, found outside the chest in any way will be forfeited to your Highnesses, to ensure that the process is carried out honestly.

Likewise, that all vessels coming from the said island must come to unload to the port of Cadiz, and that no person shall be allowed to leave the vessels or get in them until such person or persons of the said city as may be appointed for this purpose by your Highnesses go on board the same vessels, to whom the masters must declare all that they have brought, and show the statement of everything they have in the cargoes, so that it may be seen and proved whether the said ships have brought anything hidden and not declared in the manifests at the time of shipment.

Similarly, all ships coming from that island must dock at the port of Cadiz to unload, and no one is allowed to leave or board the ships until the individuals appointed by your Highnesses arrive on board. The ship captains must inform them about everything they’ve brought and provide a complete list of their cargo. This way, it can be determined and verified whether the ships have transported anything concealed that wasn’t declared in the shipping manifests at the time of loading.

Likewise, that in the presence of the Justice of the said city of Cadiz and of whosoever may be deputed for the purpose by your Highnesses, the said chest shall be opened in which the gold is to be brought and that to each one be given what belongs to him.277-1

Likewise, in front of the Justice of the city of Cadiz and anyone your Highnesses appoint for this purpose, the chest containing the gold will be opened, and each person will receive what belongs to them. him.277-1

May your Highnesses keep me in their minds, while I, on my part, shall ever pray to God our Lord to preserve the lives of your Highnesses and enlarge their dominions.

May your Highnesses remember me, and I will always pray to God our Lord to protect your Highnesses and expand your realms.

S.
S.A.S.
X.M.Y.
Xpo Ferens.277-2

S. S.A.S. X.M.Y. Xpo Ferens.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Sent by the admiral.

Sent by the admiral.

273-1 The original text of this letter will be most accessible in Thacher, Christopher Columbus, III. 100-113. It is there accompanied by a facsimile of the original manuscript and an English translation. The translation here given is a revision of that made by Dr. José Ignacio Rodriguez of Washington and printed in the Report of the American Historical Association, 1894, pp. 452-455, as part of a paper by W. E. Curtis on Autographs of Christopher Columbus. The text was first printed by Justo Zaragoza in his Cartas de Indias, etc. (Madrid, 1877). It was first translated by George Dexter in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. XVI. This translation, which contains some errors which seriously affect the meaning, is also to be found in P. L. Ford, Writings of Christopher Columbus, pp. 67-74. Zaragoza placed the date of this letter in 1497. It is the opinion of the present editor that it should be placed between the first and the second voyage. The arguments advanced by Lollis in favor of 1493 are conclusive. See Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., tomo I., pp. lxxv-lxxx.

273-1 You can find the original text of this letter in Thacher, Christopher Columbus, III. 100-113. It comes with a facsimile of the original manuscript and an English translation. The translation provided here is a revised version of the one done by Dr. José Ignacio Rodriguez from Washington and published in the Report of the American Historical Association, 1894, pp. 452-455, as part of a paper by W. E. Curtis on Autographs of Christopher Columbus. The text was first published by Justo Zaragoza in his Cartas de Indias, etc. (Madrid, 1877). It was first translated by George Dexter in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. XVI. This translation, which contains some errors that significantly alter the meaning, can also be found in P. L. Ford, Writings of Christopher Columbus, pp. 67-74. Zaragoza dated this letter to 1497. The current editor believes it should be dated between the first and second voyages. The arguments made by Lollis in favor of 1493 are convincing. See Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., tomo I., pp. lxxv-lxxx.

The letter is of great importance as the first draft of a systematic colonial policy for the newly discovered islands. Several of its suggestions were incorporated in the letter of instructions which the Sovereigns gave Columbus May 29, 1493, for the second voyage. See Navarrete, Viages, II. 66-72. It was supplemented in 1494 by the memorandum which the Admiral sent back to the sovereigns by Antonio de Torres and the two together entitle Columbus to be considered the pioneer lawgiver as well as the discoverer of the New World. Cf. Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 204-206.

The letter is very important as the first draft of a systematic colonial policy for the newly discovered islands. Several of its suggestions were included in the letter of instructions that the Sovereigns gave Columbus on May 29, 1493, for the second voyage. See Navarrete, Viages, II. 66-72. It was followed up in 1494 by the memorandum that the Admiral sent back to the sovereigns through Antonio de Torres, and together these documents justify considering Columbus as both the pioneer lawgiver and the discoverer of the New World. Cf. Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 204-206.

273-2 La ysla Española. So translated, for so it would sound to the Sovereigns. There had not been time for Española to sound like a proper name.

273-2 The island of Hispaniola. That's how it translated, because that's how it would sound to the rulers. There hadn't been enough time for Hispaniola to be recognized as a proper name.

274-1 See Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 34-35, for the actual equipment of the second voyage.

274-1 Check out Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 34-35, for the details on the equipment of the second voyage.

274-2 Alcalde.

Mayor.

274-3 Escribano del pueblo.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Town clerk.

275-1 As the King and Queen on May 7, 1493, appointed Gomez Tello to go with Columbus on the second voyage to act as receiver of the royal dues, Thacher argues strongly, on the ground that this recommendation presumably antedates the appointment of a treasurer, that this letter of Columbus’s was written earlier than May 7, 1493.

275-1 On May 7, 1493, the King and Queen appointed Gomez Tello to join Columbus on his second voyage as the person responsible for collecting royal fees. Thacher makes a strong case that this recommendation probably came before the appointment of a treasurer, suggesting that Columbus's letter was written before May 7, 1493.

276-1 Such an authorization was given by the sovereigns, April 10, 1495, reserving Columbus’s rights to one-eighth of the trade. Navarrete, II. 166-167. The Admiral protested that this authorization led to infringement of his rights and it was in so far revoked, June 2, 1497.

276-1 The rulers gave this authorization on April 10, 1495, keeping Columbus’s rights to one-eighth of the trade. Navarrete, II. 166-167. The Admiral objected that this authorization violated his rights, and it was partially revoked on June 2, 1497.

277-1 On the development of the fiscal and commercial regulations of the Spanish colonial administration, see Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 282-301 and 337; Moses, Establishment of Spanish Rule in America, pp. 27-67.

277-1 For information on the development of the fiscal and commercial regulations of the Spanish colonial administration, check out Bourne, Spain in America, pages 282-301 and 337; Moses, Establishment of Spanish Rule in America, pages 27-67.

277-2 The formal signature of Columbus which he enjoined upon his heir in his deed of entail, February 28, 1498. See P. L. Ford, Writings of Christopher Columbus, p. 90. If this letter was written, as is supposed, in 1493, this is the earliest use of this monogram. Its meaning has never been determined. The various conjectures are presented by Thacher, Christopher Columbus, III. 454-458.

277-2 The official signature of Columbus that he required his heir to use in his deed of entail, dated February 28, 1498. See P. L. Ford, Writings of Christopher Columbus, p. 90. If this letter was written, as thought, in 1493, this is the first known use of this monogram. Its meaning has never been clarified. Various theories are discussed by Thacher, Christopher Columbus, III. 454-458.



INTRODUCTION

Dr. Chanca of Seville volunteered to go to the Indies, and on May 23, 1493, the King and Queen appointed him surgeon (Navarrete, Viages, II. 54). This letter was written to the cabildo or town council of Seville and is the first narrative of one of Columbus’s voyages that we have exactly as it was written by a private observer. It is also the first description of the natives that we have from an observer of scientific training. The original text was first printed by Navarrete in his Viages in 1825. The original manuscript or a copy came into the possession of the historian Bernaldez, who embodied it with a few trifling changes and omissions in his Historia de Los Reyes Catolicos, chs. CXIX., CXX. (Seville ed., 1870), Vol. II., pp. 5-36.

Dr. Chanca from Seville volunteered to go to the Indies, and on May 23, 1493, the King and Queen appointed him as the surgeon (Navarrete, Viages, II. 54). This letter was addressed to the cabildo or town council of Seville and is the first account of one of Columbus’s voyages that we have exactly as it was written by a private observer. It’s also the first description of the natives we have from someone with scientific training. The original text was first published by Navarrete in his Viages in 1825. The original manuscript or a copy was acquired by the historian Bernaldez, who included it with a few minor changes and omissions in his Historia de Los Reyes Catolicos, chs. CXIX., CXX. (Seville ed., 1870), Vol. II., pp. 5-36.

Columbus kept a journal on this voyage which is no longer extant. Abridgments of it are preserved to us in the Historie of Ferdinand Columbus and in the Historia de las Indias of Las Casas. There are other contemporary narratives of the voyage from private hands, but they are either made up from conversations with those who went on the voyage, like the letters of Simone Verde, printed in Harrisse, Christophe Colomb, II. 68-78, or the account in Books II. and III. of the first decade of Peter Martyr’s De Rebus Oceanicis, or a literary embellishment of some private letters like the translation into Latin by Nicolo Syllacio of some letters he received from Guillelmo Coma who went on the voyage. The Syllacio-Coma letter and Peter Martyr’s account in its earliest published form, the Venetian Libretto de tutta la Navigatione de Re[282] de Spagna de le Isole et Terreni novamente Trovati, are accessible in English in Thacher, Christopher Columbus, II. 243-262, 489-502. These two narratives gave the European public its first knowledge of the second voyage. The Syllacio-Coma letter was published late in 1494 or early in 1495, and the Libretto in Venice in 1504.

Columbus kept a journal during this voyage, which no longer exists. Summaries of it are preserved in the Historie by Ferdinand Columbus and in the Historia de las Indias by Las Casas. There are other contemporary accounts of the voyage from private sources, but these are either based on conversations with those who went on the voyage, like the letters of Simone Verde, published in Harrisse, Christophe Colomb, II. 68-78, or the accounts in Books II. and III. of the first decade of Peter Martyr’s De Rebus Oceanicis, or they are literary enhancements of some private letters, such as the Latin translation by Nicolo Syllacio of letters he received from Guillelmo Coma, who traveled on the voyage. The Syllacio-Coma letter and Peter Martyr’s account in its earliest published form, the Venetian Libretto de tutta la Navigatione de Re[282] de Spagna de le Isole et Terreni recentemente Trovati, can be found in English in Thacher, Christopher Columbus, II. 243-262, 489-502. These two narratives provided the European public with its first insights into the second voyage. The Syllacio-Coma letter was published in late 1494 or early 1495, and the Libretto in Venice in 1504.

The translation of Dr. Chanca’s letter given here is that of R. H. Major. It has been carefully revised to bring it into closer conformity to the original. Any noteworthy changes will be indicated. Attention may be called to a somewhat important correction of the text on p. 304.

The translation of Dr. Chanca’s letter provided here is by R. H. Major. It has been thoroughly revised to align more closely with the original. Any significant changes will be highlighted. A notable correction to the text can be found on p. 304.

Of Dr. Chanca personally little or nothing is known beyond what has been mentioned except that he devoted himself with zeal and self-sacrifice to his duties. In the report of the Second Voyage which Columbus prepared January 30, 1494, and sent off by Antonio de Torres February 2, he charged Torres as follows in regard to Dr. Chanca. “You will inform their Highnesses of the labor that Dr. Chanca is performing on account of the many that are ill and the lack of supplies and that with all this he is conducting himself with great diligence and kindness in everything that concerns his duties,” etc. Major, Select Letters of Columbus, pp. 93, 94.

Of Dr. Chanca, we know very little beyond what has already been mentioned, except that he dedicated himself to his responsibilities with enthusiasm and selflessness. In the report of the Second Voyage that Columbus prepared on January 30, 1494, and sent via Antonio de Torres on February 2, he instructed Torres to inform their Highnesses about the hard work Dr. Chanca is doing due to the many people who are sick and the lack of supplies, and that despite all this, he is handling his duties with great care and kindness, etc. Major, Select Letters of Columbus, pp. 93, 94.

E. G. B.

E. G. B.


LETTER OF DR. CHANCA ON THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS

A letter addressed to the Town Council of Seville by Dr. Chanca, a native of that city, and physician to the fleet of Columbus, on his second voyage to the Indies, describing the principal events which occurred during that voyage

A letter to the Town Council of Seville from Dr. Chanca, a native of the city and the doctor for Columbus's fleet on his second trip to the Indies, detailing the main events that happened during that voyage.

Most noble Lord:—

Dear Lord:—

Since the occurrences which I relate in private letters to other persons are not of such general interest as those which are contained in this epistle, I have resolved to give you a distinct narrative of the events of our voyage, as well as to treat of the other matters which form the subject of my petition to your Lordship. The news I have to communicate are as follows: The expedition which their Catholic Majesties sent, by Divine permission, from Spain to the Indies, under the command of Christopher Columbus, Admiral of the Ocean, left Cadiz on the twenty-fifth of September, of the year [1493, with seventeen ships well equipped and with 1200 fighting men or a little less,]283-1 with wind and weather favorable for the voyage. This weather lasted two days, during which time we managed to make nearly fifty leagues; the weather then changing, we made little or no progress for the next two days; it pleased God, however, after this, to restore us fine weather, so that in two days more we reached the Great Canary. Here we put into harbor, which we were obliged to do, to repair one of the ships which made a great deal of water; we remained all that day, and on the following set sail again, but were several times becalmed, so that we were four or five days[284] before we reached Gomera. We had to remain at Gomera some days284-1 to lay in our stores of meat, wood, and as much water as we could stow, preparatory to the long voyage which we expected to make without seeing land: thus through the delay at these two ports, and being calmed one day after leaving Gomera, we were nineteen or twenty days before we arrived at the island of Ferro. After this we had, by the goodness of God, a return of fine weather, more continuous than any fleet ever enjoyed during so long a voyage, so that leaving Ferro on the thirteenth of October, within twenty days we came in sight of land; and we should have seen it in fourteen or fifteen days, if the ship Capitana284-2 had been as good a sailer as the other vessels; for many times the others had to shorten sail, because they were leaving us much behind. During all this time we had great good fortune, for throughout the voyage we encountered no storm, with the exception of one on St. Simon’s eve,284-3 which for four hours put us in considerable jeopardy.

Since the things I share in private letters to other people aren’t as generally interesting as what’s included in this letter, I’ve decided to give you a clear account of the events from our journey, as well as discuss the other topics that are the focus of my request to your Lordship. The news I have to share is as follows: The expedition that their Catholic Majesties sent, with Divine permission, from Spain to the Indies, commanded by Christopher Columbus, Admiral of the Ocean, left Cadiz on the twenty-fifth of September in the year [1493, with seventeen well-equipped ships and about 1200 soldiers, give or take a few,]283-1 with favorable wind and weather for the journey. This good weather lasted for two days, during which we managed to cover nearly fifty leagues; then the weather changed, and we made little to no progress for the next two days. However, it pleased God to grant us good weather again, and in two more days we reached the Great Canary. Here we docked to fix one of the ships that was taking on a lot of water; we stayed there all day and set sail again the next day, but we were becalmed several times, so it took us four or five days[284] to reach Gomera. We had to stay in Gomera for a few days284-1 to stock up on meat, wood, and as much water as we could carry in preparation for the long journey we expected, without seeing land. Because of the delays at these two ports, and being becalmed a day after leaving Gomera, we took nineteen or twenty days to arrive at the island of Ferro. After that, thanks to God’s goodness, we enjoyed a stretch of fine weather, the most continuous any fleet has experienced on such a long journey, so that after leaving Ferro on the thirteenth of October, we spotted land within twenty days. We could have seen it in fourteen or fifteen days if the ship Captain284-2 had sailed as well as the other ships; many times the others had to shorten sail because they were leaving us far behind. Throughout this time, we were very fortunate, as we encountered no storms during the voyage, except for one on St. Simon’s eve,284-3 which put us in considerable danger for four hours.

On the first Sunday after All Saints, namely the third of November, about dawn, a pilot of the flagship cried out, “The reward, I see the land!”

On the first Sunday after All Saints, which is the third of November, around dawn, a pilot of the flagship shouted, “I see the land! The reward!”

The joy of the people was so great, that it was wonderful to hear their cries and exclamations of pleasure; and they had good reason to be delighted; for they had become so wearied of bad living, and of working the water out of the ships, that all sighed most anxiously for land. The pilots of the fleet reckoned on that day, that between leaving Ferro and first reaching land, we had made eight hundred leagues; others said seven hundred and eighty (so that the difference was not great), and three hundred more between Ferro and Cadiz, making in all eleven hundred leagues; I do not therefore feel[285] as one who had not seen enough of the water. On the morning of the aforesaid Sunday, we saw lying before us an island, and soon on the right hand another appeared: the first285-1 was high and mountainous, on the side nearest to us; the other285-2 flat, and very thickly wooded. As soon as it became lighter, other islands began to appear on both sides; so that on that day, there were six islands to be seen lying in different directions, and most of them of considerable size. We directed our course towards that which we had first seen, and reaching the coast, we proceeded more than a league in search of a port where we might anchor, but without finding one; all that part of the island which met our view, appeared mountainous, very beautiful, and green even up to the water, which was delightful to see, for at that season, there is scarcely any thing green in our own country. When we found that there was no harbor there, the Admiral decided that we should go to the other island, which appeared on the right, and which was at four or five leagues distance; one vessel however still remained on the first island all that day seeking for a harbor, in case it should be necessary to return thither. At length, having found a good one, where they saw both people and dwellings, they returned that night to the fleet, which had put into harbor at the other island,285-3 and there the Admiral, accompanied by a great number of men, landed with the royal banner in his hands, and took formal possession on behalf of their Majesties. This island was filled with an astonishingly thick growth of wood; the variety of unknown trees, some bearing fruit and some flowers, was surprising, and indeed every spot was covered with verdure. We found there a tree whose leaf had the finest smell of cloves that I have ever met with; it was like a laurel leaf, but not so large: but I think it was a species of laurel. There were wild fruits of various kinds, some of which our men, not very prudently, tasted; and upon only touching[286] them with their tongues, their countenances became inflamed286-1 and such great heat and pain followed, that they seemed to be mad, and were obliged to resort to refrigerants to cure themselves. We found no signs of any people in this island, and concluded it was uninhabited; we remained only two hours, for it was very late when we landed, and on the following morning we left for another very large island,286-2 situated below this at the distance of seven or eight leagues. We approached it under the side of a great mountain, that seemed almost to reach the skies, in the middle of which rose a peak, higher than all the rest of the mountain, whence many streams diverged into different channels, especially towards the part at which we arrived. At three leagues distance, we could see a fall of water as broad as an ox, which discharged itself from such a height that it appeared to fall from the sky; it was seen from so great a distance that it occasioned many wagers to be laid on board the ships, some maintaining that it was but a series of white rocks, and others that it was water. When we came nearer to it, it showed itself distinctly, and it was the most beautiful thing in the world to see from how great a height and from what a small space so large a fall of water was discharged. As soon as we neared the island the Admiral ordered a light caravel to run along the coast to search for a harbor; the captain put into land in a boat, and seeing some houses, leapt on shore and went up to them, the inhabitants fleeing at sight of our men; he then went into the houses and there found various household articles that had been left unremoved, from which he took two parrots, very large and quite different from any we had before seen; he found a great quantity of cotton, both spun and prepared for spinning, and articles of food, of all of which he brought away a portion; besides these, he also brought away four or five bones of human arms and legs. On seeing these we suspected that[287] we were amongst the Caribbee islands, whose inhabitants eat human flesh; for the Admiral, guided by the information respecting their situation which he had received from the Indians of the islands discovered in his former voyage, had directed his course with a view to their discovery, both because they were the nearest to Spain, and because this was the direct track for the island of Española, where he had left some of his people. Thither, by the goodness of God and the wise management of the Admiral, we came in as straight a track as if we had sailed by a well known and frequented route. This island is very large, and on the side where we arrived it seemed to us to be twenty-five leagues in length. We sailed more than two leagues along the shore in search of a harbor; on the part towards which we moved appeared very high mountains, and on that which we left extensive plains; on the sea-coast there were a few small villages, whose inhabitants fled as soon as they saw the sails: at length after proceeding two leagues we found a port late in the evening. That night the Admiral resolved that some of the men should land at break of day in order to confer with the natives, and learn what sort of people they were; although it was suspected, from the appearance of those who had fled at our approach, that they were naked, like those whom the Admiral had seen in his former voyage. That morning certain captains started out; one of them arrived at the dinner hour, and brought away a boy of about fourteen years of age, as it afterwards appeared, who said that he was one of the prisoners taken by these people. The others divided themselves, and one party took a little boy whom a man was leading by the hand, but who left him and fled; this boy they sent on board immediately with some of our men; others remained, and took certain women, natives of the island, together with other women from among the captives who came of their own accord. One captain of this last company, not knowing that any intelligence of the people had been obtained, advanced farther into the island and lost himself, with the six men who accompanied him: they could not find their way back until after four days,[288] when they lighted upon the sea-shore, and following the line of coast returned to the fleet.288-1 We had already looked upon them as killed and eaten by the people that are called Caribbees; for we could not account for their long absence in any other way, since they had among them some pilots who by their knowledge of the stars could navigate either to or from Spain, so that we imagined that they could not lose themselves in so small a space. On this first day of our landing several men and women came on the beach up to the water’s edge, and gazed at the ships in astonishment at so novel a sight; and when a boat pushed on shore in order to speak with them, they cried out, “tayno, tayno,”288-2 which is as much as to say, “good, good,” and waited for the landing of the sailors, standing by the boat in such a manner that they might escape when they pleased. The result was, that none of the men could be persuaded to join us, and only two were taken by force, who were secured and led away. More than twenty women of the captives were taken with their own consent, and other women, natives of the island, were surprised and carried off; several of the boys, who were captives, came to us fleeing from the natives of the island who had taken them prisoners. We remained eight days in this port in consequence of the loss of the aforesaid captain, and went many times on shore, passing amongst the dwellings and villages which were on the coast; we found a vast number of human bones and skulls hung up about the houses, like vessels in[289]tended for holding various things.289-1 There were very few men to be seen here, and the women informed us that this was in consequence of ten canoes having gone to make an attack upon other islands. These islanders appeared to us to be more civilized than those that we had hitherto seen; for although all the Indians have houses of straw, yet the houses of these people are constructed in a much superior fashion, are better stocked with provisions, and exhibit more evidences of industry, both on the part of the men and the women. They had a considerable quantity of cotton, both spun and prepared for spinning, and many cotton sheets, so well woven as to be no way inferior to those of our country. We inquired of the women, who were prisoners in the island, what people these islanders were; they replied that they were Caribbees. As soon as they learned that we abhorred such people,289-2 on account of their evil practice of eating human flesh, they were much delighted; and, after that, if they brought forward any woman or man of the Caribbees, they informed us (but secretly) that they were such, still evincing by their dread of their conquerors, that they belonged to a vanquished nation, though they knew them all to be in our power.

The people's joy was so intense that it was amazing to hear their shouts and exclamations of happiness; and they had every reason to be thrilled because they had become so tired of poor living and working the water out of the ships that they all anxiously longed for land. The pilots of the fleet estimated that on that day, from leaving Ferro to first reaching land, we had traveled eight hundred leagues; others claimed it was seven hundred and eighty (so the difference wasn't significant), and an additional three hundred between Ferro and Cadiz, totaling eleven hundred leagues. Therefore, I certainly don't feel like someone who hasn't seen enough water. On the morning of that Sunday, we saw an island ahead of us, and soon another appeared on our right: the first was high and mountainous on the side closest to us; the other was flat and covered in dense woods. As it brightened, more islands started to appear on both sides, so that day, six islands were visible in different directions, most of them quite large. We headed towards the first island we spotted, and after reaching the coast, we traveled over a league searching for a port to anchor, but found none; the part of the island we could see was mountainous, very beautiful, and lush right up to the water, which was delightful to see, as there is hardly anything green in our own country at that time of year. When we realized there was no harbor there, the Admiral decided we should go to the other island on the right, which was about four or five leagues away; however, one vessel remained at the first island all day looking for a harbor, in case we needed to return there. Eventually, they found a good harbor, where they spotted both people and homes, and they returned that night to the fleet, which had anchored at the other island. There, the Admiral, accompanied by a large number of men, landed with the royal banner in his hands and formally took possession on behalf of their Majesties. This island was filled with an astonishingly thick growth of wood; the variety of unknown trees, some bearing fruit and some flowering, was surprising, and indeed every spot was covered with greenery. We discovered a tree whose leaves emitted the sweetest clove scent I've ever encountered; it resembled a laurel leaf, but wasn't as large: I think it was a type of laurel. There were wild fruits of various kinds, some of which our men, quite imprudently, tasted; upon merely touching them with their tongues, their faces became inflamed and they experienced such intense heat and pain that they seemed to go mad and had to use cooling remedies to heal themselves. We found no signs of any people on this island and concluded it was uninhabited; we only stayed for two hours since it was already late when we landed, and the next morning, we left for another large island located seven or eight leagues away. We approached it along the side of a massive mountain that looked like it almost reached the sky, with a peak rising higher than the rest of the mountain, from where numerous streams flowed in different directions, especially towards the area where we arrived. From three leagues away, we could see a waterfall as wide as an ox, cascading from such a height that it seemed to fall from the sky; it was visible from such a distance that it caused many bets to be placed onboard the ships, some arguing it was just white rocks, while others claimed it was water. When we got closer, it revealed itself clearly, and it was the most beautiful sight to see how such a large volume of water poured down from such a great height and small area. As soon as we neared the island, the Admiral ordered a light caravel to scout along the coast for a harbor; the captain went ashore in a boat, and upon seeing some houses, leaped onto land and approached them, but the inhabitants fled at the sight of our men. He then entered the houses and found various household items that had been left behind, from which he took two large parrots that were completely different from any we had seen before; he discovered a large quantity of cotton, both spun and ready for spinning, along with some food, all of which he brought back a portion of; in addition, he also collected four or five bones of human arms and legs. Upon seeing these, we suspected we were among the Caribbee islands, whose inhabitants were known to eat human flesh; for the Admiral, guided by the information regarding their location he had received from the Indians of the islands discovered in his earlier voyage, had directed his course to discover them, not only because they were the closest to Spain, but also because this was the direct route to the island of Española, where he had left some of his men. By the grace of God and the Admiral's wise navigation, we made our way in a straight course as if we had sailed along a well-known and frequently traveled route. This island is very large, and on the side where we arrived, it seemed to stretch about twenty-five leagues in length. We sailed more than two leagues along the shore in search of a harbor; on the side we approached, there were very high mountains, while on the side we left, there were extensive plains; along the coast, there were a few small villages whose inhabitants fled as soon as they saw the sails: after traveling two leagues, we finally found a port late in the evening. That night, the Admiral decided that some men should land at daybreak to meet with the natives and learn what kind of people they were; although it was suspected, based on the looks of those who had fled at our approach, that they were naked, similar to those the Admiral had seen on his previous voyage. That morning, certain captains set out; one of them returned at lunchtime with a boy of about fourteen years of age, who later revealed that he was one of the captives taken by these people. The others split into groups, with one party capturing a little boy whom a man was leading by the hand, but who abandoned him and fled; this boy was sent aboard immediately with some of our men; others stayed behind and took certain women, natives of the island, and additional women from among the captives who willingly came with them. One captain from this group, unaware that any information about the people had been obtained, ventured further into the island and got lost along with the six men accompanying him: they couldn't find their way back until four days later,[288] when they stumbled upon the coastline and followed it back to the fleet. We had already presumed them to be killed and eaten by the so-called Caribbees; we couldn't explain their long absence any other way, given that they had some pilots among them who could navigate by the stars either to or from Spain, leading us to believe they couldn't possibly get lost in such a limited area. On the first day of our landing, several men and women came to the beach right at the water’s edge and gazed at the ships in amazement at such a new sight; and when a boat came ashore to communicate with them, they shouted, “tayno, tayno,” meaning “good, good,” and waited for the sailors to land, standing by the boat in a way that allowed them to escape whenever they pleased. As a result, none of the men could be persuaded to join us, and only two were forcibly taken, who were secured and led away. More than twenty women agreed to come with us, and other native women were caught off guard and carried away; several of the boys who were captives came to us fleeing from the island's natives who had taken them prisoner. We stayed in this port for eight days due to the loss of the aforementioned captain, and we went ashore many times, exploring among the dwellings and villages along the coast; we found a vast number of human bones and skulls displayed around the houses, much like vessels intended for holding various items.[289] There were very few men to be seen there, and the women told us this was because ten canoes had gone to attack other islands. These islanders seemed more civilized than those we had seen before; although all the Indians had straw houses, the houses of these people were constructed much more finely, better stocked with food, and showed more signs of industry, on the part of both men and women. They had a significant amount of cotton, both spun and ready for spinning, and many cotton sheets woven so well that they were not inferior to those from our own country. We asked the women, who were prisoners on the island, what people these islanders were; they responded that they were Caribbees. Once they realized that we detested such people, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ due to their horrific practice of cannibalism, they were very pleased; and thereafter, when they presented any man or woman from the Caribbees, they secretly informed us that they were of that group, still showing by their fear of their conquerors that they belonged to a defeated nation, although they all knew they were in our power.

We were enabled to distinguish which of the women were Caribbees, and which were not, by the Caribbees wearing on each leg two bands of woven cotton, the one fastened round the knee, and the other round the ankle; by this means they make the calves of their legs large, and the above-mentioned parts very small, which I imagine that they regard as a mark of elegance: by this peculiarity we distinguished them.289-3[290] The habits of these Caribbees are brutal. There are three islands: this is called Turuqueira; the other, which was the first that we saw, is called Ceyre; the third is called Ayay:290-1 all these are alike as if they were of one race, who do no injury to each other; but each and all of them wage war against the other neighboring islands, and for the purpose of attacking them, make voyages of a hundred and fifty leagues at sea, with their numerous canoes, which are a small kind of craft with one mast. Their arms are arrows, in the place of iron weapons and as they have no iron, some of them point their arrows with tortoise-shell, and others make their arrow-heads of fish spines, which are naturally barbed like coarse saws: these prove dangerous weapons to a naked people like the Indians, and may cause death or severe injury, but to men of our nation, are not very formidable. In their attacks upon the neighboring islands, these people capture as many of the women as they can, especially those who are young and beautiful, and keep them for servants and to have as concubines; and so great a number do they carry off, that in fifty houses no men were to be seen; and out of the number of the captives, more than twenty were young girls. These women also say that the Caribbees use them with such cruelty as would scarcely be believed; and that they eat the children which they bear to them, and only bring up those which they have by their native wives. Such of their male enemies as they can take alive, they bring to their houses to slaughter them, and those who are killed they devour at once. They say that man’s flesh is so good, that there is nothing like it in the world; and this is pretty evident, for of the bones which we found in their houses, they had gnawed everything that could be gnawed, so that nothing remained of them, but what from its great hardness, could not be eaten: in one of the houses we found the neck of a man, cooking in a pot. When they take any boys prisoners, they cut off their member and make use[291] of them as servants until they grow up to manhood, and then when they wish to make a feast they kill and eat them; for they say that the flesh of boys and women is not good to eat. Three of these boys came fleeing to us thus mutilated.

We could tell which women were Caribbeans by the two bands of woven cotton they wore on each leg—one around the knee and the other around the ankle. This practice makes their calves look larger and the other parts smaller, which they likely see as a sign of beauty. By this distinctive style, we recognized them. The habits of these Caribbeans are brutal. There are three islands: this one is called Turuqueira; the first one we saw is called Ceyre; and the third is called Ayay. All these islands are similar, as if they come from the same race, and they don't harm each other, but they do wage war against the neighboring islands. They sail journeys of a hundred and fifty leagues in their many canoes, which are small boats with one mast. Instead of iron weapons, they use arrows. Lacking iron, some of them tip their arrows with tortoise shell, while others use fish spines that are naturally barbed like rough saws. These weapons are dangerous to bare-skinned people like the natives but are not very threatening to our kind. In their attacks on nearby islands, the Caribbeans capture as many women as possible, especially young and beautiful ones, and keep them as servants or concubines; they take so many that in fifty houses, not a single man can be found, and among the captives, over twenty are young girls. These women report that the Caribbeans treat them with such cruelty it’s hard to believe; they say they eat the children born to them and only raise those from their native wives. They capture male enemies alive and take them home to slaughter, and those they kill are eaten right away. They claim that human flesh is the most delicious food in the world, which is evident from the bones we found in their houses, all gnawed clean except for the hardest parts. In one of the houses, we discovered a human neck cooking in a pot. When they take boys prisoner, they mutilate them and keep them as servants until they become men; then they kill and eat them for their feasts, saying that the flesh of boys and women isn't tasty. Three of these boys came to us, mutilated and fleeing.

At the end of four days arrived the captain who had lost himself with his companions, of whose return we had by this time given up all hope; for other parties had been twice sent out to seek him, one of which came back on the same day that he rejoined us, without having gained any information respecting the wanderers; we rejoiced at their arrival, regarding it as a new accession to our numbers. The captain and the men who accompanied him brought back some women and boys, ten in number. Neither this party, nor those who went out to seek them, had seen any of the men of the island, which must have arisen either from their having fled, or possibly from there being but very few men in that locality; for, as the women informed us, ten canoes had gone away to make an attack upon the neighboring islands. The wanderers had returned from the mountains in such an emaciated condition, that it was distressing to see them; when we asked them how it was that they lost themselves, they said that the trees were so thick and close that they could not see the sky; some of them who were mariners had climbed the trees to get a sight of the stars, but could never see them, and if they had not found their way to the sea-coast, it would have been impossible to have returned to the fleet. We left this island eight days after our arrival.291-1 The next day at noon we saw another island, not very large,291-2 at about twelve leagues distance from the one we were leaving; the greater part of the first day of our departure we were kept close in to the coast of this island by a calm, but as the Indian women whom we brought with us said that it was not inhabited, but had been dispeopled by the Caribbees, we made no stay in it. On that evening we saw another island;291-3 and in the night finding there were[292] some sandbanks near, we dropped anchor, not venturing to proceed until the morning. On the morrow another island appeared, of considerable size, but we touched at none of these because we were anxious to convey consolation to our people who had been left in Española; but it did not please God to grant us our desire, as will hereafter appear. Another day at the dinner hour we arrived at an island which seemed to be worth the finding, for judging by the extent of cultivation in it, it appeared very populous. We went thither and put into harbor, when the Admiral immediately sent on shore a well manned barge to hold speech with the Indians, in order to ascertain what race they were, and also because we considered it necessary to gain some information respecting our course; although it afterwards plainly appeared that the Admiral, who had never made that passage before, had taken a very correct route. But as matters of doubt should always be brought to as great a certainty as possible by inquiry, he wished that communication should be held with the natives at once, and some of the men who went in the barge leapt on shore and went up to a village, whence the inhabitants had already withdrawn and hidden themselves. They took in this island five or six women and some boys, most of whom were captives, like those in the other island; we learned from the women whom we had brought with us, that the natives of this place also were Caribbees. As this barge was about to return to the ships with the capture which they had made, a canoe came along the coast containing four men, two women, and a boy; and when they saw the fleet they were so stupefied with amazement, that for a good hour they remained motionless at the distance of nearly two cannon shots from the ships. In this position they were seen by those who were in the barge and also by all the fleet. Meanwhile those in the barge moved towards the canoe, but so close in shore, that the Indians, in their perplexity and astonishment as to what all this could mean, never saw them, until they were so near that escape was impossible; for our men pressed on them so rapidly that they could not get away, although they made considerable effort to do so.[293]

After four days, the captain who had gotten lost with his companions finally arrived, and by this time we had given up hope of seeing them again. Other groups had been sent out twice to look for him, and one of them returned on the same day he rejoined us, having found no information about the lost men. We welcomed their return as a boost to our numbers. The captain and his crew brought back ten women and boys. Neither this group nor the ones sent to find them had seen any men from the island, likely because the men had either fled or there just weren't many around; as the women told us, ten canoes had left to raid the neighboring islands. The lost men returned from the mountains looking so thin that it was hard to watch. When we asked how they got lost, they explained that the trees were so dense they couldn’t see the sky; some of the sailors had climbed trees to try to spot the stars but couldn’t see them. If they hadn't made it to the coast, they never would have returned to the fleet. We left this island eight days after our arrival.291-1 The next day at noon, we spotted another island, not very large,291-2 about twelve leagues away from the one we were leaving. For most of the first day after we set out, we stayed close to the coast due to a calm sea, but since the Indian women we brought with us said it was uninhabited and had been deserted by the Caribbees, we didn't stay there. That evening, we saw another island; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and at night, discovering some sandbanks nearby, we dropped anchor, deciding not to move until morning. The next day, another sizable island appeared, but we didn’t stop at any of these because we wanted to bring comfort to our people left in Española; however, it didn’t please God to fulfill our wish, as will be revealed later. One day at lunchtime, we reached an island that looked promising because, judging by the amount of cultivation, it seemed very populated. We went there and entered the harbor, where the Admiral immediately sent a well-manned boat ashore to talk to the natives to find out what kind of people they were and since we deemed it necessary to gather information about our route; although it later became clear that the Admiral, who had never traveled that passage before, had chosen a very accurate path. But since uncertainties should be resolved through inquiry as much as possible, he wanted to make contact with the locals right away. Some of the men in the boat jumped ashore and went up to a village, but the residents had already fled and hidden themselves. On this island, they captured five or six women and some boys, most of whom were captives, like those from the previous island. We learned from the women we had brought that the natives of this place were also Caribbees. Just as this boat was about to return to the ships with their captives, a canoe came by the coast carrying four men, two women, and a boy; when they saw the fleet, they were so stunned that they remained motionless about two cannon shots away from the ships for a whole hour. Meanwhile, the crew in the boat approached the canoe so close to the shore that the Indians, confused and astonished by the situation, didn’t notice them until it was too late to escape; our men moved in on them quickly, and despite their efforts, they couldn’t get away.[293]

When the Caribbees saw that all attempt at flight was useless, they most courageously took to their bows, both women and men; I say most courageously, because they were only four men and two women, and our people were twenty-five in number. Two of our men were wounded by the Indians, one with two arrow-shots in his breast, and another with one in his side, and if it had not happened that they carried shields and wooden bucklers, and that they soon got near them with the barge and upset their canoe, most of them would have been killed with their arrows. After their canoe was upset, they remained in the water swimming and occasionally wading (for there were shallows in that part), still using their bows as much as they could, so that our men had enough to do to take them; and after all there was one of them whom they were unable to secure till he had received a mortal wound with a lance, and whom thus wounded they took to the ships. The difference between these Caribbees and the other Indians, with respect to dress, consists in their wearing their hair very long, while the latter have it clipt and paint their heads with crosses and a hundred thousand different devices, each according to his fancy; which they do with sharpened reeds. All of them, both the Caribbees and the others, are beardless, so that it is a rare thing to find a man with a beard: the Caribbees whom we took had their eyes and eyebrows stained, which I imagine they do from ostentation and to give them a more frightful appearance. One of these captives said, that in an island belonging to them called Cayre293-1 (which is the first we saw, though we did not go to it), there is a great quantity of gold; and that if we were to take them nails and tools with which to make their canoes, we might bring away as much gold as we liked. On the same day we left that island, having been there no more than six or seven hours; and steering for another point of land293-2 which appeared to lie in our intended course, we reached it by night. On the morning of the following day we coasted along it, and[294] found it to be a large extent of country, but not continuous for it was divided into more than forty islets.294-1 The land was very high and most of it barren, an appearance which we have never observed in any of the islands visited by us before or since: the surface of the ground seemed to suggest the probability of its containing metals. None of us went on shore here, but a small latteen caravel went up to one of the islets and found in it some fishermen’s huts; the Indian women whom we brought with us said they were not inhabited. We proceeded along the coast the greater part of that day, and on the evening of the next we discovered another island called Burenquen,294-2 which we judged to be thirty leagues in length, for we were coasting along it the whole of one day. This island is very beautiful and apparently fertile; hither the Caribbees come with the view of subduing the inhabitants, and often carry away many of the people. These islanders have no boats nor any knowledge of navigation; but, as our captives inform us, they use bows as well as the Caribbees, and if by chance when they are attacked they succeed in taking any of their invaders, they will eat them in like manner as the Caribbees themselves in the contrary event would devour them. We remained two days in this island, and a great number of our men went on shore, but could never get speech of the natives, who had all fled, from fear of the Caribbees. All the above-mentioned islands were discovered in this voyage, the Admiral having seen nothing of them in his former voyage; they are all very beautiful and possess a most luxuriant soil, but this last island appeared to exceed all the others in beauty. Here terminated the islands, which on the side towards Spain had not been seen before by the Admiral, although we regard it as a matter of certainty that there is land more than forty leagues beyond the foremost of these newly discovered islands, on the side nearest to Spain. We believe this to be the case,[295] because two days before we saw land we observed some birds called rabihorcados,295-1 marine birds of prey which do not sit or sleep upon the water, making circumvolutions in the air at the close of evening previous to taking their flight towards land for the night. These birds could not be going to settle at more than twelve or fifteen leagues distance, because it was late in the evening, and this was on our right hand on the side towards Spain; from which we all judged that there was land there still undiscovered; but we did not go in search of it, because it would have taken us round out of our intended route. I hope that in a few voyages it will be discovered. It was at dawn that we left the before-mentioned island of Burenquen,295-2 and on that day before nightfall we caught sight of land, which though not recognized by any of those who had come hither in the former voyage, we believed to be Española, from the information given us by the Indian women whom we had with us; and in this island we remain at present.295-3 Between this island and Burenquen another island appeared at a distance, but of no great size. When we reached Española the land, at the part where we approached it, was low and very flat,295-4 on seeing which, a general doubt arose as to its identity; for neither the Admiral nor his companions, on the previous voyage, had seen it on this side.

When the Caribbeans realized that trying to escape was pointless, they bravely picked up their bows, both men and women; I say bravely because there were only four men and two women, while our group had twenty-five. Two of our men got hit by arrows from the Indians—one with two arrows in his chest and the other with one in his side. If it weren't for the shields and wooden bucklers they had, and if they hadn't managed to get close with the barge and tip over the Indians' canoe, most of our men could have been killed by their arrows. After their canoe was overturned, they stayed in the water, swimming and occasionally wading (as there were shallows there), still trying to shoot arrows as best they could, making it difficult for our men to capture them. In the end, there was one Indian they couldn't catch until he received a fatal wound from a lance, and they brought him back to the ships like that. The difference between these Caribbeans and other Indians in terms of clothing is that they wear their hair very long, whereas the others have theirs cut short and paint their heads with crosses and countless designs, each according to their preferences, using sharpened reeds. All of them, both the Caribbeans and the others, have no beards, making it rare to find a man with one. The Caribbeans we captured had their eyes and eyebrows colored, which I assume they do for show and to make themselves look more fearsome. One of the captives said that on an island belonging to them called Cayre __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ (which was the first we saw, though we didn't visit it), there's a lot of gold; and if we brought them nails and tools to make canoes, we could take away all the gold we wanted. On the same day, we left that island after staying for only six or seven hours; and sailing toward another point of land293-2 that looked on our intended route, we reached it by night. The next morning, we coasted along it and[294] found it to be a vast area, although fragmented into more than forty islands.294-1 The land was very high and mostly uninhabitable, an appearance we had never encountered in any of the islands we visited before or after: the ground suggested it might contain metals. None of us went ashore here, but a small lateen-rigged caravel went up to one of the islets and found some fishermen's huts; the Indian women we brought along said they were uninhabited. We continued along the coast for most of that day, and by the evening of the next day, we spotted another island called Burenquen,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ which we estimated to be thirty leagues long, since we were along its coast for an entire day. This island is stunning and seems very fertile; the Caribbeans come here to conquer its inhabitants and often take many of the locals. These islanders have no boats or navigation skills; but, as our captives informed us, they use bows like the Caribbeans, and if they happen to capture any invaders during an attack, they eat them just as the Caribbeans would do in the opposite situation. We stayed on this island for two days, and a lot of our men went ashore, but they could never speak to the locals, who had all fled out of fear of the Caribbeans. All the islands mentioned above were discovered during this voyage; the Admiral had not seen any of them on his previous trip. They are all very beautiful and have rich soil, but this last island seemed to surpass all the others in beauty. Here ended the islands on the side toward Spain that had not been previously seen by the Admiral, although we are certain that there is land more than forty leagues beyond the first of these newly discovered islands on the side closer to Spain. We believe this to be true,[295] because two days before we saw land, we noticed some birds called rabihorcados,295-1 marine birds of prey that do not rest or sleep on the water, swirling in the air at dusk before heading toward shore for the night. These birds couldn't have been going to settle more than twelve or fifteen leagues away because it was late evening, and this was on our right side toward Spain; from this, we all concluded that there was undiscovered land there, but we didn't search for it as it would have diverted us from our intended path. I hope that it will be found in a few voyages. At dawn, we left the previously mentioned island of Burenquen,295-2 and that same day before nightfall, we spotted land, which no one recognized from those who had been here on the previous voyage, but we believed it to be Española, based on information given by the Indian women who accompanied us; and we are currently staying on this island.present.295-3 Between this island and Burenquen, another island appeared in the distance, though it was not very large. When we reached Española, the area where we approached was low and quite flat,295-4 causing a general doubt about its identity; for neither the Admiral nor his crew had seen it on their previous voyage from this side.

The island being large, is divided into provinces; the part which we first touched at, is called Hayti; another province adjoining it, they call Xamaná;295-5 and the next province is named Bohio,295-6 where we now are. These provinces are again subdivided, for they are of great extent. Those who have seen the length of its coast, state that it is two hundred leagues long, and I myself should judge it not to be less than a hun[296]dred and fifty leagues: as to its breadth, nothing is hitherto known; it is now forty days since a caravel left us with the view of circumnavigating it,296-1 and is not yet returned. The country is very remarkable, and contains a vast number of large rivers, and extensive chains of mountains, with broad open valleys, and the mountains are very high; it does not appear that the grass is ever cut throughout the year. I do not think they have any winter in this part, for at Christmas were found many birds-nests, some containing the young birds, and others containing eggs. No four-footed animal has ever been seen in this or any of the other islands, except some dogs of various colors, as in our own country, but in shape like large house-dogs;296-2 and also some little animals, in color and fur like a rabbit, and the size of a young rabbit, with long tails, and feet like those of a rat; these animals climb up the trees, and many who have tasted them, say they are very good to eat:296-3 there are not any wild beasts.

The island is large and divided into provinces. The first place we reached is called Hayti; the neighboring province is known as Xamaná;__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and the next one is named Bohio, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ where we are now. These provinces are further divided as they cover a vast area. People who have seen the coast say it's two hundred leagues long, but I would estimate it to be at least one hundred and fifty leagues. As for its width, nothing is known yet; it has been forty days since a caravel left to circumnavigate it,296-1 and it hasn't returned yet. The country is impressive and has many large rivers, extensive mountain ranges, and wide open valleys, with the mountains being very tall. It seems that the grass is never cut throughout the year. I don't think they experience winter here, as many bird nests were found at Christmas, some with chicks and others with eggs. No four-legged animals have ever been seen on this island or any others, except for some dogs of various colors, similar to those in our country, but they resemble large house dogs;296-2 and there are also small creatures that look like rabbits, with the same color and fur, about the size of a young rabbit, long tails, and feet like a rat’s. These animals can climb trees, and many people who have tasted them say they are very good to eat:296-3 and there are no wild beasts.

There are great numbers of small snakes, and some lizards, but not many; for the Indians consider them as great a luxury as we do pheasants; they are of the same size as ours, but different in shape. In a small adjacent island296-4 (close by a harbor called Monte Cristo, where we stayed several days), our men saw an enormous kind of lizard, which[297] they said was as large round as a calf, with a tail as long as a lance, which they often went out to kill: but bulky as it was, it got into the sea, so that they could not catch it.297-1 There are, both in this and the other islands, an infinite number of birds like those in our own country, and many others such as we had never seen. No kind of domestic fowl has been seen here, with the exception of some ducks in the houses in Zuruquia; these ducks were larger than those of Spain, though smaller than geese,—very pretty, with flat crests on their heads, most of them as white as snow, but some black.

There are a lot of small snakes and some lizards, but not many; the locals consider them just as much of a delicacy as we consider pheasants. They’re similar in size to ours but different in shape. On a small nearby island __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ (close to a harbor called Monte Cristo, where we stayed for several days), our crew spotted a huge type of lizard that[297] they claimed was as big around as a calf, with a tail as long as a spear. They often went out to hunt it, but even though it was bulky, it managed to escape into the sea, so they couldn’t catch it.297-1 In this and other islands, there are countless birds similar to those back home, plus many others we had never seen before. No domesticated birds have been spotted here, except for some ducks in the houses in Zuruquia; these ducks were larger than those in Spain, but smaller than geese—very beautiful, with flat crests on their heads, most of them as white as snow, but some black.

We ran along the coast of this island nearly a hundred leagues, concluding, that within this range we should find the spot where the Admiral had left some of his men, and which we supposed to be about the middle of the coast. As we passed by the province called Xamaná, we sent on shore one of the Indians, who had been taken in the previous voyage, clothed, and carrying some trifles, which the Admiral had ordered to be given him. On that day died one of our sailors, a Biscayan, who had been wounded in the affray with the Caribbees, when they were captured, as I have already described, through their want of caution. As we were proceeding along the coast, an opportunity was afforded for a boat to go on shore to bury him, the boat being accompanied by two caravels to protect it. When they reached the shore, a great number of Indians came out to the boat, some of them wearing necklaces and ear-rings of gold, and expressed a wish to accompany the Spaniards to the ships; but our men refused to take them, because they had not received permission from the Admiral. When the Indians found that they would not take them, two of them got into a small canoe, and went up to one of the caravels that had put in to shore; they were received on board with great kindness, and taken to the Admiral’s ship, where, through the medium of an interpreter, they related that a certain king had sent them to ascertain who we were, and to invite us to land, adding that they had plenty of gold, and also of provisions, to which we should be welcome.[298] The Admiral desired that shirts, and caps, and other trifles, should be given to each of them, and said that as he was going to the place where Guacamari dwelt, he would not stop then, but that another time there would be an opportunity of seeing him, and with that they departed. We continued our route till we came to an harbor called Monte Cristi, where we remained two days, in order to observe the character of the land; for the Admiral had an objection to the spot where his men had been left with the view of making a settlement. We went on shore therefore to see the character of the land: there was a large river of excellent water close by;298-1 but the ground was inundated, and very ill-calculated for habitation. As we went on making our observations on the river and the land, some of our men found two dead bodies by the river’s side, one with a rope round his neck, and the other with one round his foot; this was on the first day of our landing. On the following day they found two other corpses farther on, and one of these was observed to have a great quantity of beard; this was regarded as a very suspicious circumstance by many of our people, because, as I have already said, all the Indians are beardless. This harbor is twelve leagues298-2 from the place where the Spaniards had been left under the protection of Guacamari,298-3 the king of that province, whom I suppose to be one of the chief men of the island. After two days we set sail for that spot, but as it was late when we arrived there,298-4 and there were some shoals, where the Admiral’s ship had been lost, we did not venture to put in close to the shore, but remained that night at a little less than a league from the coast, waiting until the morning, when we might enter securely. On that evening, a canoe, containing five or six Indians, came out at a[299] considerable distance from where we were, and approached us with great celerity. The Admiral believing that he insured our safety by keeping the sails set, would not wait for them; they, however, perseveringly rowed up to us within a cannon shot299-1 and then stopped to look at us; but when they saw that we did not wait for them, they put back and went away. After we had anchored that night at the spot in question,299-2 the Admiral ordered two cannons to be fired, to see if the Spaniards, who had remained with Guacamari, would fire in return, for they also had cannons with them; but when we received no reply, and could not perceive any fires, nor the slightest symptom of habitations on the spot, the spirits of our people became much depressed, and they began to entertain the suspicion which the circumstances were naturally calculated to excite. While all were in this desponding mood, and when four or five hours of the night had passed away, the same canoe which we had seen in the evening, came up, and the Indians with a loud voice addressed the captain of the caravel, which they first approached, inquiring for the Admiral;299-3 they were conducted to the Admiral’s vessel, but would not go on board till he had spoken to them, and they had asked for a light, in order to assure themselves that it was he who conversed with them. One of them was a cousin of Guacamari, who had been sent by him once before: it appeared, that after they had turned back the previous evening, they had been charged by Guacamari with two masks of gold as a present; one for the Admiral, the other for a captain who had accompanied him on the former voyage. They remained on board for three hours, talking with the Admiral in the presence of all of us, he showing much pleasure in their conversation, and inquiring respecting the welfare of the Spaniards whom he had left behind. Guacamari’s cousin replied, that those who remained were all well, but that some of them[300] had died of disease, and others had been killed in quarrels that had arisen amongst them; and that Guacamari was at some distance, lying ill of a wound in his leg, which was the occasion of his not appearing, but that he would come on the next day. He said also that two kings named Caonabó and Mayreni, had come to fight with him and that they had burned the village. The Indians then departed, saying they would return on the following day with the said Guacamari, and left us consoled for that night. On the morning of the next day, we were expecting that Guacamari would come; and, in the meantime, some of our men landed by command of the Admiral, and went to the spot where the Spaniards had formerly been: they found the building which they had inhabited, and which they had in some degree fortified with a palisade, burnt and levelled with the ground; they found also some cloaks and clothing which the Indians had brought to throw upon the house. They observed too that the Indians who were seen near the spot, looked very shy, and dared not approach, but, on the contrary, fled from them. This appeared strange to us, for the Admiral had told us that in the former voyage, when he arrived at this place, so many came in canoes to see us, that there was no keeping them off; and as we now saw that they were suspicious of us, it gave us a very unfavorable impression. We threw trifles, such as hawk bells300-1 and beads, towards them, in order to conciliate them, but only four, a relation of Guacamari’s and three others, took courage to enter the boat, and were rowed on board. When they were asked concerning the Spaniards, they replied that all of them were dead; we had been told this already by one of the Indians whom we had brought from Spain, and who had conversed with the two Indians that on the former occasion came on board with their canoe, but we had not believed it. Guacamari’s kinsman was asked who had killed them; he replied that the king of Caonabó and king Mayreni had made an attack upon them, and burnt the buildings on the spot, that[301] many were wounded in the affray, and among them Guacamari, who had received a wound in his thigh, and had retired to some distance. He also stated that he wished to go and fetch him; upon which some trifles were given to him, and he took his departure for the place of Guacamari’s abode. All that day we remained in expectation of them, and when we saw that they did not come, many suspected that the Indians who had been on board the night before, had been drowned; for they had had wine given them two or three times, and they had come in a small canoe that might be easily upset. The next morning the Admiral went on shore, taking some of us with him; we went to the spot where the settlement had been, and found it utterly destroyed by fire, and the clothes of the Spaniards lying about upon the grass, but on that occasion we saw no dead body. There were many different opinions amongst us; some suspecting that Guacamari himself was concerned in the betrayal and death of the Christians; others thought not, because his own residence was burnt: so that it remained a very doubtful question. The Admiral ordered all the ground which had been occupied by the fortifications of the Spaniards to be searched, for he had left orders with them to bury all the gold that they might get. While this was being done, the Admiral wished to examine a spot at about a league’s distance, which seemed to be suitable for building a town, for it was already time to do so;—and some of us went thither with him, making our observations of the land as we went along the coast, until we reached a village of seven or eight houses, which the Indians forsook when they saw us approach, carrying away what they could, and leaving the things which they could not remove, hidden amongst the grass, around the houses. These people are so like beasts that they have not even the sense to select a fitting place to live in; those who dwell on the shore, build for themselves the most miserable hovels that can be imagined, and all the houses are so covered with grass and dampness, that I am amazed at the way they live. In these houses we found many things belonging to the Spaniards, which it could not be supposed they[302] would have bartered; such as a very handsome Moorish mantle which had not been unfolded since it was brought from Spain, stockings and pieces of cloth, also an anchor belonging to the ship which the Admiral had lost here on the previous voyage; with other articles, which the more confirmed our suspicions. On examining some things which had been put away to keep in a basket, closely woven and very secure, we found a man’s head kept with great care; this we judged might be the head of a father, or mother, or of some person whom they much regarded:302-1 I have since heard that many were found in the same state, which makes me believe that our first impression was the true one. After this we returned. We went on the same day to the site of the settlement; and when we arrived, we found many Indians, who had regained their courage, bartering gold with our men: they had bartered to the extent of a mark;302-2 we also learned that they had shown where the bodies of eleven of the dead Spaniards were laid, which were already covered with the grass that had grown over them; and they all with one voice asserted that Caonabó and Mayreni had killed them; but notwithstanding all this, we began to hear complaints that one of the Spaniards had taken three women to himself, and another four; from whence we drew the inference that jealousy was the cause of the misfortune that had occurred. On the next morning, as no spot in that vicinity appeared suitable for our making a settlement, the Admiral ordered a caravel to go in one direction to look for a convenient locality, while some of us went with him another way. In the course of our explorations, we discovered a harbor, of great security, and a very favorable situation for a settlement; but as it was far from where we wanted to have the gold mine, the Admiral decided to settle only in some spot which would give us greater certainty of attaining that object, provided the position of the land should prove equally[303] convenient. On our return, we found the other caravel arrived, in which Melchior303-1 and four or five other trustworthy men had been exploring with a similar object. They reported that as they went along the coast, a canoe came out to them in which were two Indians, one of whom was the brother of Guacamari, and was recognized by a pilot who was in the caravel. When he asked them “who goes there,” they replied that Guacamari sent to beg the Spaniards to come on shore, as he had his settlement near, with nearly fifty houses. The chief men of the party then went on shore in the boat, proceeded to the place where Guacamari was, and found him stretched on his bed, complaining of a severe wound. They conferred with him, and inquired respecting the Spaniards; his reply was, in accordance with the account already given by the others, viz.—that they had been killed by Caonabó and Mayreni, who also had wounded him in the thigh; which he showed to them bandaged up: on seeing which, they concluded that his statement was correct. At their departure he gave to each of them a jewel of gold, according to his estimation of their respective merits. The Indians beat the gold into very thin plates, in order to make masks of it, and to be able to set it in bitumen; if it were not so prepared it could not be mounted; other ornaments they make of it, to wear on the head and to hang in the ears and nostrils, for these also they require it to be thin; since they set no store by it as wealth but only for adornment. Guacamari desired them by signs and as well as he was able, to tell the Admiral that as he was thus wounded, he prayed him to have the goodness to come to see him. The sailors told this to the Admiral when he arrived. The next morning he resolved to go thither, for the spot could be reached in three hours, being scarcely three leagues distance from the place where we were; but as it would be the dinner-hour when we arrived, we dined before we went on shore. After dinner, the Admiral gave orders that[304] all the captains should come with their barges to proceed to the shore, for already on that morning, previous to our departure, the aforesaid brother of Guacamari had come to speak with the Admiral to urge him to come to the place where Guacamari was. Then the Admiral went on shore accompanied by all the principal officers, so richly dressed that they would have made a fine appearance even in any of our chief cities. He took with him some articles as presents, having already received from Guacamari a certain quantity of gold, and it was reasonable that he should make a commensurate response to his acts and expressions of good-will: Guacamari had also provided himself with a present. When we arrived, we found him stretched upon his bed, which was made of cotton network, and, according to their custom, suspended.304-1 He did not arise, but made from his bed the best gesture of courtesy of which he was capable. He showed much feeling with tears in his eyes for the death of the Spaniards, and began speaking on the subject, with explaining to the best of his power, how some died of disease, others had gone to Caonabó in search of the mine of gold, and had there been killed, and that the rest had been attacked and slain in their own town. According to the appearance of the dead bodies, it was not two months since this had happened. Then he presented the Admiral with eight marks and a half of gold and five or six belts worked with stones304-2 of various colors, and a cap of similar jewel-work, which I think they must value very highly, because in it was[305] a jewel, which was presented to him with great reverence. It appears to me that these people put more value upon copper than gold. The surgeon of the fleet and myself being present, the Admiral told Guacamari that we were skilled in the treatment of human disorders, and wished that he would shew us his wound; he replied that he was willing; upon which I said it would be necessary that he should, if possible, go out of the house, because we could not see well on account of the place being darkened by the crowd of people; to this he consented, I think more from timidity than inclination, and left the house leaning on the arm of the Admiral. After he was seated, the surgeon approached him and began to untie the bandage; then he told the Admiral that the wound was made with a ciba, by which he meant with a stone. When the wound was uncovered, we went up to examine it: it is certain that there was no more wound on that leg than on the other, although he cunningly pretended that it pained him much. Ignorant as we were of the facts, it was impossible to come to a definite conclusion. There were certainly many proofs of an invasion by a hostile people, so that the Admiral was at a loss what to do; he with many others thought, however, that for the present, and until they could ascertain the truth, they ought to conceal their distrust; for after ascertaining it, they would be able to claim whatever indemnity they thought proper. That evening Guacamari accompanied the Admiral to the ships, and when they showed him the horses and other objects of interest, their novelty struck him with the greatest amazement;305-1 he took supper on board, and returned that[306] evening to his house. The Admiral told him that he wished to settle there and to build houses; to which he assented but said that the place was not wholesome, because it was very damp: and so it most certainly was.

We ran along the coast of this island for nearly a hundred leagues, concluding that within this distance we would find the location where the Admiral had left some of his men, which we thought was about the midpoint of the coast. As we passed by the province called Xamaná, we sent one of the Indians, who had been taken on the previous voyage, ashore, dressed and carrying some small gifts that the Admiral had ordered to be given to him. That day, one of our sailors, a Biscayan, died from wounds he received during the confrontation with the Caribbees when they were captured, as I have previously mentioned, due to their lack of caution. While proceeding along the coast, we had the chance for a boat to go ashore and bury him, with two caravels accompanying it for protection. When they reached the shore, a large number of Indians came out to the boat, some wearing gold necklaces and earrings, and expressed a desire to accompany the Spaniards to the ships; however, our men refused to take them as they had not received permission from the Admiral. When the Indians realized they wouldn't be taken, two of them got into a small canoe and approached one of the caravels that had come ashore; they were warmly welcomed on board and taken to the Admiral’s ship, where, through an interpreter, they explained that a certain king had sent them to find out who we were and to invite us to land, adding that they had plenty of gold and provisions, and we would be welcomed. [298] The Admiral requested that shirts, caps, and other small items be given to each of them and said that as he was heading to where Guacamari lived, he wouldn’t stop then but that there would be another opportunity to meet him, and with that, they left. We continued our journey until we reached a harbor called Monte Cristi, where we stayed for two days to assess the land; the Admiral was not pleased with the location where his men had been left for establishing a settlement. We went ashore to evaluate the land: there was a large river of excellent water nearby; 298-1 but the area was flooded and very unsuitable for habitation. As we continued our observations on the river and the land, some of our men discovered two dead bodies by the riverbank, one with a rope around his neck and the other with one around his foot; this was on the first day of our landing. The next day, they found two more corpses further along, one of which had a large beard; this was viewed with suspicion by many of our men since, as I noted earlier, all Indians are beardless. This harbor is twelve leagues from the place where the Spaniards had been left under the protection of Guacamari, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ the king of the province, whom I believe to be one of the leading figures of the island. After two days, we set sail for that location; however, it was late when we arrived there,298-4 and there were some shoals where the Admiral’s ship had previously been lost, so we did not dare to approach the shore closely but stayed that night a little less than a league from the coast, waiting for morning to enter safely. That evening, a canoe with five or six Indians came out from a significant distance and moved towards us quickly. The Admiral, thinking that keeping the sails set ensured our safety, would not wait for them; nevertheless, they persistently rowed up to us within cannon range and then halted to observe us; but when they saw that we didn’t wait for them, they turned back and left. After we anchored that night at the designated location, 299-1 the Admiral ordered two cannons to be fired to see if the Spaniards who had remained with Guacamari would respond, as they also had cannons; but when we received no reply and could see no fires or any sign of habitations in the area, our people's spirits sank, and they began to harbor suspicions, which the circumstances naturally prompted. While everyone was feeling despondent, and about four or five hours into the night, the same canoe we had seen earlier arrived, and the Indians loudly asked the captain of the caravel, which they first approached, for the Admiral __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ they were directed to the Admiral’s vessel but refused to go on board until he spoke to them and they requested a light to ensure that it was indeed him talking to them. One of them was a cousin of Guacamari, who had been sent by him previously: it seemed that after they had turned back the night before, they were entrusted by Guacamari with two gold masks as gifts; one for the Admiral and the other for a captain who had accompanied him on the prior voyage. They remained on board for three hours talking with the Admiral in front of all of us, who showed much interest in their conversation and inquired about the well-being of the Spaniards he had left behind. Guacamari’s cousin replied that those who were left were all well, but that some had died from disease, and others had been killed in fights among themselves; and that Guacamari was at some distance, sick from a leg wound, which was why he had not shown up, but he would come the next day. He also mentioned that two kings named Caonabó and Mayreni had come to wage war against him and had burned the village. The Indians then left, saying they would return the next day with Guacamari, which gave us comfort for that night. The next morning, we expected Guacamari to come; in the meantime, some of our men landed at the Admiral's command and went to the location where the Spaniards had previously been: they found the building where they had lived, which they had somewhat fortified with a palisade, burned and leveled to the ground; they also found some cloaks and clothing that the Indians had brought to throw over the house. They also noted that the nearby Indians appeared very timid and did not dare to approach, but instead fled from them. This struck us as strange, as the Admiral had told us that during the earlier voyage, when he arrived at this spot, so many came in canoes to see us that it had been impossible to keep them away; and since we now saw them suspicious of us, it left us with a very negative impression. We tossed small items, such as hawk bells300-1 and beads, towards them to try to win them over, but only four, a relative of Guacamari’s and three others, gathered the courage to get into the boat and were rowed aboard. When asked about the Spaniards, they replied that all of them were dead; we had already heard this from one of the Indians we had brought from Spain, who had spoken with the two Indians that had come aboard with their canoe previously, but we hadn’t believed it. Guacamari’s relatives were asked who killed them; he said that the king of Caonabó and king Mayreni had attacked them and burned the buildings at that location,[301] that many were wounded in the conflict, including Guacamari, who had received a wound in his thigh and had retreated a distance away. He also stated that he wanted to go and get him; some small items were then given to him, and he left for Guacamari’s home. We expected them all day, and when we saw they did not come, many suspected that the Indians who had been on board the previous night had drowned, as they had received wine two or three times, and had arrived in a small canoe that could easily capsize. The next morning, the Admiral went ashore, taking some of us with him; we went to the site where the settlement had been and found it entirely destroyed by fire, with the Spaniards' clothes lying on the grass, but this time we did not see any dead bodies. There were various opinions among us; some suspected that Guacamari himself was involved in betraying the Christians; others thought differently because his own place was burnt: hence, it was still a very uncertain matter. The Admiral ordered all the area that the Spaniards had occupied to be searched, as he had instructed them to bury any gold they found. While this was being done, the Admiral wanted to check out a location about a league away, which seemed appropriate for building a town, as it was now time to establish one; and some of us accompanied him, making observations of the land as we moved along the coast until we reached a village of seven or eight houses, which the Indians abandoned when they saw us coming, taking away what they could and leaving behind what they couldn't remove, hidden among the grass near the houses. These people are so uncultivated that they lack the sense to choose a proper place to live; those who live on the shore build the most miserable huts imaginable, and all the houses are so overgrown with grass and dampness that I am shocked by how they manage to live. In these houses, we found many items belonging to the Spaniards that one could not suppose they would have traded; such as a very fine Moorish mantle that had not been unfolded since it was brought from Spain, stockings and pieces of cloth, and an anchor belonging to the ship the Admiral had lost here on the previous voyage, among other things, which further confirmed our suspicions. While examining some items that had been put away in a tightly woven and very secure basket, we found a man’s head preserved with great care; we thought this might be the head of a mother, father, or someone they held in high regard: 302-1 I later heard that many were found in similar conditions, which leads me to believe that our initial impression was the correct one. After this, we returned. That same day we went back to the settlement site, and when we arrived, we found many Indians who had regained their courage, trading gold with our men; they had bartered up to a mark;302-2 we also learned that they showed where the bodies of eleven dead Spaniards were laid, which were already covered with grass that had grown over them; and they all unanimously claimed that Caonabó and Mayreni had killed them; yet despite all this, we began to hear complaints that one of the Spaniards had taken three women for himself, and another four; from which we inferred that jealousy was the cause of the misfortune that had occurred. The following morning, as no area around seemed suitable for establishing a settlement, the Admiral ordered one caravel to go in one direction to seek a suitable location, while some of us went another way with him. During our explorations, we discovered a very secure harbor in an ideal position for a settlement; but since it was far from where we wanted the gold mine, the Admiral decided to only settle in a location that would guarantee us a better chance of achieving that goal, as long as the land's position proved equally[303] convenient. On our way back, we found that the other caravel had returned, in which Melchior and four or five other trustworthy men had been exploring for a similar reason. They reported that as they traveled along the coast, a canoe approached them with two Indians, one of whom was Guacamari’s brother and recognized by a pilot who was on the caravel. When asked, “Who goes there?” they responded that Guacamari sent them to ask the Spaniards to come ashore, as he had his settlement nearby with nearly fifty houses. The chief men of the expedition then went ashore in the boat, proceeded to meet Guacamari, and found him lying on his bed, complaining of a severe wound. They conferred with him and inquired about the Spaniards; his response aligned with the account already given by the others, namely that they had been killed by Caonabó and Mayreni, who also had shot him in the thigh, which he showed to them bandaged: upon seeing this, they concluded that his story was true. Before they left, he presented each of them with a gold jewel, according to his assessment of their respective merits. The Indians flattened the gold into very thin sheets to make masks and to be able to set it in bitumen; if it were not prepared like that, it could not be mounted; they also made other ornaments to wear on their heads and to hang in their ears and nostrils, as they required it to be thin, since they did not view it as wealth, but only for decoration. Guacamari indicated to them through gestures and his best efforts to tell the Admiral that, as he was wounded, he asked him to visit him. The sailors relayed this to the Admiral upon his arrival. The next morning, he decided to go there, as the spot could be reached in three hours, being hardly three leagues from where we were; but as it would be around meal time when we arrived, we dined before going ashore. After lunch, the Admiral ordered all the captains to gather with their barges to head to the shore since earlier that morning, Guacamari’s brother had come to the Admiral to urge him to visit Guacamari. Then the Admiral went ashore accompanied by all the principal officers, dressed richly enough to make a fine impression even in any of our great cities. He brought gifts with him, having already received a certain amount of gold from Guacamari, and it was fitting that he should respond to his actions and expressions of goodwill: Guacamari had also prepared a gift for him. Upon arrival, we found him lying on his bed made of cotton netting, suspended as per their custom. 304-1 He did not get up but made the best gesture of courtesy possible from his bed. He showed great emotion with tears in his eyes over the deaths of the Spaniards and began to discuss the matter, explaining as best as he could how some died from disease, some had gone to Caonabó in search of gold, and had been killed there, while the rest had been attacked and slaughtered in their own town. Based on the condition of the corpses, it was clear that it had not been more than two months since this had happened. He then presented the Admiral with eight and a half marks of gold and five or six belts adorned with various colored stones304-2 and a cap made of similar jeweled work, which I believe they must value highly, because it contained a jewel that was presented to him with great reverence. It seems to me that these people place more value on copper than gold. The surgeon of the fleet and I were present, and the Admiral told Guacamari that we were skilled in treating human ailments and would like him to show us his wound; he agreed. I suggested that it would be necessary for him to go outside if possible, since we could not see well in the dimness caused by the crowd of people; he consented, I believe more from shyness than eagerness, and exited the house leaning on the Admiral’s arm.Once seated, the surgeon approached and began to unwrap the bandage; then he informed the Admiral that the wound was made with a ciba, meaning it was made by a stone. When the wound was uncovered, we examined it: there was indeed no more wound on that leg than on the other, although he cleverly pretended to be in much pain. Being ignorant of the facts, it was impossible to reach a definitive conclusion. There were certainly many signs of an invasion by hostile parties, which left the Admiral confused about how to proceed; however, he, along with many others, thought that for the time being, until the truth could be clarified, they should hide their suspicions; once they knew the truth, they could claim any compensation they deemed appropriate. That evening, Guacamari accompanied the Admiral to the ships, and when they showed him the horses and other interesting items, he was struck with awe by their novelty; 305-1 he dined aboard the ship and returned to his home that night. The Admiral informed him of his desire to settle there and build houses; to which he agreed but mentioned that the place was not healthy due to its dampness: and it most definitely was.

All this passed through the interpretation of two of the Indians who had gone to Spain in the last voyage, and who were the sole survivors of seven who had embarked with us; five died on the voyage, and these but narrowly escaped. The next day we anchored in that port: Guacamari sent to know when the Admiral intended leaving, and was told that he would do so on the morrow. The same day Guacamari’s brother, and others with him, came on board, bringing gold to barter: on the day of our departure also they bartered a great quantity of gold. There were ten women on board, of those who had been taken in the Caribbee islands, principally from Boriquen, and it was observed that the brother of Guacamari spoke with them; we think that he told them to make an effort to escape that night; for certainly during our first sleep they dropped themselves quietly into the water, and went on shore, so that by the time they were missed they had reached such a distance that only four could be taken by the boats which went in pursuit, and these were secured when just leaving the water: they had to swim considerably more than half a league. The next morning the Admiral sent to desire that Guacamari would cause search to be made for the women who had escaped in the night, and that he would send them back to the ships. When the messengers arrived they found the place forsaken and not a soul there; this made many openly declare their suspicions, but others said they might have removed to another village, as was their custom. That day we remained quiet, because the weather was unfavorable for our departure. On the next morning the Admiral resolved that as the wind was adverse, it would be well to go with the boats to inspect a harbor on the coast at two leagues distance further up,306-1 to see if the formation of the land was favorable for a settlement; and we went thither with all the ship’s boats,[307] leaving the ships in the harbor. As we moved along the coast the people manifested a sense of insecurity, and when we reached the spot to which we were bound all the natives had fled. While we were walking about this place we found an Indian stretched on the hill-side, close by the houses, with a gaping wound in his shoulder caused by a dart, so that he had been disabled from fleeing any further. The natives of this island fight with sharp darts, which they shoot with straps in the same manner as boys in Spain shoot their little darts, and with these they shoot with considerable skill to a great distance; and certainly upon an unarmed people these weapons are calculated to do serious injury. The man told us that Caonabó and his people had wounded him and burnt the houses of Guacamari. Thus we are still kept in uncertainty respecting the death of our people, on account of the paucity of information on which to form an opinion, and the conflicting and equivocal character of the evidence we have obtained. We did not find the position of the land in this port favorable for healthy habitation, and the Admiral resolved upon returning along the upper coast by which we had come from Spain, because we had had tidings of gold in that direction. But the weather was so adverse that it cost more labor to sail thirty leagues in a backward direction than the whole voyage from Spain; so that, what with the contrary wind and the length of the passage, three months had elapsed when we landed.307-1 It pleased God, however, that through the check upon our progress caused by contrary winds, we succeeded in finding the best and most suitable spot that we could have selected for a settlement, where there was an excellent harbor307-2 and abundance of fish, an article of which we stand in great need from the scarcity of meat. The fish caught here are very singular and more wholesome than those of Spain. The climate does[308] not allow the fish to be kept from one day to another, for it is hot and moist, so that all animal food308-1 spoils very quickly. The land is very rich for all purposes; near the harbor there are two rivers: one large,308-2 and another of moderate breadth somewhat near it; the water is of a very remarkable quality. On the bank of it is being built a city called Marta,308-3 one side of which is bounded by the water with a ravine of cleft rock so that at that part there is no need of fortification; the other half is girt with a plantation of trees so thick that a rabbit could scarcely pass through it; and so green that fire will never be able to burn it. A channel has been commenced for a branch of the river, which the managers say they will lead through the middle of the settlement, and will place on it grist-mills and saw-mills and mills of other kinds requiring to be worked by water. Great quantities of vegetables have been planted, which certainly attain a more luxuriant growth here in eight days than they would in Spain in twenty. We are frequently visited by numbers of Indians, among whom are some of their caciques or chiefs, and many women. They all come loaded with ages,308-4 which are like turnips, very excellent for food, which we dressed in various ways. This food was so nutritious as to prove a great support to all of us after the privations we endured when at sea, which were more severe than ever were suffered by man; for as we could not tell what weather it would please God to send us on our voyage, we were obliged[309] to limit ourselves most rigorously with regard to food, in order that, at all events, we might at least have the means of supporting life. This age the Caribbees call nabi, and the Indians hage.326-1 The Indians barter gold, provisions, and everything they bring with them, for tips of lacings, beads, and pins, and pieces of porringers and dishes. They all, as I have said, go naked as they were born, except the women of this island, who have their private parts covered, some with a covering of cotton, which they bind round their hips, while others use grass and leaves of trees.326-2 When they wish to adorn themselves, both men and women paint themselves, some black, others white, and various colors, in so many devices that the effect is very laughable;326-3 they shave some parts of their heads, and in others wear long tufts of matted hair, which have an indescribably ridiculous appearance: in short, whatever would be looked upon in our country as characteristic of a madman, is here regarded by the highest of the Indians as a mark of distinction.

All this was conveyed through the interpretation of two of the Native Americans who had gone to Spain on the last voyage, and who were the only survivors of seven who had departed with us; five died during the journey, and these two barely escaped. The next day we anchored in that port: Guacamari asked when the Admiral planned to leave, and was told that it would be the following day. That same day, Guacamari's brother came on board with others, bringing gold to trade: on the day we departed, they traded a large amount of gold. There were ten women on board, taken from the Caribbean islands, mostly from Boriquen, and it was noticed that Guacamari's brother talked to them; we think he encouraged them to try to escape that night. Certainly, during our first sleep, they quietly slipped into the water and went ashore, so by the time they were missed, they had gotten far enough away that only four could be caught by the boats sent after them, and these were caught just as they were leaving the water: they had to swim more than half a league. The next morning, the Admiral sent a message asking Guacamari to search for the women who had escaped during the night and to have them returned to the ships. When the messengers arrived, they found the place empty and no one there; this led many to openly express their suspicions, while others said they might have moved to another village, as was their custom. That day we stayed put because the weather was not good for departing. The next morning, the Admiral decided that since the wind was against us, it would be a good idea to use the boats to explore a harbor on the coast about two leagues further up, to see if the layout of the land was suitable for a settlement; and we went there with all the ship's boats, leaving the ships in the harbor. As we moved along the coast, the people showed signs of unease, and by the time we reached our destination, all the locals had fled. While we were exploring this area, we found an Indian lying on the hillside near the houses, with a deep wound in his shoulder from a dart, so he couldn't run any further. The natives of this island fight with sharp darts, which they shoot using straps, just like boys in Spain shoot their little darts, and they use them skillfully at great distances; indeed, these weapons can cause serious injury to unarmed people. The man told us that Caonabó and his people had injured him and burned down Guacamari's houses. Thus, we remain uncertain about the fate of our people due to the lack of information and the conflicting and unclear nature of the evidence we've gathered. We didn't find the location in this port favorable for healthy living, so the Admiral decided to return along the upper coast by which we had come from Spain, because we’d received news of gold in that direction. However, the weather was so difficult that it took more effort to sail thirty leagues back than the entire voyage from Spain; due to the opposing winds and the length of the journey, three months passed before we landed. It pleased God that due to the delay caused by unfavorable winds, we found the best and most suitable spot we could have selected for a settlement, where there was an excellent harbor and plenty of fish, which we really needed due to the scarcity of meat. The fish caught here are unique and healthier than those in Spain. The climate doesn’t allow fish to last from one day to the next because it is hot and humid, causing all animal food to spoil very quickly. The land is very fertile for all purposes; near the harbor, there are two rivers: one large, and another of moderate width nearby; the water is of exceptional quality. A city called Marta is being built on the bank, one side bordered by water with a ravine of split rock, so that section doesn't need fortification; the other half is surrounded by a dense plantation of trees that a rabbit could hardly pass through; it's so green that fire can never burn it. A channel has been started for a branch of the river, which the managers claim they will lead through the center of the settlement, and will use it to install gristmills, sawmills, and other types of mills requiring water power. Huge amounts of vegetables have been planted, which certainly grow more abundantly here in eight days than they would in Spain in twenty. We are frequently visited by large numbers of Indians, some of their caciques or chiefs, and many women. They all come loaded with ages, which are like turnips, very good for food, which we cooked in various ways. This food was so nutritious that it greatly supported us after the hardships we faced at sea, which were more severe than any man has ever endured; because we couldn't know what weather God would send our way during the voyage, we had to severely limit our food supplies, so that we at least had enough to survive. This age the Caribbees call nabi, and the Indians call it hage. The Indians trade gold, food, and everything they bring with them for bits of string, beads, pins, and pieces of bowls and dishes. As I mentioned, they all go around naked as they were born, except for the women of this island, who cover their private parts, some with cotton wrapped around their hips, while others use grass and leaves from trees. When they want to decorate themselves, both men and women paint their bodies in various colors - some black, others white, and in numerous designs that look quite comical; they shave parts of their heads and leave long tufts of matted hair, creating an indescribably ridiculous appearance: in short, anything that would be seen in our country as characteristic of a madman is seen here by the highest-ranking Indians as a sign of distinction.

In our present position, we are in the neighborhood of many mines of gold, not one of which, we are told, is more than twenty or twenty-five leagues off: the Indians say that some of them are in Niti, in the possession of Caonabó, who killed the Christians; the others are in another place called Cibao, which, if it please God, we shall see with our eyes before many days are over; indeed we should go there at once, but that we have so many things to provide that we are not equal to it at present. One third of our people have fallen sick within the last four or five days, which I think has principally arisen from the toil and privations of the journey; another cause has been the variableness of the climate; but I hope in our Lord that all will be restored to health. My idea of this people is, that if we could converse with them,[310] they would all become converted, for they do whatever they see us do, making genuflections before the altars at the Ave Maria and the other parts of the devotional service, and making the sign of the cross. They all say that they wish to be Christians, although in truth they are idolaters, for in their houses they have many kinds of figures; when asked what such a figure was, they would reply it is a thing of Turey, by which they meant “of Heaven.” I made a pretence of throwing them on the fire, which grieved them so that they began to weep: they believe that everything we bring comes from Heaven, and therefore call it Turey, which, as I have already said, means heaven in their language. The first day that I went on shore to sleep, was the Lord’s day. The little time that we have spent on land, has been so much occupied in seeking for a fitting spot for the settlement, and in providing necessaries, that we have had little opportunity of becoming acquainted with the products of the soil, yet although the time has been so short, many marvellous things have been seen. We have met with trees bearing wool, of a sufficiently fine quality (according to the opinion of those who are acquainted with the art) to be woven into good cloth; there are so many of these trees that we might load the caravels with wool, although it is troublesome to collect, for the trees are very thorny,310-1 but some means may be easily found of overcoming this difficulty. There are also cotton trees, perennials, as large as peach trees, which produce cotton in the greatest abundance.310-2 We found trees producing wax as good both in color and smell as bees-wax and equally useful for burning; indeed there is no great difference between them.310-3 There are vast numbers of trees which yield surprisingly fine turpentine;[311] and there is also a great abundance of tragacanth, also very good. We found other trees which I think bear nutmegs, because the bark tastes and smells like that spice, but at present there is no fruit on them; I saw one root of ginger, which an Indian wore hanging round his neck. There are also aloes; not like those which we have hitherto seen in Spain, but no doubt they are one of the species used by us doctors.311-1 A sort of cinnamon also has been found; but, to tell the truth, it is not so fine as that with which we are already acquainted in Spain. I do not know whether this arises from ignorance of the proper season to gather it, or whether the soil does not produce better. We have also seen some lemon-colored myrobolans; at this season they are all lying under the trees, and have a bitter flavor, arising, I think, from the rottenness occasioned by the moisture of the ground; but the taste of such parts as have remained sound, is that of the genuine myrobolan.311-2 There is also very good mastic.311-3 None of the natives of these islands, as far as we have yet seen, possess any iron; they have, however, many tools, such as axes and adzes, made of stone, which are so handsome and well finished, that it is wonderful how they contrive to make them without the use of iron. Their food consists of bread, made of the roots of a vegetable which is between a tree and a vegetable, and the age,311-4 which I have already described as being like the turnip, and very good food; they use, to season it, a spice called agi,311-5 which they also eat with fish, and such[312] birds as they can catch of the many kinds which abound in the island. They have, besides, a kind of grain like hazel-nuts very good to eat. They eat all the snakes, and lizards, and spiders, and worms, that they find upon the ground;312-1 so that, to my fancy, their bestiality is greater than that of any beast upon the face of the earth. The Admiral had at one time determined to leave the search for the mines until he had first despatched the ships which were to return to Spain, on account of the great sickness which had prevailed among the men,312-2 but afterwards he resolved upon sending two bands under the command of two captains, the one to Cibao, and the other to Niti, where, as I have already said, Caonabó lived. These parties went, one of them returning on the twentieth, and the other on the twenty-first of January. The party that went to Cibao saw gold in so many places as to seem almost incredible, for in truth they found it in more than fifty streamlets and rivers, as well as upon their banks; so that, the captain said they had only to seek throughout that province, and they would find as much as they wished. He brought specimens from the different parts, namely, from[313] the sand of the rivers and small springs. It is thought, that by digging, it will be found in greater pieces, for the Indians neither know how to dig nor have the means of digging more than a hand’s depth. The other captain, who went to Niti, returned also with news of a great quantity of gold in three or four places; of which he likewise brought specimens.313-1

In our current situation, we're close to many gold mines, none of which are more than twenty or twenty-five leagues away. The locals say that some are in Niti, under the control of Caonabó, who killed the Christians; the others are in a place called Cibao, which, if God wills, we will see with our own eyes soon. We should go there right away, but we have so much to prepare that we’re not able to do it right now. One-third of our group has fallen ill in the last four or five days, which I believe is mainly due to the hard work and hardships of the journey; another reason is the unpredictable climate. But I hope in our Lord that everyone will recover. My impression of these people is that if we could talk to them, they would all convert, as they mimic our actions, kneeling before the altars during the Ave Maria and at other parts of the service, and making the sign of the cross. They all say they want to be Christians, even though they are actually idolaters, since they have various figures in their homes. When asked what a certain figure was, they would say it is a thing of Turey, meaning "of Heaven." I pretended to throw them in the fire, which made them so upset that they started to cry; they believe that everything we bring comes from Heaven, which is why they call it Turey, as I mentioned before. The first day I went ashore to sleep was the Lord’s day. The little time we've spent on land has been so busy searching for a suitable settlement site and gathering supplies that we haven't had much chance to learn about the local products. Still, even in this short time, we've seen many amazing things. We’ve found trees that produce wool of a fine quality (according to those who know about it) suitable for weaving into good cloth; there are so many of these trees that we could load the ships with wool, although gathering it is difficult because the trees are very thorny, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ but we can figure out how to deal with this issue. There are also cotton trees, perennial and as large as peach trees, which yield cotton in great abundance. 310-2 We discovered trees that produce wax, which is just as good in color and smell as beeswax and is equally useful for burning; indeed, there is very little difference between them.310-3 There are plenty of trees that yield high-quality turpentine;[311] and there’s also a great supply of tragacanth, also very good. We found other trees that I believe bear nutmegs, since the bark tastes and smells like that spice, but there’s no fruit on them now; I saw one piece of ginger that an Indian wore around his neck. There are also aloes; they aren’t like the ones we have seen in Spain, but I’m sure they are a variety used by us doctors. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ A type of cinnamon has also been discovered; however, to be honest, it’s not as fine as the variety we're already familiar with in Spain. I don’t know if this is due to not knowing the right time to harvest it, or if the soil isn’t capable of producing better. We have also seen some lemon-colored myrobolans; at this time of year, they are all lying under the trees and have a bitter taste, likely due to the rot caused by the ground’s moisture; however, the taste of the parts that have remained sound is of genuine myrobolan. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ There's also very good mastic.311-3 None of the natives of these islands, as far as we have seen, have any iron; however, they have many tools, like axes and adzes, made of stone that are so well-made and finely crafted that it’s astonishing how they manage to produce them without iron. Their food consists of bread made from the roots of a plant that is somewhere between a tree and a vegetable, and the age,311-4 which I’ve already mentioned is like a turnip and makes for very good food; they season it with a spice called agi,311-5 which they also use with fish and various kinds of birds they catch on the island. They also have a type of grain that looks like hazelnuts and is quite tasty. They eat all the snakes, lizards, spiders, and worms they can find on the ground;312-1 so I think their savage behavior surpasses that of any animal on earth. The Admiral initially decided to postpone the search for the mines until after sending the ships back to Spain due to the widespread sickness among the men, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ but later he decided to send two groups led by two captains, one to Cibao and the other to Niti, where, as I mentioned before, Caonabó lived. These groups set out, one returning on January 20, and the other on January 21. The group that went to Cibao found gold in so many places it was almost unbelievable, as they discovered it in more than fifty streams and rivers, as well as along their banks; the captain said they only needed to search throughout that province to find as much as they wanted. He brought back samples from various locations, namely, from the sand of the rivers and small springs. It’s thought that gold could be found in larger pieces by digging, as the Indians don’t know how to dig or have the means to dig any deeper than a hand’s depth. The other captain, who went to Niti, also returned with news of a large quantity of gold in three or four locations, and he brought back specimens. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Thus, surely, their Highnesses the King and Queen may henceforth regard themselves as the most prosperous and wealthy sovereigns in the world; never yet, since the creation, has such a thing been seen or read of; for on the return of the ships from their next voyage, they will be able to carry back such a quantity of gold as will fill with amazement all who hear of it. Here I think I shall do well to break off my narrative. I think those who do not know me, who hear these things, may consider me prolix, and a man who has exaggerated somewhat, but God is my witness, that I have not exceeded, by one tittle, the bounds of truth.313-2

So, without a doubt, their Highnesses the King and Queen can now consider themselves the most prosperous and wealthy rulers in the world; never before, since the beginning of time, has anything like this been seen or recorded; for when the ships return from their next journey, they will bring back such a huge amount of gold that everyone who hears about it will be amazed. Here, I think it's best to end my story. Those who don't know me and hear these things might think I’m being too detailed or that I’ve exaggerated a bit, but God is my witness, I haven't gone beyond the limits of truth.313-2

283-1 There is a gap here in the text of the original which has been filled by taking the corresponding words in Bernaldez’s text.

283-1 There's a gap in the original text here that has been filled by using the matching words from Bernaldez’s text.

284-1 Major here translated algun dia “one day.” It should be “some days.” Bernaldez has algunos dias, and Coma says the tarry at Gomera was nearly six days.

284-1 Major here translated algun dia as “one day.” It should be “a few days.” Bernaldez uses algunos dias, and Coma mentions that the stay in Gomera was almost six days.

284-2 La nao Capitana means the flagship. The name of the flagship on the second voyage was Marigalante. Historie of Ferdinand Columbus, cap. XLV. (London, ed. 1867), p. 137.

284-2 La nao Capitana means the flagship. The name of the flagship on the second voyage was Marigalante. Historie of Ferdinand Columbus, cap. XLV. (London, ed. 1867), p. 137.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

285-1 The island of Dominica, which is so called from having been discovered on a Sunday. Historie, p. 137.

285-1 The island of Dominica got its name because it was discovered on a Sunday. Historie, p. 137.

285-2 The island Marigalante, which was so called from the name of the ship in which Columbus sailed. Historie, ibid.

285-2 The island Marigalante, named after the ship Columbus sailed on. Historie, ibid.

285-3 Marigalante.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Marigalante.

286-1 One would infer from this that it was the fruit of the manzanillo, which produces similar effects. (Navarrete.) On the Manzanillo (Manchineel), see Oviedo, lib. IX., cap. XII. He says the Caribs used it in making their arrow poisons.

286-1 One might conclude from this that it was the fruit of the manzanillo, which has similar effects. (Navarrete.) For more on the Manzanillo (Manchineel), see Oviedo, book IX., chapter XII. He mentions that the Caribs used it to make their arrow poisons.

286-2 Guadeloupe.

Guadeloupe.

288-1 It was Diego Marquez, the inspector, who with eight other men went on shore into the interior of the island, without permission from the Admiral, who caused him to be sought for by parties of men with trumpets, but without success. One of those who were sent out with this object was Alonzo Ojeda, who took with him forty men, and on their return they reported that they had found many aromatic plants, a variety of birds, and some considerable rivers. The wanderers were not able to find their way to the ships until the 8th of November. [Navarrete, condensed from Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, II. 7-8.]

288-1 It was Diego Marquez, the inspector, who, along with eight other men, went ashore into the interior of the island without permission from the Admiral. The Admiral sent parties of men with trumpets to find him, but they had no luck. One of those sent out for this purpose was Alonzo Ojeda, who took forty men with him. Upon their return, they reported that they had discovered many aromatic plants, various birds, and some significant rivers. The explorers were unable to find their way back to the ships until November 8th. [Navarrete, condensed from Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, II. 7-8.]

288-2 Tayno was also the tribal name of these people, who differentiated themselves from the Caribs. Peter Martyr reports the assertions of the followers of Guacamari that they were Taynos not Caribs: “Se Tainos, id est, nobiles esse, non Canibales, inclamitant.” De Rebus Oceanicis, Dec. I., lib. II., p. 25. (Cologne ed. of 1574.)

288-2 Tayno was also the tribal name of these people, who set themselves apart from the Caribs. Peter Martyr reports that the followers of Guacamari claimed they were Taynos, not Caribs: “We are Tainos, that is, noble ones, not Cannibals,” they shout. De Rebus Oceanicis, Dec. I., lib. II., p. 25. (Cologne ed. of 1574.)

289-1 Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, II. 8, remarks of these bones, “They must have belonged to lords or persons whom they loved since it is not probable that they belonged to those they ate, because if they ate as many as some say, the cabins would not hold all the bones and skulls, and it seems that after having eaten them there would be no object in keeping the skulls and bones for relics unless they belonged to some very notable enemies. The whole matter is a puzzle.”

289-1 Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, II. 8, comments on these bones, "They must have belonged to nobles or people they cared about, since it's unlikely they belonged to those they consumed. If they really ate as many as some claim, the homes wouldn't have enough space for all the bones and skulls. Plus, it seems that after eating them, there would be no reason to keep the skulls and bones as relics unless they were from particularly significant enemies. The whole situation is a mystery."

289-2 The name Caribe here obviously has begun to have the meaning “cannibal,” which is in origin the same word.

289-2 The name Caribe here clearly has started to mean “cannibal,” which is actually the original meaning of the word.

289-3 This practice still survives among the Caribs. Im Thurn describes it in almost the same words as Dr. Chanca. See Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 192.

289-3 This tradition still exists among the Caribs. Im Thurn describes it in nearly the same words as Dr. Chanca. See Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 192.

290-1 These are the native names for Dominica (Ceyre) and Guadeloupe (Turuqueira and Ayay), which consists of two islands separated by a narrow channel.

290-1 These are the native names for Dominica (Ceyre) and Guadeloupe (Turuqueira and Ayay), which are two islands divided by a narrow channel.

291-1 They left on Sunday, the 10th of November. Las Casas, Historia, II. 9.

291-1 They departed on Sunday, November 10th. Las Casas, Historia, II. 9.

291-2 The island Montserrat. Las Casas, ibid.

291-2 The island of Montserrat. Las Casas, ibid.

291-3 The island of St. Martin. Las Casas, ibid.

291-3 The island of St. Martin. Las Casas, ibid.

293-1 Dominica.

Dominica.

293-2 Santa Cruz. November 14. Las Casas, ibid.

293-2 Santa Cruz. November 14. Las Casas, ibid.

294-1 The Admiral named the largest of these islands St. Ursula, and all the others The Eleven Thousand Virgins. Las Casas, Historia, II. 10.

294-1 The Admiral called the biggest of these islands St. Ursula, and the rest he named The Eleven Thousand Virgins. Las Casas, Historia, II. 10.

294-2 The island of Porto Rico, to which the Admiral “gave the name of St. John the Baptist, which we now call Sant Juan and which the Indians called Boriquen.” Las Casas, II. 10.

294-2 The island of Puerto Rico, which the Admiral named St. John the Baptist, now known as San Juan, and which the Indigenous people referred to as Boriquén. Las Casas, II. 10.

295-1 See note to Journal, September 29. Frigate-bird is the accepted English name; a species of pelican.

295-1 See note to Journal, September 29. The frigate-bird is the commonly used English name; it is a type of pelican.

295-2 Porto Rico.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Puerto Rico.

295-3 On Friday, the 22d of November, the Admiral first caught sight of the island of Española. Las Casas, II. 10.

295-3 On Friday, November 22nd, the Admiral first saw the island of Hispaniola. Las Casas, II. 10.

295-4 Cape Engaño, in the island of Española. (Navarrete.)

295-4 Cape Engaño, on the island of Española. (Navarrete.)

295-5 Preserved in the Bay of Samana.

295-5 Kept in the Bay of Samana.

295-6 See Journal, October 21. and note.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See Journal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__. and __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

296-1 Of this voyage of exploration there seems to be no record. Our natural sources, the Historie and Las Casas, are silent. Columbus suspended his writing in his Journal from December 11, 1493, till March 12, 1494. Antonio de Torres sailed for Spain February 2, 1494, when Dr. Chanca sent off his letter. Probably this exploration was begun about December 20.

296-1 There doesn't seem to be any record of this exploration voyage. Our main sources, the Historie and Las Casas, don’t mention it. Columbus stopped writing in his Journal from December 11, 1493, until March 12, 1494. Antonio de Torres set sail for Spain on February 2, 1494, when Dr. Chanca sent his letter. This exploration probably started around December 20.

296-2 Unos gosques grandes. The French translation has gros carlins, “large pug-dogs.” Bernaldez calls these dogs, gozcos pequeños, “small curs.” “Cur” is the common meaning for gozque or gosque. See Oviedo, lib. XII., cap. V., for a description of these native dogs which soon became extinct.

296-2 Some big dogs. The French translation has gros carlins, “large pug-dogs.” Bernaldez refers to these dogs as gozcos pequeños, “small curs.” “Cur” is the typical meaning for gozque or gosque. See Oviedo, lib. XII., cap. V., for a description of these native dogs that soon became extinct.

296-3 Bernaldez, II. 34, supplies the native name, Utia. Oviedo, lib. XII., cap. I., describes the hutia. When he wrote it had become so scarce as to be seen only on rare occasions. It was extinct in Du Tertre’s time, a century later. Of the four allied species described by Oviedo, the hutia, the quemi, the mohuy, and the cori (agouti), only the last has survived to the present day.

296-3 Bernaldez, II. 34, provides the native name, Utia. Oviedo, lib. XII., cap. I., describes the hutia. When he wrote this, it had become so rare that it was only seen on rare occasions. It was extinct by Du Tertre’s time, a century later. Of the four related species mentioned by Oviedo—the hutia, the quemi, the mohuy, and the cori (agouti)—only the last one has survived to this day.

296-4 Cabra, or Goat Island, between Puerto de Plata and Cas Rouge Point. (Major.)

296-4 Cabra, or Goat Island, located between Puerto de Plata and Cas Rouge Point. (Major.)

297-1 Apparently the cayman or South American alligator.

297-1 It seems to refer to the cayman or the South American alligator.

298-1 The river Yaque.

The Yaque River.

298-2 It is only seven leagues. (Navarrete.)

It's only seven leagues. (Navarrete.)

298-3 This chief’s name is Guacanagari in Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, and in the Historie of Ferdinand Columbus, Goathanari in the Syllacio-Coma letter, Guacanari in Bernaldez and Guaccanarillus in Peter Martyr’s De Rebus Oceanicis.

298-3 This chief is named Guacanagari in Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, Goathanari in the Syllacio-Coma letter from Ferdinand Columbus, Guacanari in Bernaldez, and Guaccanarillus in Peter Martyr’s De Rebus Oceanicis.

298-4 The admiral anchored at the entrance of the harbor of Navidad, on Wednesday, the 27th of November, towards midnight. Las Casas, II. 11.

298-4 The admiral dropped anchor at the entrance of Navidad's harbor on Wednesday, November 27th, just before midnight. Las Casas, II. 11.

299-1 See Journal of First Voyage, December 25.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See Journal of First Voyage, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

299-2 The Bay of Caracol, four leagues west of Fort Dauphin. (Major.)

299-2 The Bay of Caracol, about twelve miles west of Fort Dauphin. (Major.)

299-3 “Toward midnight a canoe came full of Indians and reached the ship of the Admiral, and they called for him saying ‘Almirante, Almirante.’” Las Casas, II. 11.

299-3 “Around midnight, a canoe filled with Indians approached the Admiral's ship, calling out for him, ‘Almirante, Almirante.’” Las Casas, II. 11.

300-1 The hawk bell was a small open bell used in hawking. The discoverers used hawk bells as a small measure as of gold dust.

300-1 The hawk bell was a small open bell used in falconry. The discoverers used hawk bells as a small measure of gold dust.

302-1 See above, p. 289, note 1.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See above, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

302-2 The mark was a weight of eight ounces, two-thirds of a Troy pound. The mark of gold in Spain was equivalent to 50 castellanos, or in bullion value to-day about $150.

302-2 The mark weighed eight ounces, two-thirds of a Troy pound. In Spain, the mark of gold was worth 50 castellanos, which is roughly $150 in today's bullion value.

303-1 Melchior Maldonado, apparently the Melchiorius from whom Peter Martyr derived some of his material for his account of the second voyage. See his De Rebus Oceanicis, ed. 1574, p. 26.

303-1 Melchior Maldonado, likely the Melchiorius that Peter Martyr used for some of his information in his account of the second voyage. See his De Rebus Oceanicis, ed. 1574, p. 26.

304-1 The familiar hammock.

The classic hammock.

304-2 The original reads “cinco o seiscientos labrados de pedreria,” which Major translated “five or six hundred pieces of jewellery,” and Thacher “five or six hundred cut stones.” The dictionaries recognize labrado as a noun only in the plural labrados, “tilled lands.” Turning to Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Catolicos, in which Dr. Chanca’s letter was copied almost bodily, we find, II. 27, “cinco ó seis labrados de pedreria,” which presents the same difficulty. The omission of cientos is notable, however. I think the original text of Dr. Chanca’s letter read “cinco 6 seis cintos labrados de pedreria,” i.e., five or six belts worked with jewellery. Cintos being written blindly was copied cientos by Antonio de Aspa, from whom our text of Dr. Chanca’s letter has come down (Navarrete, I. 224), and was omitted perhaps accidentally in Bernaldez’s copy. This conjecture is rendered almost certain by the Historie, where it is recorded that “the Cacique gave the Admiral eight belts worked with small beads made of white, green, and red stones,” p. 148, London ed. of 1867. This passage enables us to correct the text of Las Casas, II. 14, changing “ochocientas cuentas menudas de piedra,” “eight hundred small beads of stone,” to “ocho cintos de cuentas menudas,” etc., “eight belts of small beads,” and again, ciento de oro to cinto de oro. In the Syllacio-Coma letter the gift is balteos duodecim, “twelve belts.” Thacher, Columbus, II. 235. Cf. Las Casas’s description of the girdle or belt that this chief wore when Columbus first saw him, Dec. 22, above, p. 194.

304-2 The original says “cinco o seiscientos labrados de pedreria,” which Major translated as “five or six hundred pieces of jewellery,” and Thacher as “five or six hundred cut stones.” Dictionaries recognize labrado as a noun only in the plural form labrados, meaning “tilled lands.” Looking at Bernaldez’s Historia de los Reyes Catolicos, where Dr. Chanca’s letter was nearly copied word for word, we find, II. 27, “cinco ó seis labrados de pedreria,” which poses the same issue. The lack of cientos is interesting, though. I believe the original text of Dr. Chanca’s letter wrote “cinco 6 seis cintos labrados de pedreria,” i.e., five or six belts decorated with jewellery. The term cintos was mistakenly copied as cientos by Antonio de Aspa, from whom our version of Dr. Chanca’s letter has come (Navarrete, I. 224), and it may have been accidentally left out in Bernaldez’s version. This assumption is almost confirmed by the Historie, where it mentions that “the Cacique gave the Admiral eight belts worked with small beads made of white, green, and red stones,” p. 148, London ed. of 1867. This excerpt allows us to correct Las Casas’s text, II. 14, changing “ochocientas cuentas menudas de piedra,” meaning “eight hundred small beads of stone,” to “ocho cintos de cuentas menudas,” etc., “eight belts of small beads,” and again, ciento de oro to cinto de oro. In the Syllacio-Coma letter, the gift is balteos duodecim, “twelve belts.” Thacher, Columbus, II. 235. Cf. Las Casas’s description of the girdle or belt that this chief wore when Columbus first saw him, Dec. 22, above, p. 194.

305-1 These were not only the first horses seen in the New World since the extinction of the prehistoric varieties, but the first large quadrupeds the West Indians had seen.

305-1 These were not only the first horses seen in the New World since the prehistoric varieties went extinct, but also the first large animals the West Indians had ever encountered.

306-1 Port Dauphin. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Port Dauphin. (Navarrete.)

307-1 That is, three months from the time the fleet left Spain, September 25, 1493. Neither the Historie nor Las Casas mentions the date of landing. In the Syllacio-Coma letter the date is given as “eight days from Christmas.” See Thacher, Columbus, II. 236, 257.

307-1 In other words, three months after the fleet departed from Spain, on September 25, 1493. Neither the Historie nor Las Casas specifies the landing date. In the Syllacio-Coma letter, the date is noted as "eight days after Christmas." See Thacher, Columbus, II. 236, 257.

307-2 Port Isabelique, or Isabella, ten leagues to the east of Monte Cristi. (Navarrete.)

307-2 Port Isabelique, or Isabella, is located ten leagues east of Monte Cristi. (Navarrete.)

308-1 Cosas introfatibles in the Spanish. The translation follows the French version. The text perhaps is corrupt. The word introfatibles is not found in any of the Spanish dictionaries nor is it a learned compound whose meaning is apparent from its etymology. Professor H. R. Lang suggests that cosas corruptibles may be the proper reading. The sentence is omitted in the corresponding passage in Bernaldez, II. 30.

308-1 Introfatibles in Spanish. The translation follows the French version. The text might be corrupted. The word introfatibles isn’t found in any Spanish dictionaries, nor is it a recognized compound whose meaning is clear from its roots. Professor H. R. Lang suggests that cosas corruptibles could be the correct reading. This sentence is missing in the corresponding section of Bernaldez, II. 30.

308-2 The river Isabella.

The Isabella River.

308-3 I can offer no explanation for this name, which is found only in Dr. Chanca’s letter. Bernaldez, who copied Dr. Chanca, gives Isabela as the name of the city, II. 30, and the Historie and Las Casas, who preserve for us the gist of Columbus’s own narrative, both say that “he named the city Isabela in memory of Queen Isabela.” Las Casas, II. 21. Historie, p. 150.

308-3 I can't explain the origin of this name, which appears only in Dr. Chanca’s letter. Bernaldez, who copied Dr. Chanca, lists Isabela as the name of the city, II. 30, and both the Historie and Las Casas, who summarize Columbus’s own account, state that “he named the city Isabela in honor of Queen Isabela.” Las Casas, II. 21. Historie, p. 150.

308-4 Yams, the Dioscorea sativa. Columbus had seen the yam in Guinea an applied the African negro name, igname, ñame, whence the English, yam. See note to Journal, November 4.

308-4 Yams, the Dioscorea sativa. Columbus encountered the yam in Guinea and adopted the African name, igname, ñame, which became the English word, yam. See note to Journal, November 4.

326-1 By the Indians Dr. Chanca means the Tainos, the native inhabitants of Española.

326-1 When Dr. Chanca refers to the Indians, he means the Tainos, the original inhabitants of Española.

326-2 “Every woman wears a tiny apron called a queyu, suspended by tying its strings around her waist.” Im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana, 194.

326-2 “Every woman wears a small apron called a queyu, tied around her waist with strings.” Im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana, 194.

326-3 On this body painting, see Im Thurn, ibid.

326-3 For information on this body painting, refer to Im Thurn, ibid.

310-1 A species of the N. O. Bombaceae; perhaps the Eriodendron anfractuosum. (Major.) The English name is silk-cotton tree. The fibre, however, cannot be woven. Von Martius suggests the Bombax ceiba.

310-1 A species of the N. O. Bombaceae; possibly the Eriodendron anfractuosum. (Major.) The common name is silk-cotton tree. However, the fiber can't be woven. Von Martius suggests the Bombax ceiba.

310-2 Cf. Hazard, Santo Domingo, p. 350, “the cotton plant which instead of being a simple bush planted from the seed each year, is here a tree, growing two or three years, which needs only to be trimmed and pruned to produce a large yield of the finest cotton.”

310-2 Cf. Hazard, Santo Domingo, p. 350, “the cotton plant that, rather than being a simple bush planted from seed every year, here grows like a tree for two or three years, needing only to be trimmed and pruned to produce a large yield of the finest cotton.”

310-3 Probably the so-called Carnauba wax or perhaps palm-tree wax. Cf. the Encyclopædia Britannica, art. “Wax.”

310-3 Probably the so-called Carnauba wax or maybe palm tree wax. Cf. the Encyclopædia Britannica, article “Wax.”

311-1 The Spanish here is linaloe, but the reference seems to be to the medicinal aloes and not to lign aloes. On lign aloes, see Columbus’s Journal, November 12, and note.

311-1 The Spanish term here is linaloe, but it appears to refer to medicinal aloes rather than lign aloes. For information on lign aloes, see Columbus’s Journal, November 12, and note.

311-2 The myrobolan is an East Indian fruit with a stone, of the prune genus. Crude or preserved myrobolans were a more important article of commerce in the Middle Ages than now. There were five varieties, one of which, the Mirobalani citrini, were so named because they were lemon-colored. Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age, II. 641. A species of myrobolan grows in South America.

311-2 The myrobolan is an East Indian fruit with a pit, belonging to the prune family. Unprocessed or preserved myrobolans were a more significant trade item in the Middle Ages than they are today. There were five varieties, one of which, the Mirobalani citrini, was named for its lemon color. Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age, II. 641. A type of myrobolan also grows in South America.

311-3 The product of the Bursera gummifera.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The product of the Bursera gummifera.

311-4 Cf. Columbus’s Journal, November 4, and note.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See. Columbus’s Journal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, and __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.

311-5 Agi, also written Axi, is the Capsicum annuum or Spanish pepper. Most of the cayenne or red pepper of commerce comes from the allied species, Capsicum frutescens. In Mexico the name of this indigenous pepper plant was Quauhchilli, Chili tree. Chili was taken over into Spanish as the common name for capsicum and has come down in English in the familiar Chili sauce. See Peschel, Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 139; De Candolle, Origin of Cultivated Plants, pp. 289-290. Encyclopædia Britannica, art. “Cayenne Pepper.”

311-5 Agi, sometimes spelled Axi, refers to Capsicum annuum or Spanish pepper. Most of the cayenne or red pepper available commercially comes from the related species, Capsicum frutescens. In Mexico, this native pepper plant was called Quauhchilli, which means Chili tree. The word Chili was adopted into Spanish as the common name for capsicum and has also become part of English as the well-known Chili sauce. See Peschel, Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 139; De Candolle, Origin of Cultivated Plants, pp. 289-290. Encyclopædia Britannica, art. “Cayenne Pepper.”

312-1 Cf. Im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana, 266.

312-1 See. Im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana, 266.

312-2 The Admiral, “having described the country at length and the condition in which he was and where he had settled for the Catholic sovereigns and sending them the specimen of gold which Guacanagari had given him and that which Hojeda had brought, and informing them of all that he saw to be needed, despatched the twelve ships before mentioned, placing in command of them all Antonio de Torres, brother of the nurse of the prince Don Juan, to whom he intrusted the gold and all his despatches. They made sail the 2d of February, 1494.” Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, II. 25-26. Columbus’s letter to Ferdinand and Isabella mentioned here has not been preserved. That part of it which related to future needs was apparently duplicated in the “memorial” which he gave to Torres. This document is given in English in Thacher, Christopher Columbus, II. 297-308, and Major, Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, ed. 1870, pp. 72-107. See p. 73, ibid., for a reference to letters of the Admiral no longer extant.

312-2 The Admiral, “having thoroughly described the country and his situation, where he had established himself for the Catholic monarchs, and sending them the sample of gold that Guacanagari had given him, along with the gold that Hojeda had brought, and informing them of everything he saw as necessary, sent off the twelve ships mentioned earlier, appointing Antonio de Torres, the brother of the prince Don Juan's nurse, to command them. He entrusted Torres with the gold and all his messages. They set sail on February 2, 1494.” Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, II. 25-26. Columbus’s letter to Ferdinand and Isabella mentioned here has not been preserved. The part related to future needs was likely duplicated in the “memorial” he gave to Torres. This document is available in English in Thacher, Christopher Columbus, II. 297-308, and Major, Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, ed. 1870, pp. 72-107. See p. 73, ibid., for a reference to letters from the Admiral that are no longer available.

313-1 Alonso de Hojeda was sent to explore the region of Cibao with fifteen men. He found Cibao to be fifteen or twenty leagues from Isabella. The other exploring party was headed by Gines de Gorbalan. Further details of these expeditions are given in the Syllacio-Coma letter. Thacher, Columbus, II. 258-260. According to Coma, or his translator Syllacio, Cibao was identified with the Sheba of the Bible. Columbus, on the other hand, identified Cibao and Cipango. Cf., e.g., Peter Martyr, De Rebus Oceanicis, ed. 1574, p. 31.

313-1 Alonso de Hojeda was sent to explore the Cibao region with fifteen men. He discovered that Cibao was about fifteen to twenty leagues from Isabella. The other exploration team was led by Gines de Gorbalan. More details about these expeditions can be found in the Syllacio-Coma letter. Thacher, Columbus, II. 258-260. According to Coma or his translator Syllacio, Cibao was linked to the Sheba mentioned in the Bible. Columbus, however, connected Cibao with Cipango. Cf., e.g., Peter Martyr, De Rebus Oceanicis, ed. 1574, p. 31.

313-2 “The preceding is the transcript of that part of Doctor Chanca’s letter, which refers to intelligence respecting the Indies. The remainder of the letter does not bear upon the subject, but treats of private matters, in which Doctor Chanca requests the interference and support of the Town Council of Seville (of which city he was a native), in behalf of his family and property, which he had left in the said city. This letter reached Seville in the month of [March] in the year fourteen hundred and ninety-three [four].” This note is no doubt from the hand of Friar Antonio de Aspa, who formed the collection of papers in which Navarrete found the text of Dr. Chanca’s letter. The collection was made about the middle of the sixteenth century. See Navarrete, II. 224. The returning fleet arrived at Cadiz in March, 1494. Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Catolicos, (ed. 1870), II. 37.

313-2 “The following is the transcript of the section of Doctor Chanca’s letter that deals with information about the Indies. The rest of the letter is unrelated to this topic and discusses personal matters, where Doctor Chanca asks the Town Council of Seville (his hometown) for help and support regarding his family and property left in that city. This letter arrived in Seville in March of 1494.” This note was likely written by Friar Antonio de Aspa, who compiled the collection of documents from which Navarrete found Dr. Chanca’s letter. The collection was put together around the mid-sixteenth century. See Navarrete, II. 224. The returning fleet reached Cadiz in March 1494. Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Catolicos, (ed. 1870), II. 37.



INTRODUCTION

The narrative given here of the third voyage of Columbus in which he discovered the mainland of South America is taken from the Historia de las Indias of Las Casas. In preparing his History Las Casas had the use of a larger body of Columbus’s papers than has come down to us. Among these papers was a journal of this third voyage which was incorporated in a condensed form by Las Casas in his History, just as he did in the case of the journals of the first and second voyages. This narrative is found in the second volume of the Historia de las Indias, pp. 220-317. The translation is, as is mentioned in the preface to this volume, that given in John Boyd Thacher’s Christopher Columbus.

The story here about Columbus's third voyage, during which he discovered the mainland of South America, is taken from the Historia de las Indias by Las Casas. When he wrote his History, Las Casas had access to a greater collection of Columbus’s documents than what we have today. Included in these documents was a journal of this third voyage, which Las Casas summarized in his History, just like he did with the journals from the first and second voyages. This account can be found in the second volume of the Historia de las Indias, pages 220-317. The translation mentioned in the preface to this volume is the one provided in John Boyd Thacher’s Christopher Columbus.

In certain places the text differs slightly from that in the printed edition of Las Casas, as Mr. Thacher followed the critical text of Cesare de Lollis prepared for the Raccolta Colombiana by a collation of the manuscript in the Archives at Madrid with the recently discovered autograph manuscript of Las Casas. Mr. Thacher, following Lollis, omitted passages that were obviously comments on the text by Las Casas. These have been supplied either from Mr. Thacher’s notes or translated by the editor from the printed text. The editor has gone over the whole translation and can testify to its exceptional accuracy. A few slight changes have been made in the wording for the sake of greater clearness or exactness.

In some areas, the text is slightly different from what's in the printed edition of Las Casas, as Mr. Thacher used the critical text of Cesare de Lollis, which was prepared for the Raccolta Colombiana by comparing the manuscript in the Archives in Madrid with the recently found original manuscript of Las Casas. Mr. Thacher, following Lollis, left out sections that were obviously comments on the text by Las Casas. These have been added back either from Mr. Thacher’s notes or translated by the editor from the printed version. The editor has reviewed the entire translation and can vouch for its outstanding accuracy. A few minor adjustments have been made to the wording for better clarity and precision.

Columbus described this voyage in a letter to Ferdinand and Isabella. This letter is included in Major’s Select Letters of Columbus and in P. L. Ford’s Writings of Columbus. This[318] letter is of great importance in the study of Columbus’s geographical ideas. Other contemporary accounts of this voyage are contained in Ferdinand Columbus’s Historie, the life of his father, where the journal abridged by Las Casas is still further condensed, in Peter Martyr’s De Rebus Oceanicis, Dec. I., lib. VI., and in the letter of Simone Verde and the three letters of Angelo Trivigiano which will be found in Harrisse, Christophe Colomb, II. 95-98 and 119-123.

Columbus described this journey in a letter to Ferdinand and Isabella. This letter is included in Major’s Select Letters of Columbus and in P. L. Ford’s Writings of Columbus. This[318] letter is very important for understanding Columbus’s geographical ideas. Other contemporary accounts of this voyage can be found in Ferdinand Columbus’s Historie, which details his father's life, where the journal condensed by Las Casas is even further shortened, in Peter Martyr’s De Rebus Oceanicis, Dec. I., lib. VI., and in the letter from Simone Verde and the three letters from Angelo Trivigiano that are in Harrisse, Christophe Colomb, II. 95-98 and 119-123.

E. G. B.

E.G.B.


NARRATIVE OF THE THIRD VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS AS CONTAINED IN LAS CASAS’S HISTORY

May 30-August 31, 1498

May 30 - August 31, 1498

He started then (our First Admiral)319-1 “in the name of the Most Holy Trinity” (as he says and as he was always accustomed to say) from the port of San Lucar de Barrameda, Wednesday, May 30, 1498, with the intention of discovering new land not yet discovered, with his six ships, “greatly fatigued,” he says, “with my voyage, since as I was hoping for some quietude, when I left the Indies, I experienced double hardships;” they being the result of the labors, new obstacles and difficulties with which he obtained the funds for his starting upon the expedition and the annoyances in connection therewith received from the royal officials and the hindrance and the evil reports the people around about the Sovereigns gave concerning the affairs in the Indies, wherefore it appeared to him that what he already had done was not sufficient but that he must renew his labors to gain new credit. And because war had then broken out with France,319-2 he had news of a French fleet which was waiting for the Admiral beyond the Cape of St. Vincent, to capture him. On this[320] account he decided to steal away as they say and make a detour, directing his course straight to the island of Madeira.

He began then (our First Admiral “in the name of the Most Holy Trinity” (as he says and as he always used to say) from the port of San Lucar de Barrameda on Wednesday, May 30, 1498, with the goal of discovering new lands that had not yet been found, with his six ships, “greatly tired,” he says, “from my journey, since I hoped for some rest when I left the Indies, but instead faced double hardships;” these were due to the labors, new obstacles, and difficulties he encountered while securing funding for the expedition, along with the annoyances from royal officials and the negative reports from people surrounding the Sovereigns regarding the affairs in the Indies. Therefore, it seemed to him that what he had already accomplished was not enough and that he needed to renew his efforts to gain more credibility. And because a war had broken out with France,319-2 he learned about a French fleet waiting for the Admiral beyond the Cape of St. Vincent to capture him. For this reason, he decided to slip away as they say and take a detour, steering his course directly to the island of Madeira.

He arrived at the island of Puerto Sancto, Thursday, June 7, where he stopped to take wood, water and supplies and to hear mass, and he found all the island disturbed and all the farms, goods and flocks guarded, fearing that the new-comers might be French; and then that night he left for the island of Madeira and arrived there the following Sunday, June 10. He was very well received in the town320-1 and with much rejoicing, because he was well known there, having been a citizen thereof during some time.320-2 He remained there six days, providing himself fully with water and wood and the other necessities for his journey.

He arrived at the island of Puerto Sancto on Thursday, June 7, where he stopped to gather wood, water, and supplies, and to attend mass. He found the entire island in an uproar, with all the farms, goods, and livestock being guarded because people were worried that the newcomers might be French. That night, he left for the island of Madeira and reached there the following Sunday, June 10. He was warmly welcomed in the town320-1, and there was much celebration because he was well known there, having been a citizen for some time.320-2 He stayed there for six days, making sure he had plenty of water, wood, and other essentials for his journey.

Saturday, June 16, he left the island of Madeira with his six ships and arrived at the island of Gomera320-3 the following Tuesday. At this island he found a French corsair with a French vessel and two large ships which the corsair had taken from the Castilians, and when the Frenchman saw the six vessels of the Admiral he left his anchors and one vessel and fled with the other vessel. The Admiral sent a ship after him and when the six Spaniards who were being carried away on the captured ship saw this ship coming to their aid, they attacked six Frenchmen who were guarding them and by force they placed them below decks and thus brought them back.

On Saturday, June 16, he left the island of Madeira with his six ships and arrived at the island of Gomera __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ the following Tuesday. There, he encountered a French corsair with a French ship and two large vessels that the corsair had seized from the Castilians. When the Frenchman saw the six ships of the Admiral, he abandoned his anchors and one ship and fled with the other. The Admiral sent a ship after him, and when the six Spaniards who had been captured saw the ship coming to help them, they attacked the six Frenchmen guarding them and managed to confine them below decks, bringing them back safely.

Here in the island of Gomera the Admiral determined to send three ships directly to the island of Española, so that, if he should be detained here, they might give news of him and cheer and console the Christians with the supplies: and principally that they might give joy to his brothers, the [321]Adelantado321-1 and Don Diego, who were very desirous of hearing from him. He named Pedro de Arana, a native of Cordova, as captain of one ship,—a very honorable and prudent man, whom I knew very well, brother of the mother of Don Ferdinand Columbus,321-2 the second son of the Admiral, and cousin of that Arana who remained in the fortress with the 38 men whom the Admiral on his return found dead. The other captain of the second ship was called Alonso Sanchez de Carvajal, governor of the city of Baçea, an honorable gentleman. The third captain for the remaining ship was Juan Antonio Columbo,321-3 a Genoese, a relation of the Admiral, a very capable and prudent man and one of authority, with whom I had frequent conversation.

Here on the island of Gomera, the Admiral decided to send three ships directly to the island of Española, so that if he were delayed here, they could bring news of him and uplift the Christians with supplies; and mainly to bring joy to his brothers, the [321]Adelantado __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and Don Diego, who were eager to hear from him. He appointed Pedro de Arana, a native of Cordova, as captain of one ship—a very honorable and wise man whom I knew well, brother of the mother of Don Ferdinand Columbus, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ the second son of the Admiral, and cousin of that Arana who stayed in the fortress with the 38 men who the Admiral found dead upon his return. The captain of the second ship was named Alonso Sanchez de Carvajal, governor of the city of Baçea, a respectable gentleman. The captain of the remaining ship was Juan Antonio Columbo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ a Genoese, a relative of the Admiral, a very capable and wise man and someone of authority, with whom I often talked.

He gave them suitable instructions, in which instructions he ordered that, one week one captain, and another week another, each by turns should be captain-general of all the ships, as regarded the navigation and the placing of the night lantern, which is a lighted lantern placed in the stern of the ship in order that the other ships may know and follow where the captain guides. He ordered them to go to the west, quarter south-west,321-4 for 850 leagues and told them that then they would arrive at the island of Dominica. From Dominica they should go west-north-west and they would then reach the island of Sant Juan,321-5 and it would be the southern part of it, because that was the direct way to go to the New Isabella,321-6[322] which now is Santo Domingo. Having passed the island of Sant Juan, they should leave the island of Mona to the north and from there they should make for the point of this Española,322-1 which he called Sant Raphael, which now is the Cabo del Engaño, from there to Saona, which he says makes a good harbor between it and this Española. Seven leagues farther there is another island, which is called Santa Catherina, and from there to the New Isabella, which is the port of Santo Domingo, the distance is 25 leagues. And he told the captains that wherever they should arrive and land they should purchase all that they needed by barter and that for the little they might give the Indians, although they might be the canibales,322-2 who are said to eat human flesh, they would obtain what they wished and the Indians would give them all that they had; and if they should undertake to procure things by force, the Indians would conceal themselves and remain hostile. He says further in the instructions that he was going by the Cape Verde Islands (which he says were called in ancient times Gorgodes322-3 or according to others Hesperides) and that he was going in the name of the Holy Trinity with the intention of navigating to the south of these islands so as to arrive below the equinoctial line and to follow the course to the west until this island of Española should lie to the northwest, to see if there are islands or lands. “Our Lord,” he says, “guides me and gives me things which may serve Him and the King and Queen, our Lords, and which may be for the honor of the Christians, for I believe that no[323] one has ever gone this way and that this sea is entirely unknown.”323-1 And here the Admiral finished his instructions.

He gave them clear instructions, directing that each week, one captain would be in charge of all the ships, rotating so that each would take turns as the captain-general. This included overseeing navigation and placing the night lantern, a lighted lantern at the back of the ship to help other ships follow the captain’s lead. He instructed them to head west, then southwest for 850 leagues, telling them they would reach the island of Dominica. From Dominica, they should continue west-northwest to arrive at the southern part of the island of Sant Juan, since that was the direct route to New Isabella, now called Santo Domingo. After passing Sant Juan, they should keep the island of Mona to their north and aim for the point of Española, which he named Sant Raphael, now known as Cabo del Engaño. From there, they would go to Saona, which he noted has a good harbor between it and Española. Seven leagues further is another island called Santa Catherina, and from there to New Isabella, the port of Santo Domingo, is 25 leagues. He instructed the captains that wherever they land, they should trade for everything they needed by bartering, emphasizing that even for a small amount they might give the Indians, who were rumored to be cannibals, they would receive what they wanted and the Indians would offer them all that they had. He warned that if they tried to take things by force, the Indians would hide and become hostile. He added in the instructions that he would pass by the Cape Verde Islands (which were known in earlier times as Gorgodes or, according to others, Hesperides) and that he was sailing in the name of the Holy Trinity with the aim of navigating south of these islands to pass below the equinoctial line and continue west until Española would be to the northwest, to see if there were more islands or lands. “Our Lord,” he stated, “leads me and provides me with what may benefit Him and the King and Queen, our Lords, and what may bring honor to the Christians, for I believe that no one has ever traveled this way and that this sea is completely unknown.” With that, the Admiral concluded his instructions.

Having then taken water and wood and other provisions, especially cheese, of which there are many and good ones there, the Admiral made sail with his six ships on Thursday, June 21, towards the island of Hierro,323-2 which is distant from Gomera about fifteen leagues, and of the seven Canaries is the one farthest to the west. Passing it, the Admiral took his course with one ship and two caravels for the islands of Cape Verde, and dismissed the other three ships in the name of the Holy Trinity; and he says that he entreated the Holy Trinity to care for him and for all of them; and at the setting of the sun they separated and the three ships took their course for this island. Here the Admiral makes mention to the Sovereigns of the agreement they had made with the King of Portugal that the Portuguese should not go to the westward of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands, and also mentions how the Sovereigns sent for him that he should be present at the meetings in regard to the partition,323-3 and that he could not go on account of the grave illness which he had incurred in the discovery of the mainland of the Indies, that is to say of Cuba, which he always regarded as the mainland even until the present time as he could not circumnavigate it. He adds further that then occurred the death of Don Juan, before he could carry out the matter.323-4[324]

After taking on water, wood, and other supplies, especially cheese, which there are many good options of, the Admiral set sail with his six ships on Thursday, June 21, towards the island of Hierro, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ located about fifteen leagues from Gomera, and the westernmost of the seven Canaries. After passing it, the Admiral continued his journey with one ship and two caravels towards the Cape Verde Islands, sending off the other three ships in the name of the Holy Trinity. He prayed to the Holy Trinity to watch over him and all of them, and at sunset they parted ways, with the three ships heading for this island. Here, the Admiral mentions to the Sovereigns the agreement made with the King of Portugal, stipulating that the Portuguese would not travel west of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands. He also notes that the Sovereigns called for him to attend meetings regarding the partition,323-3 but he couldn’t go due to the serious illness he contracted while discovering the mainland of the Indies, specifically Cuba, which he always considered the mainland even now, as he couldn't circumnavigate it. He adds that during this time, Don Juan passed away before he could finalize the matter.323-4[324]

Then the Admiral continuing on his way arrived at the Cape Verde Islands, which according to what he says, have a false name, because he never saw anything green but all things dry and sterile. The first thing he saw was the island of La Sal, Wednesday, June 27: and it is a small island. From there he went to another which is called Buenavista and is very sterile, where he anchored in a bay, and near it is a very small island. To this island come all the lepers of Portugal to be cured and there are not more than six or seven houses on it. The Admiral ordered the boats to go to land to provide themselves with salt and flesh, because there are a great number of goats on the island. There came to the ships a steward324-1 to whom that island belonged, named Roderigo Alonso, notary public of the exchequer324-2 of the King of Portugal, who offered to the Admiral what there was on the island of which he might be in need. The Admiral thanked him and ordered that he should be given some supplies from Castile, which he enjoyed very much.

Then the Admiral continued on his journey and arrived at the Cape Verde Islands, which he claimed had a misleading name because he didn't see anything green—only dry and barren land. The first island he noticed was La Sal on Wednesday, June 27, and it was a small island. From there, he traveled to another island called Buenavista, which was also very barren, where he anchored in a bay; nearby was a tiny island. This small island was where all the lepers from Portugal came for treatment, and it had no more than six or seven houses. The Admiral instructed the boats to go ashore to gather salt and meat since there were many goats on the island. A steward named Roderigo Alonso, who owned the island and served as a notary public for the King of Portugal's treasury, came aboard the ships and offered the Admiral anything he needed from the island. The Admiral expressed his gratitude and ordered that some supplies from Castile be given to him, which he appreciated greatly.

Here he relates how the lepers came there to be cured because of the great abundance of turtles on that island, which commonly are as large as shields. By eating the flesh and constantly bathing in the blood of these turtles, the lepers become cured.324-3 The turtles in infinite number come there three months in the year, June, July, and August, from the mainland, which is Ethiopia,324-4 to lay eggs in the sand and with the claws and legs they scratch places in the sand and spawn[325] more than five hundred eggs, as large as those of a hen except that they have not a hard shell but a tender membrane which covers the yolk, like the membrane which covers the yolk of the hen’s egg after taking off the hard shell. They cover the eggs in the sand as a person would do, and there the sun hatches them, and the little live turtles come out and then run in search of the sea as if they had come out of it alive. They take the turtles there in this manner: At night with lights which are torches of dry wood, they go searching for the track of the turtle which is easily traced, and find the turtle tired and sleeping. They come up quickly and turn it over with the belly up and leave it, sure that it cannot turn itself back, and go in search of another. And the Indians do the same in the sea; if they come upon one asleep and turn it over it remains safe for them to take it whenever they wish. The Indians, however, have another greater device for taking them on the sea, which will be explained God willing when we give a description of Cuba.325-1

Here he tells how the lepers came to this place to be healed because of the plentiful turtles on that island, which are usually as big as shields. By eating the meat and regularly bathing in the blood of these turtles, the lepers are healed. cured.324-3 The turtles come in countless numbers for three months of the year—June, July, and August—from the mainland, which is Ethiopia,324-4 to lay their eggs in the sand. They use their claws and flippers to dig holes in the sand and lay more than five hundred eggs, which are as large as chicken eggs but instead of a hard shell, they have a soft membrane covering the yolk, similar to the membrane found on a hen’s egg after the hard shell is removed. They bury the eggs in the sand like a person would, and the sun hatches them, with the baby turtles emerging and scurrying towards the sea, as if they had just come from it. They catch the turtles in this way: at night, using torches made of dry wood, they search for the turtle tracks, which are easy to follow, and find the turtle tired and resting. They quickly flip it onto its back and leave it, confident that it cannot right itself, and then look for another. The locals do the same in the water; if they find one asleep and turn it over, it stays safe for them to catch whenever they want. However, the locals have an even better method for capturing them in the sea, which will be explained, God willing, when we describe Cuba. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

The healthy persons on that island of Buenavista who lead a laborious life were six or seven residents who have no water except brackish water from wells and whose employment is to kill the big goats and salt the skins and send them to Portugal in the caravels which come there for them, of which in one year they kill so many and send so many skins that they are worth 2000 ducats to the notary public, to whom the island belonged. Such a great multitude of goats, male and female, have been grown there, from only eight original head. Those who live there neither eat bread nor drink wine during four or five months, nor anything else except goat flesh or fish or turtles. All this they told to the Admiral.

The healthy people on the island of Buenavista who lead a hard-working life consist of six or seven residents who have no water except for brackish water from wells. Their job is to hunt big goats, salt their skins, and ship them to Portugal on the caravels that come for them. In one year, they catch so many goats and send so many skins that they are worth 2000 ducats to the notary public who owns the island. A huge number of goats, both male and female, have thrived there from just eight original goats. Those who live there don’t eat bread or drink wine for four or five months, consuming only goat meat, fish, or turtles. They shared all this with the Admiral.

He left there Saturday, June 30, at night for the island of Santiago, where he arrived on Sunday at the hour of vespers, because it is distant 28 leagues: and this is the principal one of the Cape Verde Islands. He wished to take from this island a herd of black cattle in order to carry them to Española as[326] the Sovereigns had ordered, and he was there eight days and could not get them; and because the island is very unhealthy since men are burned with heat there and his people commenced to fall ill, he decided to leave it. The Admiral says again that he wishes to go to the south, because he intends with the aid of the Most Holy Trinity, to find islands and lands, that God may be served and their Highnesses and Christianity may have pleasure, and that he wishes to see what was the idea of King Don Juan of Portugal, who said that there was mainland to the south: and because of this, he says that he had a contention with the Sovereigns of Castile, and finally the Admiral says that it was concluded that the King of Portugal should have 370 leagues to the west from the islands of the Azores326-1 and Cape Verde, from north to south, from pole to pole. And the Admiral says further that the said King Don Juan was certain that within those limits famous lands and things must be found.326-2 Certain principal inhabitants of the island of Santiago came to see them and they said that to the south-west of the island of Huego, which is one of the Cape Verde Islands distant 12 leagues from this, may be seen an island, and that the King Don Juan was greatly inclined to send to make discoveries to the south-west, and that canoes had been found which start from the coast of Guinea and navigate to the west with merchandise. Here the Admiral says again as if he was speaking with the Sovereigns,—“He that is Three and One guides me by His pity and mercy that I may serve Him and give great pleasure to your Highnesses and to all Christianity, as was done in the discovery of the Indies which resounded throughout all the world.”[327]

He left there on Saturday, June 30, at night for the island of Santiago, where he arrived on Sunday at vespers, since it's 28 leagues away; this is the main island in the Cape Verde Islands. He wanted to take a herd of black cattle from this island to bring to Española as the Sovereigns had instructed, but he spent eight days there without being able to get them. The island is very unhealthy, with extreme heat causing his crew to start falling ill, so he decided to leave. The Admiral mentioned again that he wanted to head south, believing that with the help of the Most Holy Trinity, he would find islands and lands where God could be served, and that their Highnesses and Christianity would be pleased. He also wanted to check on the idea of King Don Juan of Portugal, who claimed there was a mainland to the south; because of this, he said he had a dispute with the Sovereigns of Castile. Ultimately, the Admiral stated that it was agreed upon that the King of Portugal should have 370 leagues to the west from the islands of the Azores __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and Cape Verde, from north to south, from pole to pole. The Admiral further said that King Don Juan was certain that within those boundaries, there must be famous lands and treasures to be discovered.326-2 Some prominent inhabitants of the island of Santiago visited them and mentioned that to the southwest of Huego Island, one of the Cape Verde Islands located 12 leagues from there, another island could be seen. They reported that King Don Juan was very interested in sending expeditions to explore the southwest and that canoes had been found navigating westward from the coast of Guinea carrying goods. Here, the Admiral spoke again as if addressing the Sovereigns, saying, “He who is Three and One guides me with His compassion and mercy so I can serve Him and bring great joy to your Highnesses and all of Christianity, just as was achieved in the discovery of the Indies which made waves across the world.”[327]

Wednesday, July 4, he ordered sail made from that island in which he says that since he arrived there he never saw the sun or the stars, but that the heavens were covered with such a thick mist that it seemed they could cut it with a knife and the heat was so very intense that they were tormented, and he ordered the course laid to the way of the south-west, which is the route leading from these islands to the south, in the name, he says, of the Holy and Indivisible Trinity, because then he would be on a parallel with the land of the sierra of Loa327-1 and cape of Sancta Ana in Guinea, which is below the equinoctial line, where he says that below that line of the world are found more gold and things of value; and that after, he would navigate, the Lord pleasing, to the west, and from there would go to this Española, in which route he would prove the theory of the King John aforesaid; and that he thought to investigate the report of the Indians of this Española who said that there had come to Española from the south and south-east, a black people who have the tops of their spears made of a metal which they call guanin, of which he had sent samples to the Sovereigns to have them assayed, when it was found that of 32 parts, 18 were of gold, 6 of silver and 8 of copper.

On Wednesday, July 4, he ordered sails made from that island where he says that since he arrived he hasn’t seen the sun or the stars. The sky was so thick with mist that it felt like it could be cut with a knife, and the heat was so intense that they were tormented. He directed the course towards the southwest, which is the route that goes from these islands to the south, in the name of the Holy and Indivisible Trinity, because then he would be on a parallel with the land near the sierra of Loa __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and the cape of Sancta Ana in Guinea, located below the equator, where he claims more gold and valuable goods can be found. After that, he planned to navigate, God willing, to the west, and from there he would head to Española, where he would test the theory of King John mentioned earlier. He intended to look into reports from the Indians of Española who said that a black people had come from the south and southeast, who have spear tips made of a metal called guanin, samples of which he had sent to the Sovereigns for analysis. It was found that out of 32 parts, 18 were gold, 6 were silver, and 8 were copper.

Following this course to the south-west he commenced to find grasses like those encountered in the direct way to these Indies; and the Admiral says here that after having gone 480 miles which make 120 leagues, that at nightfall he took the latitude and found that the North Star was in five degrees. Yet it seems to me that he must have gone more than 200 leagues, and that the text is in error because it is necessary to traverse more than 200 leagues on that course from the Cape Verde Islands and Santiago whence he started to put a ship within five degrees of the equator, as any sailor will observe who will judge it by the map and by the latitude. And he says that there, Friday, July 13, the wind deserted him and he entered into heat so great and so ardent that he feared the ships would take fire and the people perish. The ceasing[328] of the wind and coming of the excessive and consuming heat was so unexpected and sudden that there was no person who dared to descend below to care for the butts of wine and water, which swelled, breaking the hoops of the casks; the wheat burned like fire; the pork and salted meat roasted and putrefied. This ardent heat lasted eight days. The first day was clear with a sun which burned them. God sent them less suffering because the seven following days it rained and was clouded; however with all this, they could not find any hope of saving themselves from perishing and from being burned, and if the other seven days had been like the first, clear and with the sun, the Admiral says here that it would have been impossible for a man of them to have escaped alive. And thus they were divinely succored by the coming of some showers and by the days being cloudy. He determined from this, if God should give him wind in order to escape from this suffering, to run to the west some days, and then if he found himself in any moderation of temperature to return to the south, which was the way he desired to follow. “May our Lord,” says he, “guide me and give me grace that I may serve Him, and bring pleasing news to your Highnesses.” He says he remembered, being in this burning latitude, that when he came to the Indies in the past voyages, always when he reached 100 leagues toward the west from the Azores Islands he found a change in the temperature from north to south, and for this he wished to go to the west to reach the said place.

Heading southwest, he began to notice grasses similar to those he found on the direct route to the Indies. The Admiral notes that after traveling 480 miles, which is 120 leagues, he took a latitude reading at nightfall and saw that the North Star was at five degrees. However, it seems to me that he must have covered more than 200 leagues, and that the text is incorrect because it requires traveling over 200 leagues from the Cape Verde Islands and Santiago, where he started, to get a ship within five degrees of the equator, as any sailor would see from the map and latitude. He states that on Friday, July 13, the wind died down, and he entered such intense heat that he feared the ships would catch fire and the crew would perish. The sudden stop of the wind combined with the excessive heat was so unexpected that no one dared to go below deck to tend to the barrels of wine and water, which swelled up and broke the cask hoops; the wheat burned like fire; and the pork and salted meat rotted. This extreme heat lasted for eight days. The first day was clear with a scorching sun. Thankfully, God eased their suffering by sending rain and overcast skies for the next seven days; however, with all this, they remained hopeless about avoiding burning and perishing. The Admiral notes that if the following seven days had also been clear and sunny, it would have been impossible for any of them to survive. They were therefore miraculously helped by the arrival of some rain and cloudy days. From this experience, he decided that if God granted him wind to escape this suffering, he would sail west for a few days, and then if he found a relief in the temperature, he would return south, the route he aimed to follow. “May our Lord,” he says, “guide me and give me grace that I may serve Him and bring good news to your Highnesses.” He recalled that while enduring this scorching latitude, when he had previously traveled to the Indies, he always found a change in temperature around 100 leagues west of the Azores Islands, and he wanted to head west to reach that point.

The Admiral must have been on that same parallel or rather meridian, on which Hanno the Carthaginian was with his fleet, who departing from Cadiz and going out into the Ocean to the left328-1 of Lybia or Ethiopia after thirty days’ voyaging toward the south, among other distresses that he suffered the heat and fire were so intense that it seemed as if they were roasting; they heard such thundering and lightning that their ears pained them and their eyes were blinded and it appeared no otherwise than as if flames of fire fell from heaven. Amianus[329] narrates this—a Greek historian, a follower of the truth, and very famous—in the History of India near the end, and Ludovico Celio quotes it in Book I., ch. XXII., of the Lectiones Antiguas.329-1 Returning to these days of toil:—

The Admiral must have been on the same latitude or rather longitude where Hanno the Carthaginian was with his fleet. He set off from Cadiz and sailed into the ocean to the left328-1 of Libya or Ethiopia. After thirty days of sailing south, among the many hardships he faced, the heat and fire were so overwhelming that it felt as if they were being roasted. They experienced such thunder and lightning that it pained their ears and blinded their eyes, and it seemed as if flames were falling from the sky. Amianus[329] recounts this—a Greek historian known for his truthfulness and fame—in the History of India towards the end, and Ludovico Celio references it in Book I., ch. XXII., of the Lectiones Antiques. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Now, returning to these days of hardship:—

Saturday, which they counted July 14, the Guards329-2 being on the left hand, he says the North was in seven degrees: he saw black and white jays,329-3 which are birds that do not go far from land, and from this he considered it a sign of land. He was sick at this point of the journey, from gout and from not sleeping; but because of this he did not cease to watch and work with great care and diligence.

Saturday, which they identified as July 14, with the Guards __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ on the left, he noted that the North was at seven degrees: he saw black and white jays, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ which are birds that stay close to shore, and from this, he inferred it was a sign of land. He was feeling unwell at this point in the journey, suffering from gout and lack of sleep; however, he did not stop watching and working with great care and diligence.

Sunday and Monday, they saw the same birds and more swallows, and some fish appeared which they called botos,329-4 which are little smaller than great calves, and which have the head very blunt. The Admiral says here incidentally that the Azores Islands which in ancient times were called Casetérides,329-5 were situated at the end of the fifth clime.329-6

Sunday and Monday, they spotted the same birds along with more swallows, and they saw some fish that they referred to as ,329-4 which are a little smaller than large calves and have very blunt heads. The Admiral mentions here in passing that the Azores Islands, which in ancient times were called Casetérides,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ were located at the edge of the fifth climate.329-6

Thursday, July 19, there was such intense and ardent heat that they thought the men and ships would burn, but as our Lord at sight of the afflictions which He gives is accustomed[330] by interfering to the contrary to alleviate them, He succored him by His mercy at the end of seven or eight days, giving him very good weather to get away from that fire; with which good weather he navigated towards the west 17 days, always intending to return to the south, and place himself, as above said, in such a region, that this Española should be to the north or septentrion, where he thought he must find land before or beyond the said place: and thus he intended to repair the ships which were already opening from the past heat, and the supplies, of which he had a large quantity, because of the necessity of taking them to this island and the great difficulty in getting them from Castile, and which were becoming worthless and damaged.

Thursday, July 19, it was so hot that everyone thought the men and ships would catch fire. But, like our Lord often does when He sees the struggles He causes, He intervened by showing mercy after seven or eight days, providing good weather to escape the heat. With this favorable weather, they sailed west for 17 days, always planning to head south and reach a place where Española would be to the north, where he hoped to find land nearby. He intended to repair the ships, which were already damaged from the previous heat, and manage the supplies he had in large quantities because he needed to bring them to this island, and it was very hard to get them from Castile, and they were starting to spoil and deteriorate.

Sunday, July 22, in the afternoon, as they were going with good weather, they saw innumerable birds pass from the west-south-west to the north-east: he says that they were a great sign of land. They saw the same the Monday following and the days after, on one of which days a pelican came to the ship of the Admiral, and many others appeared another day, and there were other birds which are called “frigate pelicans.”330-1

Sunday, July 22, in the afternoon, with nice weather, they saw countless birds flying from the west-southwest to the northeast: it was said to be a strong sign of land. They saw the same thing the following Monday and in the days after, on one of which a pelican came to the Admiral's ship, and many others showed up another day, along with other birds known as “frigate pelicans.”

On the seventeenth day of the good weather which they were experiencing, the Admiral was hoping to see land, because of the said signs of the birds, and as he did not see it Monday, or the next day, Tuesday, July 31, as they lacked water, he decided to change his route, and this was to the west, and to go to the right, and make for the island of Dominica, or some of the islands of the Canibales, which to-day are called the Caribes, and thus he ordered the course to the north, quarter north-east, and went that way until midday. “But as His Divine Majesty,” he says, “has always used mercy with me, a sailor from Guelva,330-2 my servant, who was called Alonso Pérez, by chance and conjecture ascended to the round top and saw land to the west, and he was 15 leagues from it, and that part which appeared were three rocks or[331] mountains.” These are his words. He named this land “The Island of the Trinity,”331-1 because he had determined that the first land he discovered should be named thus. “And it pleased our Lord,” he says, “by His Exalted Majesty, that the first lands seen were three rocks all united at the base, I say three mountains, all at one time and in one glance.” “His High Power by His pity guides me,” he says, “in such a manner, that He may have much service, and your Highnesses much pleasure: as it is certain that the discovery of this land in this place was as great a miracle as the discovery of the first voyage.” These are his words. He gave infinite thanks to God as was his custom, and all praised the divine goodness, and with great rejoicings and merriment the Salve Regina331-2 was sung with other devout songs which contain praises of God and our Lady, according to the custom of sailors, at least our sailors of Spain, who in tribulations and rejoicings are accustomed to say them.

On the seventeenth day of the nice weather they were having, the Admiral was hoping to spot land due to the signs from the birds. When he didn’t see land on Monday or the following day, Tuesday, July 31, and realizing they were low on water, he decided to change his course to the west, steering to the right towards the island of Dominica or one of the islands inhabited by the Canibales, now known as the Caribes. He directed the ship north, a bit northeast, and continued that way until midday. “But as His Divine Majesty,” he said, “has always shown mercy to me, a sailor from Guelva, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ my servant, named Alonso Pérez, happened to climb to the crow’s nest and saw land to the west, and it was about 15 leagues away. What he saw were three rocks or[331] mountains.” These are his words. He named this land “The Island of the Trinity,”331-1 because he wanted the first land he discovered to have that name. “And it pleased our Lord,” he said, “by His Exalted Majesty, that the first lands seen were three rocks all connected at the base, I mean three mountains, all visible at once in a single glance.” “His High Power, by His grace, guides me,” he said, “in such a way that He may receive much service, and your Highnesses may have much joy: for it is certain that the discovery of this land at this moment was as great a miracle as the discovery of the first voyage.” These are his words. He expressed immense gratitude to God as was his custom, and everyone praised divine goodness, singing the Salve Regina __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ along with other devout songs that honor God and our Lady, in line with the traditions of sailors, at least our sailors from Spain, who recite them in both times of trouble and joy.

Here he makes a digression and recapitulation of the services he has rendered the Sovereigns, and of the will he always had keen to serve them, “not as false tongues,” says he, “and as false witnesses from envy said.”331-3 And surely, I believe that such as these God took for instruments to chasten him because he loved him since many without cause and without object maligned him and disturbed these efforts, and brought it about that the Sovereigns grew lukewarm and wearied of expense and of keeping up their attachment and expectation that these Indies were likely to be of profit, at least that it should be more than the expenses with increase that came to them. He repeats a mention of the heat he suffered, and how they were nevertheless now going by the same parallel, except they had drawn near to the land when he ordered the course directed to the west, because the land emits coolness from its[332] fountains and rivers, and by its waters causes moderation and softness; and because of this he says the Portuguese who go to Guinea which is below the equinoctial line are able to navigate because they go along the coast. He says further, that now he was in the same parallel from which the King of Portugal brought gold, from which he believed that whoever would search those seas would find things of value. He confesses here that there is no man in the world for whom God has shown so much grace, and entreats Him that He will furnish something from which their Highnesses and Christianity may receive great pleasure; and he says that, although he should not find any other thing of benefit except these beautiful lands, which are so green and full of groves and palms, that they are superior to the gardens of Valencia in May, they would deserve to be highly valued. And in this he speaks the truth and later on he will place a still higher value on it with much reason. He says that it is a miraculous thing that the Sovereigns of Castile should have lands so near the equinoctial as 6 degrees, Ysabela being distant from the said line 24 degrees.

Here he briefly summarizes the services he has provided to the Sovereigns and expresses his unwavering desire to serve them, saying, “not like deceptive tongues,” as the “false witnesses out of envy” have claimed. And surely, I believe those who spoke this way were instruments used by God to discipline him because God loved him, since many unjustly slandered him, disrupted his efforts, and caused the Sovereigns to grow indifferent and tired of the costs involved, losing faith that these Indies would bring profit, or at least more than the expenses incurred. He continues to mention the heat he endured, noting that they were now traveling along the same latitude, except they had come closer to land when he directed their course westward, as the land brings coolness from its fountains and rivers, creating a refreshing environment. Because of this, he states that the Portuguese navigating to Guinea, which is south of the equator, can do so by following the coast. He adds that he is now at the same latitude from which the King of Portugal obtained gold, believing that anyone who explores those seas would discover valuable things. He admits here that there is no one in the world who has received as much grace from God, and he asks God to provide something that would greatly please their Highnesses and benefit Christianity; and he says that, even if he finds no other value except these beautiful lands that are lush and filled with groves and palms, which outshine Valencia’s gardens in May, they should be highly valued. In this, he speaks the truth, and later he will emphasize their worth even more convincingly. He remarks that it is miraculous for the Sovereigns of Castile to possess lands so close to the equator, just 6 degrees away, with Ysabela being 24 degrees from that line.

Having seen the land then to the great consolation of all, he left the course which he desired to follow in search of some of the islands of the Canibales in order to provide himself with water, of which he was greatly in need, and made a short excursion towards the land which he had seen, towards a cape which appeared to be to the west, which he called “Cabo de la Galera,”332-1 from a great rock which it had, which from a distance appeared like a galley sailing. They arrived there at the hour of compline.332-2 They saw a good harbor but it was not deep, and the Admiral regretted that they could not enter it. He pursued his course to the point he had seen, which was seven leagues toward the south. He did not find a harbor. On all the coast he found that the groves reached to the sea, the most beautiful coast that eyes ever saw. He says that this island must be large; a canoe appeared at a distance[333] filled with people who must have been fishing, and made towards the land to some houses which appeared there. The land was very cultivated and high and beautiful.

After spotting the land, to everyone's great relief, he changed his intended route to search for some of the Cannibal islands to get water, which he urgently needed. He took a short trip toward the land he had seen, heading toward a cape to the west, which he named “Cabo de la Galera, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ because of a large rock that looked like a galley from afar. They arrived there at the time of compline.332-2 They noticed a good harbor, but it wasn't deep enough, and the Admiral regretted that they couldn’t enter it. He continued toward the point he had seen, which was seven leagues to the south, but he didn’t find a harbor. Along the coast, he saw that the trees reached the shore, making it the most beautiful coast he had ever seen. He remarked that this island must be large; a canoe filled with people, likely fishing, appeared in the distance and made its way to some houses visible on the land. The land was very cultivated, elevated, and beautiful.

Wednesday, August 1, he ran down the coast toward the west, five leagues, and arrived at a point, where he anchored with all three ships, and took water from fountains and streams. They found signs of people, instruments for fishing, signs of goats, but they were only of deer of which there are many in those lands. He says that they found aloes and great groves of palms, and very beautiful lands: “for which infinite thanks may be given to the Holy Trinity.” These are his words. He saw much tilled land along the coast and many settlements. He saw from there towards the south, another island, which is distant more than 20 leagues. (And he might well say five hundred since this is the mainland which, as he saw a part of it, seemed to him to be an island); to this he gave the name of “Ysla Sancta.” He says here that he would not take any Indians in order not to disturb the land. From the Cape of Galera to the point where he took the water, which I believed he named “Punta de la Playa,” he says that having been a great way, and running east-west (he should say that he went from east to west) there was no port in all that way, but the land was well populated and tilled, and with many trees and thick groves, the most beautiful thing in the world, the trees reaching to the sea. Here it may be remarked that when the trees of the country grow down to the water’s edge it indicates that such a coast is not exposed to high seas, because when the coast is so exposed trees do not grow down to the water, but there is an open sandy shore. The current, surgente, which is that which comes down, and the montante, which is that which ascends from below, he says appear to be great. The island which lies to the south he says is very large, because he was already going along with the mainland in sight although he did not think so, but that it was an island.

On Wednesday, August 1, he ran down the coast to the west for five leagues and arrived at a point where he anchored all three ships and took water from fountains and streams. They found signs of people, fishing tools, and evidence of goats, but only deer, which are abundant in those lands. He mentioned they discovered aloes and large groves of palms, and the land was very beautiful: “for which infinite thanks may be given to the Holy Trinity.” These are his words. He saw a lot of cultivated land along the coast and many settlements. From there, he spotted another island to the south, over 20 leagues away. (He could easily say five hundred since this is the mainland, which he thought was an island); he named it “Ysla Sancta.” He stated that he wouldn’t take any Indians to avoid disturbing the land. From the Cape of Galera to the point where he collected water, which I believe he named “Punta de la Playa,” he noted that, although he had traveled a significant distance running east-west (he should have said he went from east to west), there was no port along the way, but the land was well-populated and cultivated, with many trees and dense groves, the most beautiful sight in the world, with trees reaching down to the sea. It’s worth noting that when the trees grow right down to the water’s edge, it indicates that such a coast is not exposed to high seas, because when the coast is exposed, trees do not grow down to the water, but there is an open sandy shore. The current, surgente, which flows down, and the montante, which flows up, seemed to him to be strong. He described the island to the south as very large, as he was already moving along the mainland in sight, even though he didn't realize it and thought it was an island.

He says that he came to search for a harbor along the island of Trinidad, Thursday, August 2, and arrived at the cape of[334] the island of Trinidad, which is a point, to which he gave the name “Punta del Arenal,”334-1 which is to the west: so that he had in a sense already entered in the gulf which he called “de la Ballena,”334-2 where he underwent great danger of losing his ships, and he as yet did not know that he was becoming encircled by land as will be seen. This gulf is a wonderful thing and dangerous on account of the very great river that flows into it which is called the Yuyapari,334-3 the last syllable long. It comes from more than 300 and I believe more than 400 leagues, and it has been traversed for 300 leagues up stream partly with a ship, partly with brigantines and partly with large canoes. And since the force of the water is very great at all times and particularly so in this season of July and August in which the Admiral was there, which is the season of high water as in Castile in October and November, and since it wants naturally to get to the sea, and the sea with its great mass under the same natural impulse wants to break upon the land, and since this gulf is enclosed by the mainland on one side and on the other by the island of Trinidad, and since it is very narrow for such a violent force of contrary waters, it must needs be that when they meet a terrific struggle takes place and a conflict most perilous for those that find themselves in that place.

He mentions that he arrived to look for a harbor around the island of Trinidad on Thursday, August 2, and got to the cape of[334] Trinidad. He named this point “Punta del Arenal," __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, which is to the west. In a way, he had already entered the gulf he called “de la Ballena,”334-2, where he faced significant danger of losing his ships, and he was still unaware that he was becoming surrounded by land, as will be shown later. This gulf is remarkable but treacherous due to the massive river that flows into it, called the Yuyapari, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, with the last syllable long. It originates from over 300, possibly more than 400 leagues away, and has been explored for 300 leagues upstream by ship, brigantines, and large canoes. The water flow is very powerful at all times, especially during the July and August period when the Admiral was there, which coincides with high water season in Castile around October and November. Since the river wants to reach the sea, and the sea, driven by the same natural impulse, wants to crash onto the land, and because this gulf is bordered by the mainland on one side and Trinidad Island on the other while being quite narrow for such strong opposing waters, it leads to a tremendous struggle when they converge, creating a perilous conflict for anyone caught in that spot.

He says here that the island of Trinidad is large, because from the Cape of Galera to the Point of Arenal, where he was at the present time, he says it is 35 leagues. I say that it is more than 45, as he that desires may see by the charts, although now those names are not written on the charts as they have been forgotten, and to understand the matter they must consider the course the Admiral pursued until he arrived there, and at what point he first saw land, and from there where he went till he stopped, and in that way, one will find out what he called the Cape of Galera and what the Point[335] of Arenal. It is not a matter of surprise that the Admiral did not make an accurate estimate of the leagues of the island because he went along it piece by piece.

He states here that the island of Trinidad is large, as it’s 35 leagues from the Cape of Galera to the Point of Arenal, where he currently is. I argue that it’s actually more than 45, as anyone can see on the maps, even though those names are no longer on the charts because they’ve been forgotten. To understand the situation, one must consider the route the Admiral took until he got there, at what point he first spotted land, and where he went from there until he stopped. This way, you can figure out what he referred to as the Cape of Galera and the Point[335] of Arenal. It's not surprising that the Admiral didn't accurately estimate the leagues of the island since he traveled along it piece by piece.

He ordered that his people should land on this Point of Arenal, the end of the island toward the west, to enjoy themselves and obtain recreation, because they had become wearied and fatigued; who found the land very much trampled by deer, although they believed they were goats. This Thursday, August 2, a large canoe came from towards the east, in which came twenty-five men, and having arrived at the distance of a lombard shot, they ceased to row, and cried out many words. The Admiral believed, and I also believe, that they were asking what people they were, as the others of the Indies were accustomed to do, to which they did not respond in words, but by showing them certain small boxes of brass and other shining things, in order that they should come to the ship, coaxing them with motions of the body and signs. They approached somewhat, and afterwards became terrified by the ship; and as they would not approach, the Admiral ordered a tambourine player to come up to the poop deck of the ship and that the young boys of the ship should dance, thinking to please them. But they did not understand it thus, but rather, as they saw dancing and playing, taking it for a signal of war, they distrusted them. They left all their oars and laid hold of their bows and arrows; and each one embracing his wooden shield, they commenced to shoot a great cloud of arrows. Having seen this, the Admiral ordered the playing and dancing to cease, and that some cross-bows should be drawn on deck and two of them shot off at them, nothing more than to frighten them. The Indians then, having shot the arrows, went to one of the two caravels, and suddenly, without fear, placed themselves below the poop, and the pilot of the caravel, also without any fear, glided down from the poop and entered with them in the canoe with some things which he gave them; and when he was with them he gave a smock frock and a bonnet to one of them who appeared to be the principal man. They took them and as if in gratitude[336] for what had been given them, by signs said to him that he should go to land with them, and there they would give him what they had. He accepted and they went away to land. The pilot entered the boat and went to beg permission of the Admiral on the ship, and when they saw that he did not go directly with him, they did not expect him longer, and so they went away and neither the Admiral nor any other ever saw them more. From the sudden change in their bearing because of the playing on the tambourine and the dancing, it appears that this must be considered among them a sign of hostility.

He instructed his crew to land at Point Arenal, the western tip of the island, for some leisure and relaxation, as they were tired and worn out. They found the ground heavily trampled by deer, which they mistook for goats. On Thursday, August 2, a large canoe approached from the east carrying twenty-five men. Once they were within a crossbow shot, they stopped rowing and shouted various words. The Admiral believed, and I also think, they were asking who the crew was, as other local tribes often did. In response, they didn’t answer verbally but showed small brass boxes and other shiny items to entice them to come closer, using gestures and body language. They came a bit nearer but soon grew frightened by the ship. As they hesitated to approach further, the Admiral ordered a tambourine player to take position at the back of the ship and had the young boys dance, trying to win their favor. However, instead of seeing it as a friendly gesture, they interpreted the dancing and playing as a signal of war, leading to their distrust. They abandoned their oars and grabbed their bows and arrows; each person held tightly to their wooden shield and began shooting a large volley of arrows. Upon witnessing this, the Admiral commanded the music and dancing to stop and had some crossbows drawn on deck, firing two shots to merely scare them off. The Indians, having loosed their arrows, moved to one of the two caravels and, without fear, positioned themselves under the ship’s rear. The pilot of the caravel, also unafraid, slid down from the back and joined them in the canoe, giving them some items. While there, he handed a smock and a hat to one who seemed to be their leader. They accepted these gifts and, as if in gratitude, signaled for him to come ashore with them, promising to give him more. He agreed, and they set off for land. The pilot then got into the boat to seek permission from the Admiral aboard the ship. When they noticed he wasn’t coming directly with them, they lost interest and left, never to be seen again by the Admiral or anyone else. The abrupt change in their attitude due to the tambourine playing and dancing indicates that such actions must be seen as a sign of aggression among them. [336]

A servant of the Admiral, called Bernaldo de Ibarro, who was on this voyage with him, told me and gave it to me in writing and I have this writing in my possession to-day, that a cacique came to the ship of the Admiral and was wearing upon his head a diadem of gold; and he went to the Admiral who was wearing a scarlet cap and greeted him and kissed his own diadem, and with the other hand he removed the cap of the Admiral and placed upon-him the diadem, and he himself put upon his own head the scarlet cap, appearing very content and pleased.

A servant of the Admiral, named Bernaldo de Ibarro, who was on this journey with him, told me and provided a written account that I still have today. He said that a cacique came to the Admiral's ship wearing a gold crown. He approached the Admiral, who was wearing a scarlet cap, greeted him, and kissed his own crown. Then, with his other hand, he took off the Admiral's cap and placed the crown on him, while he put the scarlet cap on his own head, looking very happy and satisfied.

The Admiral says here that these were all youths and very well shaped and adorned, although I do not believe they wore much silk or brocade, with which, also, I believe the Spaniards and the Admiral might be more pleased; but they came armed with bows and arrows and wooden shields. They were not as short as others he had seen in the Indies and they were whiter, and of very good movements and handsome bodies, the hair long and smooth and cut in the manner of Castile. They had the head tied with a large handkerchief of cotton, symmetrically woven in colors, which the Admiral believed to be the almaiçar;336-1 he says that others had this cloth around them, and they covered themselves with it in[337] place of trousers. He says that they are not black although they are near the equinoctial,337-1 but of an Indian color like all the others he has found. They are of very fine stature, go naked, are warlike, wear the hair very long like the women in Castile, carry bows and arrows with plumes, and at the end of the arrows a sharp bone with a point like a fish-hook, and they carry wooden shields, which he had not seen before; and according to the signs and gestures which they made, he says he could understand from them that they believed the Admiral came from the south, from which he judged that there must be great lands toward the south, and he said well since the mainland is so large that it occupies a large part of the south.

The Admiral mentions that these were all young people, well-shaped and decorated, though I doubt they wore much silk or brocade, which I believe the Spaniards and the Admiral might have preferred. Instead, they were armed with bows and arrows and wooden shields. They weren’t as short as others he had seen in the Indies and were lighter-skinned, with good posture and attractive bodies, their hair long, smooth, and styled like that of Castilians. They had their heads wrapped with large cotton handkerchiefs, intricately woven in colors, which the Admiral thought was the almaiçar;336-1 fabric that others wore wrapped around them instead of trousers. He noted that they were not black, even though they were close to the equinoctial, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ but had the brown skin typical of other Native Americans he encountered. They were of very fine stature, mostly naked, fierce in demeanor, wore their hair long like Castilian women, carried bows and arrows with feathers, and at the tips of their arrows were sharp bones that resembled fish hooks. They also had wooden shields, which he hadn’t seen before. Based on their signs and gestures, he inferred that they believed the Admiral came from the south, leading him to suspect that there must be large lands to the south, and he correctly noted that the mainland is so vast that it covers a significant part of the southern region.

The temperature of this land, he says, is very high, and according to him this causes the color of the people, and the hair which is all flowing, and the very thick groves which abound everywhere. He says it must be believed that when once the boundary is passed, 100 leagues to the west of the Azores, that many times he has said that there is a change in the sky and the sea and the temperature, “and this,” he says, “is manifest,” because here where he was, so near to the equinoctial line, each morning, he says, it was cool and the sun was in Leo. What he says is very true, since I who write this have been there and required a robe nights and mornings especially at Navidad.337-2

The temperature in this land, he says, is extremely high, and he believes this affects the people's skin color and their flowing hair, as well as the dense groves that are everywhere. He insists that once you pass the boundary, 100 leagues west of the Azores, there’s a noticeable change in the sky, sea, and temperature. “And this,” he says, “is obvious,” because here, where he was, so close to the equatorial line, each morning was cool, and the sun was in Leo. What he says is very true, since I, the one writing this, have been there and needed a robe at night and in the mornings, especially at Christmas.337-2

The waters were running toward the west with a current stronger than the river of Seville; the water of the sea rose and fell 65 paces and more, as in Barrameda so that they are able to beach carracks;337-3 he says that the current flows very[338] strongly going between these two islands, Trinidad and that one which he called Sancta, and the land which afterwards and farther on he called Isla de Gracia. And he calls the mainland an island, since he was already between the two which are two leagues apart which [i.e., the channel] is like a river as it appears on the map. They found fruits338-1 like those of this Española, and the trees and the soil, and the temperature of the sky. In this Española they found few fruits native to the soil. The temperature of that country is much higher than it is in this Española, except in the mines of Cibao and in some other districts, as has been said above.

The waters were flowing west with a current stronger than the river in Seville; the sea reached heights of 65 paces or more, just like in Barrameda, allowing them to beach carracks;__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. He mentions that the current runs very[338] strongly between the two islands, Trinidad and the one he called Sancta, and the land that he later referred to as Isla de Gracia. He calls the mainland an island because he was already between the two islands, which are two leagues apart, creating a channel that looks like a river on the map. They found fruits__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ similar to those in Española, along with trees, soil, and the climate. In this Española, they found very few fruits native to the land. The climate in that country is significantly warmer than in Española, except in the Cibao mines and a few other areas, as previously mentioned.

They found hostias or oysters, very large, infinite fish, parrots as large as hens, he says. In this land and in all the mainland the parrots are larger than any of those in these islands and are green, the color being very light, but those of the islands are of a green somewhat darker. Those of the mainland have the yellow with spots and the upper part of the wings with reddish spots, and some are of yellow plumage; those of the islands have no yellow, the neck being red with spots. The parrots of Española have a little white over the back; those of Cuba have that part red and they are very pretty. Those of the island of San Juan I believe are similar to those of this island [Española] and I have not observed this feature in those of Jamaica. Finally it appears that those of each island are somewhat different. In this mainland where the Admiral is now, there is a species of parrots which I believe are found nowhere else, very large, not much[339] smaller than hens, reddish with blue and black feathers in the wings. These never speak nor are attractive except in appearance. They are called by the Indians guacamayas. It is marvellous how all the other kinds can speak except the smallest, which are called xaxaues.

They found hostias or oysters, very large, countless fish, and parrots as big as hens, he says. In this land and all across the mainland, the parrots are bigger than any found on these islands and are green, with a very light shade of green; the ones from the islands are a bit darker. The mainland parrots have yellow spots and reddish spots on the upper part of their wings, and some have yellow feathers; the island parrots have no yellow, with red spots on their necks. The parrots of Española have a little white on their backs; those from Cuba have that part red, and they are really beautiful. The parrots from the island of San Juan seem similar to the ones from this island [Española], and I haven't noticed this feature in those from Jamaica. It seems that each island's parrots are somewhat different. On this mainland where the Admiral is now, there is a type of parrot that I believe is found nowhere else, very large, not much[339] smaller than hens, reddish with blue and black feathers on their wings. They never talk or are particularly appealing apart from their looks. The Indians call them guacamayas. It’s amazing that all the other types can talk except the smallest ones, which are called xaxaues.

Being at this Point of Arenal, which is the end of the island of Trinidad, they saw toward the north, quarter north-east,339-1 a distance of 15 leagues, a cape or point of the same mainland, and this is that which is called Paria. The Admiral believing that it was another distinct island named it “Isla de Gracia”: which island he says goes to the west [Oeste] which is the west [poniente], and that it is a very high land. And he says truly, for through all that land run great chains of very high mountains.

Being at this Point of Arenal, which is the end of the island of Trinidad, they looked north-northeast and saw a cape or point of the mainland about 15 leagues away, known as Paria. The Admiral thought it was a separate island and named it “Isla de Gracia.” He mentioned that this island extends to the west and is very high. He was right, as there are large chains of towering mountains throughout the land.

Saturday, August 4, he determined to go to the said island of Gracia and raised the anchors and made sail from the said Point of Arenal, where he was anchored; and because that strait by which he entered into the Gulf of Ballena was not more than two leagues wide between Trinidad on one side and the mainland on the other, the fresh water came out very swiftly. There came from the direction of the Arenal, on the island of Trinidad, such a great current from the south, like a mighty flood (and it was because of the great force of the river Yuyaparí which is toward the south and which he had not yet seen), with such great thundering and noise, that all were frightened and did not think to escape from it, and when the water of the sea withstood it, coming in opposition, the sea was raised making a great and very high swell339-2 of water which raised the ship and placed it on top of the swell, a thing which was never heard of nor seen, and raised the anchors of the other ship which must have been already cast and forced it toward the sea, and the Admiral made sail to get away from the said slope. “It pleased God not to injure us,” says the Admiral here, and when he wrote this thing to the Sovereigns he said, “even to-day I feel the fear in my body which I felt[340] lest it should upset the ship when it came under her.”340-1 For this great danger, he named the mouth “Boca de la Sierpe.”340-2

On Saturday, August 4, he decided to head to the island of Gracia and raised the anchors to set sail from Point Arenal, where he had been anchored. The strait he had to pass through to enter the Gulf of Ballena was only about two leagues wide, bordered by Trinidad on one side and the mainland on the other, allowing the fresh water to flow out quickly. A massive current came from the direction of Arenal, near the island of Trinidad, rushing in from the south like a powerful flood (this was due to the strong force of the Yuyaparí River farther south that he had not yet seen), accompanied by a thunderous noise that frightened everyone on board. They didn’t even think to escape, and when the sea water pushed back against it, the ocean swelled up, creating a large and very high wave that lifted the ship on top of it—something that had never been heard or seen before. It even raised the anchors of the other ship that must have already been dropped and pulled it toward the sea, while the Admiral worked to sail away from the dangerous slope. “It pleased God not to harm us,” the Admiral noted here, and when he wrote this to the Sovereigns, he mentioned, “Even today I still feel the fear in my body that I felt[340] in case it overturned the ship when it came under her.”340-1 Due to this great danger, he named the entrance “Boca de la Sierpe. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Having reached that land which he saw in that direction and believed was an island, he saw near that cape two small islands in the middle of another channel which is made by that cape which he called Cabo de Lapa and another cape of the Trinidad which he called Cabo Boto, because of being thick and blunt,—the one island he named El Caracol, the other El Delfin.340-3 It is only five leagues in this strait between the Point of Paria and Cape Boto of Trinidad, and the said islands are in the middle of the strait. The impetus of the great river Yuyaparí and the tempestuous waves of the sea make the entrance and exit by this strait greatly dangerous, and because the Admiral experienced this difficulty and also danger, he called that difficult entrance Boca del Drago340-4 and thus it is called to this day. He went along the coast of the mainland of Paria,340-5 which he believed to be an island, and named it Isla de Gracia, towards the west in search of a harbor. From the point of the Arenal, which is one cape of Trinidad as has been said, and is towards the south, as far as the other Cape Boto, which is of the same island and is towards the sea, the Admiral says it is 26 large leagues, and this part appears to be the width of the island, and these two said capes are north and south. There were great currents, the one against the other; there came many showers as it was the rainy season, as aforesaid. The Isla de Gracia is, as has been said, mainland. The Admiral says that it is a very high land and all full of trees which reach to the sea; this is because the gulf being surrounded by land, there is no surf and no waves which break on the land as where the shores are uncovered. He says that, being at the point or end of it, he saw an island of very high[341] land to the north-east, which might be 26 leagues from there. He named it “Belaforma,” because it must have looked very well from a distance, yet all this is the mainland, which, as the ships changed their position from one side to the other within the gulf enclosed by land, some inlets appeared as if they separated lands which might be detached, and these the Admiral called islands; for such was his opinion.341-1

Having arrived at the land he saw ahead, which he thought was an island, he spotted two small islands near that cape in the middle of another channel created by a cape he called Cabo de Lapa and another cape of Trinidad that he named Cabo Boto, due to its thick and blunt shape. He called one island El Caracol and the other El Dolphin.340-3 There's only five leagues in this strait between the Point of Paria and Cape Boto of Trinidad, with the islands located in the center of the strait. The force of the great river Yuyaparí and the turbulent sea waves make entering and exiting this strait very dangerous, and since the Admiral faced this challenge and risk, he named that tricky entrance Boca del Drago, a name it still holds today. He traveled along the coast of the mainland of Paria, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ which he thought was an island, and called it Isla de Gracia, searching for a harbor to the west. From the point of Arenal, one of the capes of Trinidad mentioned earlier, down to Cape Boto, which is on the same island and faces the sea, the Admiral noted it to be 26 large leagues, suggesting this section might represent the island's width, with the two mentioned capes lying north and south. There were strong currents, one opposing the other; many rain showers came since it was the rainy season, as previously stated. The Isla de Gracia is, as mentioned, part of the mainland. The Admiral noted that it's very high land filled with trees reaching down to the sea; this is because the gulf is surrounded by land, so there are no surf and waves breaking against the shore like they do where the shores are exposed. He reported that from the point or end of it, he spotted a very high island to the northeast, about 26 leagues away. He named it “Belaforma” as it must have looked nice from a distance. However, all of this is still the mainland, and as the ships shifted positions from side to side within the land-enclosed gulf, some inlets appeared as if they separated lands that could be detached, which the Admiral called islands; such was his opinion.341-1

He navigated Sunday, August 5, five leagues from the point of the Cape of Lapa, which is the eastern end of the island of Gracia. He saw very good harbors adjacent to each other, and almost all this sea he says is a harbor, because it is surrounded by islands and there are no waves. He called the parts of the mainland which disclosed themselves to him “islands,” but there are only the island of Trinidad and the mainland, which inclose the gulf which he now calls the sea. He sent the boats to land and found fish and fire, and traces of people, and a great house visible to the view. From there he went eight leagues where he found good harbors. This part of this island of Gracia he says is very high land, and there are many valleys, and “all must be populated,” says he, because he saw it all cultivated. There are many rivers because each valley has its own from league to league; they found many fruits, and grapes like [our] grapes and of good taste, and myrobolans341-2 very good, and others like apples, and others, he says, like oranges, and the inside is like figs. They found numberless monkeys.341-3 The waters, he says, are the best that they saw. “This island,” he says, “is all full of harbors, this sea is fresh, although not wholly so, but brackish like that of Carthagena”; farther down he says that it is fresh like the river of Seville, and this was caused when it encountered some current of water from the sea, which made that of the river salty.[342]

He traveled on Sunday, August 5, five leagues from the point of Cape Lapa, which is the eastern tip of Gracia Island. He spotted several great harbors close to each other, and he claimed that almost all of this water is a harbor because it’s surrounded by islands and has no waves. He referred to the parts of the mainland that became visible to him as “islands,” but there are only Trinidad Island and the mainland, which together form the gulf that he now calls the sea. He sent the boats to shore and found fish and fire, signs of human activity, and a large house in sight. From there, he traveled eight leagues further and discovered more good harbors. He noted that this area of Gracia Island has very high land and many valleys, and he remarked that “it must all be populated” because he saw it was all cultivated. There are many rivers as each valley has its own, and they found plenty of fruits, including grapes similar to ours that tasted good, as well as myrobolans that were very nice, and others resembling apples, and others he said looked like oranges, with insides like figs. They encountered countless monkeys. He mentioned that the waters were the best they had seen. “This island,” he said, “is filled with harbors, this sea is fresh, although not completely so, but brackish like that of Carthagena”; further on, he noted that it is fresh like the river of Seville, which was caused by it meeting some freshwater current from the sea, making the river water salty.[342]

He sailed to a small port Monday, August 6, five leagues from whence he went out and saw people, and then a canoe with four men came to the caravel which was nearest the land and the pilot called the Indians as if he wished to go to land with them, and in drawing near and entering he submerged the canoe, and they commenced swimming; he caught them and brought them to the Admiral. He says that they are of the color of all the others of the Indies. They wear the hair (some of them) very long, others as with us; none of them have the hair cut as in Española and in the other lands. They are of very fine stature and all well grown; they have the genital member tied and covered, and the women all go naked as their mothers gave them birth. This is what the Admiral says, but I have been, as I said above, within 30 leagues of this land yet I never saw women that did not have their private parts, at least, covered.342-1 The Admiral must have meant that they went as their mothers bore them as to the rest of the body.

He arrived at a small port on Monday, August 6, five leagues from where he set out and saw people. Then a canoe with four men came to the caravel that was closest to the shore, and the pilot called to the Indians as if he wanted to go ashore with them. As they got closer and boarded, he capsized the canoe, and they started swimming. He caught them and brought them to the Admiral. He says they look like all the other people from the Indies. Some of them have very long hair, while others style it like we do; none of them have their hair cut like people do in Española and other lands. They are tall and well-built; the men’s genitalia are tied and covered, and the women are completely naked, as their mothers gave birth to them. This is what the Admiral reports, but as I mentioned earlier, I have been within 30 leagues of this land and I have never seen women who didn't at least have their private parts covered. The Admiral must have meant they were as their mothers gave birth to them in terms of the rest of their bodies.

“To these Indians,” says the Admiral, “as soon as they were here, I gave hawks’ bells and beads and sugar, and sent them to land, where there was a great battle among them, and after they knew the good treatment, all wished to come to the ships. Those who had canoes came and they were many, and to all we gave a good welcome and held friendly conversation with them, giving them the things which pleased them.” The Admiral asked them questions and they replied, but they did not understand each other. They brought them bread and water and some beverage like new wine; they are very much adorned with bows and arrows and wooden shields, and they almost all carry arrows poisoned.

“To these Indians,” the Admiral said, “as soon as they arrived, I gave them hawks’ bells, beads, and sugar, and sent them to land, where there was a big battle among them. After they experienced our kind treatment, everyone wanted to come to the ships. Those who had canoes came, and there were many of them. We welcomed all of them and had friendly conversations, giving them things they liked.” The Admiral asked them questions, and they answered, but they didn’t understand each other. They brought bread and water and some drink that was similar to new wine; they were adorned with bows and arrows and wooden shields, and almost everyone carried poisoned arrows.

Tuesday, August 7, there came an infinite number of Indians by land and by sea and all brought with them bread and maize and things to eat and pitchers of beverages, some white, like milk, tasting like wine, some green, and some of different colors; he believes that all are made from fruits. Most or[343] all of it is made from maize but as the maize itself is white or violet and reddish, it causes the wine to be of different colors. I do not know of what the green wine is made. They all brought their bows and poisoned arrows, very pointed;343-1 they gave nothing for beads, but would give as much as they had for hawks’ bells, and asked nothing else. They gave a great deal for brass. It is certain that they hold this in high estimation and they gave in this Española for a little brass as much gold as any one would ask, and I believe that in the beginning it was always thus in all these Indies. They called it turey as if it came from Heaven because they called Heaven hureyo.343-2 They find in it I do not know what odor, but one which is agreeable to them. Here the Admiral says whatever they gave them from Castile they smelled it as soon as it was given them. They brought parrots of two or three kinds, especially the very large ones like those in the island of Guadeloupe, he says, with the large tail. They brought handkerchiefs of cotton very symmetrically woven and worked in colors like those brought from Guinea, from the rivers of the Sierra Leona and of no difference, and he says that they cannot communicate with the latter, because from where he now is to Guinea the distance is more than 800 leagues; below he says that these handkerchiefs resemble almayzars.343-3 He desired, he says, to take a half-dozen Indians, in order to carry them with him, and says that he could not take them because they all went away from the ships before nightfall.

On Tuesday, August 7, a countless number of Indigenous people arrived by land and sea, bringing with them bread, corn, and various foods, along with pitchers of drinks—some white like milk and tasting like wine, some green, and others in different colors; it’s believed they’re all made from fruits. Most, if not all, of the drinks are made from corn, but since the corn itself can be white, violet, or reddish, it makes the drinks different colors. I don’t know what the green drink is made from. They all carried their bows and sharp, poisoned arrows; they wouldn’t trade anything for beads but would give everything they had for hawks’ bells, asking for nothing else. They offered a lot for brass, clearly valuing it highly. Here in Española, they would trade a small amount of brass for gold, and I believe it has always been this way across all these Indies. They referred to it as turey, as if it was from Heaven, since they called Heaven . They seem to find some pleasant scent in it, though I don't know what it is. The Admiral states that whenever they were given something from Castile, they would smell it immediately. They brought parrots in two or three kinds, particularly large ones similar to those on the island of Guadeloupe, with big tails. They brought handkerchiefs made from cotton, intricately woven and colored like those from Guinea, also from the rivers of Sierra Leona, with no real difference, though he mentions they can’t communicate with the latter because the distance to Guinea from where he is now exceeds 800 leagues; he says these handkerchiefs resemble almayzars. He expressed a desire to take six Indigenous people with him but couldn’t because they all left the ships before nightfall.

But Wednesday, August 8, a canoe came with 12 men to the caravel and they took them all, and brought them to the ship of the Admiral, and from them he chose six and sent the others to land. From this it appears that the Admiral did it[344] without scruple as he did many other times in the first navigation, it not appearing to him that it was an injustice and an offence against God and his neighbor to take free men against their will, separating fathers from their sons and wives from their husbands and [not reflecting] that according to natural law they were married, and that other men could not take these women, or those men other women, without sin and perhaps a mortal sin of which the Admiral was the efficient cause—and there was the further circumstance that these people came to the ships under tacit security and promised confidence which should have been observed toward them; and beyond this, the scandal and the hatred of the Christians not only there, but in all the earth and among the peoples that should hear of this.

But on Wednesday, August 8, a canoe arrived with 12 men for the caravel. They took all of them and brought them to the Admiral's ship, from which he chose six and sent the others back to shore. This shows that the Admiral acted without hesitation, as he did many times during the first voyage, not seeing it as wrong or an offense against God and his fellow beings to take free men against their will, separating fathers from sons and wives from husbands. He didn’t consider that, according to natural law, they were married, and that other men couldn’t take these women or those men other women without committing a sin, possibly a serious one, and the Admiral was the one who caused it. Furthermore, these people came to the ships under implied safety and a promise of trust that should have been honored. On top of this, there was the potential scandal and animosity from Christians not just there, but all over the world among the peoples who would hear of this. [344]

He made sail then towards a point which he calls “de l’Aguja,”344-1 he does not say when he gave it this name, and from there he says that he discovered the most beautiful lands that have been seen and the most populated, and arriving at one place which for its beauty he called Jardines,344-2 where there were an infinite number of houses and people, and those whom he had taken told him there were people who were clothed, for which reason he decided to anchor, and infinite canoes came to the ships. These are his words. Each one, he says, wore his cloth so woven in colors, that it appeared an almayzar, with one tied on the head and the other covering the rest, as has been already explained. Of these people who now came to the ships, some he says wore gold leaf344-3 on the breast, and one of the Indians he had taken told him there was much gold there, and that they made large mirrors of it, and they showed how they gathered it. He says mirrors, wherefore the Admiral must have given some mirrors and the Indian must have said by signs that of the gold they made those things, for they did not understand the language. He says that, as he was going hastily along there, because he was[345] losing the supplies which it had cost him so much labor to obtain, and this island Española is more than 300 leagues from there, he did not tarry, which he would have wished very much in order to discover much more land, and says that it is all full of very beautiful islands, much populated, and very high lands and valleys and plains, and all are very large. The people are much more politic than those of Española and warlike, and there are handsome houses. If the Admiral had seen the kingdom of Xaraguá as did his brother the Adelantado and the court of the King Behechio345-1 he would not have made so absolute a statement.

He then set sail towards a spot he calls “de l’Aguja,”344-1 but he doesn’t say when he named it that, and from there he claims to have discovered some of the most beautiful and populated lands he had ever seen. He arrived at a place that he named Jardines,344-2 due to its beauty, where there were countless houses and people. The people he had brought with him informed him that there were others who wore clothes, so he decided to anchor, and many canoes came to the ships. He describes how each person was dressed in a cloth so intricately woven in colors that it looked like an almayzar, with one piece tied around their head and another covering the rest of their body, as already mentioned. Among those who approached the ships, he noted that some wore gold leaf344-3 on their chest. One of the Indians he had taken told him there was a lot of gold there and that they made large mirrors from it, demonstrating how they gathered it. He refers to mirrors, suggesting the Admiral might have given some mirrors, and the Indian possibly indicated through gestures that they made those items from the gold, since they did not speak the same language. He mentioned that, as he was moving quickly because he was losing the supplies that had cost him so much effort to obtain, and since this island of Española is more than 300 leagues away, he didn’t stop, though he would have liked to explore further. He noted that the area is filled with many beautiful islands, heavily populated, with high lands, valleys, and plains, all large in size. The people here are much more sophisticated than those of Española and are warlike, and there are attractive houses. If the Admiral had seen the kingdom of Xaraguá like his brother the Adelantado did, alongside the court of King Behechio__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, he wouldn’t have made such a definitive statement.

Arriving at the point of Aguja, he says that he saw another island to the south 15 leagues which ran south-east and north-west, very large, and very high land, and he called it Sabeta, and in the afternoon he saw another to the west, very high land. All these islands I understand to be pieces of the mainland which by reason of the inlets and valleys that separate them seem to be distinct islands notwithstanding that he went clear inside the gulf which he called Ballena enclosed as is said by land; and this seems clear since when one is, as he was, within the said gulf no land bears off to the south, except the mainland; next, the islands which he mentioned were not islands but pieces of the mainland which he judged to be islands.

Arriving at Aguja, he mentioned that he saw another island to the south, 15 leagues away, stretching from southeast to northwest, very large and very high land, which he named Sabeta. In the afternoon, he spotted another tall landmass to the west. I believe all these islands are actually parts of the mainland that appear to be separate islands because of the inlets and valleys that divide them, even though he went deep into the gulf he named Ballena, which is surrounded by land. This seems evident because, while inside the gulf, there was no land to the south except for the mainland; moreover, the islands he referred to were not islands but rather parts of the mainland that he misidentified as islands.

He anchored at the place he had named the Jardines, and then there came an infinite number of canoes, large and small, full of people, according to what he says. Afterwards in the afternoon there came more from all the territory, many of whom wore at the neck pieces of gold of the size of horseshoes. It appeared that they had a great deal of it: but they gave it all for hawks’ bells and he did not take it. And this is strange that a man as provident as the Admiral and desiring to make discoveries should not have seized this opportunity for trading, as he did on his first voyage. Yet he had some specimens from them and it was of very poor quality so that it appeared plated. They said, as well as he could understand by signs,[346] that there were some islands there where there was much of that gold, but that the people were canibales, and the Admiral says here that this word “Canibales” every one there held as a cause for enmity, or perhaps they said so because they did not wish the Christians to go yonder, but that they should remain there all their life. The Christians saw one Indian with a grain of gold as large as an apple.

He docked at the spot he called the Jardines, and then an endless number of canoes, big and small, filled with people appeared, according to his account. Later in the afternoon, more came from all around the area, many of whom had gold pieces around their necks that were the size of horseshoes. It seemed they had a lot of it, but they traded it all for hawks’ bells, which he didn’t take. It’s odd that a man as resourceful as the Admiral, who wanted to make discoveries, didn’t take this chance to trade, like he did on his first voyage. Still, he did get some samples, but they were of very poor quality and seemed plated. They indicated, as well as he could understand through signs, [346] that there were some islands nearby with a lot of that gold, but that the people were cannibals. The Admiral mentions that the term “Cannibals” was seen as a reason for hostility by everyone there, or maybe they said that to discourage the Christians from going there and to keep them from leaving for good. The Christians saw one Indian with a gold nugget as big as an apple.

Another time there came an infinite number of canoes loaded with people, and all wore gold and necklaces, and beads of infinite kinds, and had handkerchiefs tied on their heads as they had hair well cut, and they appeared very well. It rained a great deal, and for this reason the people ceased to go and come. Some women came who wore on the arms strings of beads, and mingled with them were pearls or aljofars,346-1 very fine, not like the colored ones which were found on the islands of Babueca; they traded for some of them, and he says that he would send them to their Highnesses.

Another time, a huge number of canoes arrived filled with people, all adorned with gold, necklaces, and various types of beads. They had handkerchiefs tied around their heads and their hair was nicely trimmed, making them look quite presentable. It rained heavily, which caused the movement of people to come to a halt. Some women showed up wearing strings of beads on their arms, mixed in with fine pearls or aljofars,346-1 that were not like the colorful ones found on the islands of Babueca; they traded for some of these, and he mentioned he would send them to their Highnesses.

I never knew of these pearls that were found in the islands of Babueca, which are near Puerto de Plata, in this Española; and these besides are low under the water and not islands, and they are very dangerous to ships that pass that way if they are not aware of them; and so they have the name Abre el Ojo.346-2

I never knew about these pearls that were found in the Babueca islands, which are near Puerto de Plata in Hispaniola; and these are actually submerged and not islands, making them very dangerous for ships passing by if they aren’t aware of them; that’s why they’re called Abre el Ojo. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

The Admiral asked the Indians where they found them or fished them, and they showed him some mother-of-pearl where they are formed; and they replied to him by very clear signs, that they grow and are gathered towards the west, behind that island, which was the Cape of Lapa, the Point of Paria and mainland, which he believed to be an island, but it was the mainland. He sent the boats to land to know if there was any new thing which he had not seen, and they found the people so tractable, says the Admiral, that, “although the sailors did not go intending to land, there came two principal persons with all the village, who induced them to descend and who took them to a large house, built near two streams[347] and not round, like a camp-tent, in the manner of the houses of the islands, where they received them very well and made them a feast and gave them a collation, bread and fruit of many kinds; and the drink was a white beverage which had a great value, which every one brought there, at this time, and some of it is tinted and better than the other, as the wine with us. The men were all together at one end of the house and the women at the other. Having taken the collation at the house of the older man, the younger conducted them to the other house, where they went through the same function. It appeared that one must be the cacique and lord, and the other must be his son. Afterwards the sailors returned to the boats and with them went back to the ships, very pleased with this people.” These are all the words of the Admiral. He says further: “They are of very handsome stature, and all uniformly large,” and whiter than any other he had seen in these Indies, and that yesterday he saw many as white as we are, and with better hair and well cut, and of very good speech. “No lands in the world can be more green and beautiful or more populated; moreover the temperature since I have been in this island,” says he, “is, I say, cool enough each morning for a lined gown, although it is so near the equinoctial line; the sea is however fresh. They called the island Paria.” All are the words of the Admiral. He called the mainland an island, however, because so he believed it to be.

The Admiral asked the locals where they found or caught them, and they showed him some mother-of-pearl where it forms. They clearly indicated that they grow and are collected toward the west, behind that island, which he thought was Cape of Lapa, the Point of Paria, and the mainland, which he believed to be an island, but it was actually the mainland. He sent the boats to land to see if there was anything new that he hadn’t seen, and the people were so friendly, the Admiral said, that, “even though the sailors didn’t intend to land, two important figures came with the whole village, encouraging them to come down and took them to a large house built near two streams[347] and not round like a tent, similar to the houses on the islands, where they welcomed them warmly, prepared a feast, and offered them snacks, bread, and various fruits; the drink was a white beverage of great value, which everyone brought at that time, and some of it was better than others, like our wine. The men sat together at one end of the house and the women at the other. After having the snacks at the older man's house, the younger one took them to another house, where they had the same experience. It seemed that one was the chief and lord, and the other was his son. Afterward, the sailors returned to the boats and went back to the ships, very pleased with the people.” These are all the Admiral's words. He adds: “They are very tall and uniformly large,” and whiter than anyone else he had seen in these Indies, and that the day before he saw many as white as us, with better hair and well-groomed, and very articulate. “No land in the world can be more lush and beautiful or more populated; moreover, the temperature since I’ve been on this island,” he says, “is cool enough each morning for a lined coat, even though it’s so close to the equator; however, the sea feels fresh. They called the island Paria.” All are the Admiral's words. He called the mainland an island because that’s what he believed it to be.

Friday, August 10, he ordered sail to be made and went to the west of that which he thought to be an island, and travelled five leagues and anchored. For fear of not finding bottom, he went to search for an opening [mouth] by which to get out of that gulf, within which he was going, encircled by mainland and islands, although he did not believe it to be mainland, and he says it is certain that that was an island, because the Indians said thus, and thus it appears he did not understand them. From there he saw another island facing the south, which he called Ysabeta,347-1 which extends from the south-east to north-west, afterwards another which he called[348] La Tramontana,348-1 a high land and very beautiful, and it seemed that it ran from north to south. It appeared very large. This was the mainland. The Indians whom he had taken said—according to what he understood—that the people there were Canibales and that yonder was where the gold was found and that the pearls which they had given the Admiral they had sought and found on the northern part of Paria toward the west. The water of that sea he says was as fresh as that of the river of Seville and in the same manner muddy. He would have wished to go to those islands except for turning backward because of the haste he felt in order not to lose the supplies that he was taking for the Christians of Española, which with so much labor, difficulty and fatigue he had gathered for them; and as being a thing for the sake of which he had suffered much, he repeats this about the provisions or supplies many times. He says he believes that in those islands he had seen, there must be things of value because they are all large and high lands with valleys and plains and with many waters and very well cultivated and populated and the people of very good speech, as their gestures showed. These are the words of the Admiral.

On Friday, August 10, he ordered the sails to be raised and headed west of what he thought was an island, traveling five leagues before anchoring. Worried about not finding a suitable bottom, he set out to look for an opening to exit the gulf he was navigating, surrounded by land and islands, although he didn’t believe it to be mainland. He stated that it was definitely an island, as the Indians had indicated, although it seems he didn’t fully understand them. From there, he spotted another island to the south, which he named Ysabeta, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ stretching from the southeast to northwest, and later another one he called [348] La Tramontana,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ a tall and beautiful land that seemed to run from north to south. It looked very large. This was the mainland. The Indians he had brought along indicated—according to what he understood—that the people there were Canibales and that was where gold was found, and that the pearls they had given the Admiral were sourced from the northern part of Paria to the west. He mentioned that the water in that sea was as fresh as the river Seville and equally muddy. He wished he could visit those islands, but he decided to turn back due to his urgency not to waste the supplies he was taking to the Christians of Española, which he had gathered with so much effort, difficulty, and hardship; he often repeated this about the provisions. He believed that in those islands he had seen, there must be valuable things because they were all large and elevated lands with valleys and plains, containing many waterways and being very well cultivated and populated, and the people showed good behavior through their gestures. These are the Admiral's words.

He says also that if the pearls are born as Pliny348-2 says from the dew which falls in the oysters while they are open, there is good reason for having them there because much dew falls in that place and there are an infinite number of oysters and very large ones and because there are no tempests there, but the sea is always calm, a sign of which is that the trees enter into the sea, which shows there is never a storm there, and every branch of the trees which were in the water (and there are also roots of certain trees in the sea, which according to the language of this Española are called mangles348-3) was full of an infinite number of oysters so that breaking a branch, it comes out full of oysters attached to it. They are white[349] within, and their flesh also, and very savory, not salt but fresh and they require some salt, and he says that they do not know or spring from mother-of-pearl. Wherever the pearls are generated, he says, they are extremely fine and they pierce them as in Venice. As for this that the Admiral says that the branches were full of oysters there, we say that those oysters that he saw and that are on the branches above the water and a little under the water are not those that produce pearls, but another species; because those that bear pearls are more careful from their natural instinct to hide themselves as much further under water as they can than those he saw on the branches....349-1

He also mentions that if pearls form as Pliny __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ says, from the dew that falls on oysters while they’re open, it makes sense for them to be there since a lot of dew falls in that area. There are countless large oysters and no storms, so the sea is always calm. You can tell because the trees extend into the sea, indicating there’s never a storm. Every branch of those trees that was in the water (and there are also roots of certain trees in the sea, which in the language of this Española are referred to as 348-3) was filled with countless oysters, so when you break a branch, it comes out loaded with oysters attached to it. They are white[349] inside, and their flesh is also white and very tasty, not salty but fresh, although they do require some salt. He says they are unaware of or do not originate from mother-of-pearl. Wherever pearls are formed, he claims, they are exceptionally fine and they pierce them like they do in Venice. Regarding what the Admiral says about the branches being full of oysters, we clarify that the oysters he saw on the branches, both above and slightly below the water, aren’t the ones that produce pearls; they are a different kind. The oysters that create pearls instinctively hide much deeper underwater than those he observed on the branches....349-1

Returning to where I dropped the thread of the history, at this place the Admiral mentions many points of land and islands and the names he had given them, but it does not appear when. In this and elsewhere the Admiral shows himself to be a native of another country and of another tongue, because he does not apprehend all the signification of the Castilian words nor the manner of using them. He gave names to the Punta Seca, the Ysla Ysabeta, the Ysla Tramontana, the Punta Llana, Punta Sara, assuming them to be known, although he has said nothing of them or of any of them. He says that all that sea is fresh, and he does not know from whence it proceeds, because it did not appear to have the flow from great rivers, and that, if it had them, he says it would not cease to be a marvel. But he was mistaken in thinking there were no rivers, since the river Yuyaparí furnished so great a flow of fresh water, as well as others which come from near there.

Returning to where I paused in the history, at this point the Admiral mentions several landmasses and islands and the names he assigned to them, but it’s unclear when he did this. Here and elsewhere, the Admiral reveals himself to be a native of a different country and language because he doesn’t fully understand all the meanings of the Castilian words or how to use them properly. He named Punto Seca, Isla Ysabeta, Isla Tramontana, Punta Llana, and Punta Sara, assuming they were known, even though he hasn’t mentioned them or any details about them. He claims that all that sea is fresh, and he doesn’t know where it comes from, because it seemed to lack the flow from large rivers, asserting that if there were any, it wouldn’t cease to be a wonder. However, he was mistaken in thinking there were no rivers, as the Yuyaparí river provided a significant flow of fresh water, along with others nearby.

Desiring to get out of this Gulf of Ballena, where he was encircled by mainland and La Trinidad, as already said, in going to the west by that coast of the mainland, which he called “de Gracia” towards the point Seca, although he does not say where it was, he found two fathoms of water, no more. He sent the small caravel to see if there was an outlet to the[350] north, because, in front of the mainland and of the other which he called Ysabeta, to the west, there appeared a very high and beautiful island. The caravel returned, and said that they found a great gulf, and in it four great openings which appeared small gulfs, and at the end of each one a river. This gulf he named Golpho de las Perlas, although I believe there are no pearls there. It appears that this was the inside corner of all this great gulf,350-1 in which the Admiral was going enclosed by the mainland and the island of Trinidad; those four bays or openings, the Admiral believed were four islands, and that there did not appear to be a sign of a river, which would make all that gulf, of 40 leagues, of sea, all fresh; but the sailors affirmed that those openings were mouths of rivers. And they say true, at least in regard to two of these openings, because by one comes the great river Yuyaparí and by the other comes another great river which to-day is called the river of Camarí.350-2

Desiring to get out of the Gulf of Ballena, where he was surrounded by the mainland and La Trinidad, as mentioned earlier, he headed west along the mainland coast, which he called “de Gracia,” towards a place called Seca, though he didn’t specify its location. He found two fathoms of water, no more. He sent the small caravel to check for an outlet to the[350] north, because in front of the mainland and the other island he labeled Ysabeta, to the west, there was a very high and beautiful island. The caravel returned and reported finding a big gulf with four large openings that looked like small gulfs, and at the end of each, there was a river. He named this gulf Golpho de las Perlas, even though I believe there are no pearls there. It seems that this was the inner corner of the largegulf, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ where the Admiral was enclosed by the mainland and the island of Trinidad. The Admiral thought those four bays or openings were four islands, and there were no signs of a river, which would make the entire gulf, 40 leagues long, fresh water; however, the sailors claimed those openings were river mouths. They were correct, at least concerning two of these openings, because one leads to the great river Yuyaparí and the other to another significant river now known as the river ofCamarí. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

The Admiral would have liked very much to find out the truth of this secret, which was the cause of this great gulf being 40 leagues in length by 26 in width, containing fresh water, which was a thing, he says, for wonder, (and he was certainly right), and also to penetrate the secrets of those lands, where he did not believe it to be possible that there were not things of value, or that they were not in the Indies, especially from having found there traces of gold and pearls and the news of them, and discovered such lands, so many and such people in them; from which the things there and their riches might easily be known; but because the supplies he was carrying for the people who were in this Española, and which he carried that they who were in the mines gathering gold might have food, were being lost, which food and supplies he had gathered with great difficulty and fatigue, he did not allow himself to be detained, and he says that, if he had the[351] hope of having more as quickly, he would postpone delivering them, in order to discover more lands and see the secrets of them; and finally he resolves to follow that which is most sure, and come to this island, and send from it moneys to Castile to bring supplies and people under hire, and at the earliest opportunity to send also his brother, the Adelantado, to prosecute his discovery and find great things, as he hoped they would be found, to serve our Lord and the Sovereigns.

The Admiral was eager to uncover the truth behind this secret, which explained why this great gulf spanned 40 leagues in length by 26 in width and contained fresh water—something to marvel at, as he rightly noted. He also wanted to explore the secrets of those lands, convinced that they had to hold valuable resources, especially since he had discovered signs of gold and pearls there, along with news of them, and encountered numerous lands and people. From these, the riches could easily be inferred. However, because the supplies he was transporting for the people in Española—whom he intended to feed while they mined for gold—were getting lost and had required significant effort and hardship to gather, he didn’t allow himself to be delayed. He mentioned that if he had the hope of replenishing supplies quickly, he would have postponed the delivery to explore more lands and their secrets. Ultimately, he decided to take the safer route, return to the island, and send money to Castile to bring in supplies and hired workers. He also aimed to send his brother, the Adelantado, at the earliest opportunity to continue his exploration and discover valuable things that he hoped would benefit our Lord and the Sovereigns.

Yet, just at the best time, the thread was cut, as will appear, of these his good desires, and he says thus: “Our Lord guides me by His pity and presents me things with which He may be served, and your Highnesses may have great pleasure, and certainly they ought to have pleasure, because here they have such a noble thing and so royal for great princes. And it is a great error to believe any one who speaks evil to them of this undertaking, but to abhor them, because there is not to be found a prince who has had so much grace from our Lord, and so much victory from a thing so signal and of so much honor to their high estate and realms, and by which God may receive endlessly more services and the people of Spain more refreshment and gains. Because it has been seen that there are infinite things of value, and although now this that I say may not be known, the time will come when it will be accounted of great excellence, and to the great reproach of those persons who oppose this project to your Highnesses; and although they may have expended something in this matter, it has been in a cause more noble and of greater account than any undertaking of any other prince until now, nor was it proper to withdraw from it hastily, but to proceed and give me aid and favor; because the Sovereigns of Portugal spent and had courage to spend in Guinea, for four or five years, money and people, before they received any benefit, and afterward God gave them advantages and gold. For certainly, if the people of the kingdom of Portugal be counted, and those of them who died in this undertaking of Guinea be enumerated, it would be found that they are more than half[352] of the kingdom;352-1 and certainly, it would be the greatest thing to have in Spain a revenue which would come from this undertaking. Your Highnesses would leave nothing of greater memory; and they may examine, and discover that no prince of Castile may be found, and I have not found such by history or by tradition,—who has ever gained land outside of Spain. And your Highnesses will gain these lands, so very great, which are another world,352-2 and where Christianity will have so great pleasure, and our faith in time so great an increase.352-3 All this I say with very honest intention, and because I desire that Your Highnesses may be the greatest Lords in the world,352-4 I say Lords of it all; and that it may all be with great service and contentment of the Holy Trinity, for which at the end of their days they may have the glory of Paradise, and not for that which concerns me myself, whose hope is in His High Majesty, that Your Highnesses will soon see the truth of it, and[353] this is my ardent desire.” All these are the actual words of the Admiral....353-1

Yet, just at the right moment, the opportunity was interrupted, as will be shown, by his good intentions. He says: “Our Lord guides me with His mercy and shows me things through which He can be served, and your Highnesses can take great delight in this; they certainly should be pleased because here is something so noble and suitable for great rulers. It is a serious mistake to believe anyone who speaks negatively about this venture; rather, they should be dismissed, because there is no prince who has received so much grace from our Lord, and so much victory from something so remarkable and honorable to their high status and realms, and by which God can receive endless services and the people of Spain can gain more benefits. It has been observed that there are countless valuable things, and although what I’m saying may not be recognized now, the time will come when it will be considered of great significance, to the great shame of those who oppose this project to your Highnesses; and even if they may have spent something on this endeavor, it has been for a cause far nobler and more important than any other prince's undertaking until now. It is not wise to withdraw from it hastily, but to continue and support me; because the sovereigns of Portugal invested money and resources in Guinea for four or five years before they saw any benefits, and afterward, God rewarded them with advantages and gold. If we count the people of Portugal and those who died in this Guinea venture, we would find that they make up more than half of their kingdom; and certainly, having a revenue from this undertaking in Spain would be the greatest achievement. Your Highnesses would leave a lasting legacy; and upon examination, it can be discovered that no king of Castile has ever gained land outside of Spain. Your Highnesses will acquire these vast lands, which are another world, where Christianity will rejoice greatly, and our faith will see significant growth over time. I say all this with the utmost sincerity, wishing for your Highnesses to become the greatest lords in the world; lords of everything. I hope that it may all be for the great service and glory of the Holy Trinity, so that at the end of their lives, they may attain the glory of Paradise, and not for my own sake, as my hope rests in His High Majesty, who your Highnesses will soon see the truth of; and this is my heartfelt desire.” All these are the actual words of the Admiral....

So, in order to get out of this gulf, within which he was surrounded by land on all parts, with the intention already told of saving the supplies which he carried, which were being lost, in coming to this island of Española,—Saturday, August 11, at the appearance of the moon, he raised the anchors, spread the sails, and navigated toward the east (el leste), that is towards the place where the sun rises,353-2 because he was in the corner of the gulf where was the river Yuyaparí as was said above, in order to go out between the Point of Paria and the mainland, which he called the Punta or Cabo de Lapa, and the land he named Ysla de Gracia, and between the cape which he called Cabo Boto of the island of Trinidad.

So, to escape this gulf, which was surrounded by land on all sides, and with the intention of saving the supplies he had left, which were dwindling since arriving at this island of Española,—on Saturday, August 11, when the moon appeared, he raised the anchors, set the sails, and sailed east (el leste), toward where the sun rises, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ because he was in the corner of the gulf where the Yuyaparí River was mentioned earlier, aiming to pass between the Point of Paria and the mainland, which he named the Punta or Cabo de Lapa, and the land he called Ysla de Gracia, and between the cape he designated Cabo Boto of the island of Trinidad.

He arrived at a very good harbor, which he called Puerto de Gatos,353-3 which is connected with the mouth where are the two little islands of the Caracol and Delfin, between the capes of Lapa and Cape Boto. And this occurred Sunday, August 12.

He reached a great harbor, which he named Puerto de Gatos, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ connected to the entrance where the two small islands of Caracol and Delfin are located, between Lapa and Cape Boto. This happened on Sunday, August 12.

He anchored near the said harbor, in order to go out by the said mouth in the morning. He found another port near there, to examine which he sent a boat. It was very good. They found certain houses of fishermen, and much water and very fresh. He named it Puerto de las Cabañas.353-4 They found, he says, myrobolans on the land: near the sea, infinite oysters attached to the branches of the trees which enter into the sea, the mouths open to receive the dew which drops from the leaves and which engenders the pearls, as Pliny says and as is alleged in the vocabulary which is called Catholicon.353-5[354]

He anchored near the harbor to head out through the mouth in the morning. He found another port close by and sent a boat to explore it. It was quite nice. They discovered some fishermen's houses, plenty of water, and it was very fresh. He named it Puerto de las Cottages.353-4 They found, he says, myrobolans on the land; near the sea, there were countless oysters attached to the branches of the trees that extend into the sea, with their mouths open to catch the dew that falls from the leaves, which creates pearls, as Pliny says and as is mentioned in the vocabulary known as Catholicon.353-5[354]

Monday, August 13, at the rising of the moon, he weighed anchor from where he was, and came towards the Cape of Lapa, which is Paria, in order to go to the north by the mouth called Del Drago, for the following cause and danger in which he saw himself there; the Mouth of the Dragon, he says, is a strait which is between the Point of Lapa, the end of the island of Gracia, which is at the east end of the land of Paria and between Cape Boto which is the western end of the island of Trinidad. He says it is about a league and a half between the two capes. This must be after having passed four little islands which he says lie in the centre of the channel, although now we do not really see more than two, by which he could not go out, and there remained of the strait only a league and a half in the passage. From the Punta de la Lapa to the Cabo de Boto it is five leagues. Arriving at the said mouth at the hour of tierce,354-1 he found a great struggle between the fresh water striving to go out to the sea and the salt water of the sea striving to enter into the gulf, and it was so strong and fearful, that it raised a great swell, like a very high hill, and with this, both waters made a noise and thundering, from east to west, very great and fearful, with currents of water, and after one came four great waves one after the other, which made contending currents; here they thought to perish, no less than in the other mouth of the Sierpe by the Cape of Arenal when they entered into the gulf. This danger was doubly more than the other, because the wind with which they hoped to get out died away, and they wished to anchor, because there was no remedy other than that, although it was not without danger from the fierceness of the waters, but they did not find bottom, because the sea was very deep there. They feared that the wind having calmed, the fresh or salt water might throw them on the rocks with their currents, when there would be no help. It is related that the Admiral here said, although I did not find it written with his own hand as I found the above, that if they escaped from that place they[355] could report that they escaped from the mouth of the dragon, and for this reason that name was given to it and with reason.

On Monday, August 13, at moonrise, he set sail from his location toward the Cape of Lapa, known as Paria, to navigate north through the passage called Del Drago, due to the dangers he saw there. He describes the Mouth of the Dragon as a channel located between the Point of Lapa, the eastern end of the island of Gracia, and Cape Boto, which is the western tip of Trinidad. He notes that the distance between the two capes is about a league and a half. This is after they had passed four small islands situated in the center of the channel, although now we only see two, making passage impossible, leaving just a league and a half of the strait to navigate. From Punta de la Lapa to Cabo de Boto is five leagues. Upon reaching the mouth at the hour of tierce,354-1, he encountered a fierce clash between the fresh water pushing out to sea and the saltwater trying to flow into the gulf, creating a powerful and terrifying swell that rose like a tall hill. The clash of both waters produced a loud, rumbling noise from east to west, along with strong currents, and then came four massive waves one after another, creating turbulent currents; they feared for their lives, as they had in the other mouth of the Sierpe by the Cape of Arenal when entering the gulf. This danger was even greater than before, as the wind that they hoped would help them escape had died down, and they wanted to anchor, knowing that it was their only option, despite the risks from the raging waters, but they could not find a safe depth because the sea was too deep there. They were concerned that with the wind gone, either the fresh or salt water might throw them onto the rocks with its currents, leaving them helpless. It is said that the Admiral mentioned here—though I didn't find it written in his own words as with the previous statements—remarked that if they managed to escape that place, they could say they had survived the mouth of the dragon, and that’s how it got its name, and rightly so.

It pleased the goodness of God that from the same danger safety and deliverance came to them and the current of the fresh water overcame the current of the salt water and carried the ships safely out, and thus they were placed in security; because when God wills that one or many shall be kept alive, water is a remedy for them.355-1 Thus they went out, Monday, August 13, from the said dangerous Gulf and Mouth of the Dragon. He says that there are 48 leagues from the first land of La Trinidad to the gulf which the sailors discovered whom he sent in the caravel, where they saw the rivers and he did not believe them, which gulf he called “de las Perlas,” and this is the interior angle of all the large gulf, which he called “de la Ballena,” where he travelled so many days encircled by land. I add that it is a good 50 leagues, as appears from the chart.

It pleased God's goodness that from the same danger came safety and deliverance for them, and the flow of fresh water overcame the flow of salt water and safely carried the ships out, placing them in security. Because when God wants one or many to stay alive, water serves as a remedy for them. Thus, they left on Monday, August 13, from the dangerous Gulf and Mouth of the Dragon. He reports that it is 48 leagues from the first land of La Trinidad to the gulf discovered by the sailors he sent in the caravel, where they saw the rivers, which he did not believe. He called this gulf “de las Perlas,” and it is the inner angle of the large gulf he named “de la Ballena,” where he spent many days surrounded by land. I add that it is a good 50 leagues, as shown on the chart.

Having gone out of the gulf and the Boca del Drago and having passed his danger, he decides to go to the west by the coast below355-2 of the mainland, believing yet that it was the island of Gracia, in order to get abreast, on the right, of the said Gulf of the Pearls, north and south, and to go around it,355-3 and see whence comes so great abundance of water, and to see if it proceeded from rivers, as the sailors affirmed and which he says he did not believe because he had not heard that either the Ganges, the Nile or the Euphrates355-4 carried so much fresh[356] water. The reason which moved him was because he did not see lands large enough to give birth to such great rivers, “unless indeed,” he says, “that this is mainland.” These are his words. So that he was already beginning to suspect that the land of Gracia which he believed to be an island is mainland, which it certainly was and is, and the sailors had been right, from which land there came such a quantity of water from the rivers, Yuyaparí and the other which flows out near it, which we now call Camarí, and others which must empty there, so that, going in search of that Gulf of the Pearls, where the said rivers empty, thinking to find it surrounded by land, considering it an island and to see if there was an entrance there, or an outlet to the south, and if he did not find it, he says he would affirm then that it was a river, and that both were a great wonder,—he went down the coast that Monday until the setting of the sun.

After leaving the gulf and the Boca del Drago and passing through the danger, he decides to head west along the coast below355-2 of the mainland, still believing that it was the island of Gracia. He aims to get in line, on the right, with the Gulf of the Pearls, both north and south, and to navigate it,355-3 to find out where such a massive amount of water originates. He wants to see if it comes from rivers, as the sailors claimed, though he says he doesn’t believe that because he hasn’t heard of rivers as large as the Ganges, the Nile, or the Euphrates River __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ carrying such a volume of fresh[356] water. He was skeptical because he didn’t see any land large enough to create such great rivers, “unless,” he says, “this is mainland.” These are his exact words. He was starting to suspect that the land of Gracia, which he thought was an island, was actually mainland, which it undeniably was, confirming what the sailors had said, from which rivers like the Yuyaparí and another stream nearby, which we now call Camarí, flow, along with others that must drain into that area. So, while searching for that Gulf of the Pearls, where those rivers empty, he thought he would find it surrounded by land, considering it an island and wanting to see if there was an entrance or an outlet to the south. If he didn’t find it, he said he would then conclude it was a river, and that both were a great wonder. He traveled down the coast that Monday until sunset.

He saw that the coast was filled with good harbors and a very high land; by that lower coast he saw many islands toward the north and many capes on the mainland, to all of which he gave names: to one, Cabo de Conchas; to another, Cabo Luengo; to another, Cabo de Sabor; to another, Cabo Rico. A high and very beautiful land. He says that on that way there are many harbors and very large gulfs which must be populated, and the farther he went to the west he saw the land more level and more beautiful. On going out of the mouth, he saw an island to the north, which might be 26 leagues from the north, and named it La Isla de la Asuncion; he saw another island and named it La Concepcion, and three other small islands together he called Los Testigos.356-1 They are called this to-day. Another near them he called El Romero, and three other little small islands he called Las Guardias. Afterwards he arrived near the Isla Margarita, and called it Margarita, and another near it he named El Martinet.

He noticed that the coast had plenty of good harbors and very high land; along that lower coast, he spotted many islands to the north and various capes on the mainland, which he named: one, Cabo de Conchas; another, Cabo Luengo; another, Cabo de Sabor; and yet another, Cabo Rico. It was a high and very beautiful area. He mentioned that along that route, there were many harbors and large gulfs that needed to be populated, and as he journeyed further west, he saw the land becoming more level and more beautiful. Exiting the bay, he noticed an island to the north, about 26 leagues away, and named it La Isla de la Asuncion; he spotted another island and called it La Concepcion, and he grouped three smaller islands together and named them Los Witnesses.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ They still go by that name today. He named another nearby island El Romero, and called three more small islands Las Guardias. Later, he arrived near Isla Margarita and named it Margarita, while another island close by was called El Martinet.

This Margarita is an island 15 leagues long, and 5 or 6 wide, and is very green and beautiful on the coast and is very good within, for which reason it is inhabited; it has near it[357] extending lengthwise east and west, three small islands, and two behind them extending north and south. The Admiral did not see more than the three, as he was going along the southern part of Margarita. It is six or seven leagues from the mainland, and this makes a small gulf between it and the mainland, and in the middle of the gulf are two small islands, east and west, beside each other: the one is called Coche, which means deer, and the other Cubagua, which is the one we have described in chapter 136, and said that there are an infinite quantity of pearls gathered there. So that the Admiral, although he did not know that the pearls were formed in this gulf, appears to have divined that fact in naming it Margarita; he was very near it, although he does not express it, because he says he was nine leagues from the island of Martinet, which he says was near Margarita, on the northern part, and he says near it, because as he was going along the southern part of Margarita, it appeared to be near, although it was eight or nine leagues away; and this is the small island to the north, near Margarita, which is now called Blanca, and is distant eight or nine leagues from Margarita as I said. For here it seems that the Admiral must have been close to or near Margarita and I believe that he anchored because the wind failed him. Finally of all the names that he gave to the islands and capes of the mainland which he took for the island of Gracia none have lasted or are used to-day except Trinidad, Boca del Drago, Los Testigos, and Margarita.

This Margarita is an island 15 leagues long and 5 or 6 leagues wide, and it's very green and beautiful along the coast, as well as rich in resources, which is why it's inhabited. Nearby, extending east and west, are three small islands, with two others behind them that stretch north and south. The Admiral only saw the three islands while he was traveling along the southern part of Margarita. It lies six or seven leagues from the mainland, creating a small gulf between them, with two small islands in the middle of the gulf, positioned east and west of each other: one is called Coche, meaning deer, and the other is Cubagua, which we discussed in chapter 136, noting that an infinite number of pearls are gathered there. So even though the Admiral didn't realize that the pearls were located in this gulf, he seemed to have guessed it by naming the island Margarita; he was very close to the truth, although he didn't explicitly mention it. He states that he was nine leagues from the island of Martinet, which he noted was near Margarita to the north. He refers to it as being nearby because, traveling along the southern part of Margarita, it appeared close, even though it was actually eight or nine leagues away. This small island to the north of Margarita is now called Blanca, and it is, as I mentioned, eight or nine leagues away from Margarita. It seems that the Admiral must have been close to Margarita, and I believe he anchored there because the wind died down. Finally, of all the names he assigned to the islands and capes of the mainland, which he mistakenly took for the island of Gracia, only a few have endured and are still used today: Trinidad, Boca del Drago, Los Testigos, and Margarita.

There the eyes of the Admiral became very bad from not sleeping. Because always, as he was in so many dangers sailing among islands, it was his custom himself to watch on deck, and whoever takes ships with cargo should for the most part do that very thing, like the pilots, and he says that he found himself more fatigued here than when he discovered the other mainland, which is the island of Cuba, (which he regarded as mainland even until now), because his eyes were bloodshot; and thus his labors on the sea were incomparable. For this reason he was in bed this night, and therefore he found himself farther out in the sea than he would have[358] been if he had himself watched, from which he did not trust himself to the sailors, nor should any one who is a diligent and perfect pilot trust to anybody, because dependent on him and on his head are all those who go in the ship, and that which is most necessary and proper to his office is to watch and not sleep all the time while he navigates.

The Admiral's eyes were very bloodshot from lack of sleep. He had gotten used to keeping watch on deck himself, especially since he had faced so many dangers while sailing among the islands. Anyone who sails with cargo should mostly do the same, like the pilots do. He said he felt more exhausted this time than when he discovered the mainland, which he still considered the island of Cuba, because of his tired eyes; his hard work at sea was unmatched. That night, he was in bed instead of watching, which left him farther out at sea than he would have been if he had been alert. He didn’t trust the sailors to keep watch, and no diligent and skilled pilot should rely on anyone else, since everyone on the ship depends on him, and the most important part of his job is to stay awake and attentive while navigating.

The Admiral appears to have gone down the coast after he came out of the Mouth of the Dragon, yesterday Monday and to-day Tuesday, 30 or 40 leagues at least, although he does not say so, as he complains that he did not write all that he had to write, as he could not on account of his being so ill here. And as he saw that the land was becoming very extended below to the west, and appeared more level and more beautiful, and the Gulf of the Pearls which was in the back part of the gulf, or fresh-water sea, whence the river of Yuyaparí flowed, in the search of which he was going, had no outlet, which he hoped to see, believing that this mainland was an island, he now became conscious that a land so great was not an island, but mainland, and as if speaking with the Sovereigns, he says here: “I believe that this is mainland, very great, which until to-day has not been known. And reason aids me greatly because of this being such a great river and because of this sea which is fresh, and next the saying of Esdras aids me, in the 4th book, chapter 6th, which says that the six parts of the world are of dry land and the one of water.358-1 Which book St. Ambrose approves in his Examenon358-2 and St. Augustine on the passage, ‘Morietur filius meus Christus,’[359] as Francisco de Mayrones alleges.359-1 And further, I am supported by the sayings of many Canibales Indians, whom I took at other times, who said that to the south of them was mainland, and at that time I was on the island of Guadeloupe, and also I heard it from others of the island of Sancta Cruz and of Sant Juan, and they said that in it there was much gold, and, as your Highnesses know, a very short time ago, there was no other land known than that which Ptolemy wrote of, and there was not in my time any one who would believe that one could navigate from Spain to the Indies; about which matter I was seven years in your Court, and there were few who understood it; and finally the very great courage of your Highnesses caused it to be tried, against the opinion of those who contradicted it. And now the truth appears, and it will appear before long, much greater; and if this is mainland, it is a thing of wonder, and it will be so among all the learned, since so great a river flows out that it makes a fresh-water sea of 48 leagues.” These are his words....359-2

The Admiral seems to have traveled down the coast after leaving the Mouth of the Dragon yesterday, Monday, and today, Tuesday, covering at least 30 or 40 leagues, although he doesn’t specify this. He complains that he couldn’t write everything he needed to because he was very ill. He observed that the land was extending significantly to the west, appearing more flat and beautiful, and noted that the Gulf of Pearls, located at the back of this gulf or freshwater sea—which was the destination of his search for the river of Yuyaparí—had no outlet, which he had hoped to find. He initially thought this land was an island, but now realizes such a large expanse must be mainland. Speaking as if to the Sovereigns, he states: “I believe this is a vast mainland, which until now has been unknown. My reasoning strongly supports me because of the size of this river and the presence of this freshwater sea. Also, Esdras in the 4th book, chapter 6, says that six parts of the world are land and one part is water. 358-1 This book is endorsed by St. Ambrose in his Examenon __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and St. Augustine on the passage, ‘Morietur filius meus Christus,’[359] as stated by Francisco de Mayrones. 359-1 Additionally, I have support from many Canibales Indians I encountered before, who claimed there was mainland to the south. At the time, I was on the island of Guadeloupe, and I also heard it from others on the islands of Sancta Cruz and San Juan, who said there was plenty of gold there. As your Highnesses know, not long ago, the only known lands were those described by Ptolemy, and during my time, few believed it was possible to sail from Spain to the Indies. I spent seven years at your Court discussing this matter, with very few who understood it; ultimately, the great courage of your Highnesses led to its exploration, despite the opposition from many. Now the truth is emerging, and it will soon be even clearer; if this is indeed mainland, it is truly remarkable, and it will fascinate all the learned people, especially considering such a significant river flows from it, creating a freshwater sea of 48 leagues.” These are his words....359-2

Having finished this digression let us return then to our history and to what the Admiral resolved to do in the place where he was, and that is, going as fast as possible, he wished to come to this Española, for some reasons which impelled him greatly: one, because he was going with great anxiety[360] and affliction, as he had not had news of the condition of this island for so many days; and it would seem that he had some, premonition of the disorder and the losses and the travail which with the rising of Francisco Roldan360-1 all this land and his brothers were suffering; the other in order to despatch immediately the Adelantado, his brother, with three ships, to continue his discovery of the mainland which he had already begun to explore; and it is certain that if Francisco Roldan with his rebellion and shamelessness had not prevented him, the Admiral or his brother for him would have discovered the mainland as far as New Spain; but, according to the decree of Divine Providence, the hour of its discovery had not come, nor was the permission recalled360-2 by which many were being enabled to distinguish themselves in unjust works under color of making discoveries.

Having wrapped up this side note, let’s get back to our story and what the Admiral decided to do in his current situation. He wanted to get to Española as quickly as possible for several reasons that were weighing heavily on him: first, because he was filled with anxiety and distress after not hearing about the state of the island for so long; it seemed like he had a sense of the troubles, losses, and hardships that Francisco Roldan and his brothers were facing. The second reason was to send his brother, the Adelantado, with three ships to continue the exploration of the mainland that he had already started. It's certain that if Francisco Roldan hadn’t interrupted things with his rebellion and audacity, the Admiral or his brother would have discovered the mainland as far as New Spain. However, according to Divine Providence, the right moment for this discovery hadn’t arrived, nor had the permission been revoked that allowed many to gain recognition through unjust actions disguised as exploration.

The third cause which hastened him in coming to this island, was from seeing that the supplies were spoiling and being lost, of which he had such great need for the relief of those who were here, which made him weep again, considering that he had obtained them with great difficulties and fatigues, and he says that, if they are lost, he has no hope of getting others, from the great opposition he always encountered from those who counselled the Sovereigns, “who,” he says here, “are not friends nor desire the honor of the high condition of their Highnesses, the persons who have spoken evil to them of such a noble undertaking. Nor was the cost so great that it should not be expended, although benefits might not be had quickly to recompense it, since the service was very great which was rendered our Lord in spreading His Holy Name through un[361]known lands. And besides this, it would be a much greater memorial than any Prince had left, spiritual and temporal.” And the Admiral says further, “And for this the revenue of a good bishopric or archbishopric would be well secured, and I say,” says he, “as good as the best in Spain, since there are here so many resources and as yet no priesthood. They may have heard that here there are infinite peoples, which may have determined the sending here of learned and intelligent persons and friends of Christ to try and make them Christians and commence the work; the establishment of which bishopric I am very sure will be made, please our Lord, and the revenues will soon come from here and be carried there.” These are his words. How much truth he spoke and how clear a case there was of inattention and remissness and lukewarmness of charity in the men of that day, spiritual or ecclesiastical and temporal, who held the power and resources, not to make provision for the healing and conversion of these peoples, so disposed and ready to receive the faith, the day of universal judgment will reveal.

The third reason that pushed him to come to this island was seeing the supplies going to waste, which he desperately needed for those who were here. This made him cry again, thinking about how hard he had worked to obtain them, and he said that if they were lost, he had no hope of getting more due to the strong opposition he always faced from those who advised the Sovereigns, “who,” he said, “are neither friends nor want the honor of their Highnesses’ position, the people who have spoken negatively about such a noble mission. The cost wasn’t so great that it shouldn’t be spent, even if immediate benefits might not be seen, since the service rendered to our Lord by spreading His Holy Name through unknown lands is significant. Plus, it would create a much greater legacy than any Prince has left, both spiritually and materially.” The Admiral continued, “And for this, the revenue from a good bishopric or archbishopric would be well secured, and I assert,” he said, “as good as the best in Spain, since there are so many resources here and no priesthood yet. They may have heard that there are countless people here, which could have led to the decision to send educated and intelligent individuals and friends of Christ to try and convert them and start that work; I am quite sure the bishopric will be established, God willing, and the revenue will soon come from here and be sent there.” These are his words. How true he spoke and how evident the negligence and half-heartedness of charity was among the spiritual, ecclesiastical, and temporal leaders of that time, who held power and resources, failing to make provisions for the healing and conversion of these people, who were ready and eager to receive the faith, will be revealed on the day of universal judgment.

The fourth cause for coming to this island and not stopping to discover more, which he would have very much wished, as he says, was because the seamen did not come prepared to make discoveries, since he says that he did not dare to say in Castile that he came with intention to make discoveries, because they would have placed some impediments in his way, or would have demanded more money of him than he had, and he says that the people were becoming very tired. The fifth cause, was because the ships he had were large for making discoveries, as the one was of more than 100 tons and the other more than 70, and only smaller ones are needed to make discoveries; and because of the ship which he took on his first voyage being large, he lost it in the harbor of Navidad, kingdom of the King Guacanagarí.361-1 Also the sixth reason which very much constrained him to leave the discoveries and come to this island, was because of having his eyes almost lost from not sleeping, from the long and continued[362] watches or vigils he had had; and in this place he says thus: “May it please our Lord to free me from this malady,” he says. “He well knows that I did not suffer these fatigues in order to find treasures for myself, since surely I recognize that all is vanity which is done in this age, save that which is for the honor and service of God, which is not to amass pomps or riches, nor the many other things we use in this world, in which we are more inclined than to the things which can save us.” These are his words.

The fourth reason for coming to this island and not exploring further, which he really wanted to do, was that the sailors weren’t prepared for discoveries. He says he didn’t dare to say in Castile that he intended to make discoveries because they would have put obstacles in his way or asked for more money than he had, and he mentions that the crew was becoming very tired. The fifth reason was that the ships he had were too large for exploration; one was over 100 tons and the other over 70, while smaller ships are needed for discoveries. Because the ship he took on his first voyage was large, he lost it in the harbor of Navidad, kingdom of King Guacanagarí.361-1 The sixth reason that strongly urged him to abandon the discoveries and come to this island was nearly losing his eyesight from lack of sleep due to long and continuous[362] watches. In this place, he says: “May it please our Lord to free me from this affliction,” he states. “He knows that I did not endure these hardships to find treasures for myself, since I recognize that everything done in this era is vanity, except that which honors and serves God, which is not about amassing wealth or other worldly things, to which we are more inclined than to those things that can save us.” These are his words.

Truly this man had a good Christian purpose and was very contented with his own estate and desired in a moderate degree to maintain himself in it, and to rest from such sore travail, which he fully merited; yet the result of his sweat and toil was to impose a greater burden on the Sovereigns, and I do not know what greater was necessary than had already fallen to them, and even he had imposed obligations on them, except that he kept seeing that little importance was made of his distinguished services that he had performed, and that all at once the estimation of these Indies which was held at first was declining and coming to naught, through those that had the ears of the Sovereigns, so that he feared each day greater disfavors and that the Sovereigns might give up the whole business and thus his sweat and travail be entirely lost.

Honestly, this man had a genuine Christian purpose and was very content with his situation. He wanted to maintain it in a moderate way and take a break from his hard work, which he had truly earned. However, the outcome of his efforts was to place a heavier burden on the Sovereigns. I’m not sure what more they needed beyond what they already faced, and he had also put obligations on them. Yet, he kept noticing that his distinguished services were not being recognized, and the initial esteem for these Indies was fading away, thanks to those close to the Sovereigns. He feared more disfavor each day and that the Sovereigns might abandon the entire matter, leaving his hard work completely in vain.

Having determined, then, to come as quickly as he could to this island, Wednesday, August 15, which was the day of the Assumption of Our Lady, after the rising of the sun, he ordered the anchors weighed from where he was anchored, which must have been within the small gulf which Margarita and the other islands make with the mainland (and he must have been near Margarita as we said above, ch. 139), and sailed on the way to this island; and, pursuing his way, he saw very clearly Margarita and the little islands which were there, and also, the farther away he went, he discovered more high land of the continent. And he went that day from sunrise to sunset 63 leagues, because of the great currents which supplemented the wind....362-1[363]

Determined to reach this island as quickly as possible, on Wednesday, August 15, the day of the Assumption of Our Lady, he set sail at sunrise, ordering the anchors to be lifted from his location, which must have been in the small bay formed by Margarita and the other islands near the mainland (and he must have been close to Margarita as mentioned earlier, ch. 139). As he continued on his way, he clearly saw Margarita and the small islands nearby, and as he traveled further, he noticed more high land on the continent. That day, he covered 63 leagues from sunrise to sunset, aided by the strong currents that supplemented the wind....362-1[363]

Let us return to the voyage of the Admiral, whom we left started from the neighborhood of the island of Margarita, and he went that day, Wednesday, 63 leagues from sun to sun, as they say. The next day, Thursday, August 16, he navigated to the north-west, quarter of the north,363-1 26 leagues, with the sea calm, “thanks be to God,” as he always said. He tells here a wonderful thing, that when he left the Canaries for this Española, having gone 300 leagues to the west, then the needles declined to the north-west363-2 one quarter, and the North Star did not rise but 5 degrees, and now in this voyage it has not declined to the north-west363-2 until last night, when it declined more than a quarter and a half, and some needles declined a half wind which are two quarters;363-3 and this happened suddenly last night. And he says each night he was marvelling at such a change in the heavens, and of the temperature there, so near the equinoctial line, which he experienced in all this voyage, after having found land; especially the sun being in Leo, where, as has been told, in the mornings a loose gown was worn, and where the people of that place—Gracia—were actually whiter than the people who have been seen in the Indies. He also found in the place where he now came, that the North Star was in 14 degrees when the Guardians363-4 had passed from the head after two hours and a half. Here he again exhorted the Sovereigns to esteem this affair highly, since he had shown them that there was in this land gold, and he had seen in it minerals without number, which will have to be extracted with intelligence, industry and labor, since even the iron, as much as there is, cannot be taken out without these sacrifices; and he has taken them a nugget of[364] 20 ounces and many others, and where this is, it must be believed there is plenty, and he took their Highnesses a lump of copper originally of six arrobas,364-1 lapis-lazuli, gum-lac, amber, cotton, pepper, cinnamon, a great quantity of Brazil-wood, aromatic gum,364-2 white and yellow sandalwood, flax, aloes, ginger, incense, myrobolans of all kinds, very fine pearls and pearls of a reddish color, which Marco Polo says are worth more than the white ones,364-3 and that may well be so in some parts just as it is the case with the shells that are gathered in Canaria and are sold for so great a price in the Mine of Portugal. “There are infinite kinds of spices which have been seen of which I do not care to speak for fear of prolixity.” All these are his words.

Let’s go back to the voyage of the Admiral, who we left as he began his journey from near the island of Margarita. On that day, Wednesday, he traveled 63 leagues from sunrise to sunset, as they say. The following day, Thursday, August 16, he sailed northwest for 26 leagues, with calm seas—“thanks be to God,” as he always said. He noted something remarkable: when he left the Canaries for this Española, after traveling 300 leagues west, the compass needles shifted to northwest one-quarter, and the North Star only rose 5 degrees. Now, on this voyage, the needles hadn't shifted to northwest until last night, when they shifted more than a quarter and a half, and some needles pointed a half wind, which is two quarters; this sudden change happened last night. Each night, he marveled at this change in the heavens and the temperature so close to the equator, which he noticed throughout the voyage after discovering land. Especially with the sun in Leo, as mentioned, in the mornings they wore light gowns, and the people there—Gracia—were actually whiter than those seen in the Indies. He also discovered that the North Star was at 14 degrees when the Guardians passed overhead after two and a half hours. Here, he again urged the Sovereigns to take this matter seriously, as he had shown them that there was gold in this land, and he had seen countless minerals that would need to be extracted with skill, effort, and hard work, as even the iron available cannot be mined without these sacrifices. He brought back a nugget weighing 20 ounces and many others, and where these minerals are found, it must be believed there is plenty more. He also presented their Highnesses with a lump of copper weighing six arrobas, lapis lazuli, gum-lac, amber, cotton, pepper, cinnamon, a large amount of Brazil-wood, aromatic gum, white and yellow sandalwood, flax, aloes, ginger, incense, all kinds of myrobalans, very fine pearls, and reddish pearls, which Marco Polo says are worth more than the white ones, and that may very well be true in some areas, much like the shells collected in Canaria that sell for such high prices in the Mines of Portugal. “There are countless types of spices that have been seen, of which I won’t speak for fear of being too wordy.” These are his words.

As to what he says of cinnamon, and aloes and ginger, incense, myrobolans, sandal woods, I never saw them in this island, at least I did not recognize them; what he says of flax must mean cabuya364-4 which are leaves like the cavila from which thread is made and cloth or linen can be made from it, but it is more like hemp cloth than linen. There are two sorts of it, cabuya and nequen; cabuya is coarse and rough and nequen is soft and delicate. Both are words of this island Española. Storax gum I never smelled except in the island of Cuba, but I did not see it, and this is certain that in Cuba there must be trees of it, or of a gum that smells like it, because we never smelled it except in the fires that the Indians make of wood that they burn in their houses. It is a most perfect perfume, certainly. I never knew of incense being found in these islands.

Regarding what he mentions about cinnamon, aloes, ginger, incense, myrobolans, and sandalwood, I’ve never seen them on this island; at least, I didn't recognize them. What he refers to as flax must mean cabuya364-4, which are leaves similar to cavila, from which thread and cloth or linen can be made. However, it resembles hemp cloth more than linen. There are two types: cabuya, which is coarse and rough, and nequen, which is soft and delicate. Both terms originate from this island of Española. I’ve only smelled storax gum on the island of Cuba, but I didn’t see it. It’s certain there must be trees that produce it or a gum with a similar scent in Cuba, because we only encountered the aroma when the Indians burned wood in their homes. It’s a truly exceptional fragrance. I’ve never known incense to be found in these islands.

Returning to the journey, Friday, August 17, he went 37 leagues, the sea being smooth, “to God our Lord,” he says, “may infinite thanks be given.” He says that not finding islands now, assures him that that land from whence he came is a vast mainland, or where the Earthly Paradise is, “be[365]cause all say that it is at the end of the east, and this is the Earthly Paradise,”365-1 says he.

Returning to the journey, on Friday, August 17, he traveled 37 leagues, with the sea being smooth. “To God our Lord,” he says, “may infinite thanks be given.” He mentions that not finding any islands now confirms for him that the land he came from is a vast mainland, or possibly where the Earthly Paradise is, “because everyone says it’s at the far east, and this is the Earthly Paradise,” he states.

Saturday, between day and night, he went 39 leagues.

Saturday, between day and night, he traveled 39 leagues.

Sunday, August 19, he went in the day and the night 33 leagues, and reached land; and this was a very small island which he called Madama Beata, and which is now commonly so called. This is a small island of a matter of a league and a half close by this island of Española, and distant from this port of Sancto Domingo about 50 leagues and distant 15 leagues from the port of Yaquino, which is more to the west. There is next to it another smaller one which has a small but somewhat high mountain, which from a distance looks like a sail, and he named it Alto Velo.365-2 He believed that the Beata was a small island which he called Sancta Catherina when he came by this southern coast, from the discovery of the island of Cuba, and distant from this port of Sancto Domingo 25 leagues, and is next to this island. It weighed upon him to have fallen off in his course so much, and he says it should not be counted strange, since during the nights he was from caution beating about to windward, for fear of running against some islands or shoals; there was therefore reason for this error, and thus in not following a straight course, the currents, which are very strong here, and which flow down towards the mainland and the west, must have carried the ships, without realizing it, so low. They run so violently there toward La Beata that it has happened that a ship has been eight months in those waters without being able to reach this port and that much of delay in coming from there here, has happened many times.

On Sunday, August 19, he traveled by day and night for 33 leagues and reached land. This turned out to be a very small island that he named Madama Beata, and it’s still called that today. It’s a small island about a league and a half close to the island of Española, located around 50 leagues from the port of Santo Domingo and 15 leagues from the port of Yaquino, which is further west. Next to it is an even smaller island with a small but somewhat tall mountain that looks like a sail from a distance, which he named Alto Velo. He thought that Beata was a small island he had called Sancta Catherina when he passed by this southern coast, discovering the island of Cuba, which is about 25 leagues from the port of Santo Domingo and adjacent to this island. He was troubled by having veered off course so much, and he noted that it shouldn’t be considered strange since he was constantly adjusting to the wind during the nights, out of caution for fear of running into islands or shoals. This certainly contributed to his error, as not following a straight course allowed the strong currents, which flow towards the mainland and west, to carry the ships off course without them realizing it. The currents run so powerfully toward La Beata that there have been cases where a ship spent eight months in those waters without being able to reach this port, and such delays in traveling from there to here have happened many times.

Therefore he anchored now between the Beata and this island, between which there are two leagues of sea, Monday, August 20. He then sent the boats to land to call Indians,[366] as there were villages there, in order to write of his arrival to the Adelantado; having come at midday, he despatched them. Twice there came to the ship six Indians, and one of them carried a crossbow with its cord, and nut and rack,366-1 which caused him no small surprise, and he said, “May it please God that no one is dead.” And because from Sancto Domingo the three ships must have been seen to pass downward, and concluding that it certainly was the Admiral as he was expecting him each day, the Adelantado started then in a caravel and overtook the Admiral here. They both were very much pleased to see each other. The Admiral having asked him about the condition of the country, the Adelantado recounted to him how Francisco Roldan had arisen with 80 men, with all the rest of the occurrences which had passed in this island, since he left it. What he felt on hearing such news, there is small need to recite.

So he anchored now between the Beata and this island, which are two leagues apart, on Monday, August 20. He then sent the boats to shore to call the Indians, as there were villages there, to inform the Adelantado of his arrival; having arrived at midday, he sent them out. Twice, six Indians came to the ship, and one of them carried a crossbow with its cord, nut, and rack, which surprised him greatly, and he said, “God willing, no one is dead.” Since the three ships must have been seen passing down from Santo Domingo, and assuming it was definitely the Admiral as he was expecting him every day, the Adelantado then set out in a caravel and caught up with the Admiral here. They were both very happy to see each other. After the Admiral asked him about the state of the country, the Adelantado told him how Francisco Roldan had rebelled with 80 men, along with all the other events that had occurred on this island since he left. What he felt upon hearing such news doesn’t need to be repeated.

He left there, Wednesday, August 22, and finally with some difficulty because of the many currents and the north-east breezes which are continuous and contrary there he arrived at this port of Sancto Domingo, Friday, the last day of August of the said year 1498, having set out from Isabela for Castile, Thursday the tenth day of March, 1496, so that he delayed in returning to this island two years and a half less nine days.

He left there on Wednesday, August 22, and after some struggle with the strong currents and persistent northeast winds that are always opposing there, he finally arrived at the port of Santo Domingo on Friday, the last day of August in the year 1498. He had set out from Isabela for Castile on Thursday, March 10, 1496, so it took him two years and about nine days to return to this island.

319-1 I.e., the first Admiral of the Ocean and the Indies where Las Casas was when he was writing.

319-1 That is, the first Admiral of the Ocean and the Indies where Las Casas was when he was writing.

319-2 This clause is probably an explanatory remark by Las Casas. It is misleading. The war in Naples growing out of the invasion of Italy by Charles VIII. of France, in which Ferdinand had taken an active part against the French, had been brought to a close so far as concerned France and Spain by a truce in March, 1497. The treaty of peace was signed August 5, 1498.

319-2 This note is likely an explanation from Las Casas. It's not accurate. The war in Naples that resulted from Charles VIII of France's invasion of Italy, which Ferdinand had actively opposed, was officially ended regarding France and Spain by a truce in March 1497. The peace treaty was signed on August 5, 1498.

320-1 Funchal.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Funchal.

320-2 This positive assertion that Columbus had lived in Funchal, Madeira, has been overlooked by Vignaud and Harrisse. Vignaud, Études Critiques sur la Vie de Colomb avant ses Découvertes (Paris, 1905), p. 443, note 9, rejects as unauthenticated the tradition that Columbus lived in Madeira, without adequate grounds it seems to me. Diego Columbus told Las Casas in 1519 that he was born in the neighboring island of Puerto Santo and that his father had lived there. Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, I. 54. This passage is not noted by Vignaud.

320-2 This positive statement that Columbus lived in Funchal, Madeira, has been overlooked by Vignaud and Harrisse. Vignaud, Études Critiques sur la Vie de Colomb avant ses Découvertes (Paris, 1905), p. 443, note 9, dismisses the tradition that Columbus lived in Madeira as unverified, and it seems to me he doesn't provide sufficient reasons. Diego Columbus told Las Casas in 1519 that he was born on the nearby island of Puerto Santo and that his father had lived there. Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, I. 54. This passage is not mentioned by Vignaud.

320-3 One of the Canary Islands.

One of the Canary Islands.

321-1 The Adelantado was Bartholomew Columbus. The title Adelantado was given in Spain to the military and political governors of border provinces. In this use it was transplanted to America in the earlier days. Cf. Moses, The Establishment of Spanish Rule in America, pp. 68-69.

321-1 The Adelantado was Bartholomew Columbus. The title Adelantado was given in Spain to the military and political governors of border provinces. In this context, it was brought to America in the early days. Cf. Moses, The Establishment of Spanish Rule in America, pp. 68-69.

321-2 Beatrix Enriquez.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Beatrix Enriquez.

321-3 This Juan Antonio Columbo seems to have been a first cousin of the admiral. Cf. Markham, Christopher Columbus, pp. 2 and 187. It is to be noted that he retained in Spain his family name and did not follow the discoverer in changing his name to Colon. On this change of name, see above, p. 77, note 2.

321-3 This Juan Antonio Columbo appears to have been a first cousin of the admiral. Cf. Markham, Christopher Columbus, pp. 2 and 187. It's worth noting that he kept his family name in Spain and didn’t change it to Colon like the discoverer did. For more on this name change, see above, p. 77, note 2.

321-4 I.e., west by south.

west-southwest

321-5 Porto Rico.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Puerto Rico.

321-6 Founded in the summer of 1496 by Bartholomew Columbus in accordance with the directions of the Admiral to establish a new settlement on the south side of the island. Las Casas, II. 136.

321-6 Established in the summer of 1496 by Bartholomew Columbus, following the Admiral's instructions to create a new settlement on the island's southern side. Las Casas, II. 136.

322-1 “This Española,” so frequently repeated, is one of the indications that Las Casas was writing in Española.

322-1 “This Española,” which is mentioned so often, shows that Las Casas was writing in Española.

322-2 Canibales, here used still as a tribal name equivalent to Caribbees.

322-2 Canibales, still used here as a tribal name similar to Caribbees.

322-3 The correct form of this name is Gargades. Columbus’s knowledge of them was derived indirectly from Pliny’s Natural History, book VI., XXXVII., through Cardinal d’Ailly’s Imago Mundi. Cf. Columbus’s marginal note to ch. XXXXI. of that work: “De situ Gorgodum insule nunc de Capite Viride vel Antonii dicitur.” Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., vol. II., p. 395. According to Pliny’s location of them they were probably the Canaries. Pliny’s knowledge of the location of the Hesperides is naturally vague, but his text would support their identification with the Cape Verde Islands.

322-3 The correct name is Gargades. Columbus learned about them indirectly from Pliny’s Natural History, book VI., XXXVII., through Cardinal d’Ailly’s Imago Mundi. See Columbus’s margin note to ch. XXXXI. of that work: “De situ Gorgodum insule nunc de Capite Viride vel Antonii dicitur.” Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., vol. II., p. 395. Based on Pliny’s description, they were likely the Canaries. Pliny’s understanding of the location of the Hesperides is understandably vague, but his text would support their identification with the Cape Verde Islands.

323-1 In this Columbus was mistaken, although he had no means of knowing it in 1498. Vasco da Gama had sailed in that sea the preceding summer. Cf. Bourne, Spain in America, p. 72.

323-1 Columbus was wrong about this, even though he had no way of knowing it back in 1498. Vasco da Gama had sailed in those waters the summer before. Cf. Bourne, Spain in America, p. 72.

323-2 Ferro.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ferro.

323-3 August 16, 1494, the sovereigns included in the letter despatched to Columbus by Torres the essential articles of the Treaty of Tordesillas, signed June 7, 1494, and asked him if he could not co-operate in locating the Demarcation Line. Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages, II. 155; Harrisse, Diplomatic History of America, pp. 80-81.

323-3 On August 16, 1494, the monarchs included in the letter sent to Columbus by Torres the key points of the Treaty of Tordesillas, which was signed on June 7, 1494, and asked him if he could help find the Demarcation Line. Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages, II. 155; Harrisse, Diplomatic History of America, pp. 80-81.

323-4 Columbus’s illness began in September, 1494, and it was five months before he was fully recovered. Ferdinand Columbus, Historie, ed. 1867, p. 177. The death of Prince John took place October 4, 1497. No actual scientific conference to locate the line took place till that at Badajoz in 1524. See Bourne, Essays in Historical Criticism, pp. 205-211.

323-4 Columbus got sick in September 1494, and it took him five months to fully recover. Ferdinand Columbus, Historie, ed. 1867, p. 177. Prince John died on October 4, 1497. There wasn’t an actual scientific conference to establish the line until the one in Badajoz in 1524. See Bourne, Essays in Historical Criticism, pp. 205-211.

324-1 Mayordomo.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Steward.

324-2 Escribano de la hacienda. In 1497 Rodrigo Affonso, a member of the king’s council, was granted the northern of the two captaincies into which São Thiago was divided and also the wild cattle on the island of Boavista (Buenavista in Spanish). D’Avezac, Ils de l’Afrique (Paris, 1848), p. 218. The word mayordomo, translated “steward,” here stands for the high Portuguese title of honor Mordomo môr da Casa Real, a title in its origin similar to the majores domus or mayors of the palace of the early French kings. Escribano de la hacienda del Rey means rather the king’s treasurer.

324-2 Escribano de la hacienda. In 1497, Rodrigo Affonso, a member of the king’s council, was granted the northern of the two captaincies that São Thiago was divided into, along with the wild cattle on the island of Boavista (Buenavista in Spanish). D’Avezac, Ils de l’Afrique (Paris, 1848), p. 218. The word mayordomo, translated as “steward,” here represents the high Portuguese title of honor Mordomo mór da Casa Real, which originally was similar to the majores domus or mayors of the palace of the early French kings. Escribano de la hacienda del Rey refers to the king’s treasurer.

324-3 This account of Boavista and its lepers is not noticed in the histories of the Cape Verde Islands so far as I know.

324-3 I don't think this story about Boavista and its lepers is mentioned in the histories of the Cape Verde Islands.

324-4 From Pliny’s time through the Middle Ages the name Ethiopia embraced all tropical Africa. He calls the Atlantic in the tropics the “Ethiopian Sea.” Pliny’s Natural History, book VI., chs. XXXV. and XXXVI.

324-4 From Pliny’s time through the Middle Ages, the term Ethiopia referred to all of tropical Africa. He refers to the Atlantic Ocean in the tropics as the “Ethiopian Sea.” Pliny’s Natural History, book VI., chs. XXXV. and XXXVI.

325-1 A remark by Las Casas, of which many are interspersed with the material from Columbus’s Journal of this voyage.

325-1 A comment by Las Casas, which is woven throughout the content from Columbus’s Journal of this voyage.

326-1 The Tordesillas line was 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands alone.

326-1 The Tordesillas line was 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands.

326-2 This reason for the desire of King John of Portugal to have the Demarcation Line moved further west has escaped all the writers on the subject. If Columbus reported the king’s ideas correctly, we may have here a clew to one of the reasons why Cabral went so far to the southwest in 1500 that he discovered Brazil when on his voyage to India, and perhaps also one of the reasons why Vasco da Gama struck off so boldly into the South Atlantic. Cf. Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 72, 74.

326-2 The reason behind King John of Portugal's desire to push the Demarcation Line further west has been overlooked by all scholars on the topic. If Columbus accurately reported the king’s thoughts, this might give us a clue as to why Cabral ventured so far southwest in 1500 that he ended up discovering Brazil during his voyage to India, and possibly also explains why Vasco da Gama boldly navigated into the South Atlantic. Cf. Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 72, 74.

327-1 Sierra Leone.

Sierra Leone.

328-1 As one faces north.

As you face north.

329-1 On Hanno’s voyage see Encyclopædia Britannica under his name. There was no Greek historian Amianus; the name should be Arrianus, who wrote the history of Alexander the Great’s expedition to India and a history of India. The reference is to the latter work, ch. XLIII., sects. 11, 12.

329-1 For information on Hanno’s voyage, see Encyclopædia Britannica under his name. There was no Greek historian named Amianus; the correct name is Arrianus, who wrote about Alexander the Great’s expedition to India and a history of India. The reference is to the latter work, ch. XLIII., sects. 11, 12.

Ludovico Celio: Ludovico Ricchieri, born about 1450. He was for a time a professor in the Academy at Milan. He took the Latin name Rhodiginus from his birthplace Rovigo, and sometimes his name appears in full as Ludovicus Coelius Richerius Rhodiginus. His Antiquarum Lectionum Libri XVI. was published at Venice in 1516, at Paris in 1517, and in an extended form at Basel, 1542. It is a collection of passages from the classical authors relating to all branches of knowledge, with a critical commentary.

Ludovico Celio: Ludovico Ricchieri, born around 1450. He was a professor at the Academy in Milan for a time. He adopted the Latin name Rhodiginus from his hometown Rovigo, and sometimes his full name appears as Ludovicus Coelius Richerius Rhodiginus. His Antiquarum Lectionum Libri XVI. was published in Venice in 1516, in Paris in 1517, and in an expanded version in Basel in 1542. It is a collection of excerpts from classical authors covering various fields of knowledge, along with critical commentary.

329-2 The Guards, “the two brightest stars in Ursa Minor.” (Tolhausen.)

329-2 The Guards, “the two brightest stars in Ursa Minor.” (Tolhausen.)

329-3 Grajos. The meaning given in the dictionaries for grajo is “daw.”

329-3 Grajos. The definition provided in the dictionaries for grajo is “daw.”

329-4 This word, as a name of a fish, is Portuguese. It means “blunted.”

329-4 This word, referring to a type of fish, comes from Portuguese. It means “blunted.”

329-5 See Pliny, Natural History, book IV., ch. XXXVI. The Cassiterides are commonly identified with the Scilly Islands.

329-5 See Pliny, Natural History, book IV., ch. XXXVI. The Cassiterides are usually thought to be the Scilly Islands.

329-6 The fifth clime or climate is a term in Ptolemy’s geographical system. The fifth climate was a strip 255 Roman miles in width lying between 41° and 45° north latitude. Cf. Raccolta Columbiana, Parte I., Tomo 2, p. 293. The latitude of the Azores is about 37°-40°.

329-6 The fifth climate is a concept from Ptolemy’s geographical system. It refers to a region that is 255 Roman miles wide, located between 41° and 45° north latitude. Cf. Raccolta Columbiana, Parte I., Tomo 2, p. 293. The latitude of the Azores is approximately 37°-40°.

330-1 The names are alcatraz and rabihorcado. See above, note to Journal of First Voyage, p. 98, note 1, and p. 103, note 1.

330-1 The names are alcatraz and rabihorcado. See above, note to Journal of First Voyage, p. 98, note 1, and p. 103, note 1.

330-2 Huelva, near Palos.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Huelva, close to Palos.

331-1 Trinidad.

Trinidad.

331-2 Salve Regina, one of the great hymns to the Virgin in the Catholic service. “The antiphon said after Lauds and Compline from Trinity Sunday to Advent.” Addis and Arnold, Catholic Dictionary.

331-2 Salve Regina, one of the great hymns to the Virgin in the Catholic service. “The antiphon is recited after Lauds and Compline from Trinity Sunday to Advent.” Addis and Arnold, Catholic Dictionary.

331-3 I.e., that his will was not to serve the sovereigns but to advance himself.

331-3 That is, his intention was not to serve the rulers but to promote his own interests.

332-1 Cape of the Galley. To-day, Cape Galeota.

332-1 Cape of the Galley. Today, Cape Galeota.

332-2 The last of the canonical hours of prayer, after sunset or early evening.

332-2 The final prayer session, held after sunset or in the early evening.

334-1 Sandy Point.

Sandy Point.

334-2 Of the whale.

Of the whale.

334-3 One of the native names of the Orinoco, here referring to one of the northern branch mouths. A detailed map of the region is given Winsor’s Columbus, p. 353.

334-3 One of the local names for the Orinoco, referring to one of the northern river mouths. A detailed map of the area can be found in Winsor’s Columbus, p. 353.

336-1 “A sort of veil, or head attire used by the Moorish women, made of thin silk, striped of several colors, and shagged at the ends, which hangs down on the back.” John Stevens, A New Dictionary, Spanish and English, etc. (London. 1726.)

336-1 “A type of covering or headwear worn by Moorish women, made of lightweight silk, featuring multiple colors in stripes, and fringed at the ends, which drapes down the back.” John Stevens, A New Dictionary, Spanish and English, etc. (London. 1726.)

337-1 The exploration of the west coast of Africa, the only equatorial regions then known to Europeans, had led to the conclusion that black was the natural color of the inhabitants of the tropics.

337-1 The exploration of the west coast of Africa, the only equatorial regions known to Europeans at the time, led to the conclusion that black was the natural skin color of the people living in the tropics.

337-2 The Navidad referred to by Las Casas was near the Gulf of Paria. (Thacher.)

337-2 The Navidad mentioned by Las Casas was close to the Gulf of Paria. (Thacher.)

337-3 Poner á monte carracas. Poner á monte is not given in the Spanish dictionaries, and is apparently a sea phrase identical with the Portuguese “pôr um navio a monte,” to beach or ground a vessel. The translator went entirely astray in this passage. See Thacher’s Columbus, II. 388. The figure here given and the use of word pasos, normally, a land measure of length, instead of braza, “fathom,” would seem to indicate that the 65 paces refers to the extent of shore laid bare, and not to the height of the tide. The corresponding passage in the Historie reads: “so that it seemed a rapid river both day and night and at all hours, notwithstanding the fact that the water rose and fell along the shore (per la spiaggia) more than sixty paces between the waves (alle marette) as it is wont to do in San Lucar di Barrameda where the waters [of the river] are high since although the water rises and falls it never ceases to run toward the sea,” Historie (London ed.), p. 229. In this passage maree, “tides,” should be read instead of marette.

337-3 To set a ship on the beach. To set a ship is not listed in Spanish dictionaries and seems to be a nautical term similar to the Portuguese “pôr um navio a monte,” which means to beach or ground a vessel. The translator completely misinterpreted this part. See Thacher’s Columbus, II. 388. The figure mentioned and the use of the word pasos, typically a land measurement of length, instead of braza, “fathom,” suggests that the 65 paces refer to the length of shore exposed, rather than the height of the tide. The corresponding part in the Historie states: “so that it seemed like a fast-flowing river both day and night and at all times, even though the water rose and fell along the shore (per la spiaggia) more than sixty paces between the waves (alle marette) as it usually does in San Lucar di Barrameda where the waters [of the river] are high since even though the water rises and falls it never stops flowing toward the sea,” Historie (London ed.), p. 229. In this passage, maree, “tides,” should be used instead of marette.

338-1 Accepting the emendation of de Lollis which substitutes fructas for fuentes, “springs.”

338-1 Accepting the edit by de Lollis that replaces fuentes with fructas, meaning “fruits.”

339-1 I.e., north by east.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ That is, north by east.

339-2 Loma.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Loma.

340-1 Las Casas here quotes Columbus’s letter to Ferdinand and Isabella on this voyage. See Major, Select Letters of Columbus, p. 123.

340-1 Las Casas cites Columbus’s letter to Ferdinand and Isabella regarding this voyage. See Major, Select Letters of Columbus, p. 123.

340-2 Serpent’s mouth. The name is still retained.

340-2 Snake’s mouth. The name is still used.

340-3 Lapa means barnacle; caracol, periwinkle; and delfin, dolphin.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Lapa means barnacle; caracol, periwinkle; and delfin, dolphin.

340-4 Dragon’s mouth. The name is still retained.

340-4 Dragon’s mouth. The name is still used.

340-5 I.e., along the south shore of the peninsula of Paria in the Gulf of Paria.

340-5 That is, along the southern coast of the Paria Peninsula in the Gulf of Paria.

341-1 The grammatical form of this sentence follows the original, which is irregular.

341-1 The grammar of this sentence matches the original, which is not standard.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Check __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

341-3 Galos paules (Cat-Pauls). A species of African monkey was so called in Spain. The name occurs in Marco Polo. On its history and meaning, see Yule’s Marco Polo, II. 372.

341-3 Galos paules (Cat-Pauls). A type of African monkey was referred to by this name in Spain. The name appears in Marco Polo. For more on its history and meaning, see Yule’s Marco Polo, II. 372.

342-1 Im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 193, says, “Indians after babyhood are never seen perfectly naked.”

342-1 Im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 193, says, “Indians after babyhood are never seen completely naked.”

343-1 Flechas con hierba muy á punto, literally, arrows with grass very sharp. Gaffarel, Histoire de la Découverte de l’Amérique, II. 196, interprets this to mean arrows feathered with grass; but hierba used in connection with arrows usually means poison. Cf. Oviedo, lib. IX., title of cap. XII., “Del árbol ó mançanillo con cuya fructa los indios caribes flecheros haçen la hierba con que tiran é pélean.”

343-1 Sharp grass arrows, literally, arrows with grass very sharp. Gaffarel, Histoire de la Découverte de l’Amérique, II. 196, interprets this to mean arrows feathered with grass; but hierba used in connection with arrows usually means poison. Cf. Oviedo, lib. IX., title of cap. XII., “About the tree or manzanillo from whose fruit the Carib Indians make the grass with which they shoot and fight.”

343-2 Hureyos is Tureyos in the printed edition of Las Casas, an obvious correction of the manuscript reading. On turey, see above, p. 310.

343-2 Hureyos is Tureyos in the printed edition of Las Casas, which clearly corrects the manuscript's wording. For turey, see above, p. 310.

343-3 See above, p. 336, note 1.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See above, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

344-1 Needle. Alcatrazes, to-day. (Navarrete.)

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Needle. Alcatraz, today. (Navarrete.)

344-2 Gardens.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Gardens.

344-3 Ojas de oro. The translator took ojas (hojas) for ojos and rendered it “eyes of gold.” See Thacher, Columbus, II. 393.

344-3 Ojas de oro. The translator misinterpreted ojas (hojas) as ojos and translated it as “eyes of gold.” See Thacher, Columbus, II. 393.

345-1 I.e., in Española.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ That is, in Española.

346-1 Irregularly shaped pearls, seed pearls.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Unusually shaped pearls, seed pearls.

346-2 “Keep your eyes open.”

“Stay alert.”

347-1 Isabela in the printed text.

Isabela in the text.

348-1 The north wind.

The north wind.

348-2 Pliny, Natural History, book IX., ch. LIV.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Pliny, Natural History, book 9, ch. 54.

348-3 The name is still used. It is the Rhicopharia mangle. See the description of it in Thompson’s Alcedo’s Geographical and Historical Dictionary of America and the West Indies, Appendix.

348-3 The name is still in use. It is the Rhicopharia mangle. Check out the description in Thompson’s Alcedo’s Geographical and Historical Dictionary of America and the West Indies, Appendix.

349-1 Las Casas here inserts a long disquisition on pearls which is omitted. It covers pp. 246-252 of the printed edition, Vol. II.

349-1 Las Casas includes a lengthy discussion on pearls here, which is left out. It spans pages 246-252 of the printed edition, Vol. II.

350-1 I.e., the western end of the Gulf of Paria.

350-1 That is, the western end of the Gulf of Paria.

350-2 These mouths of the Orinoco supplied the fresh water, but they can hardly be the streams referred to by the sailors who explored the western end of the Gulf of Paria. Las Casas had no good map of this region.

350-2 These mouths of the Orinoco provided fresh water, but they are probably not the streams mentioned by the sailors who explored the western end of the Gulf of Paria. Las Casas did not have a reliable map of this area.

352-1 Columbus elaborated this point in his letter to Ferdinand and Isabella. Major, Select Letters of Columbus, p. 113. Columbus’s estimate of the sacrifice of lives in the exploration of the west coast of Africa must be considered a most gross exaggeration. The contemporary narratives of those explorations give no such impression.

352-1 Columbus expanded on this in his letter to Ferdinand and Isabella. Major, Select Letters of Columbus, p. 113. Columbus’s claim about the number of lives lost during the exploration of the west coast of Africa is clearly an exaggeration. The accounts from that time do not support such a claim.

352-2 Cf. Columbus’s letter to the sovereigns, “Your Highnesses have here another world.” Major, Select Letters of Columbus, p. 148, and the letter to the nurse of Prince John, p. 381, post. “I have placed under the dominion of the King and Queen our sovereigns another world.” These passages clearly show that Columbus during and after this voyage realized that he accomplished something quite different from merely reaching Asia by a western route. He had found a hitherto unknown portion of the world, unknown to the ancients or to Marco Polo, but not for that reason necessarily physically detached from the known Asia. For a fuller discussion of the meaning of the phrase “another world,” “New World,” and of Columbus’s ideas of what he had done, see Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 94-98, and the facsimile of the Bartholomew Columbus map, opposite p. 96.

352-2 See. Columbus’s letter to the monarchs, “Your Highnesses have here another world.” Major, Select Letters of Columbus, p. 148, and the letter to the nurse of Prince John, p. 381, post. “I have put under the rule of the King and Queen our sovereigns another world.” These excerpts clearly show that Columbus, during and after this journey, understood that he achieved something far beyond just reaching Asia by a western route. He had discovered an unknown part of the world, previously unknown to the ancients or to Marco Polo, but that doesn’t mean it was necessarily separate from the known Asia. For a deeper discussion on the meaning of the phrases “another world,” “New World,” and Columbus’s perception of his achievements, see Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 94-98, and the facsimile of the Bartholomew Columbus map, opposite p. 96.

352-3 A noteworthy prediction. In fact the discovery of the New World has effected a most momentous change in the relative strength and range of Christianity among the world-religions. During the Middle Ages Christianity lost more ground territorially than it gained. Since the discovery of America its gain has been steady.

352-3 An important prediction. In fact, the discovery of the New World has brought about a significant change in the influence and reach of Christianity among world religions. During the Middle Ages, Christianity lost more territory than it gained. Since the discovery of America, its growth has been consistent.

352-4 Such in fact their Highnesses’ grandson, Charles I. (V. as Emperor), was during his long reign, and such during a part of his reign if not the whole, was their great-grandson Philip II. See Oviedo’s reflections upon Columbus’s career. Bourne, Spain in America, p. 82.

352-4 Their Highnesses’ grandson, Charles I (V as Emperor), was indeed this way throughout his long reign, and so was their great-grandson Philip II for at least part of his reign, if not the entire time. See Oviedo’s reflections on Columbus’s career. Bourne, Spain in America, p. 82.

353-1 Las Casas here comments at some length on these remarks of Columbus and the great significance of his discoveries. The passage omitted takes up pp. 255 (line six from bottom) to 258.

353-1 Las Casas elaborates on Columbus's comments and the immense importance of his discoveries. The omitted section spans from pp. 255 (line six from the bottom) to 258.

353-2 Las Casas explains leste, which would seem to have been either peculiar to sailors or at least not in common usage then for “east.”

353-2 Las Casas explains leste, which seems to have been either specific to sailors or at least not commonly used at that time for “east.”

353-3 Probably gatos in the sense of gatos paules, monkeys, noted above, p. 341, as very plentiful.

353-3 Probably cats in the sense of domestic cats, monkeys, noted above, p. 341, as very abundant.

353-4 Port of the Cabins.

Port of the Cabins.

353-5 The Catholicon was one of the earliest Latin lexicons of modern times and the first to be printed. It was compiled by Johannes de Janua (Giovanni Balbi of Genoa) toward the end of the thirteenth century and first printed at Mainz in 1460, and very frequently later.

353-5 The Catholicon was one of the first Latin dictionaries of modern times and the first to be printed. It was put together by Johannes de Janua (Giovanni Balbi of Genoa) near the end of the thirteenth century and was first printed in Mainz in 1460, with many reprints to follow.

354-1 The third of the canonical hours of prayer, about nine o’clock in the morning.

354-1 The third of the official prayer times, around nine in the morning.

355-1 El agua les es medicina, i.e., a means of curing the ill.

355-1 The water is medicine for them, i.e., a way to heal the sick.

355-2 Abajo. Las Casas views the mainland as extending up from the sea. Columbus was going west along the north shore of the peninsula of Paria.

355-2 Below. Las Casas sees the mainland as rising from the ocean. Columbus was traveling west along the northern coastline of the Paria peninsula.

355-3 I.e., to go west along the north shore of this supposed island until looking south he was to the right of it and abreast of the Gulf of Pearls.

355-3 That is, to head west along the northern coast of this supposed island until he turned south and found himself to the right of it, lined up with the Gulf of Pearls.

355-4 Three of the greatest known rivers, each of which drained a vast range of territory. This narrative reveals the gradual dawning upon Columbus of the fact that he had discovered a hitherto unknown continental mass. In his letter to the sovereigns his conviction is settled and his efforts to adjust it with previous knowledge and the geographical traditions of the ages are most interesting. See Major, Select Letters of Columbus, pp. 134 et seqq. “Ptolemy,” he says, on p. 136, “and the others who have written upon the globe had no information respecting this part of the world, for it was most unknown.”

355-4 Three of the largest known rivers, each draining a huge area of land. This story reveals how Columbus gradually realized that he had found an entirely new landmass. In his letter to the rulers, he is convinced of this discovery, and his attempts to reconcile it with the existing knowledge and geographical beliefs of the time are quite fascinating. See Major, Select Letters of Columbus, pp. 134 et seqq. “Ptolemy,” he states on p. 136, “and the others who have written about the globe had no information regarding this part of the world, as it was mostly unknown.”

356-1 The Witnesses.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The Witnesses.

358-1 The reference is to II. Esdras, VI. 42, in the Apocrypha of the English Bible. The Apocryphal books of I. and II. Esdras were known as III. and IV. Esdras in the Middle Ages, and the canonical books in the Vulgate called I. and II. Esdras are called Ezra and Nehemiah in the English Bible. II. Esdras is an apocalyptic work and dates from the close of the first century A.D. The passage to which Columbus referred reads as follows: “Upon the third day thou didst command that the waters should be gathered in the seventh part of the earth; six parts hast thou dried up, and kept them, to the intent that of these some being planted of God and tilled might serve thee.”

358-1 The reference is to II. Esdras, VI. 42, in the Apocrypha of the English Bible. The Apocryphal books of I. and II. Esdras were known as III. and IV. Esdras in the Middle Ages, and the canonical books in the Vulgate called I. and II. Esdras are referred to as Ezra and Nehemiah in the English Bible. II. Esdras is an apocalyptic work that dates from the end of the first century CE The passage Columbus referred to reads as follows: “On the third day, you commanded that the waters should be gathered in the seventh part of the earth; six parts you have dried up and kept them so that some being planted by God and tended might serve you.”

358-2 The reference is wrong, as Las Casas points out two or three pages further on (II. 266); it should be to the treatise De Bono Mortis, cap. 10

358-2 The reference is incorrect, as Las Casas mentions two or three pages later (II. 266); it should refer to the treatise De Bono Mortis, cap. 10

359-1 Francis de Mayrones was an eminent Scotist philosopher. He died in 1327. Columbus here quotes from his Theologicae Veritates (Venice, 1493). See Raccolta Colombiana, Parte I., tomo II., p. 377. Las Casas (II. 266) was unable to verify the citation from St. Augustine.

359-1 Francis de Mayrones was a prominent Scotist philosopher. He passed away in 1327. Columbus quotes from his Theologicae Veritates (Venice, 1493). See Raccolta Colombiana, Parte I., tomo II., p. 377. Las Casas (II. 266) could not confirm the citation from St. Augustine.

359-2 The passage omitted, Las Casas, II. 265-307, consists first, pp. 265-267, of his comments on these words of Columbus, and second, pp. 268-274, of a criticism of Vespucci’s claim to have made a voyage in 1497 to this region of Paria, and of his narratives and the naming of America from him. This criticism is translated with Las Casas’s other trenchant criticisms of Vespucci’s work and claims by Sir Clements R. Markham in his Letters of Amerigo Vespucci (London, 1894), pp. 68 et seq. These passages are very interesting as perhaps the earliest piece of detailed critical work relating to the discoveries, and they still constitute the cornerstone of the case against Vespucci. The third portion of the omitted passage, pp. 275-306, is a long essay on the location of the earthly paradise which Columbus placed in this new mainland he had just discovered. Cf. Columbus’s letter on the Third Voyage. Major, Select Letters of Columbus, pp. 140-146.

359-2 The omitted passage, Las Casas, II. 265-307, includes, first, pp. 265-267, his remarks on Columbus's words, and second, pp. 268-274, a critique of Vespucci’s claim of having made a voyage to the Paria region in 1497, along with his accounts and the naming of America after him. This critique is translated along with Las Casas’s other sharp criticisms of Vespucci’s work and claims by Sir Clements R. Markham in his Letters of Amerigo Vespucci (London, 1894), pp. 68 et seq. These sections are quite fascinating as they might be the earliest detailed critical analysis related to the discoveries, and they still form the basis of the argument against Vespucci. The third part of the omitted passage, pp. 275-306, is an extensive essay on the location of the earthly paradise that Columbus placed in this newly discovered mainland. Cf. Columbus’s letter on the Third Voyage. Major, Select Letters of Columbus, pp. 140-146.

360-1 On the Roldan revolt, see Irving, Christopher Columbus, II. 199 et seqq.

360-1 For information on the Roldan revolt, refer to Irving, Christopher Columbus, II. 199 et seqq.

360-2 April 10, 1495, the sovereigns authorized independent exploring expeditions. Columbus protested that such expeditions infringed upon his rights, and so, June 2, 1497, the sovereigns modified their ordinance and prohibited any infringements. Apparently Las Casas is in error in saying the permission had not been recalled in 1498, but the independent voyages of Hojeda and Pinzon, who first explored the northern coast of South America (Paria) in 1499-1500, may have led him to conclude that the authorization had not been recalled.

360-2 On April 10, 1495, the rulers allowed independent exploration expeditions. Columbus argued that these expeditions violated his rights, so on June 2, 1497, the rulers changed their decree and banned any violations. It seems Las Casas is mistaken in claiming that the permission wasn't revoked in 1498, but the independent voyages of Hojeda and Pinzon, who first explored the northern coast of South America (Paria) in 1499-1500, might have led him to believe that the authorization was still in place.

361-1 See Journal of First Voyage, December 25.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See Journal of First Voyage, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

362-1 The passage omitted, II. 309-313, of the printed edition, gives an account of the voyage and arrival of the vessels which came to Española directly from the Canaries.

362-1 The missing section, II. 309-313, of the published version, describes the journey and arrival of the ships that came to Hispaniola directly from the Canary Islands.

363-1 Northwest by north.

Northwest by north.

363-2 Northeast in the printed text.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Northeast in the text.

363-3 The circle of the horizon, represented by the compass card, was conceived of as divided into eight winds and each wind into halves and quarters, the quarters corresponding to the modern points of the compass, which are thirty-two in number. The declination observed was two points of the compass, or 22° 30'.

363-3 The horizon circle, shown on the compass card, was thought of as divided into eight directions, with each direction split into halves and quarters. The quarters match the current compass points, which total thirty-two. The observed declination was two compass points, or 22° 30'.

363-4 See above, p. 329, note 2.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See above, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

364-1 An arroba was twenty-five pounds.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ An arroba was 25 pounds.

364-2 Estoraque, officinal storax, a gum used for incense.

364-2 Estoraque, medicinal storax, a resin used for incense.

364-3 Cf. Marco Polo, bk. III., ch. II.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See. Marco Polo, bk. III., ch. II.

364-4 Pita, the fibre of the American agave.

364-4 Pita, the fiber from the American agave.

365-1 Cf. the letter on the Third Voyage, Major, Select Letters of Columbus, p. 140, for Columbus’s reasoning and beliefs about the Earthly Paradise or Garden of Eden; for Las Casas’s discussion of the question, see Historia de las Indias, II. 275-306.

365-1 See the letter from the Third Voyage, Major, Select Letters of Columbus, p. 140, for Columbus’s thoughts and beliefs about the Earthly Paradise or Garden of Eden; for Las Casas’s discussion on the topic, see Historia de las Indias, II. 275-306.

365-2 High sail.

High sail.

366-1 The rack was used to bend the crossbow.

366-1 The rack was used to pull back the crossbow.



INTRODUCTION

This letter was addressed by Columbus to Doña Juana de Torres, who had been a nurse of the lately deceased royal prince John, the son of Ferdinand and Isabella, and who was the sister of Antonio de Torres, who had accompanied Columbus on his second voyage and was subsequently a commander in other voyages to the New World. It was probably written on shipboard when Columbus was sent back to Spain in irons in the autumn of the year 1500. It is at once a cry of distress and an impassioned self-defence, and is one of the most important of the Admiral’s writings for the student of his career and character.

This letter was written by Columbus to Doña Juana de Torres, who had been a nurse for the recently deceased royal prince John, the son of Ferdinand and Isabella. She was also the sister of Antonio de Torres, who had sailed with Columbus on his second voyage and was later a commander on other trips to the New World. It was likely written on board a ship when Columbus was sent back to Spain in chains in the autumn of 1500. It serves as both a plea for help and a passionate defense of himself, making it one of the most significant writings of the Admiral for anyone studying his life and character.

In the letter to Santangel the discoverer announces his success in his long projected undertaking; in the letter to the nurse he is at the lowest point in the startling reverse of fortune that befell him because of the troubles in Santo Domingo, and in the letter on the fourth voyage he appears as one struggling against the most adverse circumstances to vindicate his career, and to demonstrate the value of what he had previously accomplished, and to crown those achievements by actually attaining the coast of Asia. Columbus regarded his defence as set forth in this letter as of such importance that he included it in the four codices or collections of documents and papers prepared in duplicate before his last voyage to authenticate his titles and honors and to secure their inheritance by his son. The text of the letter from which the present translation was made is that of the Paris Codex of the Book of Privileges, as it is called. This is regarded by Harrisse as the[370] best. The translation is by George F. Barwick of the British Museum, and was originally published in Christopher Columbus, Facsimile of his Own Book of Privileges, 1502, edited by B. F. Stevens (London, 1903). The letter remained unpublished until it was printed in Spotorno’s Codice Diplomatico in 1822. In 1825 it appeared again in Navarrete’s Viages, in a slightly varying text. It was first published in English in the translation of the Codice Diplomatico issued in London in 1823 under the title of Memorials of Columbus, etc.

In the letter to Santangel, the explorer shares his success in his long-planned venture; in the letter to the nurse, he finds himself at the lowest point due to the problems in Santo Domingo, and in the letter from his fourth voyage, he is depicted as struggling against significant challenges to defend his career, demonstrate the worth of what he had previously achieved, and to cap those accomplishments by actually reaching the coast of Asia. Columbus considered his defense outlined in this letter so important that he included it in the four codices or collections of documents and papers prepared in duplicate before his last voyage to authenticate his titles and honors and to secure their inheritance for his son. The text of the letter from which the current translation was made is from the Paris Codex of the Book of Privileges, as it is called. Harrisse regards this as the[370] best version. The translation is by George F. Barwick of the British Museum and was originally published in Christopher Columbus, Facsimile of his Own Book of Privileges, 1502, edited by B. F. Stevens (London, 1903). The letter remained unpublished until it was printed in Spotorno’s Codice Diplomatico in 1822. In 1825, it appeared again in Navarrete’s Viages, with a slightly different text. It was first published in English in the translation of the Codice Diplomatico released in London in 1823 under the title of Memorials of Columbus, etc.

E. G. B.

E.G.B.


TRANSCRIPT OF A LETTER WHICH THE ADMIRAL OF THE INDIES SENT TO THE NURSE OF PRINCE DON JOHN OF CASTILE

IN THE YEAR 1500 WHEN HE WAS RETURNING FROM THE INDIES AS A PRISONER

IN THE YEAR 1500 WHEN HE WAS COMING BACK FROM THE INDIES AS A PRISONER

Most virtuous Lady:—

Most virtuous lady:—

Though my complaint of the world is new, its habit of ill-using is very ancient. I have had a thousand struggles with it, and have thus far withstood them all, but now neither arms nor counsels avail me, and it cruelly keeps me under water. Hope in the Creator of all men sustains me; His help was always very ready; on another occasion, and not long ago, when I was still more overwhelmed, he raised me with his right arm, saying, O man of little faith, arise, it is I; be not afraid.371-1

Even though my complaint about the world is new, its tendency to mistreat people is very old. I’ve faced a thousand battles with it and have resisted them all so far, but now neither strength nor reason helps me, and it cruelly keeps me submerged. My hope in the Creator of all humanity keeps me going; His assistance has always been quick to come. Not long ago, when I was even more overwhelmed, He lifted me with His strong hand, saying, O man of little faith, get up, it’s me; don’t be afraid.371-1

I came with so much cordial affection to serve these Princes, and have served them with such service, as has never been heard of or seen.

I came with so much warmth and affection to serve these princes, and I've served them in a way that's never been heard of or seen before.

Of the new heaven and earth which our Lord made, when Saint John was writing the Apocalypse,371-2 after what was spoken by the mouth of Isaiah,371-3 he made me the messenger, and showed me where it lay. In all men there was disbelief, but to the Queen my Lady He gave the spirit of understanding,[372] and great courage, and made her heiress of all, as a dear and much loved daughter. I went to take possession of all this in her royal name. They sought to make amends to her for the ignorance they had all shown by passing over their little knowledge, and talking of obstacles and expenses. Her Highness, on the other hand, approved of it, and supported it as far as she was able.

Of the new heaven and earth created by our Lord, when Saint John was writing the Apocalypse, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ as mentioned by the mouth of Isaiah, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, He made me the messenger and showed me where it was. Everyone else was doubtful, but He granted the Queen my Lady the spirit of understanding,[372] great courage, and made her the heiress of all, like a beloved daughter. I went to claim everything in her royal name. They tried to make it up to her for their past ignorance by downplaying their limited knowledge and focusing on obstacles and costs. Her Highness, however, approved and supported it as much as she could.

Seven years passed in discussion, and nine in execution.372-1 During this time very remarkable and noteworthy things occurred whereof no idea at all had been formed. I have arrived at, and am in such a condition that there is no person so vile but thinks he may insult me; he shall be reckoned in the world as valor itself who is courageous enough not to consent to it.

Seven years went by in discussions, and nine in execution.372-1 During this time, some truly remarkable and surprising things happened that no one had anticipated. I have reached a point where there's no one so despicable that they think they can’t insult me; anyone brave enough not to accept that will be considered the very embodiment of bravery in the world.

If I were to steal the Indies or the land which lies towards them,372-2 of which I am now speaking, from the altar of Saint Peter, and give them to the Moors, they could not show greater enmity towards me in Spain. Who would believe such a thing where there was always so much magnanimity?

If I were to steal the Indies or the land that lies towards them, of which I am now speaking, from the altar of Saint Peter and give them to the Moors, they could not show more hostility towards me in Spain. Who would believe such a thing where there has always been so much generosity?

I should have much desired to free myself from this affair had it been honorable towards my Queen to do so. The support of Our Lord and of Her Highness made me persevere; and to alleviate in some measure the sorrows which death had caused her,372-3 I undertook a fresh voyage to the new heaven and earth which up to that time had remained hidden; and if it is not held there in esteem like the other voyages to the Indies, that is no wonder because it came to be looked upon as my work.

I would have really liked to get out of this situation if it had been respectful to my Queen. The support from Our Lord and Her Highness kept me going; and to help ease some of the pain that death had caused her,372-3 I set out on a new journey to discover the new heaven and earth that had remained hidden until then; and it's no surprise that it hasn't been as celebrated as the other voyages to the Indies, since it was seen as my own work.

The Holy Spirit inflamed Saint Peter and twelve others with him, and they all fought here below, and their toils and hardships were many, but last of all they gained the victory.[373]

The Holy Spirit ignited Saint Peter and twelve others with him, and they all battled here on Earth. Their struggles and challenges were numerous, but in the end, they achieved victory.[373]

This voyage to Paria373-1 I thought would somewhat appease them on account of the pearls, and of the discovery of gold in Española. I ordered the pearls to be collected and fished for by people with whom an arrangement was made that I should return for them, and, as I understood, they were to be measured by the bushel.373-2 If I did not write about this to their Highnesses, it was because I wished to have first of all done the same thing with the gold. The result to me in this has been the same as in many other things; I should not have lost them nor my honor, if I had sought my own advantage, and had allowed Española to be ruined, or if my privileges and contracts had been observed. And I say just the same about the gold which I had then collected, and [for] which with such great afflictions and toils I have, by divine power, almost perfected [the arrangements].

This journey to Paria __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ was supposed to appease them because of the pearls and the discovery of gold in Española. I ordered the pearls to be gathered and fished for by people I arranged to return to collect them, and, as I understood, they were supposed to be measured by the bushel.373-2 The reason I didn't write about this to their Highnesses is that I wanted to first handle the same with the gold. The outcome for me has been similar to many other situations; I wouldn't have lost them or my honor if I had pursued my own interests and allowed Española to be ruined, or if my rights and contracts had been honored. I feel the same way about the gold I had collected then, which I have almost successfully arranged through great struggle and effort, with divine help.

When I went from Paria I found almost half the people of Española in revolt,373-3 and they have waged war against me until now, as against a Moor; and the Indians on the other side grievously [harassed me]. At this time Hojeda arrived373-4 and tried to put the finishing stroke: he said that their Highnesses had sent him with promises of gifts, franchises and pay; he gathered together a great band, for in the whole of Española there are very few save vagabonds, and not one with wife and children. This Hojeda gave me great trouble; he was obliged to depart, and left word that he would soon return with more ships and people, and that he had left the royal person of the Queen our Lady at the point of death. Then Vincent Yañez373-5 arrived with four caravels; there was dis[374]turbance and mistrust, but no mischief; the Indians talked of many others at the Canibales [Caribbee Islands] and in Paria; and afterwards spread the news of six other caravels, which were brought by a brother of the Alcalde,374-1 but it was with malicious intent. This occurred at the very last, when the hope that their Highnesses would ever send any ships to the Indies was almost abandoned, nor did we expect them; and it was commonly reported that her Highness was dead.

When I left Paria, I discovered that nearly half the people of Española were in revolt,revolt, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and they've been waging war against me ever since, just like they would against a Moor; meanwhile, the Indians on the other side were seriously troubling me. At that moment, Hojeda arrived __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and tried to finish what was started: he claimed that their Highnesses had sent him with promises of gifts, rights, and pay; he gathered a large group, since there are very few people left in all of Española except for wanderers, and not one of them has a wife and children. Hojeda caused me a lot of trouble; he had to leave but mentioned that he would soon return with more ships and people, and he said that he had left our Lady the Queen in critical condition. Then Vincent Yañez__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ arrived with four caravels; there was unrest and distrust, but no chaos; the Indians spoke of many others at the Canibales [Caribbee Islands] and in Paria; and then later spread news of six other caravels that were brought by a brother of the Mayor,374-1 but it was with bad intentions. This happened at the very end, when the hope that their Highnesses would ever send any ships to the Indies was almost gone, and we weren't expecting them; it was widely rumored that her Highness had died.

A certain Adrian about this time endeavored to rise in rebellion again, as he had done previously, but Our Lord did not permit his evil purpose to succeed. I had purposed in myself never to touch a hair of anybody’s head, but I lament to say that with this man, owing to his ingratitude, it was not possible to keep that resolve as I had intended; I should not have done less to my brother, if he had sought to kill me, and steal the dominion which my King and Queen had given me in trust.374-2 This Adrian, as it appears, had sent Don Ferdinand374-3 to Xaragua to collect some of his followers, and there a dispute arose with the Alcalde from which a deadly contest ensued, but he [Adrian] did not effect his purpose. The Alcalde seized him and a part of his band, and the fact was that he would have executed them if I had not prevented it; they were kept prisoners awaiting a caravel in which they might depart. The news of Hojeda which I told them, made them lose the hope that he would now come again.

A certain Adrian, around this time, tried to start a rebellion again, just like he had before, but the Lord didn’t allow his malicious plans to succeed. I had resolved to never harm anyone, but I’m sorry to say that with this man, due to his ingratitude, I couldn’t stick to that promise as I intended; I wouldn’t have done less if my brother had tried to kill me and take the authority my King and Queen entrusted to me in trust. 374-2 This Adrian apparently sent Don Ferdinand374-3 to Xaragua to gather some followers, and there a conflict arose with the Alcalde, leading to a deadly confrontation, but he [Adrian] didn’t achieve his goal. The Alcalde captured him and part of his group, and the truth is he would have executed them if I hadn’t intervened; they were held as prisoners waiting for a caravel to leave. The news about Hojeda that I shared with them made them lose hope that he would return.

For six months I had been prepared to return to their Highnesses with the good news of the gold, and to escape from governing a dissolute people, who fear neither God, nor their King and Queen, being full of vices and wickedness. I could have paid the people in full with six hundred thousand,374-4 and for this purpose I had four millions of tenths and somewhat[375] more, besides the third of the gold. Before my departure I many times begged their Highnesses to send there, at my expense, some one to take charge of the administration of justice; and after finding the Alcalde in arms I renewed my supplications to have either some troops or at least some servant of theirs with letters patent; for my reputation is such that even if I build churches and hospitals, they will always be called dens of thieves. They did indeed make provision at last, but it was the very contrary of what the matter demanded: may it be successful, since it was according to their good pleasure.

For six months, I had been ready to go back to their Highnesses with the good news about the gold and to escape the responsibility of governing a corrupt people who fear neither God nor their King and Queen, being filled with vices and wickedness. I could have fully compensated the people with six hundred thousand, and for this purpose, I had four million tenths and a little more, in addition to a third of the gold. Before my departure, I repeatedly asked their Highnesses to send someone there, at my expense, to manage the administration of justice; and after encountering the Alcalde in battle, I renewed my pleas for either some troops or at least one of their servants with official letters. My reputation is such that even if I build churches and hospitals, they will always be seen as hideouts for thieves. They finally made arrangements, but it was exactly the opposite of what was needed; may it succeed since it was done according to their wishes.

I was there for two years without being able to gain a decree of favor for myself or for those who went there, yet this man375-1 brought a coffer full; whether they will all redound to their [Highnesses’] service, God knows. Indeed, to begin with, there are exemptions for twenty years, which is a man’s lifetime; and gold is collected to such an extent that there was one person who became worth five marks375-2 in four hours; whereof I will speak more fully later on.

I was there for two years without being able to get any favors for myself or for those who were there, yet this man375-1 brought a whole chest full; whether any of it will actually be of service to [Highnesses] is up to God to decide. To start with, there are exemptions that last for twenty years, which is a lifetime for a person; and gold is collected to such an extent that one person became worth five marks375-2 in just four hours; I will discuss this in more detail later.

If it would please their Highnesses to remove the grounds of a common saying of those who know my labors, that the calumny of the people has done me more harm than much service and the maintenance of their [Highnesses’] property and dominion has done me good, it would be a charity, and I should be re-established in my honor, and it would be talked about all over the world; for the undertaking is of such a nature that it must daily become more famous and in higher esteem.

If their Highnesses would be willing to address the common saying among those familiar with my work—that the people's slander has harmed me more than their support has helped me—it would be a generous act. It would restore my honor and become a topic of discussion everywhere; because this project is such that it is bound to grow more recognized and respected each day.

When the commander Bobadilla came to Santo Domingo,375-3 I was at La Vega, and the Adelantado375-4 at Xaragua, where that Adrian had made a stand, but then all was quiet, and[376] the land rich and all men at peace. On the second day after his arrival he created himself Governor, and appointed officers and made executions, and proclaimed immunities of gold and tenths and in general of everything else for twenty years, which is a man’s lifetime, and that he came to pay everybody in full up to that day, even though they had not rendered service; and he publicly notified that, as for me, he had charge to send me in irons, and my brothers likewise, as he has done, and that I should nevermore return thither, nor any other of my family; alleging a thousand disgraceful and discourteous things about me. All this took place on the second day after his arrival, as I have said, and while I was absent at a distance, without my knowing either of him or of his arrival.

When Commander Bobadilla arrived in Santo Domingo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I was in La Vega, and the Adelantado __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ was in Xaragua, where that Adrian had set up camp. At that time, everything was calm, and[376] the land was prosperous, with everyone living in peace. On the second day after his arrival, he declared himself Governor, appointed officials, executed orders, and announced exemptions for gold, tenths, and generally for all other matters for twenty years, which is a typical lifespan. He claimed he would fully compensate everyone up to that point, even if they hadn't provided any service; and he openly stated that he had the authority to send me and my brothers in chains, as he did, declaring that I could never return there again, nor any other family member. He accused me of countless shameful and disrespectful things. All of this happened on the second day after his arrival, as I mentioned, while I was away and unaware of him or his arrival.

Some letters of their Highnesses signed in blank, of which he brought a number, he filled up and sent to the Alcalde and to his company, with favors and commendations; to me he never sent either letter or messenger, nor has he done so to this day. Imagine what any one holding my office would think when one who endeavored to rob their Highnesses, and who has done so much evil and mischief, is honored and favored, while he who maintained it at such risks is degraded.

Some blank letters from their Highnesses, which he brought a lot of, he filled out and sent to the Alcalde and his group, along with favors and praises; but to me, he never sent a letter or a messenger, and he still hasn’t. Imagine what anyone in my position would think when someone who tried to deceive their Highnesses and has caused so much harm is honored and favored, while the person who defended it at great risk is looked down upon.

When I heard this, I thought that this affair would be like that of Hojeda or one of the others, but I restrained myself when I learnt for certain from the friars that their Highnesses had sent him. I wrote to him that his arrival was welcome, and that I was prepared to go to the Court and had sold all I possessed by auction; and that with respect to the immunities he should not be hasty, for both that matter and the government I would hand over to him immediately as smooth as my palm. And I wrote to the same effect to the friars, but neither he nor they gave me any answer. On the contrary, he put himself in a warlike attitude, and compelled all who went there to take an oath to him as Governor; and they told me that it was for twenty years.

When I heard this, I thought this situation would be like that of Hojeda or someone else, but I held back when I found out for sure from the friars that their Highnesses had sent him. I wrote to him that his arrival was welcome, and that I was ready to go to the Court, having sold everything I owned at auction. Regarding the immunities, I advised him not to rush, as I would hand over both that matter and the government to him immediately, smooth as my palm. I sent a similar message to the friars, but neither he nor they replied. On the contrary, he took a military stance and forced everyone who went there to pledge allegiance to him as Governor; they told me it was for twenty years.

Directly I knew of those immunities, I thought that I would repair such a great error and that he would be pleased, for he gave them without the need or occasion necessary in so vast[377] a matter; and he gave to vagabond people what would have been excessive for a man who had brought wife and children. So I announced by word and letters that he could not use his patents because mine were those in force; and I showed them the immunities which Juan Aguado377-1 brought. All this was done by me in order to gain time, so that their Highnesses might be informed of the condition of the country, and that they might have an opportunity of issuing fresh commands as to what would best promote their service in that respect.

As soon as I learned about those privileges, I figured I should fix such a major mistake, and I hoped he would be happy since he granted them without any real need in such an important matter. He gave them to people who were just wandering around, which would have been too much for someone who had a wife and kids. So, I announced through both word and writing that he couldn’t use his licenses because mine were the current ones; and I showed them the privileges that Juan Aguado__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ brought. I did all this to buy some time, so that their Highnesses could be informed about the state of the country and have the chance to give new instructions on what would best serve their interests in that regard.

It is useless to publish such immunities in the Indies; to the settlers who have taken up residence it is a pure gain, for the best lands are given to them, and at a low valuation they will be worth two hundred thousand at the end of the four years when the period of residence is ended, without their digging a spadeful in them. I would not speak thus if the settlers were married, but there are not six among them all who are not on the lookout to gather what they can and depart speedily. It would be a good thing if people should go from Castile, and also if it were known who and what they are, and if the country could be settled with honest people.

It’s pointless to announce such benefits in the Indies; for the settlers who have settled there, it’s purely advantageous. They’re given the best land, and even at a low assessment, it’ll be worth two hundred thousand after four years when their residency period ends, without them having to lift a finger. I wouldn’t say this if the settlers were married, but there aren’t even six among them who aren’t just looking to grab what they can and leave quickly. It would be a good idea for people to come from Castile, and it would help if we knew who they were and what they were like, and if the country could be settled with decent people.

I had agreed with those settlers that they should pay the third of the gold, and the tenths, and this at their own request; and they received it as a great favor from their Highnesses. I reproved them when I heard that they ceased to do this, and hoped that the Commander would do likewise, but he did the contrary. He incensed them against me by saying that I wanted to deprive them of what their Highnesses had given them; and he endeavored to set them at variance with me, and did so; and he induced them to write to their Highnesses that they should never again send me back to the government, and I likewise make the same supplication to them for myself and for my whole family, as long as there are not different inhabitants. And he together with them ordered inquisitions concerning me for wickednesses the like whereof[378] were never known in hell. Our Lord, who rescued Daniel and the three children,378-1 is present with the same wisdom and power as he had then, and with the same means, if it should please him and be in accordance with his will.

I had agreed with those settlers that they would pay a third of the gold and the tenth, as they requested; and they saw it as a great favor from their Highnesses. I scolded them when I found out they stopped doing this and hoped the Commander would act the same way, but he did the opposite. He turned them against me by claiming that I wanted to take away what their Highnesses had granted them; he tried to create conflict between us, and he succeeded. He encouraged them to write to their Highnesses, asking that I never be sent back to the government, and I also made the same request for myself and my whole family, as long as the inhabitants remained the same. He and the others ordered investigations against me for crimes that had never been seen in hell. Our Lord, who saved Daniel and the three children, is present with the same wisdom and power as He had then, and with the same means, if it pleases Him and aligns with His will.

I should know how to remedy all this, and the rest of what has been said and has taken place since I have been in the Indies, if my disposition would allow me to seek my own advantage, and if it seemed honorable to me to do so, but the maintenance of justice and the extension of the dominion of Her Highness has hitherto kept me down. Now that so much gold is found, a dispute arises as to which brings more profit, whether to go about robbing or to go to the mines. A hundred castellanos378-2 are as easily obtained for a woman as for a farm, and it is very general, and there are plenty of dealers who go about looking for girls; those from nine to ten are now in demand, and for all ages a good price must be paid.

I should know how to fix all of this, along with everything that's been said and done since I arrived in the Indies, if my nature would let me prioritize my own benefit, and if I thought it was honorable to do so. However, my commitment to justice and the expansion of Her Highness's rule has held me back. Now that so much gold is being found, a debate has come up about which is more profitable: stealing or heading to the mines. A hundred castellanos __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ can be easily made for a woman just like for a farm, and this is very common, with many dealers searching for girls; those aged nine to ten are in particularly high demand, and a good price must be paid for girls of all ages.

I assert that the violence of the calumny of turbulent persons has injured me more than my services have profited me; which is a bad example for the present and for the future. I take my oath that a number of men have gone to the Indies who did not deserve water in the sight of God and of the world; and now they are returning thither, and leave is granted them.378-3

I claim that the harmful gossip from troublemakers has hurt me more than my work has benefited me; this sets a bad example for now and the future. I swear that many men have gone to the Indies who didn't deserve even a drop of water in the eyes of God and the world; and now they are heading back there, and they are being granted leave. them.378-3

I assert that when I declared that the Commander378-4 could not grant immunities, I did what he desired, although I told him that it was to cause delay until their Highnesses should receive information from the country, and should command anew what might be for their service. He excited their enmity against me, and he seems, from what took place and from his behavior, to have come as my enemy and as a very vehement one; or else the report is true that he has spent much to ob[379]tain this employment. I do not know more about it than what I hear. I never heard of an inquisitor gathering rebels together and accepting them, and others devoid of credit and unworthy of it, as witnesses against their governor.

I claim that when I said the Commander __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ couldn't grant immunities, I was actually doing what he wanted, even though I mentioned that it was to buy time until their Highnesses received updates from the country and could issue new commands that would benefit their interests. He turned them against me, and it seems, based on what happened and his actions, that he came as my enemy, and a very aggressive one at that; or maybe the rumors are true that he has spent a lot to get this position. I don't know any more than what I've heard. I've never heard of an inquisitor rallying rebels and accepting them, along with others who are unreliable and undeserving, as witnesses against their governor.

If their Highnesses were to make a general inquisition there, I assure you that they would look upon it as a great wonder that the island does not founder.

If their Highnesses were to conduct a thorough investigation there, I assure you they would find it amazing that the island hasn’t sunk.

I think your Ladyship will remember that when, after losing my sails, I was driven into Lisbon by a tempest, I was falsely accused of having gone there to the King in order to give him the Indies. Their Highnesses afterwards learned the contrary, and that it was entirely malicious. Although I may know but little, I do not think anyone considers me so stupid as not to know that even if the Indies were mine I could not uphold myself without the help of some prince. If this be so, where could I find better support and security than in the King and Queen our Lords, who have raised me from nothing to such great honor, and are the most exalted princes of the world on sea and on land, and who consider that I have rendered them service, and preserve to me my privileges and rewards; and if anyone infringes them, their Highnesses increase them still more, as was seen in the case of Juan Aguado; and they order great honor to be conferred upon me, and, as I have already said, their Highnesses have received service from me, and keep my sons in their household;379-1 all which could by no means happen with another prince, for where there is no affection, everything else fails.

I believe your Ladyship will remember that when I lost my sails and was forced into Lisbon by a storm, I was wrongly accused of going to the King to hand over the Indies. Their Highnesses later found out the truth, that it was completely unfounded. While I may not know much, I don’t think anyone thinks I’m so foolish as not to realize that even if the Indies were mine, I couldn’t thrive without the support of some prince. If that’s the case, where could I find better support and security than with the King and Queen, our Lords, who have elevated me from nothing to such great honor? They are the most distinguished rulers in the world, both on land and at sea, and they recognize the service I’ve provided. They preserve for me my privileges and rewards, and if anyone violates them, their Highnesses increase them even further, as was demonstrated in the case of Juan Aguado. They also command that great honor be granted to me, and, as I've mentioned already, their Highnesses have received my service and keep my sons in their household; all of which could never happen with another prince, because without affection, nothing else can endure.

I have now spoken thus in reply to a malicious slander, but against my will, as it is a thing which should not recur to memory even in dreams; for the Commander Bobadilla maliciously seeks in this way to set his own conduct and actions in a brighter light; but I shall easily show him that his small knowledge and great cowardice, together with his inordinate cupidity, have caused him to fail therein.[380]

I’ve responded to a nasty rumor, but I wish I didn’t have to, as it’s something that shouldn’t even come to mind in dreams. Commander Bobadilla is trying to make himself look better through this, but I’ll easily show him that his limited knowledge, excessive cowardice, and greed have led to his failure.[380]

I have already said that I wrote to him and to the friars, and immediately set out, as I told him, almost alone, because all the people were with the Adelantado, and likewise in order to prevent suspicion on his part. When he heard this, he seized Don Diego380-1 and sent him on board a caravel loaded with irons, and did the same to me upon my arrival, and afterwards to the Adelantado when he came; nor did I speak to him any more, nor to this day has he allowed anyone to speak to me; and I take my oath that I cannot understand why I am made a prisoner. He made it his first business to seize the gold, which he did without measuring or weighing it, and in my absence; he said that he wanted it to pay the people, and according to what I hear he assigned the chief part to himself and sent fresh exchangers for the exchanges. Of this gold I had put aside certain specimens, very big lumps, like the eggs of geese, hens, and pullets, and of many other shapes, which some persons had collected in a short space of time, in order that their Highnesses might be gladdened, and might comprehend the business upon seeing a quantity of large stones full of gold. This collection was the first to be given away, with malicious intent, so that their Highnesses should not hold the matter in any account until he has feathered his nest, which he is in great haste to do. Gold which is for melting diminishes at the fire; some chains which would weigh about twenty marks have never been seen again. I have been more distressed about this matter of the gold than even about the pearls, because I have not brought it to Her Highness.

I already mentioned that I wrote to him and to the friars, and immediately set out, as I told him, almost alone, because everyone was with the Adelantado, and also to avoid raising any suspicion on his part. When he heard this, he grabbed Don Diego __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and sent him on board a caravel filled with chains, and did the same to me when I arrived, and later to the Adelantado when he came; I haven't spoken to him again, and to this day he hasn't allowed anyone to talk to me; I swear I can't understand why I'm being held as a prisoner. His first priority was to take the gold, which he did without measuring or weighing it, and while I was gone; he said he needed it to pay the crew, and from what I hear, he kept the largest portion for himself and brought in new currency exchangers for the transactions. I had set aside certain impressive pieces, large lumps like goose, hen, and pullet eggs, along with many other shapes, which some people had gathered quickly to please their Highnesses and help them understand the situation by seeing a pile of big stones full of gold. This collection was the first to be handed out, with malicious intent, so that their Highnesses would not take the matter seriously until he had secured his own fortune, which he is in a huge rush to do. Gold for melting shrinks when heated; some chains that would weigh about twenty marks have never been seen again. I have been more upset about this gold situation than even about the pearls, because I didn't bring it to Her Highness.

The Commander at once set to work upon anything which he thought would injure me. I have already said that with six hundred thousand I could pay everyone without defrauding anybody, and that I had more than four millions of tenths and constabulary [dues], without touching the gold. He made some free gifts which are ridiculous, though I believe that he began by assigning the chief part to himself. Their Highnesses will find it out when they order an account to be obtained from him, especially if I should be present thereat. He does[381] nothing but reiterate that a large sum is owing, and it is what I have said, and even less. I have been much distressed that there should be sent concerning me an inquisitor who is aware that if the inquisition which he returns is very grave he will remain in possession of the government.

The Commander immediately started working on anything he thought would harm me. I've already mentioned that with six hundred thousand, I could pay everyone without cheating anyone, and I had over four million in taxes and government fees, without touching the gold. He made some absurd gifts, although I believe he initially took the largest share for himself. Their Highnesses will figure it out when they request an account from him, especially if I’m there. He does[381] nothing but insist that a large sum is owed, which aligns with what I’ve said, or even less. It has really upset me that an inquisitor has been sent to look into my case, knowing that if his findings are very serious, he will keep the power of the government.

Would that it had pleased our Lord that their Highnesses had sent him or some one else two years ago, for I know that I should now be free from scandal and infamy, and that my honor would not be taken from me, nor should I lose it. God is just, and will make known the why and the wherefore.

Would that it had pleased our Lord that their Highnesses had sent him or someone else two years ago, for I know that I would now be free from scandal and disgrace, and that my honor would not be taken from me, nor would I lose it. God is just, and will make known the reasons why.

They judge me over there as they would a governor who had gone to Sicily, or to a city or town placed under regular government, and where the laws can be observed in their entirety without fear of ruining everything; and I am greatly injured thereby. I ought to be judged as a captain who went from Spain to the Indies to conquer a numerous and warlike people, whose customs and religion are very contrary to ours; who live in rocks and mountains, without fixed settlements, and not like ourselves; and where, by the divine will, I have placed under the dominion of the King and Queen, our sovereigns, another world,381-1 through which Spain, which was reckoned a poor country, has become the richest. I ought to be judged as a captain who for such a long time up to this day has borne arms without laying them aside for an hour, and by gentlemen adventurers and by customs and not by letters,381-2 unless they were Greeks or Romans, or others of modern times of whom there are so many and such noble examples in Spain;381-3 or otherwise I receive great injury, because in the Indies there is neither town nor settlement.[382]

They judge me over there like they would a governor who traveled to Sicily, or to a city or town governed normally, where the laws can be followed completely without the risk of messing everything up; and this deeply hurts me. I should be judged as a captain who sailed from Spain to the Indies to conquer a large and warlike people, whose customs and religion are very different from ours; who live in rocks and mountains, without permanent homes, unlike us; and where, by divine will, I have brought under the rule of the King and Queen, our sovereigns, another world,381-1 through which Spain, once seen as a poor country, has become the richest. I should be judged as a captain who for such a long time, up to this day, has kept fighting without putting down his arms for even an hour, and by the actions of esteemed adventurers and by customs, not by letters,381-2 unless they were Greeks or Romans, or modern examples of which there are many noble ones in Spain;__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ or else I suffer greatly, because in the Indies there is neither town nor settlement.[382]

The gate to the gold and pearls is now open, and plenty of everything—precious stones, spices, and a thousand other things—may be surely expected, and never could a worse misfortune befall me; for by the name of our Lord the first voyage would yield them just as much as would the traffic of Arabia Felix as far as Mecca, as I wrote to their Highnesses by Antonio de Torres in my reply respecting the repartition of the sea and land with the Portuguese; and afterwards it would equal that of Calicut, as I told them and put in writing at the monastery of Mejorada.

The gate to the gold and pearls is now open, and we can really expect a lot of everything—precious stones, spices, and countless other things. I couldn’t imagine a worse misfortune befalling me; for by the name of our Lord, the first voyage would bring in as much as the trade from Arabia Felix to Mecca, as I wrote to their Highnesses through Antonio de Torres in my response about dividing the sea and land with the Portuguese; and later it would match the profits from Calicut, as I told them and documented at the monastery of Mejorada.

The news of the gold that I said I would give is, that on the day of the Nativity, while I was much tormented, being harassed by wicked Christians and by Indians, and when I was on the point of giving up everything and, if possible, escaping from life, our Lord miraculously comforted me and said, “Fear not violence, I will provide for all things; the seven years of the term of the gold have not elapsed, and in that and in everything else I will afford thee a remedy.” On that day I learned that there were eighty leagues of land with mines at every point thereof. The opinion now is that it is all one. Some have collected a hundred and twenty castellanos in one day, and others ninety, and even the number of two hundred and fifty has been reached. From fifty to seventy, and in many more cases from fifteen to fifty, is considered a good day’s work, and many carry it on. The usual quantity is from six to twelve, and any one obtaining less than this is not satisfied. It seems too that these mines are like others, and do not yield equally every day. The mines are new, and so are the workers: it is the opinion of everybody that even if all Castile were to go there, every individual, however inexpert he might be, would not obtain less than one or two castellanos daily, and now it is only commencing. It is true that they keep Indians, but the business is in the hands of the Christians. Behold what discernment Bobadilla had, when he gave up everything for nothing, and four millions of tenths, without any reason or even being requested, and without first notifying it to their Highnesses. And this is not the only loss.[383]

The news about the gold I mentioned is that on the day of the Nativity, while I was suffering greatly, tormented by cruel Christians and Indians, and just about ready to give up everything and escape from life if I could, our Lord miraculously comforted me and said, “Don’t be afraid of violence, I will take care of everything; the seven years for the gold haven’t run out yet, and for that and everything else, I will give you a solution.” That day, I learned that there were eighty leagues of land with mines at every point. The current belief is that it is all one area. Some people have collected a hundred and twenty castellanos in a single day, others ninety, and some have even reached as many as two hundred and fifty. Producing between fifty and seventy is considered a good day’s work, and many continue to work there. The usual amount is from six to twelve, and anyone who gets less than that is not satisfied. It also seems that these mines, like others, don’t produce equally day by day. The mines are new, and so are the workers; everyone thinks that even if all of Castile went there, every individual, no matter how inexperienced, would be able to get at least one or two castellanos daily, and it’s just starting out. It’s true that they employ Indians, but the operation is controlled by Christians. Just look at the poor judgment Bobadilla had when he gave up everything for nothing, and even four million in tenths, without any reason or even being asked, and without first informing their Highnesses. And this is not the only loss.[383]

I know that my errors have not been committed with the intention of doing evil, and I believe that their Highnesses regard the matter just as I state it; and I know and see that they deal mercifully even with those who maliciously act to their disservice. I believe and consider it very certain that their clemency will be both greater and more abundant towards me, for I fell therein through ignorance and the force of circumstances, as they will know fully hereafter; and I indeed am their creature, and they will look upon my services, and will acknowledge day by day that they are much profited. They will place everything in the balance, even as Holy Scripture tells us good and evil will be at the day of judgment. If, however, they command that another person do judge me, which I cannot believe, and that it be by inquisition in the Indies, I very humbly beseech them to send thither two conscientious and honorable persons at my expense, who I believe will easily, now that gold is discovered, find five marks in four hours. In either case it is needful for them to provide for this matter.

I know that my mistakes weren't made with the intent to harm, and I believe their Highnesses see it the same way. I can also tell that they show mercy even to those who act maliciously against them. I'm confident that their kindness will be even greater towards me because I acted out of ignorance and circumstance, which they will understand fully in due time. I am indeed their servant, and they will recognize my contributions and see how beneficial they are. They will weigh everything fairly, just as Holy Scripture says good and evil will be weighed on the day of judgment. However, if they decide to have someone else judge me, which I find hard to believe, and that it be done through inquiry in the Indies, I respectfully ask them to send two honest and trustworthy people at my cost, as I believe they will easily find five marks in four hours now that gold has been discovered. In any case, it’s important for them to address this matter.

The Commander on his arrival at Santo Domingo took up his abode in my house, and just as he found it so he appropriated everything to himself. Well and good; perhaps he was in want of it. A pirate never acted thus towards a merchant. About my papers I have a greater grievance, for he has so completely deprived me of them that I have never been able to obtain a single one from him; and those that would have been most useful in my exculpation are precisely those which he has kept most concealed. Behold the just and honest inquisitor! Whatever he may have done, they tell me that there has been an end to justice, except in an arbitrary form. God our Lord is present with his strength and wisdom, as of old, and always punishes in the end, especially ingratitude and injuries.

When the Commander arrived in Santo Domingo, he moved into my house and took everything for himself just as he found it. Fine; maybe he needed it. A pirate wouldn’t do that to a merchant. But my real issue is with my papers; he has taken all of them, and I haven’t been able to get a single one back from him. The papers that would help clear my name are the very ones he has kept hidden the most. Look at this so-called just and honest investigator! Whatever else he may have done, I hear that justice has become a thing of the past, except in a random way. God, our Lord, is still present with his strength and wisdom, as always, and will ultimately punish, especially for ingratitude and wrongs.

371-1 An echo of the words of Jesus to Peter when he began to sink, “O thou of little faith, wherefore didst thou doubt?” Matthew, XIV. 31.

371-1 A reminder of Jesus' words to Peter when he started to sink, “You of little faith, why did you doubt?” Matthew, XIV. 31.

371-2 Revelation, XXI. 1. “And I saw a new heaven and a new earth; for the first heaven and the first earth were passed away.”

371-2 Revelation, XXI. 1. “And I saw a new heaven and a new earth; for the first heaven and the first earth had disappeared.”

371-3 “For, behold, I create new heavens and a new earth.” Isaiah, LXV. 17.

371-3 “Look, I am making new heavens and a new earth.” Isaiah, LXV. 17.

372-1 1485-1491 inc. and 1492-1500 inc.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1485-1491 and 1492-1500

372-2 Sy yo robara las Yndias o tierra que jaz fase ellas, etc. In the translation jaz fase is taken to stand for yace hacia. This supposition makes sense and is probably correct. The reading of the other text is “que san face ellas.” Navarrete says that neither one is intelligible.

372-2 If I were to steal the Indies or the land that lies before them, etc. In the translation lies before is interpreted as lies towards. This assumption makes sense and is likely correct. The reading of the other text is “that makes them.” Navarrete says that neither one is understandable.

372-3 The death of Prince John, October 4, 1497.

372-3 Prince John died on October 4, 1497.

373-1 The name given to that part of the mainland of South America which Columbus discovered on his third voyage.

373-1 The name assigned to the part of mainland South America that Columbus discovered on his third voyage.

373-2 I.e. so great was their abundance.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ That is. so great was their abundance.

373-3 On this revolt, see Bourne, Spain in America, p. 49 et seqq., and in greater detail, Irving, Columbus, ed. 1868, II. 109 et seqq.

373-3 For information on this revolt, refer to Bourne, Spain in America, p. 49 and following, and for more details, see Irving, Columbus, ed. 1868, II. 109 and following

373-4 Hojeda sailed in May 1499. Las Casa’s account of his voyage is translated by Markham in his Letters of Amerigo Vespucci, Hakluyt Society (London, 1894), p. 78 et seqq. See also Irving, Columbus, III. 23-42 He was accompanied on this voyage by Amerigo Vespucci.

373-4 Hojeda set sail in May 1499. Las Casa’s account of his voyage is translated by Markham in his Letters of Amerigo Vespucci, Hakluyt Society (London, 1894), p. 78 et seqq. See also Irving, Columbus, III. 23-42 He was joined on this voyage by Amerigo Vespucci.

373-5 Vicente Yañez Pinzon set sail from Palos, November 18, 1499. For his voyage, see Irving, Columbus, III. 49-58.

373-5 Vicente Yañez Pinzon left Palos on November 18, 1499. For details about his voyage, see Irving, Columbus, III. 49-58.

374-1 The Alcalde was Roldan, the leader of the revolt. He was alcalde mayor of the city of Isabela and of the whole island, i.e., the chief justice. Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, II. 124.

374-1 The Alcalde was Roldan, the leader of the revolt. He was the mayor of the city of Isabela and the entire island, meaning he was the chief justice. Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, II. 124.

374-2 On the career in Española of Adrian de Muxica and his execution, see Irving, Columbus, II. 283 et seqq.

374-2 For information on Adrian de Muxica's career in Española and his execution, see Irving, Columbus, II. 283 et seqq.

374-3 Ferdinand de Guevara. See Irving, Columbus, II. 283 et seqq.

374-3 Ferdinand de Guevara. See Irving, Columbus, II. 283 and following

374-4 I.e., maravedis, equivalent to about $4000.

374-4 That is, maravedis, equal to about $4000.

375-1 Bobadilla, the successor of Columbus as governor, who sent him back in chains.

375-1 Bobadilla, the governor who followed Columbus, sent him back in chains.

375-2 A mark was eight ounces or two-thirds of a Troy pound. Here it is probably the silver mark as a measure of value, which was about $3.25. If the word is used as a measure of weight of gold, it would be about $150.

375-2 A mark weighed eight ounces or two-thirds of a Troy pound. Here, it's likely referring to the silver mark as a measure of value, which was around $3.25. If the term is used to measure the weight of gold, it would be approximately $150.

375-3 Bobadilla arrived at Santo Domingo August 23, 1500.

375-3 Bobadilla arrived in Santo Domingo on August 23, 1500.

375-4 Bartholomew Columbus.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Bartholomew Columbus.

377-1 Juan Aguado arrived from Spain in October, 1495. Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, II. 109 et seqq., gives a full account of his mission. See also Irving, Columbus, ed. 1868, II. 77 et seqq.

377-1 Juan Aguado arrived from Spain in October 1495. Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, II. 109 et seqq., provides a complete account of his mission. See also Irving, Columbus, ed. 1868, II. 77 et seqq.

378-1 Cf. Daniel, chs. III. and VI.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See Daniel, chs. III. and VI.

378-2 The castellano was one-sixth of an ounce, or in value about $3.

378-2 The castellano weighed one-sixth of an ounce, which was roughly equivalent to $3.

378-3 See Bourne, Spain in America, p. 50, for Columbus’s bitter characterization of the Spaniards in Española in 1498, and p. 46 for the royal authorization in June, 1497, to transport criminals to the island. The terrible consequences of this policy led the Spanish government later to adopt the strictest regulations controlling emigration to the New World. Cf. Spain in America, ch. XVI.

378-3 See Bourne, Spain in America, p. 50, for Columbus’s harsh view of the Spaniards in Española in 1498, and p. 46 for the royal approval in June, 1497, to send criminals to the island. The disastrous results of this policy eventually caused the Spanish government to implement strict regulations on emigration to the New World. Cf. Spain in America, ch. XVI.

378-4 Bobadilla was a knight commander of the military order of Calatrava.

378-4 Bobadilla was a knight commander of the Calatrava military order.

379-1 Diego Columbus had been appointed a page to Prince John in 1492. Navarrete, Viages, II. 17. At this time, 1500, both Diego and Ferdinand were pages in the Queen’s household. Historie, ed. 1867, p. 276.

379-1 Diego Columbus was made a page to Prince John in 1492. Navarrete, Viages, II. 17. By 1500, both Diego and Ferdinand served as pages in the Queen’s household. Historie, ed. 1867, p. 276.

380-1 The younger brother of the Admiral.

The Admiral's younger brother.

381-1 Un otro mundo. See note, p. 352 above.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Another world. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ above.

381-2 Caballeros de conquistas y del uso, y no de letras. This should be: “Knights of Conquests and by profession and not of letters.” I.e., by nobles that have actually been conquerors and had conquered territory awarded to them and who are knights by practice or profession and not gentlemen of letters.

381-2 Knights of Conquests and by profession, not of letters. This should be: “Knights of Conquests and by trade, not of letters.” I.e., by nobles who have actually conquered and received land as rewards, and who are knights by practice or profession, not gentlemen of letters.

381-3 What this means is not altogether clear. Apparently Columbus means that men of letters or lawyers in Greece and Rome, great conquering nations, would know what standards to apply in his case, and that there were some such men of breadth in Spain.

381-3 What this means isn't entirely clear. It seems Columbus believes that intellectuals or lawyers in Greece and Rome, powerful nations, would understand the standards to use in his situation, and that there were some open-minded individuals like that in Spain.



INTRODUCTION

The letter on Columbus’s last voyage when he explored the coast of Central America and of the Isthmus of Panama was written when he was shipwrecked on the island of Jamaica, 1503. It is his last important writing and one of great significance in understanding his geographical conceptions.

The letter about Columbus’s last voyage, during which he explored the coast of Central America and the Isthmus of Panama, was written when he was shipwrecked on the island of Jamaica in 1503. It is his final important writing and holds great significance for understanding his geographical concepts.

The Spanish text of this letter is not older than the sixteenth century and perhaps not older than the seventeenth. The Spanish text was first published by Navarrete in his Coleccion de los Viages y Descubrimientos, 1825. An Italian translation, however, was published in 1505 and is commonly known as the Lettera Rarissima. Mr. John Boyd Thacher has reproduced this early Italian translation in facsimile in his Christopher Columbus, accompanied by a translation into English. Cesare de Lollis prepared a critical edition of the Spanish text for the Raccolta Colombiana, which was carefully collated with and in some instances corrected by this contemporary translation. Most of his changes in punctuation and textual emendations have been adopted in the present edition, and attention is called to them in the notes.

The Spanish text of this letter dates back no earlier than the sixteenth century and might be from the seventeenth. It was first published by Navarrete in his Coleccion de los Viages y Descubrimientos in 1825. An Italian translation was published in 1505 and is often referred to as the Lettera Rarissima. Mr. John Boyd Thacher has included this early Italian translation in facsimile in his Christopher Columbus, along with an English translation. Cesare de Lollis created a critical edition of the Spanish text for the Raccolta Colombiana, which was carefully compared with and sometimes corrected by this contemporary translation. Most of his changes in punctuation and text edits have been incorporated into this edition, and they are noted in the comments.

The translation is that of R. H. Major as published in the revised edition of his Select Letters of Columbus. It has been carefully revised by the present editor, and some important changes have been made. As hitherto published in English a good many passages in this letter have been so confused and obscure and some so absolutely unintelligible, that the late Justin Winsor characterized this last of the important writings of Columbus as “a sorrowful index of his wander[388]ing reason.”388-1 Almost every one of these passages has yielded up the secret of its meaning either through a more exact translation or in the light of the textual emendations suggested by de Lollis or proposed by the present editor. Among such revisions and textual emendations attention may be called to those discussed on pp. 392, 396, 397. As here published this letter of Columbus is as coherent and intelligible as his other writings.

The translation is done by R. H. Major, as published in the revised edition of his Select Letters of Columbus. It has been carefully updated by the current editor, with some significant changes made. Previously published versions in English contained several passages in this letter that were confusing and obscure, with some parts being completely unintelligible, leading the late Justin Winsor to describe this final major work of Columbus as “a sorrowful index of his wandering reason.” Almost every one of these passages has revealed its meaning through a more accurate translation or through the textual changes suggested by de Lollis or proposed by the current editor. Among these revisions and textual updates, attention should be given to those discussed on pp. 392, 396, 397. As published here, this letter from Columbus is as clear and understandable as his other works.

The editor wishes here to acknowledge his obligations to Professor Henry R. Lang of Yale University, whom he has consulted in regard to perplexing passages or possible emendations, and from whom he has received valuable assistance.

The editor would like to acknowledge his gratitude to Professor Henry R. Lang of Yale University, whom he has consulted about confusing passages or possible corrections, and from whom he has received valuable help.

The other important accounts of this voyage, or of the part of it covered by this letter, are the brief report by Diego de Porras, of which a translation is given in Thacher’s Columbus, and those by Ferdinand Columbus in the Historie and Peter Martyr in his De Rebus Oceanicis. On this voyage Las Casas’s source was the account of Ferdinand Columbus. Lollis presents some striking evidence to show that the accounts of Ferdinand Columbus and Peter Martyr were based upon the same original, a lost narrative of the Admiral. It will be remembered, however, that Ferdinand accompanied his father on this voyage, and although only a boy of thirteen his narrative contains several passages of vivid personal recollection. The editor has carefully compared Ferdinand’s narrative with the account in this letter and noted the important differences.

The other important accounts of this voyage, or at least the part of it covered by this letter, include a brief report by Diego de Porras, which is translated in Thacher’s Columbus, and those by Ferdinand Columbus in the Historie and Peter Martyr in his De Rebus Oceanicis. For this voyage, Las Casas’s source was Ferdinand Columbus's account. Lollis offers compelling evidence suggesting that the accounts of Ferdinand Columbus and Peter Martyr were based on the same original source, a lost narrative by the Admiral. It's worth noting that Ferdinand accompanied his father on this voyage, and although he was only thirteen, his narrative includes several passages with vivid personal memories. The editor has carefully compared Ferdinand’s narrative with the account in this letter and highlighted the important differences.

E. G. B.

E. G. B.

388-1 Christopher Columbus, p 459; cf. also the passages quoted on p. 460.

388-1 Christopher Columbus, p 459; see also the passages quoted on p. 460.


THE FOURTH VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS

A Letter written by Don Christóbal Colon, Viceroy and Admiral of the Indies, to the most Christian and mighty King and Queen of Spain, our Sovereigns, in which are described the events of his voyage, and the countries, provinces, cities, rivers and other marvellous matters therein discovered, as well as the places where gold and other substances of great richness and value are to be found

A letter from Don Christóbal Colon, Viceroy and Admiral of the Indies, to the most Christian and powerful King and Queen of Spain, our Sovereigns, detailing the events of his voyage and the countries, provinces, cities, rivers, and other amazing things he discovered, including the locations of gold and other valuable resources.

Most Serene, and very high and mighty Princes, the King and Queen our Sovereigns:—

Most Serene, and very high and mighty Princes, the King and Queen our Sovereigns:—

My passage from Cadiz to the Canary occupied four days, and thence to the Indies sixteen days. From which I wrote, that my intention was to expedite my voyage as much as possible while I had good vessels, good crews and stores, and that Jamaica was the place to which I was bound. I wrote this in Dominica:389-1

My journey from Cadiz to the Canary Islands took four days, and then it took sixteen days to get to the Indies. In that time, I mentioned that I wanted to speed up my voyage as much as I could while I had good ships, skilled crews, and supplies, and that Jamaica was my destination. I wrote this in Dominica: __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Up to the period of my reaching these shores I experienced most excellent weather, but the night of my arrival came on with a dreadful tempest, and the same bad weather has continued ever since. On reaching the island of Española389-2 I despatched a packet of letters, by which I begged as a favor that a ship should be supplied me at my own cost in lieu of one of those that I had brought with me, which had become unseaworthy, and could no longer carry sail. The letters were taken, and your Highnesses will know if a reply has been given to them. For my part I was forbidden to go on[390] shore;390-1 the hearts of my people failed them lest I should take them further, and they said that if any danger were to befall them, they should receive no succor, but, on the contrary, in all probability have some great affront offered them. Moreover every man had it in his power to tell me that the new Governor would have the superintendence of the countries that I might acquire.390-2

Up until I arrived at these shores, the weather had been fantastic, but the night I got here, a terrible storm hit, and the bad weather has stuck around ever since. When I got to the island of Española__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, I sent out a bunch of letters, asking as a favor for a ship to be provided for me at my own expense instead of one I had brought, which had become unfit for sailing and could no longer carry sails. The letters were delivered, and your Highnesses will know if I received a response. As for me, I was not allowed to go on[390] shore;390-1 my crew was afraid that I would take them further into danger, and they said that if anything happened to them, they would get no help and, likely, would face some great insult instead. Plus, every man was aware that the new Governor would oversee the lands that I might acquire. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

The tempest was terrible throughout the night, all the ships were separated, and each one driven to the last extremity, without hope of anything but death; each of them also looked upon the loss of the rest as a matter of certainty. What man was ever born, not even excepting Job, who would not have been ready to die of despair at finding himself as I then was, in anxious fear for my own safety, and that of my son, my brother390-3 and my friends, and yet refused permission either to land or to put into harbor on the shores which by God’s mercy I had gained for Spain sweating blood?

The storm was awful all night, with all the ships scattered, each one pushed to the brink, facing nothing but death; everyone also believed that losing the others was a given. What man has ever lived, not even Job, who wouldn’t have been ready to die from despair when finding himself as I was then, anxious for my own safety, and that of my son, my brother and my friends, yet I refused to be allowed to land or seek shelter on the shores I had fought so hard to secure for Spain?

But to return to the ships: although the tempest had so completely separated them from me as to leave me single, yet the Lord restored them to me in His own good time. The ship which we had the greatest fear for, had put out to sea to escape [being blown] toward the island. The Gallega390-4 lost her boat and a great part of her provisions, which latter loss indeed all the ships suffered. The vessel in which I was, though dreadfully buffeted, was saved by our Lord’s mercy from any injury whatever; my brother went in the ship that was unsound, and he under God was the cause of its being saved.[391] With this tempest I struggled on till I reached Jamaica, and there the sea became calm, but there was a strong current which carried me as far as the Queen’s Garden391-1 without seeing land. Hence as opportunity afforded I pushed on for the mainland, in spite of the wind and a fearful contrary current, against which I contended for sixty days, and after all only made seventy leagues. All this time I was unable to get into harbor, nor was there any cessation of the tempest, which was one continuation of rain, thunder and lightning; indeed it seemed as if it were the end of the world. I at length reached the Cape of Gracias á Dios, and after that the Lord granted me fair wind and tide; this was on the twelfth of September.391-2[392] Eighty-eight days did this fearful tempest continue, during which I was at sea, and saw neither sun nor stars; my ships lay exposed, with sails torn, and anchors, rigging, cables, boats and a great quantity of provisions lost; my people were very weak and humbled in spirit, many of them promising to lead a religious life, and all making vows and promising to perform pilgrimages, while some of them would frequently go to their messmates to make confession.392-1 Other tempests have been experienced, but never of so long a duration or so fearful as this: many whom we looked upon as brave men, on several occasions showed considerable trepidation; but the distress of my son who was with me grieved me to the soul, and the more when I considered his tender age, for he was but thirteen years old, and he enduring so much toil for so long a time. Our Lord, however, gave him strength even to enable him to encourage the rest, and he worked as if he had been eighty years at sea, and all this was a consolation to me. I myself had fallen sick, and was many times at the point of death, but from a little cabin that I had caused to be[393] constructed on deck, I directed our course. My brother was in the ship that was in the worst condition and the most exposed to danger; and my grief on this account was the greater that I brought him with me against his will.

But back to the ships: even though the storm had completely separated me from them, leaving me alone, the Lord brought them back to me in His own time. The ship we worried about the most had gone out to sea to avoid being blown toward the island. The Gallega __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ lost its lifeboat and much of its supplies, which all the ships suffered from, in fact. The vessel I was on, even though it was battered badly, was saved by the Lord's mercy from any real damage; my brother sailed on the ship that was in bad shape, and thanks to God, he was the reason it was saved.[391] I fought through this storm until I reached Jamaica, where the sea finally calmed down, but there was a strong current that pushed me as far as the Queen’s Garden __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ without seeing any land. So, whenever I could, I pressed on for the mainland, despite the wind and a terrifying opposing current that I battled for sixty days, and after all that, I only covered seventy leagues. During all this time, I couldn't find a harbor, nor did the storm let up; it was just constant rain, thunder, and lightning, as if it were the end of the world. I finally reached the Cape of Gracias á Dios, and after that, the Lord gave me fair winds and tides, which was on the twelfth of September.391-2[392] This awful storm lasted for eighty-eight days while I was at sea, and I saw neither sun nor stars; my ships were exposed, with sails torn, and I lost anchors, rigging, cables, boats, and a lot of supplies; my crew was very weak and downhearted, many of them promising to lead a religious life, all making vows and pledging to go on pilgrimages, while some would often go to their shipmates to make confession. 392-1 We've faced other storms, but none as long or as terrifying as this one: many whom we'd considered brave showed a lot of fear; but what hurt me the most was the distress of my son, who was with me, especially considering how young he was—only thirteen years old—enduring such hardship for so long. However, the Lord gave him strength to even encourage the others, and he worked as if he had been at sea for eighty years, and that fact was a comfort to me. I had gotten sick myself and was often close to death, but from a small cabin I had made on the deck, I directed our course. My brother was on the ship that was in the worst condition and most at risk; and my sorrow about this was deeper because I had brought him along against his wishes.

Such is my fate, that the twenty years of service393-1 through which I have passed with so much toil and danger, have profited me nothing, and at this very day I do not possess a roof in Spain that I can call my own; if I wish to eat or sleep, I have nowhere to go but to the inn or tavern, and most times lack wherewith to pay the bill. Another anxiety wrung my very heartstrings, which was the thought of my son Diego, whom I had left an orphan in Spain, and dispossessed of my honor and property, although I had looked upon it as a certainty, that your Majesties, as just and grateful Princes, would restore it to him in all respects with increase.393-2

Such is my fate that the twenty years of service393-1 I've gone through with so much hard work and danger have gained me nothing. Even today, I don't have a roof in Spain that I can call my own. If I want to eat or sleep, my only options are the inn or tavern, and most of the time, I don’t have the money to pay the bill. Another worry tugged at my heart, which was the thought of my son Diego, whom I left an orphan in Spain, stripped of my honor and property. I had believed it was certain that your Majesties, as fair and grateful rulers, would return it to him in every way with increase.393-2

I reached the land of Cariay,393-3 where I stopped to repair my vessels and take in provisions, as well as to afford relaxation to the men, who had become very weak. I myself (who, as I said before, had been several times at the point of death) gained information respecting the gold mines of which I was in search, in the province of Ciamba;393-4 and two Indians conducted me to Carambaru,393-5 where the people (who go naked)[394] wear golden mirrors round their necks, which they will neither sell, give, nor part with for any consideration. They named to me many places on the sea-coast where there were both gold and mines. The last that they mentioned was Veragua,394-1 which was five-and-twenty leagues distant from the place where we then were. I started with the intention of visiting all of them, but when I had reached the middle of my journey I learned that there were other mines at so short a distance that they might be reached in two days. I determined on sending to see them. It was on the eve of St. Simon and St. Jude,394-2 which was the day fixed for our departure; but that night there arose so violent a storm, that we were forced to go wherever it drove us, and the Indian who was to conduct us to the mines was with us all the time. As I had found every thing true that had been told me in the different places which I had visited, I felt satisfied it would be the same with respect to Ciguare,394-3 which according to their account, is nine days[395] journey across the country westward: they tell me there is a great quantity of gold there, and that the inhabitants wear coral ornaments on their heads, and very large coral bracelets and anklets, with which article also they adorn and inlay their seats, boxes, and tables. They also said that the women there wore necklaces hanging down to their shoulders. All the people agree in the report I now repeat, and their account is so favorable that I should be content with the tithe of the advantages that their description holds out. They are all likewise acquainted with the pepper-plant;395-1 according to the account of these people, the inhabitants of Ciguare are accustomed to hold fairs and markets for carrying on their commerce, and they showed me also the mode and form in which they transact their various exchanges; others assert that their ships carry cannon, and that the men go clothed and use bows and arrows, swords and cuirasses, and that on shore they have horses which they use in battle, and that they wear rich clothes and have good things.395-2 They also say that the sea surrounds Ciguare, and that at ten days’ journey from thence is the river Ganges; these lands appear to hold the same relation to Veragua, as Tortosa to Fontarabia, or Pisa to Venice.395-3 When I left Carambaru and reached the places in its neighborhood, which I have mentioned above as being spoken of by the Indians, I found the customs of the people correspond with the accounts that had been given of them, except as regarded the golden mirrors: any man who had one of them would willingly part with it for three hawks’-bells,395-4 although they were equivalent in weight to ten or fifteen ducats. These people resemble the natives of Española in all their habits.[396] They have various modes of collecting the gold, none of which will bear comparison with the plans adopted by the Christians.

I arrived in the land of Cariay,393-3, where I stopped to fix my ships and gather supplies, as well as to give the crew a chance to rest since they were quite weak. I myself (who, as I mentioned before, had been close to death several times) found out more about the gold mines I was searching for in the province of Ciamba; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Two Indians guided me to Carambaru, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, where the locals (who are naked)[394] wear golden mirrors around their necks, which they refuse to sell, give away, or trade for anything. They told me about many locations along the coast where gold and mines could be found. The last place they mentioned was Veragua, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, which was twenty-five leagues away from where we were. I set out planning to visit all of them, but halfway through my journey, I learned about other mines that were so close they could be reached in two days. I decided to send someone to check them out. It was the night before St. Simon and St. Jude, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, which was when we were supposed to leave; however, that night a violent storm broke out, forcing us to go wherever the winds took us, and the Indian who was supposed to guide us to the mines was with us the whole time. Since everything I had been told in the different places I visited turned out to be true, I felt confident that the same would hold for Ciguatera, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, which they claimed was a nine-day journey across the country to the west. They said there was a large amount of gold there, and that the people wore coral decorations on their heads and very large coral bracelets and anklets. They also mentioned that the women wore necklaces that hung down to their shoulders. Everyone agrees with the report I'm sharing, and their accounts are so promising that I would be happy with just a small portion of the benefits they mentioned. They all seem to know about the pepper plant;395-1 and according to these people, the inhabitants of Ciguare hold fairs and markets for trading, and they demonstrated how they carry out their various transactions. Others claim that their ships are armed with cannon, and that the men are dressed and use bows and arrows, swords, and armor, and that they have horses for battle on the shore and wear fine clothing and have good things.395-2 They also say that the sea surrounds Ciguare, and that ten days’ journey from there lies the Ganges River; these lands seem to relate to Veragua as Tortosa does to Fontarabia, or Pisa does to Venice. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. When I left Carambaru and arrived at the nearby places mentioned by the Indians, I found the customs of the people matched the descriptions given to me, except for the golden mirrors: any person with one would gladly trade it for three hawks' bells, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ even though they weighed the equivalent of ten or fifteen ducats. These people are similar to the natives of Española in all their practices.[396] They have various ways of collecting gold, none of which compare to the methods used by the Christians.

All that I have here stated is from hearsay. This, however, I know, that in the year ninety-four I sailed twenty-four degrees to the westward in nine hours,396-1 and there can be no mistake upon the subject, because there was an eclipse; the sun was in Libra and the moon in Aries.396-2 What I had learned by the mouth of these people I already knew in detail from books. Ptolemy thought that he had satisfactorily corrected396-3 Marinus, and yet this latter appears to have come very near to the truth. Ptolemy placed Catigara396-4 at a distance of twelve lines to the west of his meridian, which he fixes at two degrees and a third beyond Cape St. Vincent, in Portugal. Marinus comprised the earth and its limits in fifteen lines.396-5[397] Marinus on Ethiopia gives a description covering more than twenty-four degrees beyond the equinoctial line, and now that the Portuguese have sailed there they find it correct.397-1 Ptolemy says also that the most southern land is the first boundary, and that it does not go lower down than fifteen degrees and a third.397-2 The world is but small; out of seven divisions of it[398] the dry part occupies six, and the seventh is entirely covered by water.398-1 Experience has shown it, and I have written it with quotations from the Holy Scripture, in other letters, where I have treated of the situation of the terrestrial paradise, as approved by the Holy Church;398-2 and I say that the world is not so large as vulgar opinion makes it, and that one degree of the equinoctial line measures fifty-six miles and two-thirds; and this may be proved to a nicety.398-3

All that I've mentioned here is based on what I've heard. However, I do know that in 94, I traveled twenty-four degrees to the west in nine hours, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and there can be no doubt about this, because there was an eclipse; the sun was in Libra and the moon was in Aries. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ What I learned from these people I already knew in detail from books. Ptolemy believed he had successfully corrected396-3 Marinus, yet the latter seems to have been much closer to the truth. Ptolemy placed Catigara __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ twelve lines to the west of his meridian, which he set at two degrees and a third beyond Cape St. Vincent in Portugal. Marinus outlined the earth and its boundaries in fifteen lines.396-5[397] Marinus's account of Ethiopia describes more than twenty-four degrees beyond the equator, and now that the Portuguese have sailed there, they find it accurate. 397-1 Ptolemy also states that the furthest southern land is the first boundary and that it doesn’t extend further than fifteen degrees and a third.397-2 The world is quite small; out of its seven parts[398], six are land, and the seventh is entirely covered by water.398-1 Experience has shown this, and I have documented it with citations from the Holy Scripture in other letters where I've discussed the position of the terrestrial paradise, as affirmed by the Holy Church;__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and I assert that the world is not as vast as common belief suggests, and that one degree of the equator measures fifty-six miles and two-thirds; this can be demonstrated with precision.398-3

But I leave this subject, which it is not my intention now to treat upon, but simply to give a narrative of my laborious and painful voyage, although of all my voyages it is the most honorable and advantageous. I have said that on the eve of St. Simon and St. Jude I ran before the wind wherever it took me, without power to resist it; at length I found shelter for ten days from the roughness of the sea and the tempest overhead, and resolved not to attempt to go back to the mines, which I regarded as already in our possession.398-4 When I started in pursuance of my voyage it was under a heavy rain, and reaching the harbor of Bastimentos I put in, though[399] much against my will.399-1 The storm and a rapid current kept me in for fourteen days, when I again set sail, but not with favorable weather. After I had made fifteen leagues with great exertions, the wind and the current drove me back399-2 again with great fury, but in again making for the port which I had quitted, I found on the way another port, which I named Retrete, where I put in for shelter with as much risk as regret, the ships being in sad condition, and my crews and myself exceedingly fatigued.399-3 I remained there fifteen days, kept in by stress of weather, and when I fancied my troubles were at an end, I found them only begun. It was then that I changed my resolution with respect to proceeding to the mines, and proposed doing something in the interim, until the weather should prove more favorable for my voyage.399-4 I had already made four leagues when the storm recommenced, and wearied me to such a degree that I absolutely knew not what to do; my wound reopened, and for nine days my life was despaired of; never was the sea seen so high, so terrific, and so covered with foam; not only did the wind oppose our proceeding onward, but it also rendered it highly dangerous to run in for any headland, and kept me in that sea which seemed to me as a sea of blood, seething like a cauldron on a mighty fire. Never did the sky look more fearful; during one day and one night it burned like a furnace, and every instant I looked to see if my masts and my sails were not destroyed; these[400] flashes came with such alarming fury that we all thought the ships must have been consumed. All this time the waters from heaven never ceased, not to say that it rained, for it was like a repetition of the deluge. The men were at this time so crushed in spirit that they longed for death as a deliverance from so many martyrdoms. Twice already had the ships suffered loss in boats, anchors, and rigging, and were now lying bare without sails.

But I’ll move on from this topic, which I don't intend to discuss right now, and simply share the story of my challenging and painful journey, even though it’s the most honorable and beneficial of all my trips. I mentioned that on the eve of St. Simon and St. Jude, I sailed with the wind wherever it carried me, unable to resist it; eventually, I found shelter for ten days from the rough sea and the storm above, resolving not to go back to the mines, which I considered already ours.398-4 When I set out on my journey, it was pouring rain, and upon reaching the harbor of Bastimentos, I docked there, though[399] I really didn’t want to. The storm and strong current kept me there for fourteen days, and when I finally set out again, the weather wasn’t in my favor. After making fifteen leagues with great effort, the wind and current pushed meback399-2 forcefully. However, while trying to reach the port I had just left, I discovered another port along the way, which I named Retrete, where I sought shelter, taking as much risk as I felt regret, with the ships in terrible shape and my crew and I utterlyexhausted.399-3 I stayed there for fifteen days, stuck due to bad weather, and just when I thought my troubles were over, I realized they had only begun. It was then that I changed my mind about heading to the mines and decided to do something in the meantime, until the weather became more suitable for myvoyage. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I had already traveled four leagues when the storm picked up again, exhausting me to the point where I didn't know what to do; my wound reopened, and for nine days, my life hung in the balance; I had never seen the sea so high, so terrifying, and so frothy; not only did the wind hinder our progress, but it also made it very dangerous to head toward any land, keeping me in that sea, which felt like a sea of blood, boiling like a cauldron over a huge fire. Never had the sky appeared so menacing; for one day and night, it burned like a furnace, and every moment, I feared my masts and sails would be destroyed; these[400] flashes came with such alarming intensity that we all thought the ships would be lost. Throughout this time, the rain from the heavens didn’t stop; it wasn’t just rain; it was like a repeat of the deluge. The men became so demoralized that they longed for death as an escape from so much suffering. The ships had already suffered damage to boats, anchors, and rigging, and were now left without sails.

When it pleased our Lord, I returned to Puerto Gordo,400-1 where I recruited my condition as well as I could. I then once more turned towards Veragua; for my voyage, although I was [ready] for it, the wind and current were still contrary.400-2 I arrived at nearly the same spot as before, and there again the wind and currents still opposed my progress; and once again I was compelled to put into port, not daring to await the opposition of Saturn400-3 with Mars so tossed on an exposed coast; for it almost always brings on a tempest or severe weather. This was on Christmas-day, about the hour of mass.

When it suited our Lord, I went back to Puerto Gordo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ where I tried to recover my strength as best as I could. Then I set my sights on Veragua again; even though I was [ready] for the journey, the wind and current were still against me.400-2 I reached almost the same place as before, and once more the wind and currents hindered my progress; I had to dock again, not wanting to risk facing the influence of Saturn __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ mixed with Mars on an exposed coastline; it typically leads to a storm or bad weather. This happened on Christmas Day, around the time of mass.

Thus, after all these fatigues, I had once more to return to the spot from whence I started; and when the new year had set in, I returned again to my task: but although I had fine weather for my voyage, the ships were no longer in a sailing condition, and my people were either dying or very sick. On the day of the Epiphany,400-4 I reached Veragua in a state of ex[401]haustion; there, by our Lord’s goodness, I found a river and a safe harbor, although at the entrance there were only ten spans of water. I succeeded in making an entry, but with great difficulty; and on the following day the storm recommenced, and had I been still on the outside at that time, I should have been unable to enter on account of the reef. It rained without ceasing until the fourteenth of February, so that I could find no opportunity of penetrating into the interior, nor of recruiting my condition in any respect whatever; and on the twenty-fourth of January, when I considered myself in perfect safety, the river suddenly rose with great violence to a considerable height, breaking my cables and the breastfasts,401-1 and nearly carrying away my ships altogether, which certainly appeared to me to be in greater danger than ever. Our Lord, however, brought a remedy as He has always done. I do not know if any one else ever suffered greater trials.

So, after all this exhaustion, I had to return to the place where I started; and when the new year began, I went back to my task. Even though the weather was great for my journey, the ships were no longer fit to sail, and my crew was either dying or very sick. On the day of the Epiphany, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I arrived at Veragua completely worn out. Thankfully, I found a river and a safe harbor, although there were only ten spans of water at the entrance. I managed to get in, but it was really difficult; then the storm started up again the next day, and if I had still been outside then, I wouldn’t have been able to enter because of the reef. It rained nonstop until February fourteenth, so I couldn’t find any chance to explore further inland or recover in any way. On January twenty-fourth, when I thought I was perfectly safe, the river suddenly rose violently to a high level, breaking my cables and the breakfasts,401-1 and nearly sweeping my ships away completely, which definitely seemed to put them in more danger than ever. However, our Lord provided a solution as He always has. I don't know if anyone else has faced greater hardships.

On the sixth of February, while it was still raining, I sent seventy men on shore to go into the interior, and at five leagues’ distance they found several mines. The Indians who went with them conducted them to a very lofty mountain, and thence showing them the country all around, as far as the eye could reach, told them there was gold in every part, and that, towards the west, the mines extended twenty days’ journey; they also recounted the names of the towns and villages where there was more or less of it. I afterwards learned that[402] the Quibian,402-1 who had lent these Indians, had ordered them to show the distant mines, and which belonged to an enemy of his; but that in his own territory one man might, if he would, collect in ten days as much as a child could carry.402-2 I bring with me some Indians, his servants, who are witnesses of this fact. The boats went up to the spot where the dwellings of these people are situated; and, after four hours, my brother returned with the guides, all of them bringing back gold which they had collected at that place. The gold must be abundant, and of good quality, for none of these men had ever seen mines before; very many of them had never seen pure gold, and most of them were seamen and lads. Having building materials in abundance, I established a settlement, and made many presents to the Quibian, which is the name they gave to the lord of the country. I plainly saw that harmony would not last long, for the natives are of a very rough disposition, and the Spaniards very encroaching; and, moreover, I had taken possession of land belonging to the Quibian. When he saw what we did, and found the traffic increasing, he resolved upon burning the houses, and putting us all to death; but his project did not succeed, for we took him prisoner, together with his wives, his children, and his servants. His captivity, it is true, lasted but a short time, for he eluded the custody of a trustworthy man, into whose charge he had been given, with a guard of men; and his sons escaped from a ship, in which they had been placed under the special charge of the master.[403]

On February sixth, while it was still raining, I sent seventy men ashore to explore the interior, and after traveling five leagues, they found several mines. The Indians who accompanied them guided them to a very tall mountain and showed them the surrounding land, as far as the eye could see, telling them there was gold everywhere. They said that to the west, the mines stretched for twenty days’ journey and listed the names of towns and villages where gold could be found in varying amounts. I later learned that[402] the Quibian, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ who had sent these Indians, instructed them to point out the distant mines belonging to his enemy; however, within his own territory, a person could gather as much gold as a child could carry in just ten days, if they wanted to. I brought some Indians, his servants, who witnessed this. The boats reached the location where these people lived, and after four hours, my brother returned with the guides, all of them carrying back gold that they had collected. The gold must be plentiful and of good quality, as none of these men had ever seen mines before; many had never seen pure gold, and most were sailors and young boys. With plenty of building materials at hand, I started a settlement and gave many gifts to the Quibian, which is what they called the lord of the area. I could clearly see that peace wouldn't last long because the natives were very tough and the Spaniards were quite intrusive; plus, I had taken possession of land that belonged to the Quibian. When he saw what we were doing and noticed the increasing trade, he decided to set fire to the houses and kill us all; but his plan failed because we captured him along with his wives, children, and servants. His captivity, however, was brief, as he managed to escape from the custody of a trusted man who had been assigned to watch him and his sons got away from a ship where they had been placed under the special care of the captain.[403]

In the month of January the mouth of the river was entirely closed up,403-1 and in April the vessels were so eaten by the shipworm,403-2 that they could scarcely be kept above water. At this time the river forced a channel for itself, by which I managed, with great difficulty, to extricate three of them after I had unloaded them. The boats were then sent back into the river for water and salt, but the sea became so high and furious, that it afforded them no chance of exit; upon which the Indians collected themselves together in great numbers, and made an attack upon the boats, and at length massacred the men.403-3 My brother, and all the rest of our people, were in a ship which remained inside; I was alone, outside, upon that dangerous coast, suffering from a severe fever and worn with fatigue. All hope of escape was gone. I toiled up to the highest part of the ship, and, with a voice of fear crying, and very urgently, I called upon your Highnesses’ war-captains in every direction for help, but there was no reply. At length, groaning with exhaustion, I fell asleep, and heard a compassionate voice address me thus: “O fool, and slow to believe and to serve thy God, the God of all! what did He do more for Moses, or for David his servant, than He has done for thee? From thine infancy He has kept thee under His constant and watchful care. When He saw thee arrived at an age which suited His designs respecting thee, He brought wonderful renown to thy name throughout[404] all the land. He gave thee for thine own the Indies, which form so rich a portion of the world, and thou hast divided them as it pleased thee, for He gave thee power to do so. He gave thee also the keys of those barriers of the ocean sea which were closed with such mighty chains;404-1 and thou wast obeyed through many lands, and gained an honorable fame throughout Christendom. What did he more for the people of Israel, when he brought them out of Egypt?404-2 or for David, whom from a shepherd He made to be king in Judea? Turn to Him, and acknowledge thine error—His mercy is infinite. Thine old age shall not prevent thee from accomplishing any great undertaking. He holds under His sway many very great possessions. Abraham had exceeded a hundred years of age when he begat Isaac; nor was Sarah young. Thou criest out for uncertain help: answer, who has afflicted thee so much and so often, God or the world? The privileges promised by God, He never fails in bestowing; nor does He ever declare, after a service has been rendered Him, that such was not agreeable with His intention, or that He had regarded the matter in another light; nor does he inflict suffering, in order to give effect to the manifestation of His power. His word goes according to the letter; and He performs all his promises with interest. This is [his] custom. Thus I have told thee what thy Creator has done for thee, and what He does for all men. Just now He gave me a specimen of the reward of so many toils and dangers incurred by thee in the service of others.”404-2

In January, the mouth of the river was completely blocked up, and by April, the ships were so damaged by shipworms that they could barely stay afloat. At that time, the river carved out a path for itself, and I managed, with great difficulty, to free three of the ships after unloading them. The boats were then sent back into the river for water and salt, but the sea became so rough and violent that they couldn't get out. The Indians gathered in large numbers and attacked the boats, ultimately killing the men. My brother and the rest of our crew were safe on a ship that stayed inside; I was left alone outside on that perilous coast, suffering from a severe fever and exhausted. All hope of escape was lost. I climbed to the highest part of the ship and, crying out in fear and urgency, called for your Highnesses' military captains for help, but there was no response. Eventually, overwhelmed by fatigue, I fell asleep and heard a comforting voice say to me: “Oh fool, you are slow to believe and serve your God, the God of all! What more did He do for Moses or for David His servant than He has done for you? Since your childhood, He has kept you under His constant watch. When you reached an age suited to His plans for you, He brought great fame to your name throughout all the land. He granted you the Indies, a wealthy part of the world, and you have divided them as you pleased, for He gave you the power to do so. He also gave you the keys to the great barriers of the ocean, which were locked with mighty chains; and you were obeyed in many lands, gaining honor throughout Christendom. What more did He do for the people of Israel when He freed them from Egypt? Or for David, who went from being a shepherd to becoming king in Judea? Turn to Him and acknowledge your mistakes—His mercy is infinite. Your old age won't stop you from achieving great things. He holds many great possessions in His sway. Abraham was over a hundred years old when he had Isaac, and Sarah was not young either. You cry out for uncertain help: answer this—who has afflicted you more and more, God or the world? The blessings promised by God are always given; He never says after you have served Him that it wasn’t according to His will or that He had a different perspective. He does not cause suffering to prove His power. His word is true, and He fulfills all His promises with interest. This is His way. Thus, I have shared with you what your Creator has done for you and what He does for all people. Just now, He showed me a glimpse of the reward for all the hardships and dangers you faced in the service of others.”

I heard all this, as it were, in a trance; but I had no answer to give in definite words, and could but weep for my errors.[405] He who spoke to me, whoever it was, concluded by saying,—“Fear not, but trust; all these tribulations are recorded on marble, and not without cause.” I arose as soon as I could; and at the end of nine days there came fine weather, but not sufficiently so to allow of drawing the vessels out of the river. I collected the men who were on land, and, in fact, all of them that I could, because there were not enough to admit of one party remaining on shore while another stayed on board to work the vessels. I myself should have remained with my men to defend the settlement, had your Highnesses known of it; but the fear that ships might never reach the spot where we were, as well as the thought, that when provision is to be made for bringing help, everything will be provided,405-1 made me decide upon leaving. I departed, in the name of the Holy Trinity, on Easter night,405-2 with the ships rotten, worm-eaten and full of holes. One of them I left at Belen, with a supply of necessaries; I did the same at Belpuerto. I then had only two left, and they in the same state as the others. I was without boats or provisions, and in this condition I had to cross seven thousand miles of sea; or, as an alternative, to die on the passage with my son, my brother, and so many of my people. Let those who are accustomed to finding fault and censuring ask, while they sit in security at home, “Why did you not do so and so under such circumstances?” I wish they now had this voyage to make. I verily believe that another journey of another kind awaits them, or our faith is nothing.

I heard all of this, almost like I was in a trance; but I had no clear answer to give, and could only cry over my mistakes.[405] The person who spoke to me, whoever they were, finished by saying, “Don’t be afraid, just trust; all these struggles are etched in stone for a reason.” I got up as soon as I could; and after nine days, the weather cleared up, but not enough to pull the ships out of the river. I gathered all the men who were on land, since I didn’t have enough to keep one group on shore while another worked on the ships. I would have stayed with my men to defend the settlement if your Highnesses had known about it; but I feared that ships might never reach us and I believed that when it came time to arrange for help, everything would be provided,405-1 which led me to decide to leave. I set off, in the name of the Holy Trinity, on Easter night,405-2 with the ships in bad condition, infested with worms and full of holes. I left one of them at Belen, stocked with supplies; I did the same at Belpuerto. I was left with only two ships, and they were in the same terrible shape as the others. I had no boats or provisions, and I had to cross seven thousand miles of ocean in this condition, or face dying on the journey with my son, my brother, and so many of my people. Those who like to criticize and judge from the safety of their homes should ask, “Why didn’t you do this or that in those circumstances?” I wish they had to make this voyage themselves. I truly believe that another kind of journey awaits them, or else our faith means nothing.

On the thirteenth of May I reached the province of Mago [Mango],405-3 which borders on Cathay, and thence I started[406] for the island of Española. I sailed two days with a good wind, after which it became contrary. The route that I followed called forth all my care to avoid the numerous islands, that I might not be stranded on the shoals that lie in their neighborhood. The sea was very tempestuous, and I was driven backward under bare poles. I anchored at an island, where I lost, at one stroke, three anchors; and, at midnight, when the weather was such that the world appeared to be coming to an end, the cables of the other ship broke, and it came down upon my vessel with such force that it was a wonder we were not dashed to pieces; the single anchor that remained to me was, next to the Lord, our only preservation. After six days, when the weather became calm, I resumed my journey, having already lost all my tackle; my ships were pierced by borers more than a honey-comb and the crew entirely paralyzed with fear and in despair. I reached the island a little beyond the point at which I first arrived at it, and there I turned in to recover myself after the storm;406-1 but I afterwards put into a much safer port in the same island. After eight days I put to sea again, and reached Jamaica by the end of June;406-2 but always beating against contrary winds, and with the ships in the worst possible condition. With three pumps, and the use of pots and kettles, we could scarcely clear the water that came into the ship, there being no remedy but this for the mischief done by the ship-worm. I steered in[407] such a manner as to come as near as possible to Española, from which we were twenty-eight leagues distant, but I afterwards wished I had not done so, for the other ship which was half under water was obliged to run in for a port. I determined on keeping the sea in spite of the weather, and my vessel was on the very point of sinking when our Lord miraculously brought us upon land. Who will believe what I now write? I assert that in this letter I have not related one hundredth part of the wonderful events that occurred in this voyage; those who were with the Admiral can bear witness to it. If your Highnesses would be graciously pleased to send to my help a ship of above sixty-four tons, with two hundred quintals of biscuits and other provisions, there would then be sufficient to carry me and my crew from Española to Spain. I have already said that there are not twenty-eight leagues between Jamaica and Española; and I should not have gone there, even if the ships had been in a fit condition for so doing, because your Highnesses ordered me not to land there. God knows if this command has proved of any service. I send this letter by means of and by the hands of Indians; it will be a miracle if it reaches its destination.

On May 13, I arrived in the province of Mago [Mango],405-3 which borders Cathay, and then I set out[406] for the island of Española. I sailed for two days with a good wind, but then it turned against me. The path I took required all my attention to dodge the many islands nearby so I wouldn’t run aground on the shallow waters around them. The sea was very rough, and I was pushed back with no sails up. I anchored at an island, where I lost three anchors in one go; and at midnight, when the storm made it feel like the end of the world, the cables of the other ship snapped, and it collided with mine so hard that it’s a miracle we weren’t wrecked; the one anchor I had left, along with divine intervention, was our only salvation. After six days, when the weather calmed down, I continued my journey, having already lost all my gear; my ships were riddled with holes more than a honeycomb, and the crew was completely paralyzed by fear and hopelessness. I reached the island just beyond where I first arrived, and there I stopped to recover from the storm;406-1 but I later moved to a much safer port on the same island. After eight days, I set sail again and arrived in Jamaica by the end of June;406-2 but I was always fighting against contrary winds, and the ships were in terrible shape. With three pumps and using pots and kettles, we could barely keep up with the water flooding into the ship, as that was the only way to deal with the damage caused by the shipworm. I steered [407] as close as I could to Española, which was twenty-eight leagues away, but later wished I hadn’t done that, because the other ship, which was half submerged, had to seek refuge in a port. I decided to stay at sea despite the weather, and my vessel was just about to sink when our Lord miraculously brought us to land. Who will believe what I’m writing? I claim that in this letter I haven’t even mentioned one hundredth of the incredible events that happened during this voyage; those who were with the Admiral can confirm it. If your Highnesses would kindly send a ship over sixty-four tons, with two hundred quintals of biscuits and other supplies, there would be enough to take me and my crew from Española to Spain. I’ve already mentioned that it’s not more than twenty-eight leagues between Jamaica and Española; and I wouldn't have gone there even if the ships had been able, because your Highnesses instructed me not to land there. God knows if following that command has been of any benefit. I’m sending this letter through the hands of the Indians; it will be a miracle if it reaches its destination.

This is the account I have to give of my voyage. The men who accompanied me were a hundred and fifty in number, among whom were many calculated for pilots and good sailors, but none of them can explain whither I went nor whence I came;407-1 the reason is very simple: I started from a point above the port of Brazil407-2 in Española. The storm prevented me from following my intended route, for I was obliged to go wherever the wind drove me; at the same time I fell very sick, and there was no one who had navigated in these parts[408] before. However, after some days, the wind and sea became tranquil, and the storm was succeeded by a calm, but accompanied with rapid currents. I put into harbor at an island called Isla de las Pozas, and then steered for mainland;408-1 but it is impossible to give a correct account of all our movements, because I was carried away by the current so many days without seeing land. I ascertained, however, by the compass and by observation, that I moved parallel with the coast of the mainland. No one could tell under what part of the heavens we were, and when I set out from there to come to the island of Española, the pilots thought we had come to the island of St. John, whereas it was the land of Mango, four hundred leagues to the westward of where they said.408-2 Let them answer and say if they know where Veragua is situated. I assert that they can give no other account than that they went to lands, where there was an abundance of gold, and this they can certify surely enough; but they do not know the way to return thither for such a purpose; they would be obliged to go on a voyage of discovery as much as if they had never been there before.

This is the story of my journey. The group that traveled with me numbered a hundred and fifty, including many who were capable pilots and good sailors, but none could explain where I was going or where I came from;407-1 the reason is quite simple: I set off from a place north of the port of Brazil__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ in Española. A storm forced me off my planned course, and I had to go wherever the wind took me; meanwhile, I fell seriously ill, and there was no one familiar with these waters[408] before. However, after a few days, the wind and sea calmed down, turning from a storm to tranquility, but there were still strong currents. I docked at an island called Isla de las Pozas, then headed toward the mainland; 408-1 but I can't give a precise account of all our movements because I was swept along by the current for many days without sighting land. I did determine, using the compass and by observation, that I was moving parallel to the mainland's coast. No one could indicate where we were in terms of the sky, and when I left there to reach the island of Española, the pilots believed we had arrived at the island of St. John, when in fact we were on the land of Mango, four hundred leagues west of what they claimed.408-2 Let them respond and see if they know where Veragua is located. I claim that their only account is that they went to lands rich in gold, which they can confirm; but they don't know how to return there for that purpose; they would need to embark on a journey of discovery as if they had never been there before.

There is a mode of reckoning derived from astronomy which is sure and safe, and a sufficient guide to any one who understands it. This resembles a prophetic vision.408-3 The Indies ships408-4 do not sail except with the wind abaft, but this is not because they are badly built or clumsy, but because the strong currents in those parts, together with the wind, render it impossible to sail with the bowline,408-5 for in one day they would lose as much way as they might have made in seven; for the same reason I could make no use of caravels, even though they[409] were Portuguese lateens.409-1 This is the cause that they do not sail unless with a regular breeze, and they will sometimes stay in harbor waiting for this seven or eight months at a time; nor is this anything wonderful, for the same very often occurs in Spain.

There's a method of navigation based on astronomy that is reliable and a great guide for anyone who gets it. This is similar to a prophetic vision. The ships in the Indies only sail with the wind behind them, not because they are poorly made or awkward, but because the strong currents in that region, combined with the wind, make it impossible to sail against the wind. They could lose as much ground in one day as they might have gained in seven. For the same reason, I couldn’t use caravels, even if they were Portuguese lateens. This is why they only sail when there’s a steady breeze, and sometimes they wait in port for seven or eight months for it. This isn’t unusual, as the same thing often happens in Spain.

The nation of which Pope Pius II. describes the situation and characteristics has now been found,409-2 excepting the horses with the saddles and poitrels and bridles of gold; but this is not to be wondered at, for the lands on the sea-coast are only inhabited by fishermen, and moreover I made no stay there, because I was in haste to proceed on my voyage. In Cariay409-3 and the neighboring country there are great enchanters of a very fearful character. They would have given the world to prevent my remaining there an hour. When I arrived they sent me immediately two girls very showily dressed; the eldest could not be more than eleven years of age and the other seven, and both exhibited so much immodesty, that more could not be expected from public women; they carried concealed about them a magic powder; when they came I gave them some articles to dress themselves out with, and directly sent them back to the shore.409-4 I saw here, built[410] on a mountain, a sepulchre as large as a house, and elaborately sculptured; the body lay uncovered and embalmed in it. They also spoke to me of other very excellent works of art.410-1 There are many species of animals both small and large, and very different from those of our country. I had a present of two pigs, and an Irish dog was afraid to face them. A cross-bowman had wounded an animal like a monkey,410-2 except that it was larger, and had a face like a man’s; the arrow had pierced it from the neck to the tail, and since it was fierce he was obliged to cut off an arm and a leg; the pig bristled up on seeing it and tried to get away. I, when I saw this, ordered the begare410-3 as it is called to be thrown to the pig where he was, and though the animal was nearly dead, and the arrow had passed quite through his body, yet he threw his tail round the snout of the boar, and then holding him firmly, seized him by the nape of the neck with his remaining hand, as if he were engaged with an enemy. This action was so novel and so extraordinary, that I have thought it worth while to describe it here. There is a great variety of animals here, but they all die of barra.410-4 I saw some very large fowls (the feathers of which resemble wool),410-5 lions, stags, fallow-deer and birds.

The country that Pope Pius II describes has now been found,409-2 except for the horses with golden saddles, breastplates, and bridles; but this isn’t surprising, because the coastal lands are only inhabited by fishermen. Plus, I didn’t stay there long since I was eager to continue my journey. In Cariay__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and the surrounding areas, there are powerful sorcerers who are quite intimidating. They would have done anything to stop me from staying there for even an hour. When I arrived, they immediately sent me two very well-dressed girls; the older one couldn’t have been more than eleven years old and the younger one was seven. Both displayed so much immodesty that you’d expect it from public women; they were hiding magic powder on them. When they arrived, I gave them some clothes to enhance their appearance, then I quickly sent them back to the shore.409-4 I saw there, built[410] on a mountain, a tomb as big as a house, intricately carved; the body inside was uncovered and embalmed. They also mentioned other impressive works of art. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ There are many types of both small and large animals here, very different from those in our country. I received two pigs as a gift, and an Irish dog was too scared to approach them. A crossbowman had shot an animal that looked like a monkey,410-2 except it was larger and had a human-like face; the arrow had gone through from its neck to its tail, and since it was aggressive, he had to cut off one of its arms and one of its legs. The pig bristled at the sight of it and tried to flee. When I saw that, I ordered the begare410-3 to be thrown to the pig where it was. Even though the animal was nearly dead and the arrow had gone all the way through its body, it wrapped its tail around the snout of the boar, and then, holding on tightly, bit down on the back of its neck as if it were fighting an enemy. This act was so unique and remarkable that I thought it was worth describing here. There is a great variety of animals here, but they all seem to die from bar.410-4 I saw some very large birds (their feathers resemble wool),410-5 lions, stags, fallow deer, and various birds.

When we were so harassed with our troubles at sea, some of our men imagined that we were under the influence of[411] sorcery, and even to this day entertain the same notion. Some of the people whom I discovered eat men, as was evidenced by the brutality of their countenances. They say that there are great mines of copper in the country, of which they make hatchets411-1 and other elaborate articles both cast and soldered; they also make of it forges, with all the apparatus of the goldsmith, and crucibles. The inhabitants go clothed; and in that province I saw some large sheets of cotton very elaborately and cleverly worked, and others very delicately painted in colors.411-2 They tell me that more inland towards Cathay they have them interwoven with gold. For want of an interpreter we were able to learn but very little respecting these countries, or what they contain. Although the country is very thickly peopled, yet each nation has a very different language; indeed so much so, that they can no more understand each other than we understand the Arabs. I think, however, that this applies to the barbarians on the sea-coast, and not to the people who live more inland. When I discovered the Indies, I said that they composed the richest lordship in the world; I spoke of gold and pearls and precious stones, of spices and the traffic that might be carried on in them; and because all these things were not forthcoming at once I was abused. This punishment causes me to refrain from relating anything but what the natives tell me. One thing I can venture upon stating, because there are so many witnesses of it, viz., that in this land of Veragua I saw more signs of gold in the first two days than I saw in Española during fours years, and that there is not a more fertile or better cultivated country in all the world, nor one whose inhabitants are more timid; added to which there is a good harbor, a beautiful river, and the whole place is capable of being easily put into a state of defence. All this tends to the security of the Christians and the permanency of their [412]sovereignty, while it affords the hope of great increase and honor to the Christian religion; moreover the road hither will be as short as that to Española, because there is a certainty of a fair wind for the passage. Your Highnesses are as much lords of this country as of Xerez or Toledo; your ships if they should go there, go to your own house. From there they will take gold; in other lands to have what there is in them, they will have to take it by force or retire empty-handed, and on the land they will have to trust their persons in the hands of a savage.412-1

When we were overwhelmed by our problems at sea, some of our crew thought we were under a spell, and even today some still believe that. I discovered that some of the locals are cannibals, which was clear from their savage looks. They say there are huge copper mines in the area, which they use to make hatchets and other detailed items, both cast and soldered; they also create forges with all the tools of a goldsmith and crucibles. The people wear clothing, and in that region, I saw some large, intricately designed cotton sheets, as well as others that were delicately painted in various colors. They told me that further inland towards Cathay, they weave cotton with gold. Without an interpreter, we could only learn very little about these countries and what they have to offer. Even though the country is densely populated, each nation speaks a very different language; in fact, they can’t understand each other any more than we understand the Arabs. However, I believe this is true for the coastal tribes and not for those living further inland. When I discovered the Indies, I claimed they were the richest lands in the world; I mentioned gold, pearls, and precious stones, as well as spices and potential trade. Since I didn't find all these things right away, I was criticized. Because of this backlash, I now only share what the locals tell me. There’s one thing I can confidently say, since so many witnessed it: in this land of Veragua, I saw more signs of gold in the first two days than I saw in Española during four years, and there isn’t a more fertile or well-cultivated place anywhere, nor are the people more timid. Additionally, there’s a good harbor, a beautiful river, and the whole area can be easily defended. All of this supports the safety of Christians and the stability of their rule, while also giving hope for significant growth and honor to Christianity. Furthermore, the route here will be just as short as the one to Española, because we can count on favorable winds for the journey. Your Highnesses are as much lords of this land as you are of Xerez or Toledo; if your ships go there, they are going home. From there, they will gather gold; in other lands, they will have to forcefully take what they can find or leave empty-handed, relying on the goodwill of a savage.

Of the other [matter] that I refrain from saying, I have already said why I kept silent. I do not speak so, neither [do I say] that I make a threefold affirmation in all that I have ever said or written nor that I am at the source.412-2 The Genoese, Venetians and all other nations that possess pearls, precious stones, and other articles of value, take them to the ends of the world to exchange them for gold. Gold is most excellent; gold is treasure, and he who possesses it does all he wishes to in this world, and succeeds in helping souls into paradise. They say that when one of the lords of the country of Veragua dies, they bury all the gold he possessed with his body. There were brought to Solomon at one journey412-3 six hundred and sixty-six quintals of gold, besides what the merchants and sailors brought, and that which was paid in Arabia. Of this gold he made two hundred lances412-4 and three hundred shields, and the flooring412-5 which was to be above them[413] was also of gold, and ornamented with precious stones; many other things he made likewise of gold, and a great number of vessels of great size, which he enriched with precious stones. This is related by Josephus in his Chronicle De Antiquitatibus; mention is also made of it in the Chronicles and in the Book of Kings.413-1 Josephus thinks that this gold was found in the Aurea;413-2 if it were so, I contend that these mines of the Aurea are identical with those of Veragua, which, as I have said before, extends westward twenty days’ journey, and they are at an equal distance from the Pole and the Line.413-3 Solomon bought all of it,—gold, precious stones, and silver,—but your Majesties need only send to seek them to have them at your pleasure. David, in his will, left three thousand quintals of Indian gold to Solomon, to assist in building the Temple; and, according to Josephus, it came from these lands.413-4 Jerusalem and Mount Sion are to be rebuilt by the hands of Christians, who it is to be God told by the mouth of His prophet in the fourteenth Psalm.413-5 The Abbot Joaquim said that he who[414] should do this was to come from Spain;414-1 Saint Jerome showed the holy woman the way to accomplish it;414-2 and the emperor of Cathay, a long time ago, sent for wise men to instruct him in the faith of Christ.414-3 Who will offer himself for this work?414-4 Should any one do so, I pledge myself, in the name of God, to convey him safely thither, provided the Lord permits me to return to Spain.

Of the other things I won't mention, I've already explained why I stayed quiet. I don’t claim that I repeat everything I’ve ever said or written, nor that I'm the source. The Genoese, Venetians, and all other nations that have pearls, precious stones, and other valuable items take them to the ends of the earth to trade for gold. Gold is the best; it’s treasure, and whoever has it can do whatever they want in this world and help souls reach paradise. They say that when a lord from Veragua dies, they bury all his gold with him. Six hundred and sixty-six quintals of gold were brought to Solomon during one journey, besides what merchants and sailors brought, and what was paid in Arabia. With this gold, he made two hundred lances and three hundred shields, and the flooring above them was also made of gold and decorated with precious stones; he created many other things out of gold and a large number of big vessels enriched with precious stones. This is recorded by Josephus in his Chronicle *De Antiquitatibus*; it’s also mentioned in the Chronicles and the Book of Kings. Josephus suspects that this gold was sourced from the Aurea; if that's the case, I argue that these Aurea mines are the same as those in Veragua, which I mentioned earlier extend westward for twenty days’ journey and are equidistant from the Pole and the Equator. Solomon acquired all of it—gold, precious stones, and silver—but your Majesties only need to send someone to find them to have them at your command. David, in his will, left three thousand quintals of Indian gold to Solomon to help build the Temple; according to Josephus, it came from these lands. Jerusalem and Mount Zion are to be rebuilt by the hands of Christians, as God told them through His prophet in the fourteenth Psalm. Abbot Joaquim said that the person who would do this would come from Spain; Saint Jerome showed the holy woman how to accomplish it; and the emperor of Cathay, a long time ago, summoned wise men to teach him about the faith of Christ. Who will volunteer for this task? If someone does, I promise, in God's name, to safely get him there, provided that the Lord allows me to return to Spain.

The people who have sailed with me have passed through incredible toil and danger, and I beseech your Highnesses, since they are poor, to pay them promptly, and to be gracious to each of them according to their respective merits; for I can safely assert, that to my belief they are the bearers of the best news that ever was carried to Spain. With respect to the gold which belongs to the Quibian of Veragua, and other chiefs in the neighboring country, although it appears by the accounts we have received of it to be very abundant, I do not think it would be well or desirable, on the part of your Highnesses, to take possession of it in the way of plunder; by fair dealing, scandal and disrepute will be avoided, and all the gold will thus reach your Highnesses’ treasury without the loss of a grain.[415]

The people who have sailed with me have gone through incredible struggle and danger, and I urge your Highnesses, since they are in need, to pay them quickly and to treat each of them kindly based on their merits. I can confidently say that I believe they bring the best news ever delivered to Spain. Regarding the gold that belongs to the Quibian of Veragua and other chiefs in the area, although our reports suggest it is very plentiful, I don’t think it would be wise or appropriate for your Highnesses to seize it as loot. By handling this fairly, you can avoid scandal and bad reputation, and all the gold can reach your Highnesses’ treasury without losing a single grain.[415]

With one month of fair weather I shall complete my voyage. As I was deficient in ships, I did not persist in delaying my course; but in everything that concerns your Highnesses’ service, I trust in Him who made me, and I hope also that my health will be re-established. I think your Highnesses will remember that I had intended to build some ships in a new manner, but the shortness of the time did not permit it. I had certainly foreseen how things would be. I think more of this opening for commerce, and of the lordship over such extensive mines, than of all that has been done in the Indies.415-1 This is not a child to be left to the care of a stepmother.

With a month of good weather, I'll finish my journey. Since I didn't have enough ships, I didn't wait any longer to set sail; in everything related to your Highnesses' service, I trust in the one who created me, and I also hope my health will improve. I believe you will recall that I planned to build some ships in a new way, but there wasn't enough time to do that. I had certainly anticipated how things would turn out. I care more about this opportunity for trade and the control over such vast mines than about everything that has been done in the Independents.415-1 This is not something to be neglected like an orphan child.

I never think of Española, and Paria, and the other countries, without shedding tears. I thought that what had occurred there would have been an example for others; on the contrary, these settlements are now in a languid state, although not dead, and the malady is incurable, or at least very extensive. Let him who brought the evil come now and cure it, if he knows the remedy, or how to apply it; but when a disturbance is on foot, every one is ready to take the lead. It used to be the custom to give thanks and promotion to him who placed his person in jeopardy; but there is no justice in allowing the man who opposed this undertaking, to enjoy the fruits of it with his children. Those who left the Indies, avoiding the toils consequent upon the enterprise, and speaking evil of it and me, have since returned with official appointments,—such is the case now in Veragua: it is an evil example, and profitless both as regards the business in which we are embarked, and as respects the general maintenance of justice. The fear of this, with other sufficient considerations, which I clearly foresaw, caused me to beg your Highnesses, previously to my coming to discover these islands and mainland, to grant me permission to govern in your royal name. Your Highnesses granted my request; and it was a privilege and treaty granted under the royal seal and oath, by which I[416] was nominated viceroy, and admiral, and governor-general of all: and your Highnesses limited the extent of my government to a hundred leagues beyond the Azores and Cape Verde islands, by a line passing from one pole to the other, and gave me ample power over all that I might discover beyond this line; all which is more fully described in the official document.416-1

I can’t think about Española, Paria, and the other countries without getting emotional. I had hoped that what happened there would serve as a warning for others; instead, these colonies are now in a weak state, though not completely lifeless, and the problem seems incurable or at least widespread. Let the one who caused this issue come forward now and fix it, if he knows how or has the solution; yet, when trouble arises, everyone is eager to take charge. It used to be that those who risked their lives would be thanked and promoted; it’s unjust to let those who opposed this mission enjoy its benefits along with their families. Those who abandoned the Indies, avoiding the hardships that came with the venture and bad-mouthing it and me, have since returned with official positions—such is the situation now in Veragua: it sets a bad precedent and offers no benefit for the work we're doing, and it undermines the overall administration of justice. My concern about this, along with other valid points I clearly foresaw, led me to ask your Highnesses, before I came to explore these islands and mainland, to allow me to govern in your royal name. Your Highnesses granted my request; and it was a privilege and agreement authorized under the royal seal and oath, designating me as viceroy, admiral, and governor-general of everything: your Highnesses defined my authority to extend a hundred leagues beyond the Azores and Cape Verde islands, along a line from one pole to the other, and gave me broad authority over everything I might discover beyond this line; all of which is detailed further in the official document.416-1

But the most important affair of all, and that which cries most loudly for redress, remains inexplicable to this moment. For seven years was I at your royal court, where every one to whom the enterprise was mentioned treated it as ridiculous; but now there is not a man, down to the very tailors, who does not beg to be allowed to become a discoverer. There is reason to believe, that they make the voyage only for plunder, and that they are permitted to do so, to the great disparagement of my honor, and the detriment of the undertaking itself.416-2 It is right to give God His own,—and to Caesar416-3 that which belongs to him.416-4 This is a just sentiment, and proceeds from just feelings. The lands in this part of the world, which are now under your Highnesses’ sway, are richer and more extensive than those of any other Christian power, and yet, after that I had, by the Divine will, placed them under your high and royal sovereignty, and was on the point of bringing your majesties into the receipt of a very great and unexpected revenue; and while I was waiting for ships, to convey me in safety, and with a heart full of joy, to your royal presence, victoriously to announce the news of the gold that I had discovered, I was arrested and thrown, with my two brothers,[417] loaded with irons, into a ship, stripped, and very ill-treated, without being allowed any appeal to justice.417-1

But the most important issue of all, the one that demands urgent attention, still remains a mystery to this day. I spent seven years at your royal court, where everyone I mentioned this undertaking to dismissed it as ridiculous; yet now, even the tailors are eager to be called discoverers. There's reason to think they're taking the journey just for loot, and they're allowed to do so, which greatly tarnishes my honor and harms the mission itself. It’s only fair to give God what belongs to Him, and to Caesar what’s his. This is a righteous sentiment, stemming from just feelings. The lands in this part of the world, now under your Highnesses' control, are wealthier and more extensive than those of any other Christian nation. Yet, after I had, by Divine will, placed them under your high and royal authority, I was about to bring your Majesties a significant and unexpected revenue. While I was waiting for ships to safely bring me to your royal presence, brimming with joy to share the news of the gold I had discovered, I was arrested, thrown onto a ship with my two brothers, bound in chains, stripped, and mistreated, without any chance to seek justice.

Who could believe, that a poor foreigner would have risen against your Highnesses, in such a place, without any motive or argument on his side; without even the assistance of any other prince upon which to rely; but on the contrary, amongst your own vassals and natural subjects, and with my sons staying at your royal court? I was twenty-eight years old when I came into your Highnesses’ service,417-2 and now I have not a hair upon me that is not gray; my body is infirm, and all that was left to me, as well as to my brothers, has been taken away and sold, even to the frock that I wore, to my great dishonor. I cannot but believe that this was done without your royal permission. The restitution of my honor, the reparation of my losses, and the punishment of those who have inflicted them, will redound to the honor of your royal character; a similar punishment also is due to those who plundered me of my pearls, and who have brought a disparagement upon the privileges of my admiralty. Great and unexampled will be the glory and fame of your Highnesses, if you do this; and the memory of your Highnesses, as just and grateful sovereigns, will survive as a bright example to Spain in future ages. The honest devotedness I have always shown to your Majesties’ service, and the so unmerited outrage with which it has been repaid, will not allow my soul to keep silence, however much I may wish it: I implore your Highnesses to forgive my complaints. I am indeed in as ruined a condition as I have related; hitherto I have wept over others;—may Heaven now[418] have mercy upon me, and may the earth weep for me. With regard to temporal things, I have not even a blanca,418-1 for an offering; and in spiritual things, I have ceased here in the Indies from observing the prescribed forms of religion. Solitary in my trouble, sick, and in daily expectation of death, surrounded by a million of hostile savages full of cruelty, and thus separated from the blessed sacraments of our holy Church, how will my soul be forgotten if it be separated from the body in this foreign land? Weep for me, whoever has charity, truth, and justice! I did not come out on this voyage to gain to myself honor or wealth; this is a certain fact, for at that time all hope of such a thing was dead. I do not lie when I say, that I went to your Highnesses with honest purpose of heart, and sincere zeal in your cause. I humbly beseech your Highnesses, that if it please God to rescue me from this place, you will graciously sanction my pilgrimage to Rome and other holy places. May the Holy Trinity protect your Highnesses’ lives, and add to the prosperity of your exalted position.

Who could believe that a poor foreigner would rise up against your Highnesses in such a place, without any motivation or argument on his side; without even the support of another prince to rely on; but instead, among your own subjects and with my sons staying at your royal court? I was twenty-eight when I started serving your Highnesses, and now I have not a single hair that isn’t gray; my body is weak, and everything I had, along with what my brothers had, has been taken and sold, even the clothes I wore, which brings me great shame. I must believe this happened without your royal permission. Restoring my honor, compensating for my losses, and punishing those responsible would enhance your royal reputation; similar punishment is deserved for those who stole my pearls and tarnished the privileges of my admiralty. Your Highnesses would gain great and unparalleled glory if you do this; your memory as just and grateful sovereigns will serve as a shining example for Spain in the future. The honest dedication I have always shown to your Majesties' service, and the undeserved mistreatment I’ve received, will not let my soul remain silent, no matter how much I might want to: I beg for your Highnesses’ forgiveness for my complaints. I truly am as ruined as I have described; until now I have wept for others; may Heaven have mercy on me now, and may the earth weep for me. As for material things, I have not even a penny to give; and in spiritual matters, I have stopped following the prescribed forms of religion here in the Indies. Alone in my troubles, sick, and expecting death daily, surrounded by a million cruel savages, and separated from the blessed sacraments of our holy Church, how will my soul be remembered if it leaves the body in this foreign land? Cry for me, anyone who holds charity, truth, and justice! I did not set out on this journey seeking honor or wealth; that’s a fact, as at that time all hope for such things was gone. I’m not lying when I say I approached your Highnesses with honest intentions and genuine zeal for your cause. I humbly request that if it pleases God to rescue me from this place, you will kindly allow me to make a pilgrimage to Rome and other holy sites. May the Holy Trinity protect your Highnesses' lives and enhance your esteemed position.

Done in the Indies, in the island of Jamaica, on the seventh of July, in the year one thousand five hundred and three.

Done in the Indies, on the island of Jamaica, on July 7, in the year 1503.

389-1 The punctuation of this first paragraph has been changed in the light of the contemporary Italian translation known as the Lettera Rarissima, which is given in facsimile and English translation in Thacher’s Christopher Columbus, II. 671 et seqq.

389-1 The punctuation of this first paragraph has been updated based on the modern Italian translation called the Lettera Rarissima, which is presented in facsimile and English translation in Thacher’s Christopher Columbus, II. 671 et seqq.

389-2 June 29. Las Casas, III. 29.

389-2 June 29. Las Casas, III. 29.

390-1 By the letter of the King and Queen, March 14, 1502, Columbus had been forbidden to call at Española on the outward voyage. Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, III. 26.

390-1 According to the letter from the King and Queen, dated March 14, 1502, Columbus was prohibited from stopping at Española on his way there. Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, III. 26.

390-2 The new governor, Ovando, who had been sent out to supersede Bobadilla, had reached Santo Domingo in April of this year, 1502.

390-2 The new governor, Ovando, who was brought in to replace Bobadilla, arrived in Santo Domingo in April of 1502.

390-3 Columbus was accompanied by his younger son Ferdinand and his elder brother Bartholomew. Las Casas, III. 25.

390-3 Columbus was joined by his younger son Ferdinand and his older brother Bartholomew. Las Casas, III. 25.

390-4 The translation here follows Lollis’s emendation of the text which changed the printed text, “habia, echado á la mar, por escapar, fasta la isola la Gallega; perdio la barca,” etc., to “habia echado á la mar, por escapar fasta la isla; la Gallega perdio la barca.” One of the ships was named La Gallega, and there is no island of that name in that region.

390-4 The translation here follows Lollis’s revision of the text which changed the printed text, “habia, echado á la mar, por escapar, fasta la isola la Gallega; perdio la barca,” etc., to “habia echado á la mar, por escapar fasta la isla; la Gallega perdio la barca.” One of the ships was named La Gallega, and there is no island of that name in that region.

391-1 Columbus set forth from the harbor of Santo Domingo in the storm, Friday, July 1. The ships found refuge in the harbor of Azua on the following Sunday, July 3. (Ferdinand Columbus in the Historie, ed. 1867, pp. 286-287.) Azua is about 50 miles west of Santo Domingo in a straight line, but much farther by water. After a rest and repairs the Admiral sailed to Yaquimo, the present Jacmel in the territory of Hayti, into which port he went to escape another storm. He left Yaquimo, July 14. (Las Casas, III. 108; Ferdinand Columbus, Historie, p. 289.) He then passed south of Jamaica, and was carried by the currents northwest till he reached the Queen’s Garden, a group of many small islands south of Cuba and east of the Isle of Pines, so named by him in 1494 on his exploration of the coast of Cuba.

391-1 Columbus left the harbor of Santo Domingo during the storm on Friday, July 1. The ships took shelter in the harbor of Azua the following Sunday, July 3. (Ferdinand Columbus in the Historie, ed. 1867, pp. 286-287.) Azua is about 50 miles west of Santo Domingo in a straight line, but much farther by water. After resting and making repairs, the Admiral sailed to Yaquimo, now known as Jacmel in Haiti, entering the port to avoid another storm. He left Yaquimo on July 14. (Las Casas, III. 108; Ferdinand Columbus, Historie, p. 289.) He then traveled south of Jamaica and was carried by the currents northwest until he reached the Queen’s Garden, a group of small islands south of Cuba and east of the Isle of Pines, which he named during his exploration of the Cuban coast in 1494.

391-2 From the Queen’s Garden he sailed south July 27 (the Porras narrative of this voyage, Navarrete, II. 283; in English in Thacher, Columbus, II. 640 et seqq.), and after a passage of ninety leagues sighted an island Saturday, July 30. (Porras in Thacher, II. 643.) This was the island of Guanaja about twelve leagues north of Trujillo, Honduras. (Las Casas, III. 109.) Here a landing was made and a canoe was encountered which was covered with an awning and contained Indians well clothed and a load of merchandise. Notwithstanding these indications of a more advanced culture than had hitherto been found, the Admiral decided not to explore the country of these Indians, which would have led him into Yucatan and possibly Mexico, but to search for the strait which he supposed separated Asia from the continental mass he had discovered on his third voyage (Paria, South America). He struck the mainland near Trujillo, naming the point Caxinas. At or near this place they landed Sunday, August 14, to say mass. (Las Casas, III. 112; Ferdinand Columbus, Historie, p. 295.) From this point he coasted very slowly, sailing in sight of land by day and anchoring at night, distressed by storms and headwinds, some days losing as much ground as could be gained in two, till September 12, when he reached Cape Gracias á Dios. (Las Casas, III. 113; Historie, p. 297; Porras narrative in Thacher, Columbus, II. 644.) It will be seen from this collation of the sources that the statements in our text are far from exact, that they are in fact a very general and greatly exaggerated recollection of a most trying experience. It will be remembered that Ferdinand was on this voyage, but his narrative says nothing of any storm between July 14 when he left the Queen’s Gardens and the arrival at Guanaja, a passage which Porras says took three days. This passage, however, Las Casas describes apparently on the basis of this letter as having taken sixty days (Historia, III. 108). Next the text of the Historie presents a difficulty, for it places the tedious stormy voyage of sixty leagues and seventy days between Caxinas (Trujillo) and Cape Gracias á Dios (Historie, p. 296), although in another place it gives the beginning of this coasting as after August 14 and the date of arrival at the Cape as September 12. This last chronological difficulty may perhaps be accounted for in this way: The original manuscript of the Historie may have had “XXX dias,” which a copyist or the Italian translator may have taken for “LXX dias.”

391-2 From the Queen’s Garden, he set sail south on July 27 (the Porras account of this voyage, Navarrete, II. 283; in English in Thacher, Columbus, II. 640 et seqq.), and after covering ninety leagues, he spotted an island on Saturday, July 30. (Porras in Thacher, II. 643.) This was Guanaja, about twelve leagues north of Trujillo, Honduras. (Las Casas, III. 109.) Here, he landed and encountered a canoe with an awning that contained well-dressed Indians and a load of goods. Despite these signs of a more advanced culture than what he had previously found, the Admiral chose not to explore the land of these Indians, which would have taken him into Yucatan and possibly Mexico, but instead decided to look for the strait he thought separated Asia from the continental mass he had discovered on his third voyage (Paria, South America). He reached the mainland near Trujillo, naming the point Caxinas. Around this location, they landed on Sunday, August 14, to hold mass. (Las Casas, III. 112; Ferdinand Columbus, Historie, p. 295.) From this point, he coasted very slowly, sailing in sight of land during the day and anchoring at night, troubled by storms and headwinds, often losing as much ground in some days as could be gained in two, until September 12, when he arrived at Cape Gracias á Dios. (Las Casas, III. 113; Historie, p. 297; Porras account in Thacher, Columbus, II. 644.) It can be seen from this comparison of sources that the statements in our text are far from accurate, and are in fact a broad and greatly exaggerated recollection of a very challenging experience. It should be noted that Ferdinand was on this voyage, but his account mentions nothing about any storm between July 14, when he departed from the Queen’s Gardens, and the arrival at Guanaja, a journey that Porras states took three days. However, Las Casas describes this journey as having taken sixty days (Historia, III. 108). Additionally, the text of the Historie presents a problem, as it places the exhausting stormy journey of sixty leagues and seventy days between Caxinas (Trujillo) and Cape Gracias á Dios (Historie, p. 296), even though in another section it suggests that this coasting began after August 14 and that the arrival at the Cape was on September 12. This last chronological issue might be explained this way: The original manuscript of the Historie may have said “XXX dias,” which a copyist or the Italian translator mistakenly took for “LXX dias.”

392-1 A review of the chronology of the voyage in the preceding note will show that no such storm of eighty-eight days’ duration could have occurred in the first part of this voyage. Columbus was only seventy-four days in going from Santo Domingo to Cabo Gracias á Dios. Either the text is wrong or his memory was at fault. The most probable conclusion is that in copying either LXXXVIII got substituted for XXVIII or Ochenta y ocho for Veinte y ocho. In that case we should have almost exactly the time spent in going from Trujillo to Cape Gracias á Dios, August 14 to September 12, and exact agreement between our text, the Historie, and the Porras narrative.

392-1 A look at the timeline of the voyage in the previous note will indicate that no storm lasting eighty-eight days could have happened during the early part of this journey. Columbus took only seventy-four days to travel from Santo Domingo to Cabo Gracias á Dios. Either the text is incorrect or his memory was faulty. The most likely explanation is that while copying, LXXXVIII was mistakenly written instead of XXVIII or Ochenta y ocho instead of Veinte y ocho. If that's the case, we would have nearly the exact duration for the trip from Trujillo to Cape Gracias á Dios, from August 14 to September 12, with clear alignment between our text, the Historie, and the Porras narrative.

393-1 Twenty years, speaking approximately. This letter was written in 1503, and Columbus entered the service of Spain in 1485.

393-1 About twenty years. This letter was written in 1503, and Columbus started working for Spain in 1485.

393-2 Diego was the heir of his father’s titles. He was appointed governor of the Indies in 1508, but a prolonged lawsuit was necessary to establish his claims to inherit his father’s rights.

393-2 Diego was his father's heir. He was appointed governor of the Indies in 1508, but it took a long legal battle to secure his rights to inherit his father's titles.

393-3 Their course was down the Mosquito coast. Cariay was near the mouth of the San Juan River of Nicaragua. Las Casas gives the date of the arrival at Cariarí, as he gives the name, as September 17 (III. 114). The Historie gives the date as September 5 and the name as Cariai (p. 297).

393-3 They were traveling along the Mosquito coast. Cariay was close to the mouth of the San Juan River in Nicaragua. Las Casas recorded the arrival date at Cariarí as September 17 (III. 114). The Historie lists the date as September 5 and the name as Cariai (p. 297).

393-4 Peter Martyr, De Rebus Oceanicis (ed. 1574), p. 239, says that Columbus called Ciamba the region which the inhabitants called Quiriquetana, a name which it would seem still survives in Chiriqui Lagoon just east of Almirante Bay. The name “Ciamba” appears on Martin Behaim’s globe, 1492, as a province corresponding to Cochin-China. It is described in Marco Polo under the name “Chamba”; see Yule’s Marco Polo, II. 248-252 (bk. III., ch. V.).

393-4 Peter Martyr, De Rebus Oceanicis (ed. 1574), p. 239, states that Columbus referred to Ciamba as the area the locals called Quiriquetana, a name that seems to still exist in Chiriqui Lagoon just east of Almirante Bay. The name “Ciamba” is shown on Martin Behaim’s globe from 1492 as a province that matches Cochin-China. It is mentioned in Marco Polo's writings under the name “Chamba”; see Yule’s Marco Polo, II. 248-252 (bk. III., ch. V.).

393-5 Carambaru is the present Almirante Bay, about on the border between Costa Rica and Panama. Las Casas describes the bay as six leagues long and over three broad with many islands and coves. He gives the name as Caravaró (III. 118). Ferdinand Columbus’s account is practically identical.

393-5 Carambaru is now known as Almirante Bay, located near the border between Costa Rica and Panama. Las Casas describes the bay as being six leagues long and more than three leagues wide, featuring many islands and coves. He refers to it as Caravaró (III. 118). Ferdinand Columbus’s account is almost the same.

394-1 Veragua in this letter includes practically all of the present republic of Panama. The western quarter of it was granted to Luis Colon, the Admiral’s grandson, in 1537, as a dukedom in partial compensation for his renouncing his hereditary rights. Hence the title Dukes of Veragua borne by the Admiral’s descendants. The name still survives in geography in that of the little island Escudo de Veragua, which lies off the northern coast.

394-1 Veragua in this letter basically includes almost all of what is now the Republic of Panama. The western part was given to Luis Colon, the Admiral’s grandson, in 1537 as a dukedom, partially in exchange for him giving up his hereditary rights. This is how the title Dukes of Veragua was passed down to the Admiral’s descendants. The name still exists in geography, reflected in the small island Escudo de Veragua, located off the northern coast.

394-2 The eve or vigil of St. Simon and St. Jude is October 27. According to the narrative in the Historie, on October 7, they went ashore at the channel of Cerabora (Carambaru). A few days later they went on to Aburema. October 17 they left Aburema and went twelve leagues to Guaigo, where they landed. Thence they went to Cateva (Catiba, Las Casas) and cast anchor in a large river (the Chagres). Thence easterly to Cobrava; thence to five towns, among which was Beragua (Veragua); the next day to Cubiga. The distance from Cerabora to Cubiga was fifty leagues. Without landing, the Admiral went on to Belporto (Puerto Bello), which he so named. (“Puerto Bello, which was a matter of six leagues from what we now call El Nombre de Dios.” Las Casas, III. 121.) He arrived at Puerto Bello November 2, and remained there seven days on account of the rains and bad weather. (Historie, pp. 302-306.) Apparently Columbus put this period of bad weather a few days too early in his recollection of it.

394-2 The evening or vigil of St. Simon and St. Jude is October 27. According to the account in the Historie, on October 7, they landed at the channel of Cerabora (Carambaru). A few days later, they continued on to Aburema. On October 17, they left Aburema and traveled twelve leagues to Guaigo, where they disembarked. From there, they proceeded to Cateva (Catiba, Las Casas) and anchored in a large river (the Chagres). Then they traveled east to Cobrava; from there to five towns, including Beragua (Veragua); and the following day to Cubiga. The distance from Cerabora to Cubiga was fifty leagues. Without stopping, the Admiral went on to Belporto (Puerto Bello), which he named. (“Puerto Bello, which was about six leagues from what we now call El Nombre de Dios.” Las Casas, III. 121.) He arrived at Puerto Bello on November 2 and stayed there for seven days due to the rain and bad weather. (Historie, pp. 302-306.) It seems Columbus recalled this period of bad weather a few days too early.

394-3 Ciguare. An outlying province of the Mayas lying on the Pacific side of southern Costa Rica. Peter Martyr, De Rebus Oceanicis, p. 240, says, “In this great tract (i.e., where the Admiral was) are two districts, the near one called Taia, and the further one Maia.”

394-3 Ciguare. A remote region of the Mayas located on the Pacific coast of southern Costa Rica. Peter Martyr, De Rebus Oceanicis, p. 240, states, “In this large area (i.e., where the Admiral was) there are two districts, the closer one called Taia, and the more distant one Maia.”

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

395-2 Probably casas, houses, should be the reading here. In the corresponding passage of the contemporary Italian version the word is “houses.” This information, mixed as it is with Columbus’s misinterpretations of the Indian signs and distorted by his preconceptions, was first made public in the Italian translation of this letter in 1505 and then gave Europe its first intimations of the culture of the Mayas.

395-2 It’s likely that casas, meaning houses, is what should be read here. In the corresponding part of the modern Italian version, the word is “houses.” This information, combined with Columbus’s misunderstandings of the Indian signs and influenced by his biases, was first revealed in the Italian translation of this letter in 1505 and subsequently provided Europe with its first insights into the culture of the Mayas.

395-3 I.e., in being on either side of a peninsula, Tortosa and Fontarabia being on opposite sides of the narrowest part of the Spanish peninsula.

395-3 That is, located on either side of a peninsula, with Tortosa and Fontarabia on opposite sides of the narrowest section of the Spanish peninsula.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

396-1 The Spanish reads, “Lo que yo sé es que el año de noventa y cuatro en veinte y cuatros grados al Poniente en termino de nueve horas.” The translation in the text and that in Thacher (II. 687) of the Italian makes nonsense. The translation should be “what I know is that in the year ’94 (1494) I sailed westward on the 24th parallel (lit. on 24 degrees) a total of nine hours (lit. to a limit of nine hours).” That is, he reckoned that he had gone 9/24 round the world on the 24th parallel, and he knew it because there was an eclipse by which he found out the difference in time between Europe and where he was. The “termino” of nine hours refers to the western limit of his exploration of the southern coast of Cuba when he concluded it was a projection of the mainland of Asia. After reaching the conclusion that this is the correct interpretation of this passage, I discovered that it had been given by Humboldt in his Kritische Untersuchungen über die historische Entwickelung der geographischen Kenntnisse von der Neuen Welt, I. 553, and by Peschel in his Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 97, note 2. It may be objected to this explanation that in reality Columbus had only gone about 75 degrees west of Cape St. Vincent in Portugal. The accurate calculation of longitude at that time, however, was impossible, and as will be seen in the following note Columbus’s calculation was biassed by powerful preconceptions.

396-1 The Spanish says, “What I know is that in the year ’94 at twenty-four degrees west for a total of nine hours.” The translations found in the text and in Thacher (II. 687) for the Italian make no sense. The correct translation should be “what I know is that in the year ’94 (1494) I sailed westward along the 24th parallel (literally, at 24 degrees) for a total of nine hours (literally, to a limit of nine hours).” This means he calculated that he had traveled about 9/24 of the way around the world at the 24th parallel, and he figured this out because there was an eclipse that helped him determine the time difference between Europe and his location. The “limit” of nine hours refers to the farthest west he explored along the southern coast of Cuba, where he concluded it was an extension of the Asian mainland. After reaching the conclusion that this is the correct interpretation of this passage, I found out that it had already been presented by Humboldt in his Kritische Untersuchungen über die historische Entwicklung der geographischen Kenntnisse von der Neuen Welt, I. 553, and by Peschel in his Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 97, note 2. One might argue against this explanation by noting that Columbus actually only traveled about 75 degrees west of Cape St. Vincent in Portugal. However, accurately calculating longitude at that time was impossible, and as will be shown in the following note, Columbus’s calculations were influenced by strong preconceived notions.

396-2 In his Libro de Profecias Columbus recorded the data of this eclipse which took place February 29, 1494, from which he drew the conclusion, “The difference between the middle of the island Jamaica in the Indies and the island of Cadiz in Spain is seven hours and fifteen minutes.” Navarrete, Viages, II. 272.

396-2 In his Book of Prophecies, Columbus documented the details of an eclipse that happened on February 29, 1494, from which he concluded, “The time difference between the center of Jamaica in the Indies and the island of Cadiz in Spain is seven hours and fifteen minutes.” Navarrete, Voyages, II. 272.

396-3 Reading remendiado or remendado instead of remedado.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Reading remendiado or remendado instead of remedado.

396-4 Catigara was in China on the east side of the Gulf of Tonquin.

396-4 Catigara was located in China on the eastern side of the Gulf of Tonkin.

396-5 Marinus of Tyre divided the earth into 24 meridians, 15 degrees or one hour apart. His first meridian passed the Fortunate Isles, which he supposed to be 2 1/2 degrees west of Cape St. Vincent, and his fifteenth through Catigara, southeastern China. The inhabited world embraced fifteen of these lines, 225 degrees, and the unknown portion east of India and west of Spain, nine lines, or hours, or 135 degrees. Cf. Vignaud, Toscanelli and Columbus, p. 74; Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, II. 519 et seqq. Columbus, therefore, according to his calculations, had in 1494 completely covered this unknown section and reached India (or China), and so had demonstrated the correctness of Marinus’s views. In reality his strong preconceptions as to where he was distorted his calculations of the longitude. Ptolemy corrected Marinus’s estimate of 225 degrees from Cape St. Vincent to Sera in China, and, as noted in Columbus’s letter, placed Catigara in China (on the east side of the Gulf of Tonquin) at twelve lines or 180 degrees west of his meridian (2 1/2 degrees west of Cape St. Vincent). If Ptolemy was right, Columbus had not reached India (or more exactly China) or come, on his own calculation, within 45 degrees or 2700 geographical miles of it measured on the equator. The outline reproduction of the map of Bartholomew Columbus made after his return from this voyage given in Channing’s Student’s History of the United States, p. 27 (photographic reproduction in Bourne, Spain in America, p. 96) illustrates the Admiral’s ideas and conclusions. This region (i.e., Costa Rica and Panama) is a southern extension of Cochin-China and Cambodia and is connected with Mondo Novo, i.e., South America.

396-5 Marinus of Tyre divided the world into 24 meridians, each 15 degrees or one hour apart. His first meridian passed the Fortunate Isles, which he thought were 21/2 degrees west of Cape St. Vincent, and his fifteenth one went through Catigara in southeastern China. The inhabited world included fifteen of these lines, which add up to 225 degrees, while the unknown area east of India and west of Spain covered nine lines, or hours, totaling 135 degrees. Cf. Vignaud, Toscanelli and Columbus, p. 74; Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, II. 519 et seqq. So, according to his calculations, Columbus had fully explored this unknown section by 1494 and reached India (or China), demonstrating that Marinus’s views were correct. In reality, his strong beliefs about his location distorted his longitude calculations. Ptolemy revised Marinus’s estimate of 225 degrees from Cape St. Vincent to Sera in China and, as mentioned in Columbus’s letter, placed Catigara in China (on the east side of the Gulf of Tonquin) at twelve lines or 180 degrees west of his meridian (21/2 degrees west of Cape St. Vincent). If Ptolemy was right, Columbus had not reached India (or more accurately, China) nor, by his own estimates, gotten within 45 degrees or 2700 geographical miles of it along the equator. The outline map made by Bartholomew Columbus after returning from this voyage, shown in Channing’s Student’s History of the United States, p. 27 (photographic reproduction in Bourne, Spain in America, p. 96), illustrates the Admiral’s ideas and conclusions. This area (i.e., Costa Rica and Panama) is a southern extension of Cochin-China and Cambodia and is connected with Mondo Novo, i.e., South America.

397-1 The translation here adopts the emended text of Lollis, substituting “ali[e]nde” for “al Indo” in the sentence “Marino en Ethiopía escribe al Indo la línea equinoçial.” Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., tomo II., p. 184. The translation of the unamended text as printed by Major was “the same author describes the Indus in Ethiopia as being more than four and twenty degrees from the equinoctial line.” Apparently the 24 should be 44. With these changes the statements in the text agree with Columbus’s marginalia to the Imago Mundi, where he notes that the Cape of Good Hope is Agesinba and that Bartholomew Diaz found it to be 45 degrees south of the equator. “This,” he goes on, “agrees with the dictum of Marinus, whom Ptolemy corrects, in regard to the expedition to the Garamantes, who said it traversed 27,500 stadia beyond the equinoctial.” Raccolta Colombiana, parte II., tomo II., p. 377. On Marinus’s exaggerated estimate of the distance covered by the Romans in tropical Africa, see Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, II. 524.

397-1 The translation here uses the updated text of Lollis, swapping “ali[e]nde” for “al Indo” in the sentence “Marino en Ethiopia escribe al Indo la línea equinoçial.” Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., tomo II., p. 184. The translation of the unedited text as stated by Major was “the same author describes the Indus in Ethiopia as being more than four and twenty degrees from the equinoctial line.” Apparently, the 24 should be 44. With these adjustments, the statements in the text align with Columbus’s notes in the Imago Mundi, where he remarks that the Cape of Good Hope is Agesinba and that Bartholomew Diaz found it to be 45 degrees south of the equator. “This,” he continues, “agrees with the statement of Marinus, whom Ptolemy corrects, regarding the expedition to the Garamantes, who claimed it traveled 27,500 stadia beyond the equinoctial.” Raccolta Colombiana, parte II., tomo II., p. 377. For Marinus’s exaggerated estimation of the distance traveled by the Romans in tropical Africa, see Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, II. 524.

397-2 This is unintelligible. The Spanish is, “Tolomeo diz que la tierra mas austral es el plazo primero.” The meaning of plazo is not “boundary” but “term” (allotted time). The reading should be: “la tierra mas austral es el praso promontorio,” and the translation should be, “Ptolemy says that the most southern land is the promontory of Prasum,” etc. Prasum promontorium was Ptolemy’s southern limit of the world. He placed it at about 16 degrees south latitude. See Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, II. 572, and Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, art. “Prasum Promontorium”; also Ptolemy’s Geography, bk. IV., ch. IX., the descriptive matter relating to Map 4 on Africa.

397-2 This is unclear. The Spanish says, “Tolomeo diz que la tierra mas austral es el plazo primero.” The meaning of plazo is not “boundary” but “term” (allotted time). The correct reading should be: “la tierra mas austral es el praso promontorio,” and the translation should be, “Ptolemy says that the most southern land is the promontory of Prasum,” etc. Prasum promontorium was Ptolemy’s southern limit of the world. He placed it at about 16 degrees south latitude. See Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, II. 572, and Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, art. “Prasum Promontorium”; also Ptolemy’s Geography, bk. IV., ch. IX., the descriptive matter relating to Map 4 on Africa.

398-1 II. Esdras, VI. 42, see p. 358, note 1.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ II. Esdras, VI. 42, see __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

398-2 See the Letter of Columbus on his Third Voyage. Major, Select Letters of Columbus, p. 141.

398-2 Check out Columbus's letter from his third voyage. Major, Select Letters of Columbus, p. 141.

398-3 Ptolemy reckoned the length of the degree on the equator at 62 1/2 miles. The shorter measurement of 56 2/3 was the estimate adopted by the Arab astronomer Alfragan in the ninth century and known to Columbus through Cardinal d’Ailly’s Imago Mundi, the source of much if not most of his information on the geographical knowledge and opinions of former times. Cardinal d’Ailly’s source of information about Alfragan was Roger Bacon’s Opus Majus. Columbus was deeply impressed with Alfragan’s estimate of the length of the degree and annotated the passages in the Imago Mundi. Cf. Raccolta Colombiana, Parte I., tomo II., pp. 378, 407, and frequently. See this whole question in Vignaud, Toscanelli and Columbus, p. 79 et seqq.

398-3 Ptolemy calculated the length of a degree along the equator to be 62 1/2 miles. The shorter measurement of 56 2/3 was the estimate used by the Arab astronomer Alfragan in the ninth century, which Columbus learned about from Cardinal d’Ailly’s Imago Mundi, a key source of his information on the geographical knowledge and viewpoints of earlier times. Cardinal d’Ailly’s information on Alfragan came from Roger Bacon’s Opus Majus. Columbus was greatly influenced by Alfragan’s estimate of the degree's length and made notes on the relevant sections in the Imago Mundi. Cf. Raccolta Colombiana, Parte I., tomo II., pp. 378, 407, and frequently. See this entire issue discussed in Vignaud, Toscanelli and Columbus, p. 79 et seqq.

398-4 In Puerto Bello. See p. 394, note 2. Porto Bello, to use the Anglicized form, became the great shipping port on the north side of the isthmus for the trade with Peru. Cf. Bourne, Spain in America, p. 292.

398-4 In Puerto Bello. See p. 394, note 2. Porto Bello, as it's commonly known in English, became the main shipping port on the north side of the isthmus for trade with Peru. See Bourne, Spain in America, p. 292.

399-1 Columbus left Porto Bello November 9 and went eight leagues, but the next day he turned back four and took refuge at what is now Nombre de Dios. From the abundance of maize fields he named it Port of Provisions (Puerto de Bastimentos). Historie, p. 306.

399-1 Columbus left Porto Bello on November 9 and traveled eight leagues, but the next day he turned back four and found shelter at what is now Nombre de Dios. Due to the abundance of cornfields, he named it Port of Provisions (Puerto de Bastimentos). Historie, p. 306.

399-2 Me reposó atrás il viento, etc. For reposó the text apparently should be either repuso, “put back,” or rempujó, “drove back,” and the translation is based on this supposition.

399-2 The wind pushed me back, etc. For reposó the text should probably be either repuso, “put back,” or rempujó, “drove back,” and the translation is based on this assumption.

399-3 They remained at Bastimentos till November 23, when they went on to Guiga, but did not tarry but pushed on to a little harbor (November 26), which the Admiral called Retrete (Closet) because it was so small that it could hold only five or six vessels and the entrance was only fifteen or twenty paces wide. Historie, p. 306.

399-3 They stayed at Bastimentos until November 23, when they moved on to Guiga, but didn't linger and continued to a small harbor (November 26), which the Admiral named Retrete (Closet) because it was so tiny that it could fit only five or six ships and the entrance was just fifteen or twenty steps wide. Historie, p. 306.

399-4 That is, Columbus turns back to explore the mines on account of the violence of the east and northeast winds. This was December 5. Historie, p. 309.

399-4 In other words, Columbus returns to explore the mines due to the strong east and northeast winds. This was December 5. Historie, p. 309.

400-1 Not mentioned in the Historie by name. It was the place where they stayed from December 26 to January 3 to repair the ship Gallega as appears in the Probanzas del Almirante. Navarrete, Viages, III. 600. It was between Rio de los Lagartos and Puerto Bello. Lollis, Raccolta Colombiana, Parte I., tomo II., p. 187.

400-1 Not specifically named in the Historie. It was the location where they spent time from December 26 to January 3 to fix the ship Gallega as noted in the Probanzas del Almirante. Navarrete, Viages, III. 600. It was situated between Rio de los Lagartos and Puerto Bello. Lollis, Raccolta Colombiana, Parte I., tomo II., p. 187.

400-2 Adopting de Lollis’s text and punctuation.

400-2 Using de Lollis's text and punctuation.

400-3 La oposicion de Saturno con Marte tan desvaratado en costa brava, adopting de Lollis’s text following the suggestion of the contemporary Italian translation. According to the doctrines of astrology the influence of Saturn was malign. “When Saturn is in the first degree of Aries, and any other Planet in the first degree of Libra, they being now an hundred and eighty degrees each from other, are said to be in Opposition: A bad Aspect.” William Lilly, Christian Astrology (London, 1647), p. 27.

400-3 The opposition of Saturn with Mars is so disrupted in Costa Brava, adopting de Lollis’s text based on the suggestion of the contemporary Italian translation. According to astrology, Saturn's influence is negative. “When Saturn is in the first degree of Aries, and any other planet is in the first degree of Libra, they are said to be in Opposition: a negative Aspect.” William Lilly, Christian Astrology (London, 1647), p. 27.

400-4 Epiphany, January 6. It will be remembered that Columbus had passed Veragua the previous October when working eastward. See p. 394, note 2. He now found he could enter the river of Veragua, but found another near by called by the Indians Yebra, but which Columbus named Belem in memory of the coming of the three kings (the wise men of the East) to Bethlehem. (Las Casas, III. 128; Porras in Thacher, II. 645.) The name is still preserved attached to the river.

400-4 Epiphany, January 6. It’s important to note that Columbus had passed Veragua the previous October while heading east. See p. 394, note 2. He now discovered he could enter the river of Veragua, but he also found another nearby river called Yebra by the locals, which Columbus named Belem to commemorate the arrival of the three kings (the wise men from the East) to Bethlehem. (Las Casas, III. 128; Porras in Thacher, II. 645.) The name is still associated with the river.

401-1 Proeses. In nautical Spanish prois or proiza is a breastfast or headfast, that is a large cable for fastening a ship to a wharf or another ship. In Portuguese proiz is a stone or tree on shore to which the hawsers are fastened. Major interpreted it in this sense, translating the words las amarras y proeses, “the cables and the supports to which they were fastened.” The interpretation given first seems to me the correct one, especially as Ferdinand says that the flood came so suddenly that they could not get the cables on land. Historie, p. 315.

401-1 Proeses. In nautical Spanish, prois or proiza refers to a breastfast or headfast, which is a large cable used to secure a ship to a dock or another vessel. In Portuguese, proiz means a stone or tree onshore to which the mooring lines are tied. Major interpreted it this way, translating the phrase las amarras y proeses to mean “the cables and the supports to which they were secured.” I believe this interpretation is correct, especially since Ferdinand mentions that the flood arrived so quickly that they couldn’t get the cables on land. Historie, p. 315.

402-1 Quibian is a title, as indicated a few lines further on, and not a proper name as Major, Irving, Markham, and others following Las Casas have taken it to be. The Spanish is uniformly “El Quibian.” Peter Martyr says: “They call a kinglet (regulus) Cacicus, as we have said elsewhere, in other places Quebi, in some places also Tiba. A chief, in some places Sacchus, in others Jurá.” De Rebus Oceanicis, p. 241.

402-1 Quibian is a title, as mentioned a few lines later, not a proper name as Major, Irving, Markham, and others following Las Casas have mistakenly interpreted. The Spanish phrase is consistently “El Quibian.” Peter Martyr states: “They refer to a kinglet (regulus) as Cacicus, as we have mentioned before; in other areas, it’s Quebi, and in some places, it’s Tiba. A chief is called Sacchus in certain regions, and Jurá in others.” De Rebus Oceanicis, p. 241.

402-2Una mozada de oro.Mozada is not given in any of the Spanish dictionaries I have consulted. The Academy dictionary gives mojoda as a square measure, deriving it from the low Latin modiata from modius. Perhaps one should read mojada instead of mozada and give it a meaning similar to that of modius or about a peck. Major’s translation follows the explanation of De Verneuil, who says: “Mozada signifie la mesure que peut porter un jeune garçon.”

402-2Una mozada de oro.” The term mozada isn't found in any of the Spanish dictionaries I've checked. The Academy dictionary lists mojoda as a unit of measurement, deriving it from the low Latin modiata based on modius. Perhaps mojada is what was intended, which would relate to modius or around a peck. Major's translation aligns with De Verneuil's explanation, who states: “Mozada signifie la mesure que peut porter un jeune garçon.”

403-1 The mouth of the river was closed by sand thrown up by the violent storms outside. Historie, p. 321.

403-1 The river's mouth was blocked by sand piled up from the fierce storms outside. Historie, p. 321.

403-2 The teredo.

The teredo.

403-3 During the weeks that he was shut in the River Belem Columbus had his brother explore the country. The prospects for a successful colony led him to build a small settlement and to plan to return to Spain for re-enforcements and supplies. The story is told in detail in the Historie and by Irving, Columbus, II. 425-450, and more briefly by Markham, Columbus, pp. 259-207. This was the first settlement projected on the American Continent. The hostility of the Indians culminating in this attack rendered the execution of the project impracticable. In the manuscript copy of Las Casas’s Historia de las Indias Las Casas noted on the margin of the passage containing the account of this incident, “This was the first settlement that the Spaniards made on the mainland, although in a short time it came to naught.” See Thacher, Columbus, II. 608.

403-3 During the weeks he was stuck in the River Belem, Columbus had his brother explore the area. The potential for a successful colony encouraged him to build a small settlement and plan a return trip to Spain for reinforcements and supplies. The details of this are found in the Historie and by Irving, Columbus, II. 425-450, and more briefly by Markham, Columbus, pp. 259-207. This was the first settlement proposed on the American continent. The hostility of the Indians, which culminated in this attack, made the project impossible to carry out. In the manuscript copy of Las Casas’s Historia de las Indias, Las Casas noted in the margin of the passage that recounts this incident, “This was the first settlement that the Spaniards made on the mainland, although it soon came to nothing.” See Thacher, Columbus, II. 608.

404-1 De Lollis points out that these striking words are a paraphrase of the famous lines in Seneca’s Medea, Chorus, Act II.:—

404-1 De Lollis notes that these impactful words are a restatement of the well-known lines in Seneca’s Medea, Chorus, Act II.:—

In future years Ocean's chains of things Laxet, let a huge land appear,
Tethys will uncover new worlds No more lands beyond Thule.

Columbus copied these verses into his Libro de las Profecias and translated them. Navarrete, Viages, II. 272.

Columbus copied these verses into his Libro de las Profecias and translated them. Navarrete, Viages, II. 272.

404-2 Accepting de Lollis’s emended text.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Accepting de Lollis's updated text.

405-1 “Quando se aia de proveer de socorro, se proveera de todo.”

405-1 “When you're going to provide assistance, make sure you provide everything.”

405-2 April 16, 1503.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ April 16, 1503.

405-3 Cuba. According to Ferdinand Columbus the course was as follows: The Admiral followed the coast of the isthmus eastward beyond El Retrete to a place he named Marmoro (near Punto de Mosquitos) somewhat west of the entrance to the Gulf of Darien; then May 1 in response to the urgency of the pilots he turned north. May 10 they sighted two little islands, Caymanos Chicos, and the 12th they reached the Queen’s Garden just south of Cuba (see p. 301, note 1). The next day they landed in Cuba and secured supplies. It is significant of the tenacity of Columbus’s conviction that Cuba was a part of the mainland of Asia that he here calls it Mago (i.e., Mango). June 12, 1494, when he had explored the southern coast of Cuba, he reached this conviction and compelled his officers and crew to take oath that “it (i.e., Cuba) is mainland and in particular the province of Mango.” Navarrete, Viages, II. 144. (The affidavits are translated in Thacher, Columbus, II. 327.) Mangi (southern China) is described by Marco Polo at great length. In the second Toscanelli letter Quinsay is said to be “in the province of Mangi, i.e., near the province of Cathay.” It is noted several times in Columbus’s marginalia to Marco Polo.

405-3 Cuba. According to Ferdinand Columbus, the route was as follows: The Admiral traveled along the coast of the isthmus eastward past El Retrete to a location he named Marmoro (near Punto de Mosquitos), slightly west of the entrance to the Gulf of Darien; then on May 1, responding to the pilots' urgency, he turned north. By May 10, they spotted two small islands, Caymanos Chicos, and on the 12th, they arrived at the Queen’s Garden just south of Cuba (see p. 301, note 1). The next day, they landed in Cuba and gathered supplies. It highlights Columbus's stubborn belief that Cuba was part of the Asian mainland when he referred to it as Mago (i.e., Mango). By June 12, 1494, after exploring the southern coast of Cuba, he became convinced and forced his officers and crew to swear an oath that “it (i.e., Cuba) is mainland and specifically the province of Mango.” Navarrete, Viages, II. 144. (The affidavits are translated in Thacher, Columbus, II. 327.) Mangi (southern China) is described in great detail by Marco Polo. In the second Toscanelli letter, Quinsay is noted to be “in the province of Mangi, i.e., near the province of Cathay.” This is mentioned several times in Columbus's marginal notes on Marco Polo.

406-1 Allí me torné á reposar atrás la fortuna. De Lollis, following the Italian translation, reads: Allí me torné á reposar atrás la fortuna, etc. “There the storm returned to drive me back; I stopped in the same island in a safer port.” As this gives an unknown meaning to reposar, he suggests that Columbus may have written repujar, “to drive.”

406-1 There I rested behind fortune. De Lollis, following the Italian translation, reads: There I rested behind fortune, etc. “There the storm returned to push me back; I stopped on the same island in a safer harbor.” As this gives an unclear meaning to reposar, he suggests that Columbus may have meant repujar, “to push.”

406-2 June 23. Historie, p. 334.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ June 23. History, p. 334.

407-1 On the contrary the narrative of Diego de Porras, which he prepared after his return to Spain in November, 1504, is a much clearer account of the voyage in most respects than this letter of Columbus’s. For it, see Thacher, Columbus, II. 640-646. Porras relates that during this voyage the Admiral took all the charts away that the seamen had had. Thacher, Columbus, II. 646.

407-1 In contrast, the account by Diego de Porras, which he wrote after returning to Spain in November 1504, offers a much clearer description of the voyage compared to this letter from Columbus. For more details, check Thacher, Columbus, II. 640-646. Porras states that during this journey, the Admiral confiscated all the charts that the crew had. Thacher, Columbus, II. 646.

407-2El puerto de Jaquimo [Jacmel], which he called the port of Brasil.” Las Casas, Historia, III. 108.

407-2The port of Jaquimo [Jacmel], which he referred to as the port of Brazil.” Las Casas, History, III. 108.

408-1 Cuba.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Cuba.

408-2 The pilots thought that they were east of Española when Columbus turned north, and consequently thought that Cuba (Mango) was Porto Rico (San Juan). Cf. Historie, p. 333.

408-2 The pilots believed they were east of Española when Columbus headed north, so they mistakenly thought that Cuba (Mango) was Porto Rico (San Juan). See. History, p. 333.

408-3 I.e., in that it is clear to one who understands it, and blind to one who does not.

408-3 That is, it’s obvious to someone who gets it, and completely unclear to someone who doesn’t.

408-4 Las naos de las Indias, i.e., the large ships for the Indies, i.e., Española.

408-4 The Ships of the Indies, i.e., the large ships for the Indies, i.e., Hispaniola.

408-5 Bow-lines are ropes employed to keep the windward edges of the principal sails steady, and are only used when the wind is so unfavorable that the sails must be all braced sideways, or close hauled to the wind. (Major.)

408-5 Bow-lines are ropes used to keep the windward edges of the main sails steady, and they're only used when the wind is so unfavorable that the sails need to be angled sideways or brought close to the wind. (Major.)

409-1 I.e., rigged with lateen sails in the Portuguese fashion.

409-1 That is, equipped with lateen sails in the Portuguese style.

409-2 Columbus, in his marginal notes to his copy of the Historia Rerum ubique Gestarum of Pope Pius II. (Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini; Venice, 1477), summarized the description of the Massagetae in ch. XII. in part as follows: they “use golden girths and golden bridles and silver breast-pieces and have no iron but plenty of copper and gold.” Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., tomo II., p. 300. This description of the Massagetae goes back to Herodotus. While some habits ascribed to the Massagetae were like what Columbus observed in Veragua, their home was nowhere near eastern China.

409-2 Columbus, in his marginal notes on his copy of the Historia Rerum ubique Gestarum by Pope Pius II. (Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini; Venice, 1477), summarized the description of the Massagetae in ch. XII. in part as follows: they “use golden belts and golden bridles and silver breastplates and have no iron but plenty of copper and gold.” Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., tomo II., p. 300. This description of the Massagetae goes back to Herodotus. While some traits attributed to the Massagetae were similar to what Columbus observed in Veragua, their homeland was nowhere near eastern China.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

409-4 The account in the Historie is radically at variance with this. The girls were brought on board and “showed themselves very brave since although the Christians in looks, acts, and race were very strange, they gave no signs of distress or sadness, but maintained a cheerful and modest (honesto) bearing, wherefore they were very well treated by the Admiral who gave them clothes and something to eat and then sent them back.” Historie, p. 299. Ferdinand gives the ages as eight and fourteen and says nothing of witchcraft except that the Indians were frightened and thought they were being bewitched when Bartholomew the next day ordered the ships’ clerks to write down the replies he got to his questions; ibid.

409-4 The account in the Historie is completely different from this. The girls were brought on board and "showed themselves to be very brave since, even though the Christians appeared strange in appearance, behavior, and background, they showed no signs of distress or sadness, but maintained a cheerful and modest (honesto) demeanor, which is why they were treated very well by the Admiral, who provided them with clothes and something to eat before sending them back." Historie, p. 299. Ferdinand lists their ages as eight and fourteen and does not mention witchcraft except to note that the Indians were scared and thought they were being bewitched when Bartholomew ordered the ships’ clerks to write down the responses he received to his questions the next day; ibid.

410-1 A specimen of the Maya sculptures, of which such imposing remains are found in Yucatan. The translation follows Lollis’s emendation, which substitutes mirrado for mirando.

410-1 A sample of the Maya sculptures, of which there are such impressive remains in Yucatan. The translation follows Lollis’s revision, which replaces mirrado with mirando.

410-2 Gato paulo. On this name, see p. 341, note 3. Ferdinand, in the Historie, relates this incident in more detail, from which it is clear that the pigs were peccaries which had been captured by the men. On the other hand, Ulloa, the Italian translator of the Historie, mistranslated gato paulo by “gatto,” “cat.”

410-2 Gato paulo. For more on this name, see p. 341, note 3. Ferdinand, in the Historie, goes into more detail about this incident, making it clear that the pigs were peccaries captured by the men. On the other hand, Ulloa, the Italian translator of the Historie, incorrectly translated gato paulo as “gatto,” meaning “cat.”

410-3 Begare. Columbus in recollecting this incident transferred to the monkey the Indian name of the wild pigs. The begare is the “peccary,” a native of America. Oviedo, lib. XII., cap. XX, gives baquira as the name of wild pigs in Nicaragua, and baquira and begare are obviously identical.

410-3 Begare. Columbus, when recalling this incident, assigned the Indian name for wild pigs to the monkey. The begare refers to the “peccary,” which is a native animal of America. Oviedo, lib. XII., cap. XX, lists baquira as the name for wild pigs in Nicaragua, and baquira and begare are clearly the same.

410-4 For the word barra no explanation can be offered except what is derived from the context. As the Italian has diverse malattie, “divers diseases,” de Lollis suggests that barra should be varias and that maladias was somehow dropped from the text.

410-4 For the word barra, no explanation can be given except what comes from the context. Since the Italian has diverse malattie, “various diseases,” de Lollis suggests that barra should be varias and that maladias was somehow omitted from the text.

410-5 Leones. The American lion or puma.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Leones. The American lion or cougar.

411-1 A misunderstanding. The Mayas made no metal tools. Brinton, The American Race, p. 156.

411-1 A misunderstanding. The Mayans didn’t make any metal tools. Brinton, The American Race, p. 156.

411-2 Possibly Columbus may have seen some Maya codices, of which such remarkable specimens have been preserved.

411-2 Columbus might have come across some Maya codices, of which some incredible examples have been kept.

412-1 Considering Columbus’s experience at Veragua this account exhibits boundless optimism. Still it is not to be forgotten that through the conquest of Mexico to the north this prediction was rather strikingly fulfilled.

412-1 Given Columbus’s experience in Veragua, this account shows endless optimism. However, it’s important to remember that this prediction was quite remarkably realized through the conquest of Mexico to the north.

412-2 It is not clear to what Columbus refers in this sentence.

412-2 It's unclear what Columbus is talking about in this sentence.

412-3 De un camino. The texts to which Columbus refers just below show that this should read de un año, in one year.

412-3 De un camino. The texts Columbus mentions right below indicate that this should say de un año, meaning in one year.

412-4 In the Latin version of Josephus used by Columbus the Greek θυρεὁϛ, a target, was rendered lancea. See Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., tomo II., p. 367.

412-4 In the Latin version of Josephus that Columbus used, the Greek word θυρεὁϛ, meaning target, was translated as lancea. See Raccolta Colombiana, part I, volume II, p. 367.

412-5 Tablado. In the Italian translation tavolato, a “partition wall,” “wainscoting,” also “floor.” Tablado also means “scaffold” and “stage” or “staging.” We have here a curious series of mistakes. The Greek text of Josephus has ἐκπώματα, “cups.” The old Latin translator, perhaps having a defective text, took ἐκπώματα apparently to be equivalent to πώματα, which has as its secondary meaning, “lids,” and translated it by the uncommon word coopercula, “lids” (cf. Georges, Lateinischdeutsches Handwörterbuch, sub voce cooperculum). The meaning of this word Columbus guessed at, not having the text before him to see the connection, and from its derivation from cooperio, “to cover,” took it to be a “covering” in the sense of flooring, or perhaps ceiling, above where the shields were hung “in the house of the forest of Lebanon,” and rendered it tablado. The whole passage from the old Latin version (published in 1470 and frequently later), Columbus copied into a fly-leaf of his copy of the Historia Rerum ubique Gestarum of Pope Pius II. See Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., tomo II., pp. 366-367.

412-5 Tablado. In the Italian translation tavolato, it means a “partition wall,” “wainscoting,” and also “floor.” Tablado can also mean “scaffold” and “stage” or “staging.” There’s a strange series of mistakes here. The Greek text of Josephus uses ἐκπώματα, meaning “cups.” The old Latin translator, possibly dealing with a faulty text, misinterpreted ἐκπώματα as being equivalent to πώματα, which has a secondary meaning of “lids,” and translated it using the uncommon word coopercula, meaning “lids” (cf. Georges, Lateinischdeutsches Handwörterbuch, sub voce cooperculum). Columbus guessed at the meaning of this word since he didn’t have the text in front of him to see the connection and, based on its derivation from cooperio, meaning “to cover,” assumed it meant a “covering” as in flooring, or perhaps a ceiling, above where the shields were hung “in the house of the forest of Lebanon,” and he rendered it as tablado. The entire passage from the old Latin version (published in 1470 and later many times) was copied by Columbus into a fly-leaf of his copy of the Historia Rerum ubique Gestarum by Pope Pius II. See Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., tomo II., pp. 366-367.

413-1 Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, bk. VIII., ch. VII., sect. 4; I. Kings, X. 14, 15; II. Chronicles, IX. 13, 14.

413-1 Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, bk. VIII., ch. VII., sect. 4; I. Kings, X. 14, 15; II. Chronicles, IX. 13, 14.

413-2 The Chersonesus Aurea of Ptolemy, or the Malay Peninsula.

413-2 The Chersonesus Aurea of Ptolemy, or the Malay Peninsula.

413-3 That is, Veragua and the Golden Chersonese are in the same latitude.

413-3 In other words, Veragua and the Golden Chersonese are located at the same latitude.

413-4 Josephus wrote that the gold came from the “Land of Gold,” “a terra que vocatur aurea,” as the passage in the Latin version reads. The Greek is, ἀπὸ τῆς χρυσῆς καλουμένης γῆς. Josephus gives no further identification of the location.

413-4 Josephus wrote that the gold came from the “Land of Gold,” “a terra que vocatur aurea,” as it's stated in the Latin version. The Greek is, ἀπὸ τῆς χρυσῆς καλουμένης γῆς. Josephus doesn't provide any more details about the location.

413-5 I have not been able to verify this reference. There is nothing in the fourteenth Psalm relating to this matter, nor is the fourteenth Psalm mentioned among the many citations from the Psalms in the Libro de las Profecias.

413-5 I haven't been able to confirm this reference. There's nothing in the fourteenth Psalm about this issue, nor is the fourteenth Psalm included among the various citations from the Psalms in the Libro de las Profecias.

414-1 In his Libro de las Profecias Columbus wrote, “El abad Johachín, calabrés, diso que habia de salir de España quien havía de redificar la Casa del Monte Sion.” “The abbot Joachim, the Calabrian, said that he who was destined to rebuild the House of Mount Sion was to come from Spain.” Lollis remarks that Columbus interpreted in his own way the “Oraculum Turcicum,” which concludes the thirty prophecies of Joachim of Flora in regard to the popes. In the edition (Venice, 1589) which Lollis had seen, this prophecy was interpreted to mean Charles VIII. of France. Raccolta Colombiana, parte II., tomo II., p. 83.

414-1 In his Book of Prophecies, Columbus wrote, “The abbot Joachim from Calabria said that the person destined to rebuild the House of Mount Sion would come from Spain.” Lollis points out that Columbus interpreted the “Turkish Oracle” in his own way, which ends the thirty prophecies of Joachim of Flora regarding the popes. In the edition (Venice, 1589) that Lollis reviewed, this prophecy was interpreted to refer to Charles VIII of France. Colombian Collection, part II, volume II, p. 83.

414-2 The reference to St. Jerome I have not found in Columbus’s marginalia.

414-2 I haven't found the reference to St. Jerome in Columbus's notes.

414-3 The father and uncle of Marco Polo had been given this mission by Cublay Kaan. See Marco Polo, bk. I., ch. VII. Opposite the passage in his copy of the Latin Marco Polo which he had, Columbus wrote, “magnus kam misit legatos ad pontificem.” Raccolta Colombiana, parte II., tomo II., p. 446.

414-3 The father and uncle of Marco Polo were assigned this mission by Kublai Khan. See Marco Polo, bk. I., ch. VII. Across the passage in his copy of the Latin Marco Polo that he had, Columbus noted, “the great khan sent messengers to the pope.” Raccolta Colombiana, parte II., tomo II., p. 446.

414-4 The recovery of the Holy Sepulchre had been long a cherished object with Columbus. See the Journal of the First Voyage, December 26; the letter to Pope Alexander VI., February, 1502 (Navarrete, Viages, II. 280), and his Libra de Profecias, a collection of Scripture texts compiled under his supervision relating to the restoration of Zion, etc. Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., tomo II., pp. 77-160.

414-4 For a long time, recovering the Holy Sepulchre was a deeply held goal of Columbus. See the Journal of the First Voyage, December 26; the letter to Pope Alexander VI, February 1502 (Navarrete, Viages, II. 280), and his Libra de Profecias, a compilation of Scripture texts he oversaw, relating to the restoration of Zion, etc. Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., tomo II., pp. 77-160.

415-1 An opinion abundantly justified through the conquest of Mexico and the establishment of the kingdom of New Spain.

415-1 An opinion strongly backed by the takeover of Mexico and the formation of the kingdom of New Spain.

416-1 See the Capitulation, pp. 77, 78 above. The limit mentioned was fixed by the Papal Demarcation line; the limit agreed upon by Spain and Portugal was 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands.

416-1 See the Capitulation, pp. 77, 78 above. The limit mentioned was set by the Papal Demarcation line; the limit agreed upon by Spain and Portugal was 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands.

416-2 A reference to such voyages as those of Vicente Yañez Pinzon, Hojeda, Diego de Lepe, and Rodrigo de Bastidas which occurred in 1499-1502. Cf. Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 67-71, and for details Irving, Columbus, III. 15-62.

416-2 A reference to voyages like those of Vicente Yañez Pinzon, Hojeda, Diego de Lepe, and Rodrigo de Bastidas which took place from 1499 to 1502. See Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 67-71, and for more details Irving, Columbus, III. 15-62.

416-3 Accepting de Lollis’s emendation á César instead of the MS. reading açetar which Navarrete printed aceptar. The Italian has a Cesaro.

416-3 Accepting de Lollis’s correction á César instead of the manuscript reading açetar which Navarrete printed as aceptar. The Italian has a Cesaro.

416-4 “Render therefore unto Caesar the things which are Caesar’s; and unto God, the things which are God’s.” Matthew, XXII. 21.

416-4 “So give to Caesar what belongs to Caesar, and give to God what belongs to God.” Matthew, XXII. 21.

417-1 At Española in 1500 by Bobadilla. Cf. the letter to the nurse above, p. 380.

417-1 In Española in 1500 by Bobadilla. See the letter to the nurse above, p. 380.

417-2 This is one of the most important passages bearing upon the age of Columbus. As he came to Spain at the end of 1484 according to Ferdinand Columbus, Historie, ch. XII., Peschel fixed his birth in 1456, Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 76. The majority of modern critics, however, have agreed upon the basis of notarial documents in Genoa that 1446 was the date of his birth and propose therefore to emend the text here by substituting “treinta y ocho” for “veinte y ocho.” On the various dates set for his birth see Vignaud, The Real Birth-date of Christopher Columbus. Vignaud fixes upon 1451.

417-2 This is one of the most significant passages related to the age of Columbus. According to Ferdinand Columbus, he arrived in Spain at the end of 1484, as noted in Historie, ch. XII., while Peschel determined his birth year to be 1456, as mentioned in Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 76. However, most modern scholars have agreed based on notarial documents in Genoa that 1446 is the year he was born and therefore suggest changing the text here from “veinte y ocho” to “treinta y ocho.” For various proposed birth dates, see Vignaud, The Real Birth-date of Christopher Columbus. Vignaud specifically argues for 1451.

418-1 Blanca, a copper coin worth about one-third of a cent.

418-1 Blanca, a copper coin worth roughly one-third of a cent.

The New World in the Cantino Chart of 1502, showing the state of geographical knowledge at the time of the death of Columbus. The New World in the Cantino Chart of 1502, displaying the level of geographical knowledge at the time of Columbus's death.


INTRODUCTION

John Cabot, the Venetian sailor who took the first English ship across the Atlantic, was not a writer like Columbus, and consequently our knowledge of his projects and his achievements is limited to what is derived from the reports of other men who knew him or his son and from certain official documents. In general our material may be classified into: (a) English official documents, (b) reports derived from John Cabot himself, and (c) reports or records derived more or less directly from Sebastian Cabot. The materials in a and b are harmonious; those in classes b and c, on the other hand, are practically irreconcilable. The result of this conflict of testimony has been to discredit Sebastian Cabot and to lead many scholars to believe that he tried to ascribe to himself what his father did. Other critics reluctant to bring so serious a charge against a man who held honorable positions in Spain and later in England believe that the material in class c relates to the second voyage—that of 1498, and that by a mistake it was in the minds of the narrators confused with the voyage of 1497. For a presentation of all the original material the reader may be referred to H. Harrisse, John Cabot the Discoverer of North America, and Sebastian his Son (London, 1896), and to G. E. Weare, Cabot’s Discovery of North America (London, 1897). G. P. Winship, Cabot Bibliography (London, 1900), gives a complete guide to the Cabot literature. For a brief account of the voyages and of the Cabot question see E. G. Bourne, Spain in America (New York, 1904), pp. 54-63. The most important recent monograph is H. P. Biggar, The Voy[422]ages of the Cabots and of the Corte-Reals, in Revue Hispanique, tome X. (Paris, 1903).

John Cabot, the Venetian sailor who led the first English ship across the Atlantic, wasn't a writer like Columbus, so our knowledge of his plans and accomplishments comes mainly from reports by other people who knew him or his son, as well as some official documents. Generally, we can categorize our sources into: (a) English official documents, (b) reports directly from John Cabot himself, and (c) reports or records that come more or less directly from Sebastian Cabot. The materials in a and b line up well; however, the information in classes b and c are almost completely contradictory. This conflicting testimony has led to skepticism about Sebastian Cabot, causing many scholars to think he tried to take credit for his father's achievements. Other critics, who hesitate to make such a serious accusation against someone who held respectable positions in Spain and later in England, believe that the material in class c pertains to the second voyage—1498—and that the narrators mistakenly mixed it up with the voyage of 1497. For a thorough presentation of all the original materials, readers can refer to H. Harrisse, John Cabot the Discoverer of North America, and Sebastian his Son (London, 1896), and to G. E. Weare, Cabot’s Discovery of North America (London, 1897). G. P. Winship, Cabot Bibliography (London, 1900), provides a complete guide to the literature on the Cabots. For a brief overview of the voyages and the Cabot issue, see E. G. Bourne, Spain in America (New York, 1904), pp. 54-63. The most significant recent study is H. P. Biggar, The Voy[422]ages of the Cabots and of the Corte-Reals, in Revue Hispanique, tome X. (Paris, 1903).

The material presented here consists of the private letters of two Italians sojourning in London in 1497-1498, and the official despatch of the junior Spanish ambassador at the English court.

The material presented here consists of the private letters of two Italians staying in London in 1497-1498 and the official dispatch from the junior Spanish ambassador at the English court.

E. G. B.

E. G. B.


THE VOYAGES OF JOHN CABOT

LETTER OF LORENZO PASQUALIGO TO HIS BROTHERS ALVISE AND FRANCESCO, MERCHANTS IN VENICE423-1

LETTER OF LORENZO PASQUALIGO TO HIS BROTHERS ALVISE AND FRANCESCO, MERCHANTS IN VENICE__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

The Venetian, our countryman, who went with a ship from Bristol to find new islands, has returned, and says that 700 leagues hence he discovered mainland, the territory of the Grand Cham (Gram Cam).423-2 He coasted for 300 leagues and landed; he did not see any person, but he has brought hither to the King certain snares which had been set to catch game, and a needle for making nets; he also found some cut trees, wherefore he supposed there were inhabitants. Being in doubt he returned to his ship.

The Venetian, our fellow countryman, who set sail from Bristol to find new islands, has come back and claims that he discovered mainland 700 leagues away, the land of the Grand Cham (Gram Cam).423-2 He traveled along the coast for 300 leagues and landed; he didn’t encounter anyone, but he brought back to the King some traps that had been used for catching game, as well as a needle for making nets. He also found some cut-down trees, which made him think there were people living there. Unsure, he decided to return to his ship.

He was three months on the voyage, and this is certain, and on his return he saw two islands423-3 but would not land,[424] so as not to lose time, as he was short of provisions. The King is much pleased with this. He says that the tides are slack and do not flow as they do here.

He spent three months on the journey, and that's a fact. Upon his return, he spotted two islands423-3 but chose not to land,[424] to avoid wasting time since he was low on supplies. The King is quite happy about this. He mentions that the tides are calm and don’t ebb and flow like they do here.

The King has promised that in the spring our countryman shall have ten ships, armed to his order, and at his request has conceded him all the prisoners, except traitors, to go with him as he has requested. The King has also given him money wherewith to amuse himself till then,424-1 and he is now at Bristol with his wife, who is also Venetian, and with his sons; his name is Zuam Talbot,424-2 and he is styled the great admiral. Vast honor is paid him; he dresses in silk, and these English run after him like mad people, so that he can enlist as many of them as he pleases, and a number of our own rogues besides.

The King has promised that in the spring our countryman will get ten ships, equipped as he requested, and at his request has granted him all the prisoners, except for traitors, to accompany him. The King has also given him money to keep himself entertained until then,424-1, and he is currently in Bristol with his wife, who is also Venetian, and his sons; his name is Zuam Talbot, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, and he is called the great admiral. He receives immense honor; he dresses in silk, and these English people chase after him like crazy, so he can recruit as many of them as he wants, along with a number of our own rogues too.

The discoverer of these things planted on his new-found land a large cross, with one flag of England and another of St. Mark, by reason of his being a Venetian, so that our banner has floated very far afield.

The discoverer of these things put a big cross on his newly found land, along with one flag of England and another of St. Mark, since he was from Venice, which means our banner has flown very far and wide.

London, 23 August 1497.

London, August 23, 1497.

FIRST LETTER OF RAIMONDO DE SONCINO, AGENT OF THE DUKE OF MILAN, TO THE DUKE424-3

FIRST LETTER OF RAIMONDO DE SONCINO, AGENT OF THE DUKE OF MILAN, TO THE DUKE

... Also some months ago his Majesty sent out a Venetian, who is a very good mariner, and has good skill in discovering new islands, and he has returned safe, and has found two very large and fertile new islands; having likewise dis[425]covered the Seven Cities,425-1 400 leagues from England, on the western passage. This next spring his Majesty means to send him with fifteen or twenty ships.

... Also, a few months ago, his Majesty sent a Venetian who is a skilled sailor and has a great talent for discovering new islands. He has returned safely and found two very large and fertile new islands; he also discovered the Seven Cities, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 400 leagues from England, on the western route. This coming spring, his Majesty plans to send him with fifteen or twenty ships.

SECOND LETTER OF RAIMONDO DE SONCINO TO THE DUKE OF MILAN425-2

SECOND LETTER OF RAIMONDO DE SONCINO TO THE DUKE OF MILAN __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Most Illustrious and Excellent My Lord:—

Most Illustrious and Excellent My Lord:—

Perhaps among your Excellency’s many occupations, it may not displease you to learn how his Majesty here has won a part of Asia without a stroke of the sword. There is in this kingdom a Venetian fellow, Master John Caboto by name, of fine mind, greatly skilled in navigation, who seeing that those most serene kings, first he of Portugal, and then the one of Spain, have occupied unknown islands, determined to make a like acquisition for his Majesty aforesaid.425-3 And having obtained royal grants that he should have the usufruct of all that he should discover, provided that the ownership of the same is reserved to the crown, with a small ship and eighteen persons he committed himself to fortune; and having set out from Bristol, a western port of this kingdom, and passed the western limits of Ireland, and then standing to the northward he began to sail toward the Oriental regions, leaving (after a few days) the North Star on his right hand; and,[426] having wandered about considerably, at last he struck mainland, where, having planted the royal banner and taken possession on behalf of this King, and taken certain tokens, he has returned thence. The said Master John, as being foreign-born and poor, would not be believed if his comrades, who are almost all Englishmen and from Bristol, did not testify that what he says is true. This Master John has the description of the world in a chart, and also in a solid globe which he has made, and he shows where he landed, and that going toward the east he passed considerably beyond the country of the Tanais.426-1 And they say that it is a very good and temperate country, and they think that Brazil-wood426-2 and silk grow there; and they affirm that that sea is covered with fishes,[427] which are caught not only with the net but with baskets, a stone being tied to them in order that the baskets may sink in the water. And this I heard the said Master John relate.

Perhaps among your Excellency’s many responsibilities, you might be interested to know how His Majesty has gained a part of Asia without any fighting. There is a Venetian in this kingdom named Master John Caboto, who is very intelligent and highly skilled in navigation. Observing that the kings of Portugal and Spain have claimed unknown islands, he decided to make a similar acquisition for His Majesty. Having received royal grants that he would have the right to benefit from everything he discovered, while the ownership remained with the crown, he set out with a small ship and eighteen crew members. He embarked from Bristol, a port in the west of this kingdom, passed the western limits of Ireland, and then headed north toward the eastern regions, keeping the North Star to his right after a few days. After considerable wandering, he finally reached the mainland, where he planted the royal banner, took possession on behalf of this King, and collected certain tokens before returning. Since Master John is a foreigner and of modest means, he wouldn’t have been believed if not for the testimony of his crew, who are almost all Englishmen from Bristol, confirming that what he claims is true. Master John has a world map and a solid globe he created, showing where he landed, and indicates that as he traveled east he went well beyond the Tanais region. They say it’s a very pleasant and mild country, and there is speculation that Brazil-wood and silk grow there. They assert that the sea is filled with fish, which can be caught not just with nets but also with baskets that have stones tied to them to make them sink. This is what I heard Master John share.

And the aforesaid Englishmen, his comrades, say that they will bring so many fishes that this kingdom will no longer have need of Iceland, from which country there comes a very great store of fish which are called stock-fish.427-1 But Master John has set his mind on something greater; for he expects to go farther on toward the East427-2 from that place already occupied, constantly hugging the shore, until he shall be over against an island, by him called Cipango, situated in the equinoctial region, where he thinks all the spices of the world, and also the precious stones, originate;427-3 and he says that in former times he was at Mecca, whither spices are brought by caravans from distant countries,427-4 and that those who brought them, on being asked where the said spices grow, answered that they do not know, but that other caravans come to their homes with this merchandise from distant countries, and these [caravans] again say that they are brought to them from other[428] remote regions. And he argues thus,—that if the Orientals affirmed to the Southerners that these things come from a distance from them, and so from hand to hand, presupposing the rotundity of the earth, it must be that the last ones get them at the North toward the West;428-1 and he said it in such a way, that, having nothing to gain or lose by it, I too believe it: and what is more, the King here, who is wise and not lavish, likewise puts some faith in him; for (ever) since his return he has made good provision for him, as the same Master John tells me. And it is said that, in the spring, his Majesty aforenamed will fit out some ships, and will besides give him all the convicts, and they will go to that country to make a colony, by means of which they hope to establish in London a greater emporium of spices than there is in Alexandria; and the chief men of the enterprise are of Bristol, great sailors, who, now that they know where to go, say that it is not a voyage of more than fifteen days, nor do they ever have storms after they get away from Hibernia. I have also talked with a Burgundian, a comrade of Master John’s, who confirms everything, and wishes to return thither because the Admiral (for so Master John already entitles himself)428-2 has given him an island; and he has given another one to a barber of his from Castiglione-of-Genoa, and both of them regard themselves as Counts, nor does my Lord the Admiral esteem himself anything less than a Prince. I think that with this expedition there will go several poor Italian monks, who have all been promised bishoprics. And, as I have become a friend of the Admiral’s, if I wished to go thither I should get an archbishopric. But I have thought that the benefices which your[429] Excellency has in store for me are a surer thing; and therefore I beg that if these should fall vacant in my absence, you will cause possession to be given to me, taking measures to do this rather where it is needed, in order that they be not taken from me by others, who because they are present can be more diligent than I, who in this country have been brought to the pass of eating ten or twelve dishes at every meal, and sitting at table three hours at a time twice a day,429-1 for the sake of your Excellency, to whom I humbly commend myself.

And those Englishmen, his friends, say they will catch so many fish that this kingdom won’t need Iceland anymore, which has been sending a lot of fish known as stock-fish.427-1 But Master John has set his sights on something bigger; he plans to go further East from his current position, always staying close to the shore, until he reaches an island he calls Cipango, located in the equatorial region, where he believes all the spices of the world and precious stones originate;__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and he mentions that he was once at Mecca, where spices are brought by caravans from faraway countries, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and those who deliver them, when asked where these spices come from, say they don't know, but that other caravans bring this merchandise from distant lands, and those caravans say they are sourced from even more remote areas. He reasons that if the people from the East tell the Southerners that these things come from far away from them, and so they pass from hand to hand, considering the roundness of the earth, then it must be that the final people get them from the North toward the West; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and he presents this idea so convincingly that, having nothing to gain or lose, I also believe it; and furthermore, the King here, who is wise and frugal, also puts some trust in him; ever since his return, he has made good plans for him, as Master John tells me. It’s rumored that in the spring, the King will send out some ships and will give him all the convicts, and they will sail to that country to establish a colony, hoping to create a bigger spice market in London than there is in Alexandria; and the main leaders of this venture are from Bristol, experienced sailors, who now that they know where to go, claim it's only a fifteen-day journey, and they never face storms after leaving Hibernia. I also spoke with a Burgundian, a friend of Master John’s, who confirms everything and wants to return there because the Admiral (as Master John now refers to himself)428-2 has given him an island; he also granted another to a barber from Castiglione-of-Genoa, and both see themselves as Counts, while my Lord the Admiral considers himself no less than a Prince. I believe several poor Italian monks will join this expedition, all promised bishoprics. And since I've become friendly with the Admiral, if I wanted to go there, I could get an archbishopric. But I think the positions your [429] Excellency holds for me are a safer bet; so I kindly ask that if these should become available while I'm away, you will ensure I receive them, taking steps to do so where it's necessary, so that they aren’t taken from me by others who can be more proactive since they are present, while I’ve been brought to the point of eating ten or twelve dishes at every meal and sitting at the table for three hours at a time twice a day,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ for your Excellency, to whom I humbly commend myself.

Your Excellency’s
Very humble servant,

Your Excellency,
Your very humble servant,

Raimondo.

Raimondo.

London, Dec. 18, 1497.

London, Dec. 18, 1497.

DESPATCH TO FERDINAND AND ISABELLA FROM PEDRO DE AYALA JUNIOR AMBASSADOR AT THE COURT OF ENGLAND, JULY 25, 1498429-2

DESPATCH TO FERDINAND AND ISABELLA FROM PEDRO DE AYALA JUNIOR AMBASSADOR AT THE COURT OF ENGLAND, JULY 25, 1498429-2

I think your Majesties have already heard that the King of England has equipped a fleet in order to discover certain islands and mainland which he was informed some people from[430] Bristol, who manned a few ships430-1 for the same purpose last year, had found. I have seen the map which the discoverer has made, who is another Genoese, like Colon [and?]430-2 who has been in Seville and in Lisbon, asking assistance for this discovery. The people of Bristol have, for the last seven years, sent out every year two, three, or four light ships (caravelas), in search of the island of Brazil and the seven cities,430-3 according to the fancy of this Genoese. The King determined to send out [ships], because, the year before, they brought certain news that they had found land. The fleet consisted of five vessels, which carried provisions for one year. It is said that one of them, in which another Fai [Friar?] Buil430-4 went, has returned to Ireland in great distress, the ship being much damaged. The Genoese continued his voyage. I, having seen the route which they took, and the distance they sailed, find that what they have found, or what they are in search of, is what your Highnesses already possess since it is, in fine, what fell to your Highnesses by the treaty with Portugal.430-5 It is expected that they will be back in the month of September. I inform your Highnesses in regard to it. The king of England has often spoken to me on this subject. He hoped to derive great advantage from it. I think it is not further distant than four hundred leagues. I told him that, in my opinion, the land was already in the possession of your Majesties; but, though I gave him my reasons, he did not like it. Because I believe that your Highnesses will presently receive information in regard to all this matter, and the chart or map which this man has made, I do not now send it; it is here and it, according to my opinion, is false, in order to make it appear that they are not the said islands.

I believe you Majesties have already heard that the King of England has equipped a fleet to explore certain islands and mainland that he was told some people from[430] Bristol, who sent out a few ships__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ for the same purpose last year, had discovered. I have seen the map made by the discoverer, who is another Genoese, like Columbus [and?]430-2 and has been in Seville and Lisbon asking for help for this discovery. For the last seven years, the people of Bristol have sent out two, three, or four light ships (caravelas) each year in search of the island of Brazil and the seven cities, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ based on this Genoese's idea. The King decided to send out [ships] because, the previous year, they reported finding land. The fleet consisted of five vessels, which carried supplies for a year. It is said that one of them, which another Friar Buil__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ was on, has returned to Ireland in great distress, the ship being heavily damaged. The Genoese continued his voyage. I have seen the route they took and the distance they sailed, and I believe that what they’ve found, or are searching for, is what your Highnesses already own, since it essentially falls under your Highnesses’ domain according to the treaty with Portugal.430-5 They are expected back in September. I inform your Highnesses about this. The king of England has often spoken to me about it. He hoped to gain a lot from it. I think it is no more than four hundred leagues away. I told him that, in my opinion, the land was already in your Majesties' possession; however, even though I explained my reasoning, he didn't like it. Because I believe your Highnesses will soon receive more information about all of this and the chart or map made by this man, I won't send it now; it’s here and I think it's misleading, crafted to make it seem they are not the islands in question.

423-1 This letter was received in Venice on September 23, 1497, and a copy of it was incorporated by Marino Sanuto in his diary. It was first brought to light by Rawdon Brown in his Ragguagli sulla Vita e sulle Opere di Marin Sanuto, etc. (Venezia, 1837). It was published in English in a generally accessible form in 1864 in the Calendar of State Papers, Venetian Series, I. 262, edited by Rawdon Brown. The translation here given is a revision of Brown’s version. Another translation is printed in Markham, The Journal of Columbus (London, 1893).

423-1 This letter was received in Venice on September 23, 1497, and Marino Sanuto included a copy of it in his diary. It was first made public by Rawdon Brown in his Ragguagli sulla Vita e sulle Opere di Marin Sanuto, etc. (Venice, 1837). It was published in English in a widely accessible form in 1864 in the Calendar of State Papers, Venetian Series, I. 262, edited by Rawdon Brown. The translation provided here is a revised version of Brown’s. Another translation can be found in Markham, The Journal of Columbus (London, 1893).

423-2 This reference to the Grand Cham probably indicates familiarity with Columbus’s views of what he had discovered as expressed in his letters to Santangel and to Sanchez; see above, p. 268.

423-2 This mention of the Grand Cham likely shows an understanding of Columbus's perspective on what he found, as described in his letters to Santangel and to Sanchez; see above, p. 268.

The landfall of John Cabot has been the subject of prolonged discussion. Labrador, Newfoundland, and Cape Breton are the principal places advocated. Of late years, owing to the vigorous and learned arguments of Dr. S. E. Dawson there has been an increasing disposition to accept Cape Breton on Cape Breton Island as the most probable location. See Winship, Cabot Bibliography, for the literature.

The landing of John Cabot has been a topic of ongoing debate. Labrador, Newfoundland, and Cape Breton are the main locations suggested. Recently, due to the strong and knowledgeable arguments from Dr. S. E. Dawson, more people are leaning toward Cape Breton on Cape Breton Island as the most likely spot. See Winship, Cabot Bibliography, for the literature.

423-3 The words “to starboard” have been inserted at this point in all English translations. Biggar has pointed out that the words al dreto so translated are Venetian dialect for addietro, which is an alternate form for the more common indietro, back. The earlier translators thought al dreto equivalent to al dritto, on the right. Al tornar al dreto means simply “in going back.”

423-3 The phrase “to starboard” has been added at this point in all English translations. Biggar has noted that the words al dreto translated this way are Venetian dialect for addietro, which is another form of the more common indietro, meaning back. The earlier translators believed al dreto meant al dritto, which translates to on the right. Al tornar al dreto simply means “in going back.”

424-1 “August 10, 1497: To hym that founde the New Isle, 10£.” British Museum, Add. MSS. No. 7099, 12 Henry VII., fol. 41. From Weare, Cabot’s Discovery of North America, 124.

424-1 “August 10, 1497: To the one who discovered the New Island, £10.” British Museum, Add. MSS. No. 7099, 12 Henry VII., fol. 41. From Weare, Cabot’s Discovery of North America, 124.

424-2 So in Sanuto’s text. This form indicates perhaps that Pasqualigo had only heard the name and not seen it written.

424-2 So in Sanuto’s text. This suggests that Pasqualigo might have only heard the name and not actually seen it written down.

424-3 This letter was found in the archives of the Sforza family in Milan. The manuscript is apparently no longer extant. There are two somewhat divergent texts. The one translated here is the one sent by Rawdon Brown to the Public Record Office in London. Both are printed in Weare, Cabot’s Discovery, pp. 142-143. The translation given here is by Rawdon Brown as printed in the Calendar of State Papers, Venetian Series, I. 259-260.

424-3 This letter was found in the archives of the Sforza family in Milan. The original manuscript is apparently no longer available. There are two slightly different versions. The one translated here is the version sent by Rawdon Brown to the Public Record Office in London. Both are printed in Weare, Cabot’s Discovery, pp. 142-143. The translation provided here is by Rawdon Brown as printed in the Calendar of State Papers, Venetian Series, I. 259-260.

425-1 The Seven Cities was a legendary island in the Atlantic. They are all placed and named on the legendary island of Antilia on the map of Grazioso Benincasa in 1482. See E. G. Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 6 and 7, and Kretschmer, Die Entdeckung Amerikas, Atlas, plate 4. Columbus reported in Portugal that he had discovered Antilia (see p. 225, note 1); hence the deduction either of John Cabot or of Raimondo that the region explored by Cabot, being far to the west in the ocean, was the same as that visited by Columbus. Cf. also art. “Brazil, Island of,” Encyclopaedia Britannica.

425-1 The Seven Cities was a mythical island in the Atlantic. They are all located and named on the mythical island of Antilia on Grazioso Benincasa's map from 1482. See E. G. Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 6 and 7, and Kretschmer, Die Entdeckung Amerikas, Atlas, plate 4. Columbus announced in Portugal that he had found Antilia (see p. 225, note 1); thus, either John Cabot or Raimondo concluded that the area explored by Cabot, lying far to the west in the ocean, was the same as that visited by Columbus. Cf. also art. “Brazil, Island of,” Encyclopaedia Britannica.

425-2 This letter is preserved in the Archivio di Stato in Milan. It was first published in the Annuario Scientifico del 1865 (Milan, 1866). It was first printed in English in Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, III. 54-55 (Boston, 1884), in the chapter by Charles Deane, entitled “The Voyages of the Cabots.” This translation was revised by Professor B. H. Nash of Harvard University and is given here with only one or two slight changes.

425-2 This letter is kept in the State Archive in Milan. It was first published in the Annuario Scientifico del 1865 (Milan, 1866). It was first printed in English in Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, III. 54-55 (Boston, 1884), in the chapter by Charles Deane, called “The Voyages of the Cabots.” This translation was revised by Professor B. H. Nash from Harvard University and is presented here with only one or two minor changes.

425-3 In this passage Cabot’s immediate impulse is attributed to the voyages of Columbus and their results.

425-3 In this passage, Cabot’s immediate reaction is linked to Columbus's voyages and their outcomes.

426-1 No satisfactory explanation of this can be given. Bellemo, in the Raccolta Colombiana, pt. III., vol. I., p. 197, interprets this sentence to mean that Cabot showed on the globe the place he had reached on the voyage and then to that statement the remark is added, referring to earlier journeys, “and going toward the east he has passed considerably beyond the land of the Tanais.” Tanais is the Latin name for the Don, and at the mouth of the Don was the important Venetian trading station of La Tana. Cf. Biggar, Voyages of the Cabots and Corte-Reals, pp. 33-34, note. Biggar dissents from this interpretation. I would offer the conjecture that “the land of the Tanais” stands for the land of Tana. In Marco Polo the kingdom of Tana, on the western side of India, is described as powerful and having an extensive commerce. See Marco Polo, pt. III., ch. XXX. Raimondo, if unfamiliar with Marco Polo, would understand La Tana by Tana and then naturally assume that “the country of Tana” was a slip for “country of the Tanais.” Cabot on the other hand might have heard of Tana when in Mecca without getting any very definite idea of its location except that it was far to the East in India. The phrase “toward the East,” like the one earlier in the letter “toward the Oriental regions,” is used of the ultimate destination, not the direction, and of the destination as a known spot always thought of in Europe as “the East.”

426-1 No satisfactory explanation of this can be given. Bellemo, in the Raccolta Colombiana, pt. III., vol. I., p. 197, interprets this sentence to mean that Cabot showed on the globe the place he reached on the voyage and then added the remark, referring to earlier journeys, “and going toward the east he has passed considerably beyond the land of the Tanais.” Tanais is the Latin name for the Don, and at the mouth of the Don was the important Venetian trading station of La Tana. Cf. Biggar, Voyages of the Cabots and Corte-Reals, pp. 33-34, note. Biggar disagrees with this interpretation. I would suggest that “the land of the Tanais” refers to the land of Tana. In Marco Polo, the kingdom of Tana, on the western side of India, is described as powerful and having extensive trade. See Marco Polo, pt. III., ch. XXX. If Raimondo is not familiar with Marco Polo, he might understand La Tana as Tana and then naturally assume that “the country of Tana” was a mistake for “country of the Tanais.” Cabot, on the other hand, might have heard of Tana when in Mecca without getting a very clear idea of its location, only that it was far to the East in India. The phrase “toward the East,” like the one earlier in the letter “toward the Oriental regions,” refers to the ultimate destination, not the direction, and describes the destination as a known place always thought of in Europe as “the East.”

426-2 El brasilio for el legno brasilio. Brazil wood was an East Indian red wood imported into Europe. It is the Caesalpina sappan. Its bright color led to its being compared to glowing coals, brazia, brascia, etc., Eng. brazier, and then to its being called, as it were, “glowing coals wood,” lignum brasile, lignum brasilium, etc., and in Italian most commonly brasile and verzino, a popular corruption. Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age, II. 587. On the transference of the name of this wood to a mythical island in the Atlantic and then, after the discoveries, to the present country of Brazil which produced dye-woods similar to Brasilio, see Yule’s art. “Brazil, Island of,” Encyclopaedia Britannica, and Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, I. 49-51.

426-2 Brazil wood refers to the wood from Brazil. Brazil wood is a type of red wood from East India that was imported into Europe. It is the Caesalpina sappan. Its bright color led to comparisons with glowing coals, such as brazia, brascia, and so on, which relates to the English word brazier. This led to it being called something like “wood of glowing coals,” lignum brasile, lignum brasilium, etc. In Italian, it's most commonly referred to as brasile and verzino, which is a popular corruption. Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age, II. 587. For the transfer of the name of this wood to a mythical island in the Atlantic, and later to the actual country of Brazil, which produced similar dye-woods to Brasilio, see Yule’s article “Brazil, Island of,” in Encyclopaedia Britannica, and Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, I. 49-51.

427-1 Stochfissi. The English word “stockfish” Italianized. Of the English fish trade with Iceland, Biggar gives a full account, Voyages of the Cabots, pp. 53-62, making frequent citations from G. W. Dasent, Icelandic Annals, IV. 427-437. He quotes also a passage from the Libell of English Policy, 1436, beginning:

427-1 Stochfissi. The English word "stockfish" translated into Italian. Biggar provides a complete overview of the English fish trade with Iceland in Voyages of the Cabots, pages 53-62, frequently citing G. W. Dasent's Icelandic Annals, IV. 427-437. He also includes a passage from the Libell of English Policy, 1436, which starts:

"There's little need to write about Yseland." Save of stokfische;” etc.

427-2 El Levante, here again as a known place, oriented from Europe. His destination, not the direction of his route.

427-2 El Levante, again recognized as a familiar location, viewed from Europe. His goal, not the path he takes.

427-3 In Cabot’s mind the Cipango of Marco Polo is confused with the Spice Islands. Marco Polo says nothing of the production of spices in his account of Cipango. The confusion is probably to be traced to Columbus’s reports that he had discovered Cipango and that the islands he had discovered produced spices.

427-3 Cabot mixed up Marco Polo's Cipango with the Spice Islands. Marco Polo doesn’t mention spice production in his description of Cipango. This confusion likely comes from Columbus's claims that he had found Cipango and that the islands he discovered produced spices.

427-4 From 1425 Jiddah on the east shore of the Red Sea rapidly displaced Aden as an emporium of the spice trade where the cargoes were transshipped from Indian to Egyptian vessels. Jiddah is the port of entry for Mecca, distant about forty-five miles, and Mecca became a great spice market. See Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age, II. 445 et seqq., and Biggar, Voyages of the Cabots and Corte-Reals, pp. 31-36. Biggar quotes interesting passages on the Mecca trade from The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema, Hakluyt Society (London, 1863).

427-4 Starting in 1425, Jiddah on the east coast of the Red Sea quickly took over as the main hub for the spice trade, where goods were transferred from Indian to Egyptian ships. Jiddah serves as the entry port for Mecca, which is about forty-five miles away, and Mecca became a major spice market. See Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age, II. 445 et seqq., and Biggar, Voyages of the Cabots and Corte-Reals, pp. 31-36. Biggar includes some interesting excerpts about the Mecca trade from The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema, Hakluyt Society (London, 1863).

428-1 I.e., a place far enough east from Arabia to be thought of as west from Europe. After making all due allowances one may be excused for feeling some misgiving whether John Cabot actually ever was in Mecca. While some of the spices and eastern commodities were brought overland by caravan from Ormuz or Bassora, the greater part came by water to Jiddah. At Jiddah he could hardly have failed to get fairly accurate information as to where the spices came from. That one who had seen that great commerce should have remained so much in the dark as to conclude that spices came from northeastern Asia is strange enough.

428-1 That is, a location far enough east of Arabia to be considered west of Europe. After taking everything into account, one might reasonably feel some doubt about whether John Cabot actually ever went to Mecca. While some spices and eastern goods were transported overland by caravan from Ormuz or Basra, the majority arrived by sea to Jeddah. In Jeddah, he would have almost certainly received fairly accurate information about where the spices originated. It's quite odd that someone who witnessed such extensive trade could remain so uninformed as to assume that spices came from northeastern Asia.

428-2 In imitation of Columbus.

In homage to Columbus.

429-1 English social joys in the fifteenth century did not appeal to the more refined Italians. An interesting parallel to this comment of Raimondo de Soncino is to be found in Vespasiano’s life of Poggio. “Pope Martin sent him with letters to England. He strongly condemned their life, consuming the time in eating and drinking. He was used to say in pleasantry that oftentimes being invited by those prelates or English gentlemen to dinner or to supper and staying four hours at the table he must needs rise from the table many times to wash his eyes with cold water so as not to fall asleep.” Vespasiano da Bisticci, Vite di Uomini Illustri del Secolo XV. (Florence, 1859), p. 420.

429-1 English social pleasures in the fifteenth century didn’t appeal to the more cultured Italians. An interesting parallel to this remark by Raimondo de Soncino can be found in Vespasiano’s biography of Poggio. “Pope Martin sent him with letters to England. He strongly criticized their lifestyle, saying they wasted time on eating and drinking. He used to joke that often, when invited by those bishops or English gentlemen to dinner or supper and spending four hours at the table, he had to get up many times to splash cold water on his face to stay awake.” Vespasiano da Bisticci, Vite di Uomini Illustri del Secolo XV. (Florence, 1859), p. 420.

429-2 The original is in the archives at Simancas partly in cipher. It was discovered and deciphered by Bergenroth and published in the Calendar of State Papers, Spanish Series, I., pp. 176-177. The Spanish text was published by Harrisse, Jean et Sébastien Cabot, pp. 329-330, and in Weare, Cabot’s Discovery, pp. 160-161. Bergenroth’s translation is given here, carefully revised. The contents of this letter were briefly summarized in a despatch to the Catholic sovereigns by Dr. Puebla, their senior ambassador, which was transmitted at or about the same time with that of Ayala. The Puebla despatch, which contains nothing not in the Ayala despatch, can be seen in Weare, p. 159.

429-2 The original document is archived at Simancas and is partially in code. It was found and decoded by Bergenroth and published in the Calendar of State Papers, Spanish Series, I., pp. 176-177. The Spanish text was published by Harrisse in Jean et Sébastien Cabot, pp. 329-330, and in Weare's Cabot’s Discovery, pp. 160-161. Bergenroth’s translation is provided here, meticulously revised. The content of this letter was briefly summarized in a report to the Catholic monarchs by Dr. Puebla, their chief ambassador, which was sent around the same time as Ayala's report. The Puebla report, which doesn't include anything not found in the Ayala report, can be found in Weare, p. 159.

430-1 In this Ayala would seem to have been misinformed. Cf. pp. 423, 425.

430-1 In this case, Ayala seems to have received incorrect information. See. pp. 423, 425.

430-2 The “and” is not in the original, but is supplied by all the editors. It is not absolutely certain that it belongs there. If it does, the passage implies that Cabot had recently been in Seville and Lisbon to enlist interest in his second voyage.

430-2 The word “and” isn’t in the original text, but all the editors have added it. It’s not completely clear that it should be there. If it does belong, this suggests that Cabot had recently been in Seville and Lisbon to drum up interest in his second voyage.

430-3 This information is not elsewhere confirmed. On Brazil and the Seven Cities, see p. 426, note 2, and p. 425, note 1.

430-3 This information hasn't been confirmed anywhere else. For details on Brazil and the Seven Cities, refer to p. 426, note 2, and p. 425, note 1.

430-4 One Friar Buil went with Columbus on his second voyage.

430-4 A friar named Buil accompanied Columbus on his second voyage.

430-5 The treaty of Tordesillas, June 7, 1494; see p. 323, note 3.

430-5 The Treaty of Tordesillas, June 7, 1494; see p. 323, note 3.


INDEX

  • Aburema, 394 n.
  • Acúl, Bay of, 188 n., 197, 198 n.
  • Adam of Bremen, and reliability of Vinland tradition, 13;
  •     Descriptio Insularum Aquilonis, extract, 67-68.
  • Aden, decline of spice trade, 427 n.
  • Admiral, office of, 78 n., 79.
  • Affonso, Rodrigo, and Columbus, 324.
  • Agesinba, identified by Columbus with Cape of Good Hope, 397 n.
  • Aguado, Juan, 377, 379.
  • Aguja, Point of, 344, 345.
  • Alcaçovas, Treaty of, 254 n.
  • Alexander VI., pope, letter concerning projected voyage of newly appointed Bishop of Gardar, 73-74.
  • Almirante Bay, 393 n.
  • Alonso, Roderigo, see Affonso, Rodrigo.
  • “Alto de Juan Dañue,” 133 n.
  • Alto Velo, mountain, 365.
  • Alto y Bajo, Cabo, 188.
  • America and Vinland voyages, 7-13;
  •     and Asia, 126, 131, 134, 135, 136, 145, 157, 174, 268;
  •     mainland discovered by John Cabot, 423;
  •     mainland discovered by Columbus, 333.
  • Amianus, see Arrianus.
  • Amiga, La, island, 198, 199, 208.
  • Angel, Cabo del, 220.
  • Antilia, legendary island, 101 n., 425 n.
  • Arana, Diego de, 183 n.;
  •     sent ashore, 200;
  •     remains in Española, 209-210;
  •     mentioned, 321.
  • Arana, Pedro de, despatched to Española, 321.
  • Arena, Las Islas de, 130.
  • Arenal, Punta del, 334.
  • Arnarstapi, Gudrid in, 18.
  • Arnlaug, settles in Greenland, 47.
  • Arnold, Bishop of Greenland, 69 n.
  • Arrianus, history of India, 329 n.
  • Asia, Columbus believes Cuba to be part of, 396 n.;
  •     and John Cabot’s landfall, 425.
  • Aslak of Langadal, 16.
  • Asuncion, Isla de la, 356.
  • Aud the Wealthy, 14;
  •     in Iceland, 15.
  • Avalldamon, reported to be a king of the Skrellings, 41.
  • Ayala, Pedro de, despatch to Ferdinand and Isabella, 429-430.
  • Ayay, see Guadeloupe.
  • Azores, reports of land to westward, 93;
  •     mentioned, 236, 237, 329;
  •     Columbus at, 243-249;
  •     and Demarcation Line, 323, 326, 416.
  • Azua, Columbus in, 391 n.
  • Azules, Punta de los, 166 n.
  • Babeque, Columbus sails towards, 143, 147;
  •     reports of gold, 181, 184, 214-215;
  •     sighted, 150-151;
  •     Martin Alonso Pinzon seeks, 152, 214-215;
  •     Columbus seeks, 167, 179;
  •     described by Indians, 174.
  • Babueca, island, 346.
  • Bafan, 136.
  • Ballena, Gulf of, 334, 339, 345, 349, 355.
  • Baneque, see Babeque.
  • Banes, Puerto de, 132 n.
  • Baracoa, Puerto de, 131 n.-133 n.;
  •     Columbus enters, 158 n.-159;
  •     inland explorations, 161-162;
  •     Columbus sets up cross, 162;
  •     Columbus sails from, 166.
  • Bardsen, Ivar, account of Greenland, 11, 71 n.
  • Bassora, spice caravans, 428 n.
  • Bastidas, Rodrigo de, voyage, 416 n.
  • Bastimentos, harbor of, Columbus in, 398-399.
  • Becerro, Cabo del, 213.
  • Behechio, an Indian ruler, 345.[432]
  • Belem, river, 401 n.;
  •     settlement near, 403 n.
  • Belprado, Cape, 220.
  • Belpuerto, 394 n., 399 n., 405.
  • Beothuk Indians, 41 n.
  • Biarney, 32.
  • Biarni, Grimolf’s son, 30;
  •     accompanies expedition to Vinland, 31-32, 35;
  •     fate, 39, 42-43.
  • Biarni Herjulfson, and discovery of America, 8-9, 12;
  •     voyage, 48-50.
  • Blacksark, discovered, 17, 46.
  • Boavista, Columbus at, 324-325.
  • Bobadilla, Francisco de, 375;
  •     governor, 376;
  •     and Columbus, 376-383, 417 n.;
  •     proclaims immunities, 376;
  •     takes Columbus prisoner, 380;
  •     distributes gold, 380;
  •     appropriates Columbus’s house, 383.
  • Bohio, 126, 146, 147;
  •     inhabitants, 153, 156, 167;
  •     sighted, 167;
  •     size, 174;
  •     reports of gold, 202;
  •     Columbus in, 295.
  • Boma, Rio, 166 n.
  • Boto, Cape, 340, 353, 354.
  • Brand of Alptafirth, sons of, 45.
  • Brand, Bishop, the Elder, and chronology of Vinland voyages, 6-7, 43 n.
  • Brattahlid, Eric in, 23, 27, 46, 48, 50;
  •     Biarni and Thorfinn Karlsefni in, 30-31;
  •     Leif arrives, 54;
  •     Gudrid comes to, 59.
  • Brazil, discovery, 326 n.
  • Brazil, mythical island, 426 n., 430.
  • Brazil, port of, Española, 407.
  • Breidabolstad, 16.
  • Breidafirth, Eric goes to, 17, 45, 46.
  • Bristol, and expedition of John Cabot, 423, 425, 428, 430;
  •     and search for the Seven Cities, 430.
  • Brokey, Eric takes possession, 16.
  • Buen Tiempo, Cabo del, 220.
  • Buil, Friar, 430.
  • Burenquen, 294-295.
  •     See also Porto Rico.
  • Cabañas, Puerto de las, 353.
  • Cabañas, Punta de, 132 n.
  • Cabo Rico, 356.
  • Cabo Santo, 211, 212.
  • Cabot, John, sources of information, 421-422;
  •     letter of Lorenzo Pasqualigo, 423-424;
  •     voyage of 1497, 423-424;
  •     landfall, 423 n., 426;
  •     reception, 424, 428;
  •     new voyage proposed, 428;
  •     and title admiral, 428;
  •     map, 426, 430.
  • Cabot, Sebastian, and father’s voyages, 421.
  • Cabra, 213 n., 296 n.
  • Cabral, route of, 326 n.
  • Cabron, Cabo, 221 n.
  • Cadiz, and proposed inspection of ships from Indies, 277;
  •     Columbus’s departure, 283.
  • Caithness, conquered by Thorstein the Red and Earl Sigurd the Mighty, 14.
  • Cambodia, supposed connection of Costa Rica and Panama with, 397 n.
  • Campana, Cabo de, Columbus approaches, 156-158.
  • Canaries, Columbus at, 92-94, 283-284, 320-323;
  •     French ship at, 320;
  •     pearls, 364.
  • Caonabó, King, and fate of first settlement in Española, 300, 303, 304, 307;
  •     mentioned, 312.
  • Cape Breton Island, and Karlsefni’s voyages, 40 n.;
  •     and landfall of John Cabot, 423 n.
  • Cape Verde Islands, 103;
  •     and Hesperides, 322;
  •     and Demarcation Line, 323, 326, 416;
  •     Columbus at, 324-326.
  • Carabelas grandes, Boca de, 134 n.
  • Caracol, Bay of, Columbus anchors in, 299 n.
  • Caracol, El, island, 340, 353.
  • Carambaru, 393, 394 n.
  • Cariay, 393;
  •     Indians of, 409.
  • Carib, island of, 223, 225, 226, 229, 230.
  •     See also Porto Rico.
  • Caribata, Cabo de, 188.
  • Caribata, Monte, described, 188;
  •     mentioned, 196, 199.
  • Caribs, 203;
  •     houses, 286, 289;
  •     reported cannibalism, 286, 288-290;
  •     industry, 289;
  •     appearance, 289, 293;
  •     treatment of captives, 290-291;
  •     several captured, 292, 293;
  •     fight with Spaniards, 293;
  •     and natives of Porto Rico, 294;
  •     mentioned, 322, 330, 348, 359.
  • Caritaba, province of, reports of gold, 202. [433]
  • Carvajal, Alonso Sanchez de, despatched to Española, 321.
  • Cascaes, Columbus at, 251.
  • Cassiterides, Columbus identifies with Azores, 329.
  • Castañeda, Juan de, attempt to seize Columbus, 245-248.
  • Cateva, 394 n.
  • Cathay, Columbus’s desire to reach, 134;
  •     supposed proximity to Cuba, 405;
  •     emperor’s embassy to Rome, 414.
  • Catholicism, in Greenland, 70-74;
  •     Columbus urges its establishment in Española, 274-275, 361.
  • Catiba, Columbus in, 394 n.
  • Catigara, location, 396-397.
  • Caxinas, Point, named, 391 n.;
  •     mentioned, 392 n.
  • Caymanos Chicos, islands, sighted, 405 n.
  • Cayre, 293. See also Dominica.
  • Central America, exploration of coast, 387.
  • Cerabora, see Carambaru.
  • Ceyre, 290. See also Dominica.
  • Chanca, Dr., letter to Cabildo of Seville, 280-313.
  • China, Columbus’s belief that he had reached, 397 n.
  • Christianity, introduced into Greenland, 23-26;
  •     in Greenland, 29, 56, 57, 71-74;
  •     in Iceland, 46;
  •     and New World, 352.
  • Chuzona chica, Rio, 219 n.
  • Ciamba, province of, 393.
  • Cibao, 197;
  •     reports of gold, 202;
  •     mentioned, 206;
  •     explored, 312-313;
  •     mines, 338.
  • Ciguare, described by natives, 394-395.
  • Cinquin, Cabo de, 168;
  •     Columbus approaches, 171, 174.
  • Cipango, 101 n.;
  •     Columbus desires to find, 113;
  •     Cuba mistaken for, 126, 127, 128, 130;
  •     mentioned, 197, 202, 212.
  • Clato, Prior of, entertains Columbus, 254.
  • Cobrava, 394 n.
  • Coche, 357.
  • Cochin-China, Costa Rica and Panama believed to be southern extension of, 397 n.
  • Colon, see Columbus.
  • Colonization, plan of Columbus for Española, 273-277.
  • Columbo, Juan Antonio, despatched to Española, 321.
  • Columbus, Bartholomew, in Española, 321;
  •     mentioned, 345;
  •     projected exploring expedition, 360;
  •     meets admiral, 366;
  •     in Paragua, 375;
  •     taken prisoner, 380;
  •     map, 397 n.
  • Columbus, Christopher, contract, 77-80;
  •     patent, 81-84;
  •     first voyage, 89-258;
  •     departure, 90;
  •     at Canaries, 92-94;
  •     signs of land, 96-100;
  •     landfall, 108-109;
  •     takes possession, 110;
  •     desire to reach Cipango, 113;
  •     at Santa Maria de la Concepcion, 115;
  •     at Fernandina, 120;
  •     believes Cuba to be Cipango, 126;
  •     discovers Cuba, 130;
  •     along coast, 144-168;
  •     Martin Alonso Pinzon deserts, 152;
  •     at Española, 169-228;
  •     reappearance of Pinzon, 214;
  •     and disaffection of Pinzons, 216-219;
  •     homeward voyage, 228-258;
  •     storm, 241;
  •     at Azores, 244-249;
  •     puts in at Portugal, 251-256;
  •     reception by King of Portugal, 251-256;
  •     arrival, 257;
  •     letter to Santangel, 263-272;
  •     and Cuba, 263;
  •     and Española, 264;
  •     duration of first voyage, 272;
  •     plan for colonization and commerce of Española, 273-277;
  •     second voyage, 278-313;
  •     sources of information, 281-282;
  •     at Canaries, 283-284;
  •     at Dominica, 284-285;
  •     at Guadeloupe, 286-291;
  •     at Porto Rico, 294-295;
  •     at Española, 295-313;
  •     finds settlement destroyed, 300;
  •     visits Cacique, 304;
  •     building of city, 308;
  •     sickness, 309, 312;
  •     third voyage, 314-366;
  •     sources of information, 317-318;
  •     preparations, 319;
  •     reception in Madeira, 320;
  •     at Canaries, 320;
  •     at Cape Verde Islands, 324-326;
  •     sends ships ahead to Española, 320-323;
  •     instructions concerning treatment of Indians, 322;
  •     proposed route, 322, 326, 327;
  •     and Demarcation Line, 326, 382;
  •     signs of land, 329-330;
  •     Trinidad sighted, 331;
  •     mainland of South America discovered, 333;[434]
  •     at Trinidad, 335-339;
  •     along coast, 331-351, 353-358, 362;
  •     and a New World, 352, 355, 356;
  •     in Boca del Drago, 354;
  •     near Margarita, 356-357, 362;
  •     anxiety about Española, 359-360;
  •     reasons for hastening to Española, 359-362;
  •     and Earthly Paradise, 364-365;
  •     arrival in Española, 365, 366;
  •     misfortunes, 371;
  •     aid of Isabella, 371-372;
  •     in disfavor, 372, 375, 378-379;
  •     revolt in Española, 374;
  •     and Bobadilla, 376-383;
  •     letter on fourth voyage, significance, 387;
  •     fourth voyage, 389-418;
  •     outward voyage, 389;
  •     arrival at Española, 389;
  •     forbidden to land, 390;
  •     storm, 390-392;
  •     at Queen’s Garden, 391;
  •     along coast of Central America, 391-403, 405;
  •     search for strait, 391 n.;
  •     illness, 392-393, 399;
  •     geographical conceptions, 396-398;
  •     and Earthly Paradise, 398;
  •     illness, 399;
  •     tempest, 399-400;
  •     sends out exploring party, 401;
  •     trouble with Indians, 402-403;
  •     establishes settlement, 402;
  •     reaches Cuba, 406;
  •     in Jamaica, 406;
  •     one ship puts into a port of Española, 407;
  •     urges colonization of Veragua, 411-413;
  •     deplores condition of Spanish settlements, 415;
  •     complains of ill-treatment, 416-418.
  • Columbus, Diego, brother of Columbus, in Española, 321;
  •     taken prisoner, 380.
  • Columbus, Diego, son of Columbus, page to Prince John, 379;
  •     mentioned, 393.
  • Columbus, Ferdinand, 241 n., 321;
  •     page in Queen’s household, 379;
  •     account of fourth voyage, 318, 388, 392 n.
  • Commerce, plan of Columbus for Española, 273-277;
  •     value of Spanish colonies predicted, 415.
  • Concepcion, La, island, 356.
  • Concepcion, Puerto de la, Columbus in, 172-179.
  • Conchas, Cabo de, 356.
  • Coroay, 206.
  • Cosa, Juan de la, master of Santa María, 200;
  •     mentioned, 204.
  • Costa Rica, supposed connection with Cambodia, 397 n.
  • Crooked Island, 123.
  • Cuba, mistaken for Cipango, 126-130;
  •     described by Indians, 130-136;
  •     discovered, 136;
  •     mistaken for mainland of Asia, 134, 263, 323, 405, 406;
  •     explorations, 136-148;
  •     Columbus returns, 153;
  •     Columbus leaves, 167;
  •     mentioned, 176, 263-264, 267, 364, 391 n.;
  •     Columbus lands on fourth voyage, 405.
  • Cuba, Cabo de, 146, 147.
  • Cubagua, reports of pearls, 357.
  • Cubiga, 394 n.
  • Dama, Alvaro, 253.
  • Darien, Gulf of, 405 n.
  • Davis, John, voyage to Greenland, 74 n.
  • Delfin, El, 340, 353.
  • Demarcation Line, and Columbus, 326;
  •     Papal, 416;
  •     agreement between Spain and Portugal, 416.
  • Diaz, Bartolomé, 252, 397 n.
  • Dimunarvag, 16.
  • Dögurdar River, country between, and Skraumuhlaups River, occupied by Aud, 15.
  • Dominica, discovered, 285;
  •     described 285;
  •     mentioned, 290, 321;
  •     report of gold, 293;
  •     Columbus heads for, 330.
  • Drago, Boca del, named, 340;
  •     Columbus’s ships in peril in, 354-355.
  • Drangar, 16, 45.
  • Drepstokk, Heriulf at, 47.
  • Drontheim, Leif arrives in, 47.
  • Drontheim, Archbishop of, papal letter to, 70 n.;
  •     jurisdiction, 71.
  • Drontheim, Archbishop Valkendorf of, 74 n.
  • Dublin, captured by King Olaf, 14.
  • Duelling-Hrafn, killed by Eric the Red, 16, 45.
  • Earthly Paradise, Columbus and, 364-365.
  • Einar of Laugarbrekka, 18.
  • Einar, of Einarsfirth, settles in Greenland, 47.
  • Einar, son of Thorgeir, 18;
  •     sues for Gudrid’s hand, 19.
  • Elefante, Cabo del, 168, 171.
  • Enamorado, Cabo del, 221.
  • Engaño, Cabo del, 229 n., 295 n., 322.
  • Enriquez, Beatrix, 321.[435]
  • Eric, Earl, visited by Biarni Herjulfson, 150.
  • Eric the Red, saga of, 3-5, 14-43;
  •     goes to Iceland, 14, 45;
  •     in Drangar and Haukadal, 15-16, 45;
  •     voyage, 16-17, 45-46;
  •     discovers Greenland, 16, 17, 46;
  •     return to Iceland, 17, 46;
  •     fight with Thorgest, 17;
  •     names and colonizes Greenland, 17, 46;
  •     mentioned, 20;
  •     welcomes Thorbiorn to Eastern Settlement, 23;
  •     unwilling to embrace Christianity, 26;
  •     and expedition to land discovered by Leif, 26-27, 50;
  •     receives Gudrid, 29;
  •     welcomes Biarni and Thorfinn Karlsefni, 30, 42;
  •     mentioned, 31, 33, 56;
  •     at Brattahlid, 48;
  •     death, 54.
  • Eric Gnupson, Bishop of Greenland, expedition, 69.
  • Eric Uppsi, see Eric Gnupson.
  • Ericsey, Eric the Red at, 17, 46.
  • Ericsfirth, Eric the Red at, 17, 46;
  •     mentioned, 26, 27, 29, 30, 54, 55, 59, 64.
  • Ericsholms, Eric in, 17.
  • Ericsstad, Eric at, 16.
  • Ericsstadir, Eric the Red in, 15, 45.
  • Ericsvag, 16, 45.
  • Escocesa, Bahia, 220 n.
  • Escobedo, Rodrigo de, 110, 184;
  •     remains in Española, 209, 210.
  • Escudo, Puerto, 168 n., 171 n.
  • Eskimos, and Vinland, 10, 41 n.;
  •     and Greenlanders, 71 n.-72 n.
  • Española discovered, 168;
  •     named, 173, 264;
  •     natives, 175-177, 180-187, 190-196, 198, 201-203, 205-210, 222-225, 265-269, 297-307;
  •     products, 177, 178;
  •     climate, 178;
  •     description, 181-182, 192-193, 264-268;
  •     Columbus praises land and people, 198, 201, 202;
  •     first settlement, 204, 206, 268;
  •     reports of gold, 215;
  •     coast explored, 215-228;
  •     recommendations of Columbus for colonization and commerce, 273-277;
  •     return of Columbus, 295;
  •     scenery, 296;
  •     fate of first settlement, 300-304;
  •     building of city Isabella, 308;
  •     products, 310-312;
  •     ships despatched to, 320-323;
  •     supplies for, 348-350, 353;
  •     revolts, 360, 366, 373;
  •     colonists, 373, 374-377;
  •     arrival of Bobadilla, 375-378;
  •     Columbus taken prisoner, 380;
  •     mining, 382;
  •     Columbus forbidden to land, 390;
  •     and Columbus’s fourth voyage, 406-408;
  •     condition, 415.
  • Estrella, Cabo de la, 168, 171.
  • Exploring expeditions, independent, authorized by Ferdinand and Isabella, 360.
  • Eyiulf of Sviney, 16, 45.
  • Eyiulf the Foul, 15, 16, 45.
  • Eyrar, Biarni arrives at, 48.
  • Eyxney, 16, 45.
  • Fava, 134.
  • Fayal, mentioned, 235.
  • Ferdinand and Isabella, contract with Columbus, 77-80;
  •     and route to Indies, 78;
  •     patent to Columbus, 81-84;
  •     war with Moors, 89;
  •     and Demarcation Line, 323, 326;
  •     and Columbus, 331;
  •     authorize independent exploring expeditions, 360;
  •     and Hojeda, 373;
  •     and Bobadilla, 376;
  •     and Columbus’s fourth voyage, 389-418.
  • Fernandina, discovered, 116-117, 263;
  •     Columbus approaches, 118;
  •     natives, 119;
  •     described, 119;
  •     coast explored, 120-122;
  •     sighted, 129.
  • Ferro, island of, 93, 104, 112, 137, 237, 284, 323.
  • Finnbogi, voyage to Wineland, 62, 63;
  •     death, 64.
  • Flat Island Book, 3;
  •     composition, 4;
  •     “The Vinland History,” and collateral sources, 8-9;
  •     reliability of “Vinland History” questioned, 8-10, 12.
  • Flechas, Golfo de las, 228.
  • Flechas, Puerto de las, Columbus in, 222-228.
  • Flores, island, 235-237.
  • Fortunate Isles, and first meridian of Marinus, 396 n.
  • Fraile, Punta del, 166 n.
  • Frances, Cabo, 220.
  • Frances, Puerto, 199 n.
  • Frederick, Bishop, in Iceland, 46.
  • Freydis, 32;
  •     drives off Skrellings, 38;
  •     fate, 39;
  •     marriage, 48;
  •     voyage to Vinland, 62-64;[436]
  •     and death of Helgi and Finnbogi, 63-64;
  •     return, 64-65.
  • Froda-wonder, 24.
  • Fuma, 206.
  • Funchal, Columbus in, 320.
  • Furdustrandir, see Wonder-strands.
  • Galeota, Cape, Columbus sees, 332 n.
  • Galera, Cabo de la, 332.
  • Gallega, La, ship of Columbus on fourth voyage, 390.
  • Gama, Vasco da, 323 n.;
  •     in south Atlantic, 323 n., 326 n.
  • Gard, overseer at Lysufirth, death, 27, 29.
  • Gardar, Freydis at, 48;
  •     Freydis leaves, 62;
  •     bishopric of, in fifteenth century, 70-74.
  • Gatos, Puerto de, 353.
  • Geirstein, 16.
  • Geography, Columbus’s conceptions of world, 387, 396-398.
  • Glaumbœiar-land, Thorfinn Karlsefni in, 65.
  • Glaumbœr, church in, 66.
  • Gomera, Columbus at, 93, 284, 320;
  •     mentioned, 94.
  • Gomera, Count of, see Peraza, Guillen.
  • Good Hope, Cape of, 397 n.
  • Gordo, Puerto, 400.
  • Gottskalk, Annals of, quoted, 69 n.
  • Government of Española, Columbus’s plan, 274;
  •     Columbus’s desire to be relieved, 375;
  •     Bobadilla’s arrival, 375-376;
  •     immunities proclaimed, 376-378.
  • Gracia, Isla de, 338-341.
  • Gracia, Rio de, 219.
  • Gracias á Dios, Cape, 391, 392 n.
  • Gran Can, 89;
  •     embassy to Rome, 89;
  •     and Columbus’s belief that he has reached Asia, 126, 131, 134, 135, 136, 145, 157, 174, 268;
  •     and Cabot’s landfall, 423.
  • Gran Canaria, Columbus at, 92, 283.
  • Granja, Puerto de la, 187 n.
  • Greenland, Norse colonists, 10;
  •     discovery, 17;
  •     explored, 17;
  •     named, 17;
  •     colonization, 17;
  •     Thorbiorn in Western Settlement, 20-23;
  •     introduction of Christianity, 23-26;
  •     sickness in Western Settlement, 27-29, 57-59;
  •     Biarni and Thorfinn Karlsefni in, 30-32, 59;
  •     return of Thorfinn Karlsefni, 62;
  •     Helgi and Finnbogi in, 62;
  •     mentioned, 67 n.;
  •     bishopric of Gardar, 71-74;
  •     conditions in colony, 71-74.
  • Grimhild, death and burial, 57, 58.
  • Guacamari, see Guacanagarí.
  • Guacanagarí, Indian cacique, 193 n., 207;
  •     Columbus takes leave of, 209-210;
  •     mentioned, 298-300, 303, 361;
  •     suspected of treachery, 301, 305-307;
  •     receives Columbus, 304-305.
  • Guadalquivir River, 180.
  • Guadeloupe, 225 n., 290 n.;
  •     Columbus at, 286;
  •     mentioned, 343;
  •     natives report mainland to south, 359.
  • Guaigo, 394 n.
  • Guanahani, discovered, 110, 263;
  •     Columbus takes possession of, 110;
  •     natives, 111-113;
  •     mentioned, 131, 134, 151.
  • Guanaja, Columbus at, 391 n., 392 n.
  • Guarico, 188 n., 196 n.
  • Guarionex, 206.
  • Gudrid, ancestry, 15 n., 18;
  •     in Arnarstapi, 18;
  •     return to Laugarbrekka, 19;
  •     and prophecy of Thorbiorg, 22-23;
  •     marries Thorstein Ericson, 27, 56;
  •     in Western Settlement, Greenland, 27-29, 57-59;
  •     goes to Eastern Settlement, 29, 59;
  •     marries Thorfinn Karlsefni, 31, 59;
  •     goes to Iceland, 43;
  •     descendants, 43-44, 66;
  •     accompanies Thorfinn Karlsefni to Vinland, 60-61;
  •     in Iceland, 66.
  • Guevara, Ferdinand de, in Xaragua, 374.
  • Guiga, 399 n.
  • Guinea, 145;
  •     and reported trade of canoes with land to west, 326;
  •     navigation of Portuguese, 332;
  •     exploration, 351-352.
  • Guisay, see Quinsay.
  • Gunnbiorn, son of Ulf the Crow, voyage, 16, 46.
  • Gunnbiorns-skerries, discovered, 16, 46.
  • Gutierrez, Pedro, 109;
  •     sent ashore, 200;
  •     remains in Española, 209-210.
  • Haekia, in Vinland, 33.
  • Hafgrim, settles in Greenland, 47.
  • Haki, in Vinland, 33.
  • Halldis, 18;
  •     death, 20;
  •     mentioned, 22.[437]
  • Hallveig, daughter of Einar, 18.
  • Hanno, voyage, 328.
  • Harold, the Stern-ruler, King of Norway, voyage, 68.
  • Haukadal, Eric the Red in, 15;
  •     Eric banished, 16, 45.
  • Hauk Erlendsson, book, 3-5;
  •     reliability, 8.
  • Hayti, 168 n., 295, 391 n.
  • Hebrides, Aud and Thorstein go to, 14;
  •     Leif in, 24-25.
  • Helgi, voyage to Wineland, 62-63;
  •     death, 64.
  • Helgi Thorbrandsson, settles in Greenland, 47.
  • Helluland, identification, 10;
  •     named, 51;
  •     explored, 32.
  • Henry VII., of England, reception of John Cabot, 424;
  •     plan of second voyage, 425, 428;
  •     preparations for second voyage, 429.
  • Heriulf, accompanies Eric the Red to Greenland, 46-47;
  •     at Heriulfsness, 48-49.
  • Heriulfsness, Thorbiorn arrives in, 20;
  •     Heriulf at, 46, 48-49.
  • Hermoso, Cabo, 123, 124.
  • Hesperides, and Cape Verde Islands, 322 n.
  • Hierro, island, see Ferro.
  • Hierro, Punta del, 220.
  • Hojeda, Alonso de, 312 n.;
  •     explores Cibao, 313 n.;
  •     voyage, 360, 416 n.;
  •     arrival in Española, 373;
  •     mentioned, 376.
  • Holar, Bishop of, ordered to inquire into affairs of Gardar bishopric, 73.
  • Holmar, Eric winters at, 46.
  • Holmlatr, Eric spends winter in, 17.
  • Hop, Karlsefni at, 36, 39, 40-41.
  • Horn-Strands, 45.
  • Hrafn, settles in Greenland, 47.
  • Hrafnsfirth, Eric enters, 17, 46.
  • Hrafnsgnipa, 46.
  • Huego, reports of land to the southwest, 326.
  • Hvamm, Aud in, 15.
  • Hvarfsgnipa, 17.
  • Hvitramanna-land, 42.
  • Jacmel, 407 n.
  • Jaederen, Thorvald and Eric the Red leave, 15, 45.
  • Jamaica, 215, 338;
  •     Columbus’s shipwreck, 387;
  •     Columbus bound for, 389;
  •     Columbus reaches, 406.
  • Jardines, described, 344;
  •     natives, 345-346.
  • Jerez, Rodrigo de, 136.[438]
  • Jerome, St., 414.
  • Jews, expulsion from Spain, 90.
  • Jiddah, spice trade, 427 n.
  • Joachim, Abbot, prophecy, 413-414.
  • John II., of Portugal, grant to Fernam Dominguez do Arco, 93 n.;
  •     receives Columbus, 253-255;
  •     and Demarcation Line, 323, 326.
  • John, prince of Castile, 323, 369.
  • Jon Thordsson, and Flat Island Book, 4.
  • Juana, see Cuba.
  • Labrador, and John Cabot’s first voyage, 423 n.
  • Lagartos, Rio de los, 400 n.
  • Lanzada, Punta, 179.
  • Lanzarote, 92.
  • Lapa, Cape of, 340;
  •     pearl fisheries near, 346;
  •     Columbus near, 353, 354.
  • La Vega, Columbus at, 375.
  • Leif Ericson, and discovery of America, 8, 11;
  •     date of voyage, 12, 43 n.;
  •     in Norway, 24-25, 47;
  •     discovery, 25, 50-54;
  •     introduces Christianity in Greenland, 26;
  •     mentioned, 33, 59, 62, 63;
  •     displeasure at Freydis, 65.
  • Leif’s-booths in Vinland, Thorvald reaches, 54-55;
  •     Thorfinn Karlsefni’s arrival, 60.
  • Leikskalar, Eric at, 16.
  • Lepe, Diego de, voyage, 416 n.
  • Levantados, Cayo de, 221 n.
  • Lindo, Cabo, 166.
  • Lisbon, Columbus driven into river by tempest, 251, 379;
  •     John Cabot’s presence in, alleged, 430.
  • Llana, Punta, 349.
  • Llandra, Columbus at, 256.
  • Long Island, 117 n.
  • Lucayos, discovered, 110.
  • Luengo, Cabo, 356.
  • Luna, Rio de la, 132.
  • Lybia, voyage of Hanno from, 328.
  • Lysufirth, 27, 57.
  • Macorix, 206.
  • Macuris, Punta, 220 n.
  • Madama Beata, island, named, 365.
  • Madeira, 236, 243, 250;
  •     Columbus at, 320.
  • Magnus Thorhallsson, and Flat Island Book, 4.
  • Mago, see Mango.
  • Maici, Punta de, 158 n.
  • Maldonado, Melchior, explores Española, 302-303.
  • Mango, Cuba mistaken for, 405, 408.
  • Manzanillo, Bahia de, 212 n.
  • Maravi, Port of, 158 n.
  • Mares, Puerto de, advantages for settlement, 140;
  •     Columbus leaves, 143.
  • Mares, Rio de, Columbus in, 132, 133, 135, 144;
  •     mentioned, 147, 160, 176.
  • Margarita, discovered, 356;
  •     Columbus leaves vicinity, 362-363.
  • Margot, Puerto, 187 n., 188 n.
  • Maria, Puerto, 168.
  • Marigalante, ship, 284 n.
  • Marigalante, island, 285.
  • Marinus, conception of world, 396-397.
  • Markland, identification, 10;
  •     natives, 11;
  •     expedition of Thorfinn Karlsefni, 32, 41;
  •     named by Leif, 51;
  •     mentioned, 69.
  • Marmoro, 405 n.
  • Marquez, Diego, 288.
  • Martian, quoted, 67.
  • Martinet, El, island, 356-357.
  • Martinique, 225 n.
  • Martyr, Peter, account of Columbus’s fourth voyage, 388.
  • Maternillo, Punta del, 135 n.
  • Matinino, island, inhabitants, 223, 225, 270;
  •     copper reported, 226;
  •     Columbus desires to see, 228-229;
  •     mentioned, 230.
  • Matthias, elected Bishop of Gardar, 74.
  • Mayas, 215 n.;
  •     culture, 394 n.;
  •     sculptures, 409-410;
  •     animals, 410;
  •     language, 411.
  • Mayonic, 206.
  • Mayreni, King, reported to have killed Spaniards, 300, 302, 303.
  • Mayrones, Francis de, quoted, 359.
  • Mecca, Cabot in, 426 n., 427;
  •     spice trade of, 427 n.
  • Micmac Indians, appearance, 36 n.
  • Midiokul, 46.
  • Mines, Española, 382;
  •     of Spanish colonies, value predicted, 415.[439]
  • Missions, need in New World, 274, 361.
  • Moa, Rio de, 154 n.
  • Moa, Sierras de, 154 n.
  • Mogens Heinesen, 74 n.
  • Mona, island of, 322.
  • Monte, Cabo del, 166.
  • Monte Cristi, 212;
  •     described, 213;
  •     mentioned, 216, 218, 296;
  •     harbor described, 298.
  • Montserrat, 291 n.
  • Moray, conquered by Thorstein the Red and Earl Sigurd the Mighty, 14.
  • Mosquito, Bahia, 172 n.
  • Mosquito Coast, Columbus on, 393 n.
  • Mosquitos, Punto de, 405 n.
  • Moya, Cayo de, 153.
  • Mulas, Punta de, 132 n.
  • Muxica, Adrian de, revolt, 374.
  • Navidad, fort built, 206;
  •     Columbus leaves settlement, 209-211, 268-269, 271;
  •     gold, 217;
  •     anxiety of Columbus about, 224;
  •     Columbus finds settlement destroyed, 298-304;
  •     mentioned, 361.
  • Navigation, between Spain and Española, recommendations of Columbus, 276-277;
  •     compass, 363 n.;
  •     difficulties due to strong currents, 408-409.
  • New Spain, discovery postponed by Roldan’s revolt, 360.
  • Nicholas V., letter to Bishops of Skalholt and Holar, 70-73.
  • Nidaros, Leif reaches, 47.
  • Niña, ship, 96, 97, 102;
  •     crew report land, 106;
  •     mentioned, 108, 116, 122, 139;
  •     Indians escape from, 115-116, 150;
  •     new fittings, 155;
  •     Columbus on, 201.
  • Niño, Pedro Alonso, 236.
  • Nipe, 131 n.
  • Niti, 309, 312;
  •     reports of gold, 313.
  • Nombre de Dios, 394 n., 399.
  • Noroña, D. Martin de, 253;
  •     escorts Columbus, 256.
  • North America, voyages of Northmen, 25, 50-54, 47-49; 54-56, 31-42, 59-62, 62-64, 67, 69;
  •     Cabot’s landfall, 422.
  • Northmen in America, sources, 3-13;
  •     identification of localities, 10;
  •     dates, 12, 43 n.
  • Norway, Eric the Red and Thorvald leave, 15, 45;
  •     Leif in, 25, 47;
  •     Thorfinn Karlsefni sails from, 59;
  •     Thorfinn Karlsefni in, 65.
  • Nova Scotia, and Northmen, 10;
  •     Indians, 36 n.;
  •     climate, 37 n.;
  •     and voyage of Thorfinn Karlsefni, 40 n., 41 n.
  • Nuestra Señora, Mar de, 148;
  •     Columbus re-enters, 153;
  •     mentioned, 160.
  • Nuevitas del Principe, Puerto de las, 131 n., 132 n.
  • Odd, of Jorva, 16.
  • Olaf the White, King, in Ireland, 14.
  • Olaf Tryggvason, King of Norway, 24;
  •     and Christianity in Greenland, 25-26, 71;
  •     and Leif Ericson, 25, 33, 47.
  • Orinoco, Columbus near mouth, 334 n.
  • Orkneys, Aud the Wealthy sails to, 14.
  • Orm of Arnarstapi, 18;
  •     entertains Gudrid, 18-19;
  •     starts with Thorbiorn to Greenland, 20;
  •     death, 20.
  • Oro, Rio del, 217, 218.
  • Ovando, and Columbus, 390.
  • Padre y Hijo, Cabo de, 221.
  • Palmas, Cabo de, 133.
  • Palmista, Punta, 168 n.
  • Panama, coast explored, 387, 394 n.;
  •     supposed connection with Cambodia, 397 n.
  • Paria, discovery, 339, 373;
  •     described, 340, 341;
  •     pearls, 346, 348, 373;
  •     natives, 346-347;
  •     Columbus near, 353, 354;
  •     explored by Hojeda and Pinzon, 360 n.;
  •     condition, 415.
  • Paria, Gulf of, 337 n., 340 n., 350 n.
  • Peraza, Doña Ines, 93.
  • Peraza, Guillen, 93.
  • Pérez, Alonso, sights land, 330.
  • Perlas, Golpho de las, 350;
  •     Columbus explores, 355, 356, 358.
  • Pico, Cabo de, 156.
  • Pierna, Punta, 178.
  • Pinta, ship, rudder disabled, 92;
  •     repaired, 92-93;
  •     sails ahead of Admiral’s ship, 97-98;
  •     crew sights land, 108-109;
  •     mentioned, 120, 122, 133, 138, 211;
  •     leaves other ships, 152;
  •     news, 205, 207;
  •     reappearance, 214;
  •     on coast of Española, 215, 219;[440]
  •     weakness of mast, 232;
  •     leaves Niña, 238.
  • Pinzon, Martin Alonso, at the Canaries, 92;
  •     sails ahead of Columbus, 97-98;
  •     and Columbus, 100-101;
  •     claims to see land, 102;
  •     advises course, 106, 120;
  •     at Guanahani, 110;
  •     mentioned, 120, 127, 134, 138, 211, 232;
  •     leaves Admiral’s fleet, 152;
  •     rejoins Niña, 214;
  •     on coast of Española, 215, 219;
  •     Columbus disapproves of, 214, 216;
  •     runs Pinta ahead of Niña, 238.
  • Pinzon, Vicente Yañez, 108 n.;
  •     at Guanahani, 110;
  •     at Española, 207;
  •     disaffection, 216;
  •     quoted, 235;
  •     charts route, 237;
  •     voyage, 360 n., 373, 416 n.
  • Plata, Monte de, 220.
  • Plata, Puerto de, 220 n., 296 n., 346.
  • Playa, Punta de la, 333.
  • Pliny, quoted, 324, 348, 353.
  • Polo, Marco, 364, 393 n., 406 n., 426 n.
  • Porras, Diego de, report of fourth voyage of Columbus, 388, 407 n.
  • Port Clarence, Long Island, 120 n.
  • Porto Rico, 223, 225;
  •     reports of gold, 225;
  •     copper reported, 226;
  •     location, 230;
  •     Columbus at, 294-295;
  •     mentioned, 321, 338, 359, 408.
  • Portugal, relations with Spain, 246.
  •     Columbus received in, 253-256;
  •     and Demarcation Line, 323, 416 n., 430;
  •     and treaty of Tordesillas, 430.
  • Pozas, Isla de las, 408.
  • Principe, Puerto del, 148;
  •     Columbus leaves, 150;
  •     Columbus returns towards, 151.
  • Ptolemy, geographical system, 329 n., 396-397.
  • Puerto Sancto, Columbus at, 320.
  • Puerto Santo, in Cuba, Columbus at, 162-166;
  •     natives, 164-165.
  • Punta Santa, 196, 199.
  • Queen’s Garden, islands, 391, 405 n.
  • Quinsay, and Columbus’s belief in Asian landfall, 126, 136 n., 406 n.
  • Quintero, Cristóbal, and the Pinta, 92.
  • Rascon, Gomes, and the Pinta, 92.
  • Rastelo, Columbus passes, 251;
  •     ship of King of Portugal near, 252.
  • Ratos, Isla de, 198 n.
  • Redondo, Cabo, 220.
  • Retrete, harbor, 399, 405 n.
  • Reyniness, Thorfinn Karlsefni in, 43.
  • Ricchieri, Ludovico, Antiquarum Lectionum Libri XVI., 329 n.
  • Rico, Cabo, 356.
  • Roca, Cabo de la, 220 n.
  • Roja, Punta, 217.
  • Roldan, the pilot, 235;
  •     charts route, 237.
  • Roldan, Francisco, revolt, 360, 366, 373-374;
  •     and Bobadilla, 376.
  • Romero, El, island, 356.
  • Ross, conquered by Thorstein the Red and Earl Sigurd the Mighty, 14.
  • Rucia, Punta, 213 n.
  • Ruiz, Sancho, charts route, 237.
  • Rum Cay, 115.
  • Sabeta, 345.
  • Sabor, Cabo de, 356.
  • Sacro, Puerto, 221.
  • Saga-age, in Iceland, 7.
  • St. Martin, island, 291 n.
  • St. Nicholas Mole, Hayti, 168 n.
  • St. Ursula, island, 294 n.
  • Sal, La, island, Columbus near, 324.
  • Saltes, bar of, 91;
  •     Columbus crosses, 257.
  • Samana, Bay of, described, 221;
  •     Columbus leaves, 228;
  •     mentioned, 295 n.
  • Samana, peninsula, 221 n.
  • Samaot, 119, 120, 122.
  • San Honorato, 196 n.
  • San Juan, see Porto Rico.
  • San Juan River, Nicaragua, 393 n.
  • San Miguel, Columbus approaches, 247.
  • San Nicolas, Puerto de, described, 169-170.
  • San Salvador, name given by Columbus to landfall, 114, 115, 151, 263;
  •     natives, 116-117.
  • San Salvador, name given by Columbus to river and port in Cuba, 131, 133.
  • San Theramo, Cape, 229.
  • Sanchez, Rodrigo, 109;
  •     at Guanahani, 110;
  •     in Cuba, 140.
  • Sancta Ana, Cape, 327.
  • Santa Catalina, harbor, 156.
  • Santa Catherina, island, 322, 365.[441]
  • Santa Cruz, island, 293 n.;
  •     reported proximity of mainland, 359.
  • Santa Maria de la Concepcion, discovered, 115, 263;
  •     mentioned, 117;
  •     Columbus sails from, 118.
  • Santa Maria, Azores, Columbus reaches, 236;
  •     attempted seizure of Columbus at, 245-249;
  •     mentioned, 250.
  • Santangel, Luis de, Columbus’s letter to, 243 n., 252 n., 259-272, 369.
  • Santo Domingo, 321-322, 365;
  •     Columbus’s arrival, 366;
  •     revolts, 369;
  •     Bobadilla’s arrival, 375-383;
  •     departure of Columbus, 391 n.
  • Santo Tomas, island, 187, 188, 189, 198, 199, 208.
  • São Thiago, Columbus at, 324 n., 325-326.
  • Saometo, see Isabella, island.
  • Saona, 322.
  • Sara, Punta, 349.
  • Scotland, and Thorstein the Red, 14.
  • Seca, Punta, 220, 349.
  • Sera, distance from Cape St. Vincent, estimated by Ptolemy, 397 n.
  • Sesua, Punta, 220 n.
  • Seven Cities, myth, and John Cabot’s voyage, 425.
  • Seville, letter of Dr. Chanca to Cabildo of, 280-313.
  • Sierpe, Boca de la, named, 340;
  •     mentioned, 354.
  • Sierpe, Cabo de, 211.
  • Siete Hermanos, Los, 212 n.
  • Sigrid, wife of Thorstein of Lysufirth, death, 27, 28.
  • Sigurd the Mighty, Earl, 14.
  • Skagafirth, Karlsefni arrives at, 65.
  • Skalholt, Bishop of, ordered to inquire into affairs of Gardar bishopric, 73.
  • Skalholt annals, extract, 69.
  • Skrellings, 11;
  •     appearance, 36;
  •     trade with Northmen, 37;
  •     attack Northmen, 38-39;
  •     of Markland, 41;
  •     attack Thorvald, 55;
  •     trade with Thorfinn Karlsefni, 60;
  •     attack Thorfinn Karlsefni, 61-62.
  • Slave-trade, Indian, 378.
  • Slavery, Indian, and Columbus, 344.
  • Snaefell, Eric sails to, 17, 46.
  • Snaefells-iokul, Eric sails from, 17, 46.
  • Snaefellsness, 18.
  • Snorri, son of Thorfinn Karlsefni, 41, 43, 60, 66.
  • Snorri, Thorbrand’s son, 30;
  •     accompanies Thorfinn Karlsefni to Greenland, 30;
  •     accompanies Thorfinn Karlsefni to Vinland, 31, 35-36, 38-39.
  • Snorri Thorbrandsson, saga of Thorfinn Karlsefni and, see Eric the Red, saga of.
  • Social life in Greenland in tenth century, soothsaying, 21-23;
  •     Yule feast, 31.
  • Sol, Rio del, 143.
  • Solvi, settles in Greenland, 47.
  • Soncino, Raimondo de, first letter to Duke of Milan, 424-425;
  •     second letter, 425-429.
  • Soothsaying, an exhibition in Greenland, 21-23.
  • South America, Columbus on coast, 331-363;
  •     explorations of Hojeda and Pinzon, 360 n.;
  •     Earthly Paradise, 364-365;
  •     first settlement of Spaniards, 403 n.;
  •     and Asia, 397 n.
  • Spain, Columbus’s suggestions of colonial policy for, 160, 273-277;
  •     and Demarcation Line, 323, 416 n., 430;
  •     and Columbus’s discoveries, 351, 352, 360-361, 363-364, 390.
  • Spice Islands, Cipango confused by Cabot with, 427 n.
  • Spice trade of the East, 427 n.
  • Stokkaness, Thorbiorn settles at, 23.
  • Straumey, 33.
  • Straumfiord, 34. See Streamfirth.
  • Streamfirth, arrival of Thorfinn Karlsefni and Snorri, 39;
  •     Thorfinn Karlsefni in, 41;
  •     arrival of ship from Greenland, 69.
  • Styr Thorgrimsson, 16, 45;
  •     accompanies Eric on voyage, 45.
  • Sudrey, 16.
  • Sutherland, conquered by Thorstein the Red and Earl Sigurd the Mighty, 14.
  • Svend Estridson, king of Denmark, 67, 68.
  • Tajado, Cabo, 220.
  • Tanais, country of, 426.
  • Tapion, Rio, 212 n.
  • Taxamo, Puerto de, 147 n.[442]
  • Tello, Gomez, appointed receiver of royal dues, 275 n.
  • Tenerife, Columbus near, 93.
  • Terceira, Pedro Alonso Niño near, 236.
  • Testigos, Los, discovered, 356.
  • Thiodhild, see Thorhild.
  • Thorbiorg, called Little Sibyl, prophesies, 21-23.
  • Thorbiorn, Vifil’s son, 15, 16;
  •     gives feasts, 19, 20;
  •     goes to Greenland, 20;
  •     sails to Brattahlid, 23;
  •     mentioned, 26, 27, 45;
  •     death, 29.
  • Thorbiorn Gleamer, settles in Greenland, 47.
  • Thorbrand, of Alptafirth, sons of, 16.
  • Thorbrand, son of Snorri, 38.
  • Thord of Höfdi, descendants, 30.
  • Thord the Yeller, sons of, 16, 45.
  • Thorfinn Karlsefni, and Hauk’s book, 5;
  •     and North America, 11;
  •     date of voyages, 12, 43 n.;
  •     in Greenland, 30-31;
  •     marries Gudrid, 31, 59;
  •     voyage, 31-42, 59-62;
  •     in Norway, 65;
  •     in Iceland, 43, 65;
  •     descendants, 43-44, 66.
  • Thorfinn Karlsefni, saga of, see Eric the Red, saga of.
  • Thorgeir of Hitardal, 16, 45.
  • Thorgeir of Thorgeirsfell, 18.
  • Thorgeir, Vifil’s son, in Iceland, 15;
  •     marriage, 18.
  • Thorgest, quarrels with Eric the Red, 16, 45;
  •     defeats Eric, 17.
  • Thorgils, son of Leif, 24.
  • Thorgunna, 24.
  • Thorhall the Huntsman, 30;
  •     accompanies expedition of Thorfinn Karlsefni, 32;
  •     asks aid of Thor, 34;
  •     sails in search of Vinland, 34-35;
  •     fate, 35;
  •     Thorstein Karlsefni goes in search of, 39.
  • Thorhild, wife of Eric, 15, 23, 45;
  •     embraces Christianity, 26.
  • Thori Eastman, in Greenland, 54;
  •     death, 54.
  • Thorkel, entertains Thorbiorn, 20-21.
  • Thorlak, Bishop, 43 n.
  • Thorsnessthing, 16, 45.
  • Thorstein Ericson, 23;
  •     leads expedition towards land discovered by Leif, 26, 56;
  •     failure, 27, 56-57;
  •     weds Gudrid, 27, 56;
  •     in Western Settlement, 27, 57;
  •     death, 28-58;
  •     prophecy of Gudrid’s fate, 29, 58, 59;
  •     mentioned, 48.
  • Thorstein of Lysufirth, entertains Thorstein Ericson and Gudrid, 27-28, 57-58;
  •     accompanies Gudrid to Ericsfirth, 59.
  • Thorstein the Red, and Scots, 14.
  • Thorvald, father of Eric, goes to Iceland, 15, 45.
  • Thorvald, son of Eric, and the Uniped, 40;
  •     mentioned, 48;
  •     voyage to Wineland, 54-56;
  •     death, 56.
  • Thorvald Kodransson, 46.
  • Thorvard, accompanies expedition of Karlsefni, 32;
  •     marriage, 48;
  •     and death of Helgi and Finnbogi, 64.
  • Thurid, daughter of Eyvind Easterling, 14.
  • Thurid, daughter of Thorbiorn Vifilson, see Gudrid.
  • Tobacco-smoking, earliest reference, 141 n.
  • Tordesillas, Treaty of, 323 n., 326 n., 430.
  • Torres, Antonio de, sent back to Spain, 312 n.;
  •     mentioned, 369;
  •     and Columbus’s letter to sovereigns concerning Demarcation Line, 382.
  • Torres, Doña Juana de, Columbus’s letter to, 369-383.
  • Torres, Luis de, sent ashore at Cuba, 136.
  • Torres, Cabo de, 187, 188.
  • Tortuga Island, 168, 172, 174;
  •     Columbus reaches, 178;
  •     described, 179;
  •     natives, 180, 183;
  •     reports of gold, 184.
  • Toscanelli map, 101 n.
  • Tradir, Eric at, 16.
  • Tramontana, La, island, 348, 349.
  • Triana, Rodrigo de, sights land, 109.
  • Trinidad, discovered, 331;
  •     Columbus seeks harbor, 333;
  •     size, 334, 340;
  •     Columbus’s crew lands, 335;
  •     Indians, 335-336;
  •     climate, 337;
  •     fruits, 338;
  •     animals, 338-339.
  • Trivigliano, Angelo, letters of, mentioned, 318.
  • Trujillo, Columbus near, 391 n., 392 n.
  • Turuqueira, 290.
  • Tyrker, accompanies Leif on voyage of discovery, 50;
  •     in Vinland, 52-53.[443]
  • “Uniped” episode, 40.
  • Uvægi, 41.
  • Vætilldi, 41.
  • Valldidida, reported to be a king of the Skrellings, 41.
  • Valle del Paraiso, 180.
  • Valparaiso, Portugal, Columbus at, 254.
  • Valthiof, and Eric the Red, 16.
  • Valthiofsstadir, landslide caused by Eric’s thralls at, 15.
  • Vatnshorn, 15, 16, 45.
  • Veragua, report of mines, 394;
  •     Columbus reaches, 400-401;
  •     explored, 401;
  •     mines found, 401;
  •     natives, 401-402;
  •     signs of gold, 411;
  •     advantages for settlement, 411-412;
  •     and Columbus’s mythological geography, 413;
  •     gold of Quibian, 414;
  •     official appointments, 415.
  • Verde, Cabo, 129.
  • Verde, Simone, letter of, mentioned, 318.
  • Vespucci, Amerigo, and naming of America, 359 n.
  • Vifil, freed by Aud, 15.
  • Vifilsdal, given by Aud to Vifil, 15.
  • Vinland, and Northmen, sources, 3-13;
  •     verity of tradition, 4, 7-8, 11, 13;
  •     location, 10, 37 n., 67 n.;
  •     natives, 10-11;
  •     chronology of voyages, 12, 43 n.;
  •     Leif’s discovery, 25, 50-54;
  •     Thorstein Ericson’s attempt, 26-27;
  •     voyage of Biarni Herjulfson, 47-49;
  •     Thorvald’s voyage, 54-56;
  •     Thorfinn Karlsefni’s expedition, 31-42, 59-62;
  •     expedition of Finnbogi and Freydis, 62-64;
  •     described by Adam of Bremen, 67;
  •     Bishop Eric’s expedition, 69.
  • Voyages, Gunnbiorn, 16, 46;
  •     Eric the Red, 16-17, 45-46;
  •     Leif Ericson, 25, 50-54;
  •     Thorstein Ericson, 26-27;
  •     Biarni Herjulfson, 47-49;
  •     Thorvald, 54-56;
  •     Thorfinn Karlsefni, 31-42, 59-62;
  •     Finnbogi and Freydis, 62-64;
  •     Bishop Eric, 69;
  •     Columbus’s first, 89-258, 263-272;
  •     second, 278-313;
  •     third, 314-366;
  •     fourth, 389-418;
  •     John Cabot (1497), 423-424.
  • Xamaná, 295, 297.
  • Xaraguá, 345;
  •     and Adrian de Muxica’s revolt, 374, 375.
  • Zayto, and Columbus’s belief that he had reached Asia, 136.
  • Zuruquia, 297.

Transcriber’s Note

Transcription Note

The following errors and inconsistencies have been maintained.

The following errors and inconsistencies have been kept.

Misspelled words and typographical errors:

Misspellings and typos:

Page  Error
101 “certainis lands” for “certain islands”
221, fn. 5 A . was omitted after “by Columbus”
229, fn. 2 “Cabod el Engaño” should read “Cabo del Engaño” (258)
268, fn. 2 “Historia de las Reyes Catolicos” should read “Historia de los Reyes Catolicos”
295, fn. 6 "October 21. and note" should have a comma after 21
329, fn. 6 Columbiana for Colombiana
359, fn. 2 “et seq.” for “et seqq.”
373, fn. 4 "III. 23-42 He was" is missing a . after 42
405, fn. 3 p. 301, note 1, should read p. 391, note 1
411 “during fours years” for “during four years”

The following words were inconsistently spelled:

The following words were spelled inconsistently:

Acul / Acúl
Arna-Magnæan / Arne-Magnæan
Christóbal / Cristóbal
Encyclopædia / Encyclopaedia
Ericson / Ericsson
Guacanagari / Guacanagarí
Maicí / Maici
mother-of-pearl / mother-o’-pearl
Pinzon / Pinzón
Santa Maria / Santa María
Skalholt / Skálholt
Snaefell / Snæfell
Tenerife / Teneriffe
Xaragua / Xaraguá
Yuyapari / Yuyaparí

Acul / Acúl
Arna-Magnæan / Arne-Magnæan
Christóbal / Cristóbal
Encyclopædia / Encyclopaedia
Ericson / Ericsson
Guacanagari / Guacanagarí
Maicí / Maici
mother-of-pearl / mother-o’-pearl
Pinzon / Pinzón
Santa Maria / Santa María
Skalholt / Skálholt
Snaefell / Snæfell
Tenerife / Teneriffe
Xaragua / Xaraguá
Yuyapari / Yuyaparí

The following words had inconsistent hyphenation:

The following words had inconsistent hyphenation:

bedchamber / bed-chamber
crossbow / cross-bow
flood tide / flood-tide
highborn / high-born
Horsehead / Horse-head
housewife / house-wife
landslide / land-slide
lookout / look-out
nightfall / night-fall
northeast / north-east
northwest / north-west
sandbanks / sand-banks
sawmills / saw-mills
shipmates / ship-mates
shipworm / ship-worm
southwest / south-west
stockfish / stock-fish
Streamfirth / Stream-firth
Thorsnessthing / Thorsness-thing
Wonderstrands / Wonder-strands

bedroom / bed-room
crossbow / cross-bow
flood tide / flood-tide
highborn / high-born
Horsehead / Horse-head
housewife / house-wife
landslide / land-slide
lookout / look-out
nightfall / night-fall
northeast / north-east
northwest / north-west
sandbanks / sand-banks
sawmills / saw-mills
shipmates / ship-mates
shipworm / ship-worm
southwest / south-west
stockfish / stock-fish
Streamfirth / Stream-firth
Thorsnessthing / Thorsness-thing
Wonderstrands / Wonder-strands




        
        
    
Download ePUB

If you like this ebook, consider a donation!