Entrusted by His Majesty the King with the duty of making a selection from Queen Victoria's correspondence, we think it well to describe briefly the nature of the documents which we have been privileged to examine, as well as to indicate the principles which have guided us throughout. It has been a task of no ordinary difficulty. Her Majesty Queen Victoria dealt with her papers, from the first, in a most methodical manner; she formed the habit in early days of preserving her private letters, and after her accession to the Throne all her official papers were similarly treated, and bound in volumes. The Prince Consort instituted an elaborate system of classification, annotating and even indexing many of the documents with his own hand. The result is that the collected papers form what is probably the most extraordinary series of State documents in the world. The papers which deal with the Queen's life up to the year 1861 have been bound in chronological order, and comprise between five and six hundred volumes. They consist, in great part, of letters from Ministers detailing the proceedings of Parliament, and of various political memoranda dealing with home, foreign, and colonial policy; among these are a few drafts of Her Majesty's replies. There are volumes concerned with the affairs of almost every European country; with the history of India, the British Army, the Civil List, the Royal Estates, and all the complicated machinery of the Monarchy and the Constitution. There are letters from monarchs and royal personages, and there is further a whole series of volumes dealing with matters in which the Prince Consort took a special interest. Some of them are arranged chronologically, some by subjects. Among the most interesting volumes are those containing the letters written by Her Majesty to her uncle Leopold, King of the Belgians, and his replies.¹ The collection of letters from and to Lord Melbourne forms another hardly less interesting series. In many places Queen Victoria caused extracts, copied from her own private Diaries, dealing with important political events or describing momentous interviews, to be inserted in the volumes, with the evident intention of illustrating and completing the record.

Footnote 1: A set of volumes containing the Queen's letters to Lord John Russell came into our hands too late to be made use of for the present publication.

It became obvious at once that it was impossible to deal with [page iv] these papers exhaustively. They would provide material for a historical series extending to several hundred volumes. Moreover, on the other hand, there are many gaps, as a great deal of the business of State was transacted by interviews of which no official record is preserved.

His Majesty the King having decided that no attempt should be made to publish these papers in extenso, it was necessary to determine upon some definite principle of selection. It became clear that the only satisfactory plan was to publish specimens of such documents as would serve to bring out the development of the Queen's character and disposition, and to give typical instances of her methods in dealing with political and social matters—to produce, in fact, a book for British citizens and British subjects, rather than a book for students of political history. That the inner working of the unwritten constitution of the country; that some of the unrealised checks and balances; that the delicate equipoise of the component parts of our executive machinery, should stand revealed, was inevitable. We have thought it best, throughout, to abstain from unnecessary comment and illustration. The period is so recent, and has been so often traversed by historians and biographers, that it appeared to us a waste of valuable space to attempt to reconstruct the history of the years from which this correspondence has been selected, especially as Sir Theodore Martin, under the auspices of the Queen herself, has dealt so minutely and exhaustively with the relations of the Queen's innermost circle to the political and social life of the time. It is tempting, of course, to add illustrative anecdotes from the abundant Biographies and Memoirs of the period; but our aim has been to infringe as little as possible upon the space available for the documents themselves, and to provide just sufficient comment to enable an ordinary reader, without special knowledge of the period, to follow the course of events, and to realise the circumstances under which the Queen's childhood was passed, the position of affairs at the time of her accession, and the personalities of those who had influenced her in early years, or by whom she was surrounded.

The development of the Queen's character is clearly indicated in the papers, and it possesses an extraordinary interest. We see one of highly vigorous and active temperament, of strong affections, and with a deep sense of responsibility, placed at an early age, and after a quiet girlhood, in a position the greatness of which it is impossible to exaggerate. We see her character expand and deepen, schooled by mighty experience into patience and sagacity and wisdom, and yet never losing a particle of the strength, the decision, and the devotion with [page v] which she had been originally endowed. Up to the year 1861 the Queen's career was one of unexampled prosperity. She was happy in her temperament, in her health, in her education, in her wedded life, in her children. She saw a great Empire grow through troubled times in liberty and power and greatness; yet this prosperity brought with it no shadow of complacency, because the Queen felt with an increasing depth the anxieties and responsibilities inseparable from her great position. Her happiness, instead of making her self-absorbed, only quickened her beneficence and her womanly desire that her subjects should be enabled to enjoy a similar happiness based upon the same simple virtues. Nothing comes out more strongly in these documents than the laborious patience with which the Queen kept herself informed of the minutest details of political and social movements both in her own and other countries.

It is a deeply inspiring spectacle to see one surrounded by every temptation which worldly greatness can present, living from day to day so simple, vivid, and laborious a life; and it is impossible to conceive a more fruitful example of duty and affection and energy, displayed on so august a scale, and in the midst of such magnificent surroundings. We would venture to believe that nothing could so deepen the personal devotion of the Empire to the memory of that great Queen who ruled it so wisely and so long, and its deeply-rooted attachment to the principle of constitutional monarchy, as the gracious act of His Majesty the King in allowing the inner side of that noble life and career to be more clearly revealed to a nation whose devotion to their ancient liberties is inseparably connected with their loyalty to the Throne.

Our special thanks, for aid in the preparation of these volumes, are due to Viscount Morley of Blackburn, who has read and criticised the book in its final form; to Mr J. W. Headlam, of the Board of Education, and formerly Fellow of King's College, Cambridge, for much valuable assistance in preparing the prefatory historical memoranda; to Mr W. F. Reddaway, Fellow of King's College, Cambridge, for revision and advice throughout, in connection with the introductions and annotations; to Lord Knollys, for criticism of selected materials; to Lord Stanmore, for the loan of valuable documents; to Dr Eugene Oswald, for assistance in translation; to Mr C. C. Perry and M. G. Hua, for verification of French and German documents; to Miss Bertha Williams, for unremitting care and diligence in preparing the volumes for press; to Mr John Murray, our publisher, for his unfailing patience and helpfulness; and especially to Mr Hugh Childers, for his ungrudging help in the preparation of the Introductory annual summaries, and in the political and historical annotation, as well as for his invaluable co-operation at every stage of the work.

Queen Victoria, on her father's side, belonged to the House of Brunswick, which was undoubtedly one of the oldest, and claimed to be actually the oldest, of German princely families. At the time of her birth, it existed in two branches, of which, the one ruled over what was called the Duchy of Brunswick, the other over the Electorate (since 1815 the Kingdom) of Hanover, and had since 1714 occupied the throne of England. There had been frequent intermarriages between the two branches. The Dukes of Brunswick were now, however, represented only by two young princes, who were the sons of the celebrated Duke who fell at Quatre-Bras. Between them and the English Court there was little intercourse. The elder, Charles, had quarrelled with his uncle and guardian, George IV., and had in 1830 been expelled from his dominions. The obvious faults of his character made it impossible for the other German princes to insist on his being restored, and he had been succeeded by his younger brother William, who ruled till his death in 1884. Both died unmarried, and with them the Ducal family came to an end. One Princess of Brunswick had been the wife of George IV., and another, Augusta, was the first wife of Frederick I., King of Würtemberg, who, after her death, married a daughter of George III. The King of Würtemberg was also, by his descent from Frederick Prince of Wales, first cousin once removed of the Queen. We need only notice, in passing, the distant connection with the royal families of Prussia, the Netherlands, and Denmark. The Prince of Orange, who was one of the possible suitors for the young Queen's hand, was her third cousin once removed.

The House of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, to which the Queen belonged on her mother's side, and with which she was to be even more intimately connected by her marriage, was one of the numerous branches into which the ancient and celebrated House of Wettin had broken up. Since the 11th century they [page 2] had ruled over Meissen and the adjoining districts. To these had been added Upper Saxony and Thuringia. In the 15th century the whole possessions of the House had been divided between the two great branches which still exist. The Albertine branch retained Meissen and the Saxon possessions. They held the title of Elector, which in 1806 was exchanged for the title of King. Though the Saxon House had been the chief protectors of the Reformation, Frederick Augustus I. had, on being elected to the throne of Poland, become a Roman Catholic; and thereby the connection between the two branches of the House had to a great extent ceased. The second line, that of the Ernestines, ruled over Thuringia, but, according to the common German custom, had again broken up into numerous branches, among which the Duchies of Thuringia were parcelled out. At the time of the Queen's birth there were five of these, viz., Gotha-Altenburg, Coburg-Saalfeld, Weimar-Eisenach, Meiningen, and Hildburghausen. On the extinction of the Gotha line, in 1825, there was a rearrangement of the family property, by which the Duke of Hildburghausen received Altenburg, Gotha was given to the Duke of Coburg, and Saalfeld with Hildburghausen added to Meiningen. These four lines still exist.

The Ernestine princes had, by this constant division and sub-division, deprived themselves of the opportunity of exercising any predominant influence, or pursuing any independent policy in German affairs; and though they had the good fortune to emerge from the revolution with their possessions unimpaired, their real power was not increased. Like all the other princes, they had, however, at the Congress of Vienna, received the recognition of their full status as sovereign princes of the Germanic Confederation. Together they sent a single representative to the Diet of Frankfort, the total population of the five principalities being only about 300,000 inhabitants.

It was owing to this territorial sub-division and lack of cohesion that these princes could not attach to their independence the same political importance that fell to the share of the larger principalities, such as Hanover and Bavaria, and they were consequently more ready than the other German princes to welcome proposals which would lead to a unification of Germany.

It is notable that the line has produced many of the most enlightened of the German princes; and nowhere in the whole of Germany were the advantages of the division into numerous small States so clearly seen, and the disadvantages so little felt, as at Weimar, Meiningen, Gotha, and Coburg.

The House of Coburg had gained a highly conspicuous and influential position, owing, partly, to the high reputation for sagacity and character which the princes of that House had won, and partly to the marriage connections which were entered into about this time by members of the Coburg House with the leading Royal families of Europe. Within ten years, Princes of Coburg were established, one upon the throne of Belgium, and two others next to the throne in Portugal and England, as Consorts of their respective Queens.

By the first marriage of the Duchess of Kent, the Queen was also connected with a third class of German princes—the Mediatised, as those were called who during the revolution had lost their sovereign power. Many of these were of as ancient lineage and had possessed as large estates as some of the regnant princes, who, though not always more deserving, had been fortunate enough to retain their privileges, and had emerged from the revolution ranking among the ruling Houses of Europe. The mediatised princes, though they had ceased to rule, still held important privileges, which were guaranteed at the Congress of Vienna. First, and most important, they were reckoned as "ebenburtig," which means that they could contract equal marriages with the Royal Houses, and these marriages were recognised as valid for the transmission of rights of inheritance. Many of them had vast private estates, and though they were subjected to the sovereignty of the princes in whose dominions these lay, they enjoyed very important privileges, such as exemption from military service, and from many forms of taxation; they also could exercise minor forms of jurisdiction. They formed, therefore, an intermediate class. Since Germany, as a whole, afforded them no proper sphere of political activity, the more ambitious did not disdain to take service with Austria or Prussia, and, to a less extent, even with the smaller States. It was possible, therefore, for the Queen's mother, a Princess of Saxe-Coburg, to marry the Prince of Leiningen without losing caste. Her daughter, the Princess Feodore, the Queen's half-sister, married Ernest, Prince of Hohenlohe-Langenburg, and thus established an interesting connection with perhaps the most widely-spread and most distinguished of all these families. The House of Hohenlohe would probably still have been a reigning family, had not the Prince of Hohenlohe preferred to fight in the Prussian army against Napoleon, rather than receive gifts from him. His lands were consequently confiscated and passed to other princes who were less scrupulous. The family has given two Ministers President to Prussia, a General in chief command of the Prussian army, a Chancellor to the German Empire, and [page 4] one of the most distinguished of modern military writers. They held, besides their extensive possessions in Würtemberg and Bavaria, the County of Gleichen in Saxe-Coburg.

It will be seen therefore that the Queen was intimately connected with all classes that are to be found among the ruling families of Germany, though naturally with the Catholic families, which looked to Austria and Bavaria for guidance, she had no close ties. But it must be borne in mind that her connection with Germany always remained a personal and family matter, and not a political one; this was the fortunate result of the predominance of the Coburg influence. Had that of the House of Hanover been supreme, it could hardly have been possible for the Queen not to have been drawn into the opposition to the unification of Germany by Prussia, in which the House of Hanover was bound to take a leading part, in virtue of its position, wealth, and dignity.

It will be as well here to mention the principal reigning families of Europe to which Queen Victoria was closely allied through her mother.

The Duchess of Kent's eldest brother, Ernest, Duke of Saxe-Coburg, was the father of Albert, Prince Consort. Her sister was the wife of Alexander, Duke of Würtemberg. The Duchess of Kent's nephew, Ferdinand (son of Ferdinand, the Duchess's brother), married Maria da Gloria, Queen of Portugal, and was father of Pedro V. and Luis, both subsequently Kings of Portugal.

The Duchess's third brother, Leopold (afterwards King of the Belgians), married first the Princess Charlotte, daughter of George IV., and afterwards the Princess Louise Marie, eldest daughter of King Louis Philippe. Prince Augustus (son of Ferdinand, the Duchess of Kent's brother) married another daughter of Louis Philippe, the Princess Clémentine, while Prince Augustus's sister, Victoria, married the Duc de Nemours, a son of Louis Philippe. Another nephew, Duke Friedrich Wilhelm Alexander, son of the Duchess of Würtemberg, married the Princess Marie, another daughter of Louis Philippe.

Thus Queen Victoria was closely allied with the royal families of France, Portugal, Belgium, Saxe-Coburg, and Würtemberg.

On turning to the immediate Royal Family of England, it will be seen that the male line at the time of the Queen's accession was limited to the sons, both named George, of two of the younger brothers of George IV., the Dukes of Cumberland and Cambridge. The sons of George III. played their part in the national life, shared the strong interest in military matters, and showed the great personal courage which was a tradition of the family.

It must be borne in mind that abstention from active political life had been in no sense required, or even thought desirable, in members of the Royal House. George III. himself had waged a lifelong struggle with the Whig party, that powerful oligarchy that since the accession of the House of Hanover had virtually ruled the country; but he did not carry on the conflict so much by encouraging the opponents of the Whigs, as by placing himself at the head of a monarchical faction. He was in fact the leader of a third party in the State. George IV. was at first a strong Whig, and lived on terms of the greatest intimacy with Charles James Fox; but by the time that he was thirty, he had severed the connection with his former political friends, which had indeed originally arisen more out of his personal opposition to his father than from any political convictions. After this date he became, with intervals of vacillation, an advanced Tory of an illiberal type. William IV. had lived so much aloof from politics before his accession, that he had had then no very pronounced opinions, though he was believed to be in favour of the Reform Bill; during his reign his Tory sympathies became more pronounced, and the position of the Whig Ministry was almost an intolerable one. His other THE ROYAL DUKES brothers were men of decided views, and for the most part of high social gifts. They not only attended debates in the House of Peers, but spoke with emotion and vigour; they held political interviews with leading statesmen, and considered themselves entitled, not to over-rule political movements, but to take the part in them to which their strong convictions prompted them. They were particularly prominent in the debates on the Catholic question, and did not hesitate to express their views with an energy that was often embarrassing. The Duke of York and the Duke of Cumberland had used all their influence to encourage the King in his opposition to Catholic Emancipation, while the Duke of Cambridge had supported that policy, and the Duke of Sussex had spoken in the House of Lords in favour of it. The Duke of York, a kindly, generous man, had held important commands in the earlier part of the Revolutionary war; he had not shown tactical nor strategical ability, but he was for many years Commander-in-Chief of the Army, and did good administrative work in initiating and carrying out much-needed military reforms. He had married a Prussian princess, but left no issue, and his death, in 1827, left the succession open to his younger brother, the Duke of Clarence, afterwards King William IV., and after him to the Princess Victoria.

The Duke of Kent was, as we shall have occasion to show, a strong Whig with philanthropic views. But the ablest of the [page 6] princes, though also the most unpopular, was the Duke of Cumberland, who, until the birth of the Queen's first child, was heir presumptive to the Throne. He had been one of the most active members of the ultra-Tory party, who had opposed to the last the Emancipation of the Catholics and the Reform Bill. He had married a sister-in-law of the King of Prussia, and lived much in Berlin, where he was intimate with the leaders of the military party, who were the centre of reactionary influences in that country, chief among them being his brother-in-law, Prince Charles of Mecklenburg.

In private life the Duke was bluff and soldier-like, of rather a bullying turn, and extraordinarily indifferent to the feelings of others. "Ernest is not a bad fellow," his brother William IV. said of him, "but if anyone has a corn, he will be sure to tread on it." He was very unpopular in England.

On the death of William IV. he succeeded to the throne of Hanover, and from that time seldom visited England. His first act on reaching his kingdom was to declare invalid the Constitution which had been granted in 1833 by William IV. His justification for this was that his consent, as heir presumptive, which was necessary for its validity, had not at the time been asked. The act caused great odium to be attached to his name by all Liberals, both English and Continental, and it was disapproved of even by his old Tory associates. None the less he soon won great popularity in his own dominions by his zeal, good-humour, and energy, and in 1840 he came to terms with the Estates. A new Constitution was drawn up which preserved more of the Royal prerogatives than the instrument of 1833. Few German princes suffered so little in the revolution of 1848. The King died in 1851, at the age of eighty, and left one son, George, who had been blind from his boyhood. He was the last King of Hanover, being expelled by the Prussians in 1866. On the failure of the Ducal line of Brunswick, the grandson of Ernest Augustus became heir to their dominions, he and his sons being now the sole male representatives of all the branches of the House of Brunswick, which a few generations ago was one of the most numerous and widely-spread ruling Houses in Germany.¹

Footnote 1: Of the daughters of George III., Princess Amelia had died in 1810, and the Queen of Würtemberg in 1828; two married daughters survived—Elizabeth, wife of the Landgrave of Hesse-Homburg, and Mary, who had married her cousin, the Duke of Gloucester, and lived in England. There were also two unmarried daughters, the Princesses Augusta and Sophia, living in England.

The Duke of Sussex was in sympathy with many Liberal movements, and supported the removal of religious disabilities, the abolition of the Corn Laws, and Parliamentary Reform.

The Duke of Cambridge was a moderate Tory, and the most [page 7] conciliatory of all the princes. But for more than twenty years he took little part in English politics, as he was occupied with his duties as Regent of Hanover, where he did much by prudent reforms to retain the allegiance of the Hanoverians. On his return to England he resumed the position of a peacemaker, supporting philanthropic movements, and being a generous patron of art and letters. He was recognised as "emphatically the connecting link between the Crown and the people." Another member of the Royal Family was the Duke of Gloucester, nephew and son-in-law of George III.; he was more interested in philanthropic movements than in politics, but was a moderate Conservative, who favoured Catholic Emancipation but was opposed to Parliamentary Reform.

Thus we have the spectacle of seven Royal princes, of whom two succeeded to the Throne, all or nearly all avowed politicians of decided convictions, throwing the weight of their influence and social position for the most part on the side of the Tory party, and believing it to be rather their duty to hold and express strong political opinions than to adopt the moderating and conciliatory attitude in matters of government that is now understood to be the true function of the Royal House.

The Queen, after her accession, always showed great respect and affection for her uncles, but they were not able to exercise any influence over her character or opinions.

This was partly due to the fact that from an early age she had imbibed a respect for liberal views from her uncle Leopold, King of the Belgians, to whom she was devoted from her earliest childhood, and for whom she entertained feelings of the deepest admiration, affection, and confidence; but still more was it due to the fact that, from the very first, the Queen instinctively formed an independent judgment on any question that concerned her; and though she was undoubtedly influenced in her decisions by her affectionate reliance on her chosen advisers, yet those advisers were always deliberately and shrewdly selected, and their opinions were in no case allowed to do more than modify her own penetrating and clear-sighted judgment.

Alexandrina Victoria, Queen of Great Britain and Ireland and Empress of India, was born on Monday, 24th May 1819, at Kensington Palace.

Her father, Edward, Duke of Kent and Strathearn (1767-1820), the fourth son of George III., was a man of decided character, kindly, pious, punctual, with a strict sense of duty and enlightened ideas. He was a devoted soldier, and, as Queen Victoria once said, "was proud of his profession, and I was always taught to consider myself a soldier's child." He had a wide military experience, having served at Gibraltar, in Canada, and in the West Indies. He had been mentioned in despatches, but was said to be over-strict in matters of unimportant detail. His active career was brought to an end in 1802, when he had been sent to Gibraltar to restore order in a mutinous garrison. Order had been restored, but the Duke was recalled under allegations of having exercised undue severity, and the investigation which he demanded was refused him, though he was afterwards made a Field-Marshal.

He was a man of advanced Liberal ideas. He had spoken in the House of Lords in favour of Catholic Emancipation, and had shown himself interested in the abolition of slavery and in popular education. His tastes were literary, and towards the end of his life he had even manifested a strong sympathy for socialistic theories.

At the time of the death of the Princess Charlotte, 6th November 1817, the married sons of King George III. were without legitimate children, and the surviving daughters were either unmarried or childless. Alliances were accordingly arranged for the three unmarried Royal Dukes, and in the course of the year 1818 the Dukes of Cambridge, Kent, and Clarence led their brides to the altar.

The Duchess of Kent (1786-1861), Victoria Mary Louisa, was a daughter of Francis, Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld. She [page 9] was the widow of Emich Charles, Prince of Leiningen,¹ whom she had married in 1803, and who had died in 1814, leaving a son and a daughter by her.

Footnote 1: Leiningen, a mediatised princely House of Germany, dating back to 1096. In 1779 the head of one of the branches into which it had become divided, the Count of Leiningen-Dachsburg-Hardenburg, was raised to the rank of a prince of the Empire, but the Peace of Lunéville (1801) deprived him of his ancient possessions, extending about 232 miles on the left bank of the Rhine. Though no longer an independent Prince, the head of the House retains his rank and wealth, and owns extensive estates in Bavaria and Hesse.

The Duke of Kent died prematurely—though he had always been a conspicuously healthy man—at Sidmouth, on the 23rd of January 1820, only a week before his father.

A paper preserved in the Windsor archives gives a touching account of the Duke's last hours. The Regent, on the 22nd of January, sent to him a message of solicitude and affection, expressing an anxious wish for his recovery. The Duke roused himself to enquire how the Prince was in health, and said, "If I could now shake hands with him, I should die in peace." A few hours before the end, one who stood by the curtain of his bed heard the Duke say with deep emotion, "May the Almighty protect my wife and child, and forgive all the sins I have committed." His last words—addressed to his wife—were, "Do not forget me."

The Duchess of Kent was an affectionate, impulsive woman, with more emotional sympathy than practical wisdom in worldly matters. But her claim on the gratitude of the British nation is that she brought up her illustrious daughter in habits of simplicity, self-sacrifice, and obedience.

As a testimony to the sincere appreciation entertained by the politicians of the time for the way in which the Duchess of Kent had appreciated her responsibilities with regard to the education of a probable heir to the Crown of England, we may quote a few sentences from two speeches made in the House of Commons, in the debate which took place (27th May 1825) on the question of increasing the Parliamentary annuity paid to the Duchess, in order to provide duly for the education of the young Princess.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr Robinson, afterwards Lord Ripon, said:

"The position in which this Princess stood with respect to the throne of the country could not fail to make her an object of general interest to the nation. He had not himself the honour of being acquainted with the Duchess of Kent, but he believed that she had taken the greatest pains with her daughter's education. She had been brought up in principles of piety and morality, and to feel a proper sense, he meant by [page 10] that an humble sense, of her own dignity, and the rank which probably awaited her. Perhaps it might have been fit to have brought this matter before Parliament at an earlier period."

Mr Canning said:

"All parties agreed in the propriety of the Grant, and if Government had anything to answer for on this point, it was for having so long delayed bringing it before the House. There could not be a greater compliment to Her Royal Highness than to state the quiet unobtrusive tenor of her life, and that she had never made herself the object of public gaze, but had devoted herself to the education of her child, whom the House was now called upon to adopt."

In the year 1872 Queen Victoria wrote down with her own hand some reminiscences of her early childhood, the manuscript of which is preserved at Windsor, and which may be quoted here.

"My earliest recollections are connected with Kensington Palace, where I can remember crawling on a yellow carpet spread out for that purpose—and being told that if I cried and was naughty my 'Uncle Sussex' would hear me and punish me, for which reason I always screamed when I saw him! I had a great horror of Bishops on account of their wigs and aprons, but recollect this being partially got over in the case of the then Bishop of Salisbury (Dr Fisher, great-uncle to Mr Fisher, Private Secretary to the Prince of Wales), by his kneeling down and letting me play with his badge of Chancellor of the Order of the Garter. With another Bishop, however, the persuasion of showing him my 'pretty shoes' was of no use. Claremont remains as the brightest epoch of my otherwise rather melancholy childhood—where to be under the roof of that beloved Uncle—to listen to some music in the Hall when there were dinner-parties—and to go and see dear old Louis!—the former faithful and devoted Dresser and friend of Princess Charlotte—beloved and respected by all who knew her—and who doted on the little Princess who was too much an idol in the House. This dear old lady was visited by every one—and was the only really devoted Attendant of the poor Princess, whose governesses paid little real attention to her—and who never left her, and was with her when she died. I used to ride a donkey given me by my Uncle, the Duke of York, who was very kind to me. I remember him well—tall, rather large, very kind but extremely shy. He always gave me beautiful presents. The last time I saw him was at Mr Greenwood's [page 11] house, where D. Carlos lived at one time,—when he was already very ill,—and he had Punch and Judy in the garden for me.

"To Ramsgate we used to go frequently in the summer, and I remember living at Townley House (near the town), and going there by steamer. Mamma was very unwell. Dear Uncle Leopold went with us.

"To Tunbridge Wells we also went, living at a house called Mt. Pleasant, now an Hotel. Many pleasant days were spent here, and the return to Kensington in October or November was generally a day of tears.

"I was brought up very simply—never had a room to myself till I was nearly grown up—always slept in my Mother's room till I came to the Throne. At Claremont, and in the small houses at the bathing-places, I sat and took my lessons in my Governess's bedroom. I was not fond of learning as a little child—and baffled every attempt to teach me my letters up to 5 years old—when I consented to learn them by their being written down before me.

"I remember going to Carlton House, when George IV. lived there, as quite a little child before a dinner the King gave. The Duchess of Cambridge and my 2 cousins, George and Augusta, were there. My Aunt, the Queen of Würtemberg (Princess Royal), came over, in the year '26, I think, and I recollect perfectly well seeing her drive through the Park in the King's carriage with red liveries and 4 horses, in a Cap and evening dress,—my Aunt, her sister Princess Augusta, sitting opposite to her, also in evening attire, having dined early with the Duke of Sussex at Kensington. She had adopted all the German fashions and spoke broken English—and had not been in England for many many years. She was very kind and good-humoured but very large and unwieldy. She lived at St James's and had a number of Germans with her. In the year '26 (I think) George IV. asked my Mother, my Sister and me down to Windsor for the first time; he had been on bad terms with my poor father when he died,—and took hardly any notice of the poor widow and little fatherless girl, who were so poor at the time of his (the Duke of Kent's) death, that they could not have travelled back to Kensington Palace had it not been for the kind assistance of my dear Uncle, Prince Leopold. We went to Cumberland Lodge, the King living at the Royal Lodge. Aunt Gloucester was there at the same time. When we arrived at the Royal Lodge the King took me by the hand, saying: 'Give me your little paw.' He was large and gouty but with a wonderful dignity and charm of manner. He wore the wig which was so much worn in those days. Then he said [page 12] he would give me something for me to wear, and that was his picture set in diamonds, which was worn by the Princesses as an order to a blue ribbon on the left shoulder. I was very proud of this,—and Lady Conyngham pinned it on my shoulder. Her husband, the late Marquis of Conyngham, was the Lord Chamberlain and constantly there, as well as Lord Mt. Charles (as Vice-Chamberlain), the present Lord Conyngham.

"None of the Royal Family or general visitors lived at the Royal Lodge, but only the Conyngham family; all the rest at Cumberland Lodge. Lady Maria Conyngham (now dead, first wife to Lord Athlumney, daughter of Lord Conyngham), then quite young, and Lord Graves (brother-in-law to Lord Anglesey and who afterwards shot himself on account of his wife's conduct, who was a Lady of the Bedchamber), were desired to take me a drive to amuse me. I went with them, and Baroness (then Miss) Lehzen (my governess) in a pony carriage and 4, with 4 grey ponies (like my own), and was driven about the Park and taken to Sandpit Gate where the King had a Menagerie—with wapitis, gazelles, chamois, etc., etc. Then we went (I think the next day) to Virginia Water, and met the King in his phaeton in which he was driving the Duchess of Gloucester,—and he said 'Pop her in,' and I was lifted in and placed between him and Aunt Gloucester, who held me round the waist. (Mamma was much frightened.) I was greatly pleased, and remember that I looked with great respect at the scarlet liveries, etc. (the Royal Family had crimson and green liveries and only the King scarlet and blue in those days). We drove round the nicest part of Virginia Water and stopped at the Fishing Temple. Here there was a large barge and every one went on board and fished, while a band played in another! There were numbers of great people there, amongst whom was the last Duke of Dorset, then Master of the Horse. The King paid great attention to my Sister,² and some people fancied he might marry her!! She was very lovely then—about 18—and had charming manners, about which the King was extremely particular. I afterwards went with Baroness Lehzen and Lady Maria C. to the Page Whiting's cottage. Whiting had been at one time in my father's service. He lived where Mr Walsh now does (and where he died years ago), in the small cottage close by; and here I had some fruit and amused myself by cramming one of Whiting's children, a little girl, with peaches. I came after dinner to hear the band play in the Conservatory, which is still standing, and which was lit up by [page 13] coloured lamps—the King, Royal Family, etc., sitting in a corner of the large saloon, which still stands.

Footnote 2: The Princess Feodore of Leiningen, afterwards Princess of Hohenlohe, Queen Victoria's half-sister.

"On the second visit (I think) the following year, also in summer, there was a great encampment of tents (the same which were used at the Camp at Chobham in '53, and some single ones at the Breakfasts at Buckingham Palace in '68-9), and which were quite like a house, made into different compartments. It rained dreadfully on this occasion, I well remember. The King and party dined there, Prince and Princess Lieven, the Russian Ambassador and Ambassadress were there.

"I also remember going to see Aunt Augusta at Frogmore, where she lived always in the summer.

"We lived in a very simple, plain manner; breakfast was at half-past eight, luncheon at half-past one, dinner at seven—to which I came generally (when it was no regular large dinner party)—eating my bread and milk out of a small silver basin. Tea was only allowed as a great treat in later years.

"In 1826 (I think) my dear Grandmother, the Dowager Duchess of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld, came to Claremont, in the summer. Mamma and my sister went on part of the way to meet her, and Uncle Leopold I think had been to fetch her as far as Dover. I recollect the excitement and anxiety I was in, at this event,—going down the great flight of steps to meet her when she got out of the carriage, and hearing her say, when she sat down in her room, and fixed her fine clear blue eyes on her little grand-daughter whom she called in her letters 'the flower of May,' 'Ein schönes Kind'—'a fine child.' She was very clever and adored by her children but especially by her sons. She was a good deal bent and walked with a stick, and frequently with her hands on her back. She took long drives in an open carriage and I was frequently sent out with her, which I am sorry to confess I did not like, as, like most children of that age, I preferred running about. She was excessively kind to children, but could not bear naughty ones—and I shall never forget her coming into the room when I had been crying and naughty at my lessons—from the next room but one, where she had been with Mamma—and scolding me severely, which had a very salutary effect. She dined early in the afternoon and Uncle Leopold asked many of the neighbours and others to dinner to meet her. My brother Prince Leiningen came over with her, and was at that time paying his court to one of her ladies, Countess Klebelsberg, whom he afterwards married—against the wish of his grandmother and mother—but which was afterwards quite made up. In November (I think, or it may have been at the end of October) she left, taking my sister with her back to Coburg. I was very ill at [page 14] that time, of dysentery, which illness increased to an alarming degree; many children died of it in the village of Esher. The Doctor lost his head, having lost his own child from it, and almost every doctor in London was away. Mr Blagden came down and showed much energy on the occasion. I recovered, and remember well being very cross and screaming dreadfully at having to wear, for a time, flannel next my skin. Up to my 5th year I had been very much indulged by every one, and set pretty well all at defiance. Old Baroness de Späth, the devoted Lady of my Mother, my Nurse Mrs Brock, dear old Mrs Louis—all worshipped the poor little fatherless child whose future then was still very uncertain; my Uncle the Duke of Clarence's poor little child being alive, and the Duchess of Clarence had one or two others later. At 5 years old, Miss Lehzen was placed about me, and though she was most kind, she was very firm and I had a proper respect for her. I was naturally very passionate, but always most contrite afterwards. I was taught from the first to beg my maid's pardon for any naughtiness or rudeness towards her; a feeling I have ever retained, and think every one should own their fault in a kind way to any one, be he or she the lowest—if one has been rude to or injured them by word or deed, especially those below you. People will readily forget an insult or an injury when others own their fault, and express sorrow or regret at what they have done."

In 1830 the Duchess of Kent wished to be satisfied that the system of education then being pursued with the Princess was based on the right lines, and that due moral and intellectual progress was being made. A memorandum, carefully preserved among the archives, gives an interesting account of the steps which she took to this end.

The Duchess therefore brought the matter under the consideration of those whom, from their eminent piety, great learning, and high station, she considered best calculated to afford her valuable advice upon so important a subject. She stated to the Bishops of London and Lincoln³ the particular course which had been followed in the Princess's education, and requested their Lordships to test the result by personal examination. The nature and objects of Her Royal Highness's appeal to these eminent prelates will be best shown by the following extracts from her letter to the Bishops:—

"'The Princess will be eleven years of age in May; by the death of her revered father when she was but eight months old, [page 15] her sole care and charge devolved to me. Stranger as I then was, I became deeply impressed with the absolute necessity of bringing her up entirely in this country, that every feeling should be that of Her native land, and proving thereby my devotion to duty by rejecting all those feelings of home and kindred that divided my heart.

"'When the Princess approached her fifth year I considered it the proper time to begin in a moderate way her education—an education that was to fit Her to be either the Sovereign of these realms, or to fill a junior station in the Royal Family, until the Will of Providence should shew at a later period what Her destiny was to be.

"'A revision of the papers I send you herewith will best shew your Lordships the system pursued, the progress made, etc. I attend almost always myself every lesson, or a part; and as the Lady about the Princess is a competent person, she assists Her in preparing Her lessons for the various masters, as I resolved to act in that manner so as to be Her Governess myself. I naturally hope that I have pursued that course most beneficial to all the great interests at stake. At the present moment no concern can be more momentous, or in which the consequences, the interests of the Country, can be more at stake, than the education of its future Sovereign.

"'I feel the time to be now come that what has been done should be put to some test, that if anything has been done in error of judgment it may be corrected, and that the plan for the future should be open to consideration and revision. I do not presume to have an over-confidence in what I have done; on the contrary, as a female, as a stranger (but only in birth, as I feel that this is my country by the duties I fulfil, and the support I receive), I naturally desire to have a candid opinion from authorities competent to give one. In that view I address your Lordships; I would propose to you that you advert to all I have stated, to the papers I lay before you, and that then you should personally examine the Princess with a view of telling me—

"'Mr Davys⁴ will explain to you the nature of the Princess's [page 16] religious education, which I have confided to him, that she should be brought up in the Church of England as by Law established. When she was at a proper age she commenced attending Divine Service regularly with me, and I have every feeling, that she has religion at Her heart, that she is morally impressed with it to that degree, that she is less liable to error by its application to Her feelings as a Child capable of reflection. The general bent of Her character is strength of intellect, capable of receiving with ease, information, and with a peculiar readiness in coming to a very just and benignant decision on any point Her opinion is asked on. Her adherence to truth is of so marked a character that I feel no apprehension of that Bulwark being broken down by any circumstance.

"'I must conclude by observing that as yet the Princess is not aware of the station that she is likely to fill. She is aware of its duties, and that a Sovereign should live for others; so that when Her innocent mind receives the impression of Her future fate, she receives it with a mind formed to be sensible of what is to be expected from Her, and it is to be hoped, she will be too well grounded in Her principles to be dazzled with the station she is to look to.'"

Footnote 3: Charles James Blomfield, Bishop of London, 1828-1853, and John Kaye, Bishop of Lincoln, 1827-1853.

Footnote 4: The Rev. George Davys, the Princess's instructor, afterwards successively Dean of Chester and Bishop of Peterborough.

The examination was undertaken by the Bishops, with highly satisfactory results. Their report says:

"The result of the examination has been such as in our opinion amply to justify the plan of instruction which has been adopted. In answering a great variety of questions proposed to her, the Princess displayed an accurate knowledge of the most important features of Scripture History, and of the leading truths and precepts of the Christian Religion as taught by the Church of England, as well as an acquaintance with the Chronology and principal facts of English History remarkable in so young a person. To questions in Geography, the use of the Globes, Arithmetic, and Latin Grammar, the answers which the Princess returned were equally satisfactory.

"Upon the whole, we feel no hesitation in stating our opinion that the Princess should continue, for some time to come, to pursue her studies upon the same plan which has been hitherto followed, and under the same superintendence. Nor do we apprehend that any other alterations in the plan will be required than those which will be gradually made by the judicious director of Her Highness's studies, as the mind expands, and her faculties are strengthened."

The Duchess of Kent referred all this correspondence to the [page 17] Archbishop of Canterbury.⁵ His memorandum is preserved; it states he has considered the Report, and further, has himself personally examined the Princess. He continues:

"I feel it my duty to say that in my judgment the plan of Her Highness's studies, as detailed in the papers transmitted to me by command of your Royal Highness, is very judicious, and particularly suitable to Her Highness's exalted station; and that from the proficiency exhibited by the Princess in the examination at which I was present, and the general correctness and pertinency of her answers, I am perfectly satisfied that Her Highness's education in regard to cultivation of intellect, improvement of talent, and religious and moral principle, is conducted with so much care and success as to render any alteration of the system undesirable."

Footnote 5: Dr William Howley.

The Princess was gradually and watchfully introduced to public life, and was never allowed to lose sight of the fact that her exalted position carried with it definite and obvious duties. The following speech, delivered at Plymouth in 1832, in answer to a complimentary deputation, may stand as an instance of the view which the Duchess of Kent took of her own and her daughter's responsibilities:—

"It is very agreeable to the Princess and myself to hear the sentiments you convey to us. It is also gratifying to us to be assured that we owe all these kind feelings to the attachment you bear the King, as well as to his Predecessors of the House of Brunswick, from recollections of their paternal sway. The object of my life is to render the Princess worthy of the affectionate solicitude she inspires, and if it be the Will of Providence she should fill a higher station (I trust most fervently at a very distant day), I shall be fully repaid for my anxious care, if she is found competent to discharge the sacred trust; for communicating as the Princess does with all classes of Society, she cannot but perceive that the greater the diffusion of Religion, Knowledge, and the love of freedom in a country, the more orderly, industrious, and wealthy is its population, and that with the desire to preserve the constitutional Prerogatives of the Crown ought to be co-ordinate the protection of the liberties of the people."

The strictness of the régime under which the Princess was brought up is remarkable; and it is possible that her later zest for simple social pleasures is partly to be accounted for by the [page 18] austere routine of her early days. In an interesting letter of 1843 to the Queen, recalling the days of their childhood, Princess Feodore, the Queen's half-sister, wrote—

"Many, many thanks, dearest Victoria, for your kind letter of the 7th from dear Claremont. Oh I understand how you like being there. Claremont is a dear quiet place; to me also the recollection of the few pleasant days I spent during my youth. I always left Claremont with tears for Kensington Palace. When I look back upon those years, which ought to have been the happiest in my life, from fourteen to twenty, I cannot help pitying myself. Not to have enjoyed the pleasures of youth is nothing, but to have been deprived of all intercourse, and not one cheerful thought in that dismal existence of ours, was very hard. My only happy time was going or driving out with you and Lehzen; then I could speak and look as I liked. I escaped some years of imprisonment, which you, my poor darling sister, had to endure after I was married. But God Almighty has changed both our destinies most mercifully, and has made us so happy in our homes—which is the only real happiness in this life; and those years of trial were, I am sure, very useful to us both, though certainly not pleasant. Thank God they are over!... I was much amused in your last letter at your tracing the quickness of our tempers in the female line up to Grandmamma,⁶ but I must own that you are quite right!"

Footnote 6: Augusta Caroline Sophia, Dowager-Duchess of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld, a Princess of Reuss Ebersdorf (1757-1831).

But if there was little amusement, there was, on the other hand, great devotion; the Princess, as a child, had that peculiar combination of self-will and warm-heartedness which is apt to win for a child a special love from its elders. The Princess Feodore wrote to the Queen, in 1843—

"... Späth⁷ wished me to thank you for the coronation print, as she could not write to you or Albert now, she says! why, I don't see. There certainly never was such devotedness as hers, to all our family, although it sometimes shows itself rather foolishly—with you it always was a sort of idolatry, when she used to go upon her knees before you, when you were a child. She and poor old Louis did all they could to spoil you, if Lehzen had not prevented and scolded them nicely sometimes; it was quite amusing."

Footnote 7: Baroness Späth, Lady-in-Waiting to the Duchess of Kent.

The Princess was brought up with exemplary simplicity at Kensington Palace, where her mother had a set of apartments. She was often at Claremont, which belonged to her uncle Leopold, King of the Belgians; holidays were spent at Ramsgate, Tunbridge Wells, Broadstairs, and elsewhere.

In June 1830 George IV. died, and William IV. succeeded to the Throne. He had no legitimate offspring living; and it consequently became practically certain that if the Princess outlived her uncle she would succeed him on the Throne. The Duchess of Kent's Parliamentary Grant was increased, and she took advantage of her improved resources to familiarise the Princess with the social life of the nation. They paid visits to historic houses and important towns, and received addresses. This was a wise and prudent course, but the King spoke with ill-humour of his niece's "royal progresses." The chief cause of offence was that the Princess was not allowed by the Duchess of Kent to make her public appearances under his own auspices, as he not unnaturally desired. He also began to suspect that the Princess was deliberately kept away from Court; a painful controversy arose, and the Duchess became gradually estranged from her brother-in-law, in spite of the affectionate attempts of Queen Adelaide to smooth matters over. His resentment culminated in a painful scene, in 1836, when the King, at a State banquet at Windsor, made a speech of a preposterous character; speaking of the Duchess, who sat next him, as "that person," hinting that she was surrounded with evil advisers, and adding that he should insist on the Princess being more at Court. The Princess burst into tears; the Duchess sate in silence: when the banquet was over, the Duchess ordered her carriage, and was with difficulty prevailed upon to remain at Windsor for the night. The King went so far in May 1837 as to offer the Princess an independent income, and the acceptance of this by the Princess caused the Duchess considerable vexation; but the project dropped. The King died in the following month, soon after the Princess had attained her legal majority; he had always hoped that the Duchess would not be Regent, and his wish was thus fulfilled.

It is no exaggeration to say that the accession of the Princess Victoria reinstated the English monarchy in the affections of the people. George IV. had made the Throne unpopular; William IV. had restored its popularity, but not its dignity. Both of these kings were men of decided ability, but of unbalanced temperament. In politics both kings had followed a somewhat similar course. George IV. had begun life as a strong Whig, and had been a close friend of Fox. Later in life his political position resolved itself into a strong dislike of [page 20] Roman Catholic Relief. William IV. had begun his reign favourably inclined to Parliamentary Reform; but though gratified by the personal popularity which his attitude brought him in the country, he became alarmed at the national temper displayed. It illustrates the tension of the King's mind on the subject that, when he was told that if the Reform Bill did not pass it would bring about a rebellion, he replied that if it did bring about a rebellion he did not care: he should defend London and raise the Royal Standard at Weedon (where there was a military depôt); and that the Duchess of Kent and the Princess Victoria might come in if they could.

The reign of William IV. had witnessed the zenith of Whig efficiency. It had seen the establishment of Parliamentary and Municipal Reform, the Abolition of Slavery, the new Poor Law, and other important measures. But, towards the end of the reign, the Whig party began steadily to lose ground, and the Tories to consolidate themselves. Lord Melbourne had succeeded Lord Grey at the head of the Whigs, and the difference of administration was becoming every month more and more apparent. The King indeed went so far as abruptly to dismiss his Ministers, but Parliament was too strong for him. Lord Melbourne's principles were fully as liberal as Lord Grey's, but he lacked practical initiative, with the result that the Whigs gradually forfeited popular estimation and became discredited. The new reign, however, brought them a decided increase of strength. The Princess had been brought up with strong Whig leanings, and, as is clear from her letters, with an equally strong mistrust of Tory principles and politicians.

A word may here be given to the Princess's own character and temperament. She was high-spirited and wilful, but devotedly affectionate, and almost typically feminine. She had a strong sense of duty and dignity, and strong personal prejudices. Confident, in a sense, as she was, she had the feminine instinct strongly developed of dependence upon some manly adviser. She was full of high spirits, and enjoyed excitement and life to the full. She liked the stir of London, was fond of dancing, of concerts, plays, and operas, and devoted to open-air exercise. Another important trait in her character must be noted. She had strong monarchical views and dynastic sympathies, but she had no aristocratic preferences; at the same time she had no democratic principles, but believed firmly in the due subordination of classes. The result of the parliamentary and municipal reforms of William IV.'s reign had been to give the middle classes a share in the government of the country, and it was supremely fortunate that the Queen, by a providential gift of temperament, thoroughly understood the [page 21] middle-class point of view. The two qualities that are mostSYMPATHY WITH MIDDLE CLASSES characteristic of British middle-class life are common sense and family affection; and on these particular virtues the Queen's character was based; so that by a happy intuition she was able to interpret and express the spirit and temper of that class which, throughout her reign, was destined to hold the balance of political power in its hands. Behind lay a deep sense of religion, the religion which centres in the belief in the Fatherhood of God, and is impatient of dogmatic distinctions and subtleties.

It may be held to have been one of the chief blessings of Queen THE KING OF THE BELGIANS Victoria's girlhood that she was brought closely under the influence of an enlightened and large-minded Prince, Leopold, her maternal uncle, afterwards King of the Belgians. He was born in 1790, being the youngest son of Francis, Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld, and his youth was spent in the Russian military service. He had shown talent and courage in the field, and had commanded a battalion at Lützen and Leipsic. He had married, in 1816, the Princess Charlotte, only child of George IV. For many years his home was at Claremont, where the Princess Charlotte had died; there the Princess Victoria spent many happy holidays, and grew to regard her uncle with the most devoted affection, almost, indeed, in the light of a father. It is said that Prince Leopold had hoped to be named Regent, if a Regency should be necessary.¹ He was offered, and accepted, the throne of Greece in 1830, but shrank from the difficulties of the position, and withdrew his acceptance upon the plea that Lord Aberdeen, who was then Foreign Secretary, was not prepared to make such financial arrangements as he considered satisfactory.²

Footnote 1: A practical proof of his interest in his niece may be found in the fact that for years he contributed between three and four thousand a year to the expenses of her education, and for necessary holidays by the sea, at a time when the Duchess of Kent's Parliamentary Grant was unequal to the increasing expenses of her household.

Footnote 2: Greece after having obtained autonomy was in a practically bankrupt condition, and the Powers had guaranteed the financial credit of the country until it was able to develop its own resources.

It is interesting to observe from the correspondence that King Leopold seems for many years to have continued to regret his decision; it was not that he did not devote himself, heart and soul, to the country of his adoption, but there seems to have been a romantic element in his composition, which did not find its full satisfaction in presiding over the destinies of a peaceful commercial nation.

In 1831, when Louis Philippe, under pressure from Lord Palmerston, declined the throne of Belgium for his son the Duc [page 23] de Nemours, Prince Leopold received and accepted an offer of the Crown. A Dutch invasion followed, and the new King showed great courage and gallantry in an engagement near Louvain, in which his army was hopelessly outnumbered. But, though a sensitive man, the King's high courage and hopefulness never deserted him. He ruled his country with diligence, ability, and wisdom, and devoted himself to encouraging manufactures and commerce. The result of his firm and liberal rule was manifested in 1848, when, on his offering to resign the Crown if it was thought to be for the best interests of the country, he was entreated, with universal acclamation, to retain the sovereignty. Belgium passed through the troubled years of revolution in comparative tranquillity. King Leopold was a model ruler; his deportment was grave and serious; he was conspicuous for honesty and integrity; he was laborious and upright, and at the same time conciliatory and tactful.

He kept up a close correspondence with Queen Victoria, and paid her several visits in England, where he was on intimate terms with many leading Englishmen. It would be difficult to over-estimate the importance of his close relations with the Queen; by example and precept he inspired her with a high sense of duty, and from the first instilled into her mind the necessity of acquainting herself closely with the details of political administration. His wisdom, good sense, and tenderness, as well as the close tie of blood that existed between him and the Queen, placed him in a unique position with regard to her, and it is plain that he was fully aware of the high responsibility thus imposed upon him, which he accepted with a noble generosity. It is true that there were occasions when, as the correspondence reveals, the Queen was disposed to think that King Leopold endeavoured to exercise too minute a control over her in matters of detail, and even to attempt to modify the foreign policy of England rather for the benefit of Belgium than in the best interests of Great Britain; but the Queen was equal to these emergencies; she expressed her dissent from the King's suggestions in considerate and affectionate terms, with her gratitude for his advice, but made no pretence of following it.

For her aunt, Queen Adelaide, the Princess Victoria had always felt a strong affection; and though it can hardly be said that this gentle and benevolent lady exercised any great influence over her more vigorous and impetuous niece, yet the letters will testify to the closeness of the tie which united them.

Queen Adelaide was the eldest child of George, Duke of Saxe-Meiningen; her mother was a princess of Hohenlohe-Langenburg.

At the age of twenty-six she was married to the Duke of Clarence, then in his fifty-third year, without any preliminary courtship. They lived for a year in Hanover, and then principally at Bushey Park. Two daughters were born to them, the elder of whom lived only a few hours; the younger, Princess Elizabeth, died in the first year of her age. Their married life was a happy one, in spite of the disparity of age. Queen Adelaide was a woman of a deeply affectionate disposition, sensible, sympathetic, and religious. She had a very definite ideal of the duties of a wife and a Queen; she made it her pleasure to meet and anticipate, as far as possible, her husband's wishes; and her husband, hasty and choleric though he was, repaid her with tender affection. To such an extent did the Queen merge her views in those of her husband, that she passed at one time through a period of general unpopularity. It was believed that she was adverse to Reform, and used her influence against it. She was mobbed in the streets at the time when the Reform agitation was at its height; and it is said that when the Melbourne Ministry of 1834 was dismissed, London was (owing to an unjustifiable communication of Lord Brougham to the Times) placarded with posters bearing the words, "The Queen has done it all!"

It is a pathetic instance of the irony of fate that Queen Adelaide should have thus been supposed to desire to take an active part in politics. It is obvious, from her letters, that she had practically no political views at all, except a gentle distrust of all proposed changes, social or political. Her one idea of her position as Queen was to agree with any expression of opinion that fell from the King. She was fond of music, and took a deep interest in her religious duties and in all that concerned the welfare of the Protestant communion. But apart from this, her interests were entirely domestic and personal, and her letters reveal her character in the most amiable light. Her devotion to the King, and the tender and respectful diffidence with which she welcomed her niece to the Throne, show a very sweet nature.

The rest of her life, after King William's death, was passed to a great extent under invalid conditions, though she was only forty-four at the time of her niece's accession. She travelled a good deal in search of health, and lived a quiet life in England, surrounded by a small but devoted circle of friends and relations. Her personal popularity with the nation became very great, not only for the simple kindliness of her life, but for her splendid munificence; it is said that her public subscriptions often exceeded £20,000 a year. She died in December 1849. Queen Victoria was very much attached to her gentle, simple-minded, [page 25] and tender-hearted aunt, and treated her with the utmost consideration and an almost daughterly affection.

Another person who had a large share in forming the Queen's character was Louise Lehzen, the daughter of a Hanoverian clergyman, who came to England as governess to Princess Feodore of Leiningen, Queen Victoria's half-sister, shortly before the Queen's birth. In 1824 she became governess to the Princess Victoria. In 1827 George IV. conferred upon her the rank of a Hanoverian Baroness. When the Duchess of Northumberland, in 1830, was appointed the Princess's official governess, she remained as lady in attendance. The Princess was devoted to her, but "greatly in awe of her." She remained at Court after the accession till 1842, without holding an official position, and then returned to Germany, where she died in 1870.

Baron Stockmar was another of the interesting personalities who came into very close contact with the Queen in her early years. He was forty-nine at the time of the accession, but he had come to England more than twenty years before as private physician to Prince Leopold. He endeared himself to the Princess Charlotte, who died holding his hand. He afterwards became Prince Leopold's private secretary, and took a prominent part as the Prince's representative in the successive negotiations with regard to his candidature for the thrones of Greece and Belgium. Upon the accession of Queen Victoria, Stockmar joined the Court in a private capacity, and for fifteen months he held an unofficial position as her chief adviser. There was a general feeling of dislike in the minds of the English public to the German influences that were supposed to be brought to bear on the Queen; and Lord Melbourne found it necessary to make a public and categorical denial of the statement that Stockmar was acting as the Queen's private secretary. But the statement, if not technically, was virtually true. Stockmar lived at Court, had interviews with the Queen and her Ministers, and though he industriously endeavoured to efface himself, yet there is no doubt that he was consulted on most important questions. In 1838, he had been entrusted by King Leopold, with the Queen's knowledge and consent, with a mission of great delicacy: he was asked to accompany Prince Albert on a tour in Italy, with the idea of completing his education, and in order to satisfy himself that the Prince would be a worthy Consort for the Queen. This task he discharged admirably, and became the most confidential and trusted of all the Prince's friends. There are many letters of Stockmar's to the Prince extant, which prove that Stockmar never shrank from speaking the plainest truth to the Prince on matters of duty and faults of temperament, without any courtier-like [page 26] attempt to blink criticism that might have been unpalatable. The Prince had the generosity and humility to value this trait of Stockmar's very highly, to such an extent that Stockmar's influence possessed if anything too great a preponderance. Stockmar had jealously nursed two profound political ideals—the unity of Germany under Prussia, and the establishment of close relations between Germany and England. He induced Prince Albert, heavily burdened as he was with work, to devote almost too much time and thought to the former of these aims. Stockmar was a profound student of social and constitutional questions. He had made a close study of English political institutions; but though he grasped the constitutional theory of the English Throne, and saw that the first necessity for the Sovereign was to hold a position independent of party, he never clearly understood that the Monarch should keep as far as possible clear of political details. Stockmar's view of the position was that the Sovereign should be practically Premier as well; and much of the jealousy that was felt, on various occasions, at the position which Prince Albert assumed with regard to political situations, is referable to Stockmar's influence.

He was a very able man, with immense political knowledge, and without personal ambition; Lord Palmerston, who was no friend to Stockmar's theory of government, admitted that he was the most disinterested man he had ever encountered. Stockmar's ambition was to achieve his own political ideals, and to modify the course of events in what he conceived to be beneficial directions; he was entirely indifferent to the trappings of power, and this very disinterestedness made his influence more supreme.

He suffered all his life from feeble health and a hypochondriacal tendency, and was genuinely fond of retirement and quiet life. He certainly deserved the devoted confidence reposed in him by Prince Albert and the Queen; it may perhaps be questioned whether his own doctrinaire bias did not make itself too strongly felt, in the minuteness with which Prince Albert dealt with English politics; but the net result of his influence was that the danger, which lies in wait for strictly constitutional Sovereigns, was averted—the danger, that is, of leaving the administration of State affairs in the hands of specialists, and depriving it of the wise control and independent criticism which only the Crown can adequately supply.

Queen Victoria, from the very first, took great pleasure in filing the correspondence addressed to her. There are many volumes of letters received from her various relations. We have thought it best to give some of Queen Adelaide's early letters; they indicate in a remarkable manner the growing estrangement between King William IV. and the Duchess of Kent. In the earlier letters the King enquires very affectionately after the Duchess, and constant mention is made of presents sent to her; but the references made to her become less frequent and colder, till at last the King contents himself with sending messages only to the Princess. But the letters of Queen Adelaide are always written in a strain of touching devotion and affection, and reveal her as a woman of large heart and great simplicity of character.

But the most interesting series of letters are the Queen's own correspondence with King Leopold, of which several hundred are preserved. The letters, too, received by her from the King of the Belgians are preserved in their entirety.

The letters which the Queen wrote to King Leopold are of extraordinary interest; she kept up an unbroken correspondence with him, and spoke freely of all that was in her mind. Two points are worthy of special mention: though she was early convinced of the necessity of holding an independent constitutional position in politics she mentions the Tory party with undisguised mistrust; and further, the name of King William hardly ever occurs until his last illness.

King Leopold's early letters reveal his character in the most amiable light. He familiarised the Queen with all the complicated details of foreign politics; he gave her the most sensible and wise advice; he warned and encouraged her; he answered her enquiries with the minutest care: and the warm affection to which he gave frequent expression is a very sacred and beautiful thing to contemplate.

We have selected several of the Princess Victoria's letters to the King of the Belgians before her accession, because they throw a remarkable light upon her temperament. In the first place, they reveal the deep affectionateness of her character, and, what is still more remarkable at her age, her frankness and outspokenness in expressing her feelings.

In the second place, they show with what interest and eagerness the Princess was following the course of foreign politics. Her view was naturally a personal one, but it may be said that there can have been very few, if any, girls in England, of the Princess's age, who [page 28] were taking any interest at all in Continental affairs. It is true that King Leopold had early impressed upon the Princess that it was a duty to become acquainted with the course of current events; but the letters show that the interest she felt was congenial and innate, and did not spring from a sense of duty. The allusions to home politics are not so frequent, but still show that here also her attention was alert.

Thirdly, they reveal her abounding vitality, her love of life and amusement, her devotion to music, and the simple unspoilt zest with which she threw herself into all that surrounded her.

There is a special interest which attaches to the correspondence between Queen Victoria and King Leopold after the Accession. The letters reveal, as no other documents could do, the monarchical point of view. However intimate may be the relations between a Sovereign and a subject, there is bound to appear a certain discretion, and even condescension, on the one hand, and on the other a due degree of deference. But here we have the remarkable spectacle of two monarchs, both of eminent sagacity, and both, so to speak, frankly interested in the task of constitutional government, corresponding freely on all the difficulties and problems inseparable from their momentous task, and with an immense sense of their weighty responsibilities. It is impossible to exaggerate the deep and abiding interest of such a correspondence; and the seriousness, the devotion, the public spirit that are displayed, without affectation or calculated impressiveness, make the whole series of letters singularly memorable.

The King of the Belgians had married Princess Louise of Orleans, daughter of Louis Philippe, in 1832. She was only seven years older than the Princess Victoria, who grew to regard her with the tenderest affection.

The letters from Queen Louise are very numerous. A few are in French, but they are mostly written in brisk, lively English, not always very correct, either in construction or in spelling. They are full of small family details—the movements of various relations, the improvement in her brothers' looks, Court festivities, the childish ailments of her little boys, the journeys and expeditions, recollections of Windsor, their visitors, elaborate descriptions of dresses—interesting to read, but difficult to select from. They are full of heart-felt expressions of the sincerest affection for "your dear Majesty," a quaint phrase that often occurs.

After their marriage in 1840, Prince Albert naturally became the Queen's confidential Secretary.

A close study of the Queen's correspondence reveals the character of the Prince in a way which nothing else could effect. Traces of his untiring labour, his conscientious vigilance, his singular devotedness, appear on every page. There are innumerable memoranda in his own hand; the papers are throughout arranged and annotated by him; nothing seems to have escaped him, nothing to have dismayed him. As an instance of the minute laboriousness which characterised the Royal household, it may be mentioned that there are many copies of important letters, forwarded to the Prince for his perusal, the originals of which had to be returned, written not only by the Prince himself, but by the Queen under his direction. But besides [page 29] keeping a vigilant eye upon politics, the Prince took the lead in all social and educational movements of the time, as well as devoting a close and continuous attention to the affairs of Europe in general, and Germany in particular. It is obvious from the papers that the Prince can hardly ever have taken a holiday; many hours of every day must have been devoted by him to work; yet he was at the same time a tender husband and father, always ready with advice and sympathy, and devoted to quiet domestic life.

After the Queen's marriage the correspondence becomes far more voluminous. It is difficult to exaggerate the amount of conscientious labour bestowed by the Queen and the Prince Consort on all matters which concerned the welfare of the nation. The number of documents which passed through their hands, and which were carefully studied by them, was prodigious.

The drafts of the Queen's replies to letters are in many cases in the handwriting of the Prince Consort, but dated by herself, and often containing interlinear corrections and additions of her own. Whether the Queen indicated the lines of the replies, whether she dictated the substance of them, or whether they contain the result of a discussion on the particular matter, cannot be precisely ascertained. But they contain so many phrases and turns of expression which are characteristic of her outspoken temperament, that it is clear that she not only followed every detail, but that the substance of the communication bore in most cases the impress of her mind. A considerable number of the drafts again are in her own hand, with interlinear corrections and additions by the Prince; and these so strongly resemble in style the drafts in the handwriting of the Prince, that it is clear that the Queen did not merely accept suggestions, but that she had a strong opinion of her own on important matters, and that this opinion was duly expressed.

One fact must, however, be borne in mind. It happens in many cases that a correspondence on some particular point seems to be about to lead up to a definite conclusion, but that the salient and decisive document is absent. In these cases it is clear that the matter was settled at a personal interview; in many cases the Prince prepared a memorandum of an important interview; but there are a considerable number of such correspondences, where no record is preserved of the eventual solution, and this incompleteness is regrettable, but, by the nature of the case, inevitable.

The young Queen, on coming to the Throne, had little technical knowledge of the details of diplomacy, but she already had a real and intelligent acquaintance with foreign affairs, though it was rather personal than political, and, as we have seen, was more inspired by her interest in the fortunes and position of her numerous maternal relations than by the political views of her paternal relatives. Among the English statesmen of the day there were few who were qualified to help and instruct her. The two men who for over twenty years alternately guided the foreign policy of the country were Lord Aberdeen and Lord Palmerston. They represented two opposed schools. Lord Aberdeen, a Peelite, was naturally and by tradition inclined to desire harmonious relations with all foreign Powers, and to abstain, [page 30] as far as was consistent with maintaining British interests, from any sort of intervention in European affairs; Palmerston was a disciple of Canning, who had definitely broken with the principles of the Congress of Vienna, and openly avowed his approval of a policy of intervention, to any extent short of actual war, in the interests of liberty and good government. The only other man who had any title to speak with authority on foreign affairs was the Duke of Wellington, who had held the seals as Foreign Secretary for a few months in 1834 and 1835. He had, however, lost much of the reputation for political sagacity which he had held at the time when he was the arbiter of Europe and virtual ruler of France. Moreover, being, as he was, a much occupied man, with varied business to transact, and at the mercy of his almost excessive conscientiousness, he held himself to a considerable extent aloof from current politics, though he never lost his absorbing interest in Continental affairs.

[The first letter ever received by Queen Victoria appears to be the following little note, written by the Duchess of Clarence, afterwards Queen Adelaide, in May 1821, when the Princess entered upon her third year. It is pathetic to recollect that the Duchess's surviving child, Princess Elizabeth, had died, aged three months, in March of the same year.

My dear little heart,—I hope you are well and don't forget Aunt Adelaide, who loves you so fondly.

Loulou and Wilhelm¹ desire their love to you, and Uncle William also.

God bless and preserve you is the constant prayer of your most truly affectionate Aunt,

Adelaide.

Footnote 1: Princess Louise and Prince William of Saxe-Weimar, children of Duchess Ida of Saxe-Weimar (sister of the Duchess of Clarence). They were the eldest brother and sister of Prince Edward of Saxe-Weimar.

24th May 1822.

Uncle William and Aunt Adelaide send their love to dear little Victoria with their best wishes on her birthday, and hope that she will now become a very good Girl, being now three years old. Uncle William and Aunt Adelaide also beg little Victoria to give dear Mamma and to dear Sissi² a kiss in their name, and to Aunt Augusta,³ Aunt Mary⁴ and Aunt Sophia⁵ too, and also to the big Doll. Uncle William and Aunt Adelaide are very sorry to be absent on that day and not to see their [page 32] dear, dear little Victoria, as they are sure she will be very good and obedient to dear Mamma on that day, and on many, many others. They also hope that dear little Victoria will not forget them and know them again when Uncle and Aunt return.

    To dear little Xandrina Victoria.

Footnote 2: Princess Feodore, the Queen's half-sister.

Footnote 3: Augusta, daughter of Frederick, Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, wife of the Duke of Cambridge.

Footnote 4: Princess Mary, a daughter of George III., married to her cousin the Duke of Gloucester.

Footnote 5: Princess Sophia, daughter of George III.

[The following is the earliest letter preserved of the long series written by the Queen to King (then Prince) Leopold. The Princess was then nine years old.

Kensington Palace, 25th November 1823.

My dearest Uncle,—I wish you many happy returns of your birthday; I very often think of you, and I hope to see you soon again, for I am very fond of you. I see my Aunt Sophia⁶ often, who looks very well, and is very well. I use every day your pretty soup-basin. Is it very warm in Italy? It is so mild here, that I go out every day. Mama is tolerable well and am quite well. Your affectionate Niece,

Victoria.

P.S.—I am very angry with you, Uncle, for you have never written to me once since you went, and that is a long while.

Footnote 6: Princess Sophia, daughter of George III.

Paris, 20th April 1829.

My dearest Love,—Though in a few days I hope to have the happiness of seeing you, still I wish to recall myself even before that time to your recollection, and to tell you how delighted I shall be to embrace my dearest little child. I have travelled far over the world and shall be able to give you some curious information about various matters.

Stockmar, who was very ill, and whom I despaired of seeing here, did arrive before yesterday,⁸ and you may guess what pleasure it gave me. Now I will conclude; au revoir, and let me find you grown, blooming, and kind to your old and faithful Uncle,

Leopold.

Footnote 7: Afterwards King of the Belgians.

Footnote 8: I.e. avant hier.

[May 1829.]

If I had wings and could fly like a bird, I should fly in at your window like the little robin to-day, and wish you many [page 33] very happy returns of the 24th, and tell you how I love you, dearest sister, and how often I think of you and long to see you. I think if I were once with you again I could not leave you so soon. I should wish to stay with you, and what would poor Ernest⁹ say if I were to leave him so long? He would perhaps try to fly after me, but I fear he would not get far; he is rather tall and heavy for flying. So you see I have nothing left to do but to write to you, and wish you in this way all possible happiness and joy for this and many, many years to come. I hope you will spend a very merry birthday. How I wish to be with you, dearest Victoire, on that day!

I have not thanked you, I believe, for a very dear letter you have written to me, which gave me the greatest pleasure. Your descriptions of the plays you had seen amused me very much. I wish I had seen your performance too. Your most affectionate Sister,

Feodore.

Footnote 9: The Princess Feodore of Leiningen, the Queen's half-sister, had married, in January 1828, the Prince (Ernest) of Hohenlohe-Langenburg.

Bushey Park, 14th August 1829.

A thousand thanks to you, dear Victoria, for your very nice and well-written letter full of good wishes, which I had the pleasure to receive yesterday; and many thanks more for the pretty gifts your dear Mamma has sent me in your name. I wore them last night for your sake, dearest child, and thought of you very often.

It gives me great satisfaction to hear that you are enjoying the sea air and like the place which you now occupy. I wish I could pay your Mamma a visit there and see you again, my dear little niece, for I long to have that pleasure, and must resign myself at being deprived of it some time longer. Your Uncle desires to be most kindly remembered to you, and hopes to receive soon also a letter from you, of whom he is as fond as I am. We speak of you very often, and trust that you will always consider us to be amongst your best friends....

God bless you, my dear Victoria, is always the prayer of your most truly affectionate Aunt,

Adelaide.

Brussels, 22nd May 1832.

My dearest Love,—Let me offer you my sincerest and best wishes on the return of the anniversary of your birthday. [page 34] May heaven protect and prosper you, and shower all its best blessings on you.

Time flies: it is now thirteen years that you came into the world of trouble; I therefore can hardly venture to call you any longer a little Princess.

This will make you feel, my dear Love, that you must give your attention more and more to graver matters. By the dispensation of Providence you are destined to fill a most eminent station; to fill it well must now become your study. A good heart and a trusty and honourable character are amongst the most indispensable qualifications for that position.

You will always find in your Uncle that faithful friend which he has proved to you from your earliest infancy, and whenever you feel yourself in want of support or advice, call on him with perfect confidence.

If circumstances permitted my leaving Ostend early to-morrow morning, I should be able to place myself my birthday present into your fair hair; as this happiness has not fallen to my lot, your excellent mother has promised to act as my representative.

You will probably have little time to spare. I therefore conclude with the assurance of the sincere attachment and affection with which I shall ever be, my dearest Love, your faithful and devoted Friend and Uncle,

Leopold R.

Laeken,¹⁰ 31st August 1832.

My dearest Love,—You told me you wished to have a description of your new Aunt.¹¹ I therefore shall both mentally and physically describe her to you.

She is extremely gentle and amiable, her actions are always guided by principles. She is at all times ready and disposed to sacrifice her comfort and inclinations to see others happy. She values goodness, merit, and virtue much more than beauty, riches, and amusements. With all this she is highly informed and very clever; she speaks and writes English, German and Italian; she speaks English very well indeed. In short, my dear Love, you see that I may well recommend her as an example for all young ladies, being Princesses or not.

Now to her appearance. She is about Feodore's height, her hair very fair, light blue eyes, of a very gentle, intelligent and [page 35] kind expression. A Bourbon nose and small mouth. The figure is much like Feodore's but rather less stout. She rides very well, which she proved to my great alarm the other day, by keeping her seat though a horse of mine ran away with her full speed for at least half a mile. What she does particularly well is dancing. Music unfortunately she is not very fond of, though she plays on the harp; I believe there is some idleness in the case. There exists already great confidence and affection between us; she is desirous of doing everything that can contribute to my happiness, and I study whatever can make her happy and contented.

You will see by these descriptions that though my good little wife is not the tallest Queen, she is a very great prize which I highly value and cherish....

Now it is time I should finish my letter. Say everything that is kind to good Lehzen, and believe me ever, my dearest Love, your faithful Friend and Uncle,

Leopold R.

Footnote 10: The Royal Palace, four miles from Brussels, which Napoleon owned for many years. A monument to King Leopold now stands there.

Footnote 11: Louise Marie, Princess of Orleans, daughter of King Louis Philippe of France, was married to King Leopold on 9th August 1832.

Laeken, 21st May 1833.

My dearest Love,—To make quite sure of my birthday congratulations reaching you on that day, I send them by to-day's messenger, and confide them to the care of your illustrious mother.

My sincere good wishes for many happy returns of that day which gave you, dear little soul, to us, will be accompanied by some few reflections, which the serious aspect of our times calls forth. My dearest Love, you are now fourteen years old, a period when the delightful pastimes of childhood must be mixed with thoughts appertaining already to a matured part of your life. I know that you have been very studious, but now comes the time when the judgment must form itself, when the character requires attention; in short when the young tree takes the shape which it retains afterwards through life.

To attain this object it is indispensable to give some little time to reflection. The life in a great town is little calculated for such purposes; however, with some firmness of purpose it can be done.

Self-examination is the most important part of the business, and a very useful mode of proceeding is, for instance, every evening to recapitulate the events of the day, and the motives which made one act oneself, as well as to try to guess what might have been the motives of others. Amiable dispositions like yours will easily perceive if your own motives were good. Persons in high situations must particularly guard themselves [page 36] against selfishness and vanity. An individual in a high and important situation will easily see a great many persons eager to please the first, and to flatter and encourage the last. Selfishness, however, makes the individual itself miserable, and is the cause of constant disappointment, besides being the surest means of being disliked by everybody.

Vanity, on the other hand, is generally artfully used by ambitious and interested people to make one a tool for purposes of their own, but too often in opposition with one's own happiness and destruction of it.

To learn to know oneself, to judge oneself with truth and impartiality, must be the great objects of one's exertion; they are only attainable by constant and cool self-examination.

The position of what is generally called great people has of late become extremely difficult. They are more attacked and calumniated, and judged with less indulgence than private individuals. What they have lost in this way, they have not by any means regained in any other. Ever since the revolution of 1790 they are much less secure than they used to be, and the transition from sovereign power to absolute want has been as frequent as sudden.

It becomes, therefore, necessary that the character should be so formed as not to be intoxicated by greatness and success, nor cast down by misfortune. To be able to do so, one must be able to appreciate things according to their real value, and particularly avoid giving to trifles an undue importance.

Nothing is so great and clear a proof of unfitness for greater and nobler actions, than a mind which is seriously occupied with trifles.

Trifling matters may be objects of amusement and relaxation to a clever person, but only a weak mind and a mean spirit consider trifles as important. The good sense must show itself by distinguishing what is and what is not important.

My sermon is now long enough, my dear child. I strongly recommend it, however, to your reflection and consideration.

My gift consists in a set of views of the former Kingdom of the Netherlands, out of which you will be able to discover all those of the present Belgium.

Let me soon hear from you; and may God bless and preserve you. Ever, my dear Love, your affectionate Uncle,

Leopold R.

Tunbridge Wells, 14th September 1834.

My dearest Uncle,—Allow me to write you a few words, [page 37] to express how thankful I am for the very kind letter you wrote me. It made me, though, very sad to think that all our hopes of seeing you, which we cherished so long, this year, were over. I had so hoped and wished to have seen you again, my beloved Uncle, and to have made dearest Aunt Louisa's acquaintance. I am delighted to hear that dear Aunt has benefited from the sea air and bathing. We had a very pretty party to Hever Castle yesterday, which perhaps you remember, where Anne Boleyn used to live, before she lost her head. We drove there, and rode home. It was a most beautiful day. We have very good accounts from dear Feodore, who will, by this time, be at Langenburg.

Believe me always, my dearest Uncle, your very affectionate and dutiful Niece,

Victoria.

Laeken, 18th October 1834.

My dearest Love,—I am happy to learn that Tunbridge Wells has done you good. Health is the first and most important gift of Providence; without it we are poor, miserable creatures, though the whole earth were our property; therefore I trust that you will take great care of your own. I feel convinced that air and exercise are most useful for you. In your leisure moments I hope that you study a little; history is what I think the most important study for you. It will be difficult for you to learn human-kind's ways and manners otherwise than from that important source of knowledge. Your position will more or less render practical knowledge extremely difficult for you, till you get old, and still if you do not prepare yourself for your position, you may become the victim of wicked and designing people, particularly at a period when party spirit runs so high. Our times resemble most those of the Protestant reformation; then people were moved by religious opinions, as they now undoubtedly are by political passions. Unfortunately history is rarely written by those who really were the chief movers of events, nor free from a party colouring; this is particularly the case in the works about English history. In that respect France is much richer, because there we have authenticated memoirs of some of the most important men, and of others who really saw what passed and wrote it down at the time. Political feelings, besides, rarely created permanent parties like those in England, with the exception, perhaps, of the great distinctions of Catholics and Protestants. What I most should recommend is the period before the accession of Henry IV. of France to the throne, then [page 38] the events after his death till the end of the minority of Louis XIV.; after that period, though interesting, matters have a character which is more personal, and therefore less applicable to the present times. Still even that period may be studied with some profit to get knowledge of mankind. Intrigues and favouritism were the chief features of that period, and Madame de Maintenon's immense influence was very nearly the cause of the destruction of France. What I very particularly recommend to you is to study in the Memoirs of the great and good Sully¹² the last years of the reign of Henry IV. of France, and the events which followed his assassination. If you have not got the work, I will forward it to you from hence, or give you the edition which I must have at Claremont.

As my paper draws to a close, I shall finish also by giving you my best blessings, and remain ever, my dearest Love, your faithfully attached Friend and Uncle,

Leopold R.

Footnote 12: Maximilien, Duc de Sully, was Henry's Minister of Finance. A curious feature of the Memoirs is the fact that they are written in the second person: the historian recounts the hero's adventures to him.

Tunbridge Wells, 22nd October 1834.

My dearest Uncle,—You cannot conceive how happy you have made me, by your very kind letter, which, instead of tiring, delights me beyond everything. I must likewise say how very grateful I feel for the kind and excellent advice you gave me in it.

For the autographs I beg to return my best thanks. They are most valuable and interesting, and will be great additions to my collections. As I have not got Sully's Memoirs, I shall be delighted if you will be so good as to give them to me. Reading history is one of my greatest delights, and perhaps, dear Uncle, you might like to know which books in that line I am now reading. In my lessons with the Dean of Chester,¹³ I am reading Russell's Modern Europe,¹⁴ which is very interesting, and Clarendon's History of the Rebellion. It is drily written, but is full of instruction. I like reading different authors, of different opinions, by which means I learn not to lean on one particular side. Besides my lessons, I read Jones'¹⁵ account of the wars in Spain, Portugal and the South of France, from the [page 39] year 1808 till 1814. It is well done, I think, and amuses me very much. In French, I am now in La Rivalité de la France et de l'Espagne, par Gaillard,¹⁶ which is very interesting. I have also begun Rollin.¹⁷ I am very fond of making tables of the Kings and Queens, as I go on, and I have lately finished one of the English Sovereigns and their consorts, as, of course, the history of my own country is one of my first duties. I should be fearful of tiring you with so long an account of myself, were I not sure you take so great an interest in my welfare.

Pray give my most affectionate love to dearest Aunt Louisa, and please say to the Queen of the French and the two Princesses how grateful I am for their kind remembrance of me.

Believe me always, my dearest Uncle, your very affectionate, very dutiful, and most attached Niece,

Victoria.

Footnote 13: The Rev. George Davys. See ante, p. 15.

Footnote 14: This History of Modern Europe, in a series of letters from a nobleman to his son, 5 vols. (1779-1784), deals with the rise of modern kingdoms down to the Peace of Westphalia (1648).

Footnote 15: Sir John Thomas Jones, Bart. (1783-1843), a Royal Engineer, who served in the Peninsular War.

Footnote 16: Gabriel Henri Gaillard (1726-1806), Member of the French Academy.

Footnote 17: The Histoire Ancienne, by Charles Rollin (1661-1741), Rector of the University of Paris.

St. Leonards, 19th November 1834.

My dearest Uncle,—It is impossible for me to express how happy you have made me by writing so soon again to me, and how pleased I am to see by your very kind letter that you intend to write to me often. I am much obliged to you, dear Uncle, for the extract about Queen Anne, but must beg you, as you have sent me to show what a Queen ought not to be, that you will send me what a Queen ought to be.¹⁸

Might I ask what is the very pretty seal with which the letter I got from you yesterday was closed? It is so peculiar that I am anxious to know.

Believe me always, dear Uncle, your very affectionate, very dutiful, and very attached Niece,

Victoria.

Footnote 18: King Leopold had sent the Princess an extract from a French Memoir, containing a severe criticism of the political character of Queen Anne.

Laeken, 2nd December 1834.

My dearest Love,—You have written a very clever, sharp little letter the other day, which gave me great pleasure. Sure enough, when I show you what a Queen ought not to be, I also ought to tell you what she should be, and this task I will very conscientiously take upon myself on the very first occasion which may offer itself for a confidential communication. Now I must conclude, to go to town. I must, however, say that I [page 40] have given orders to send you Sully's Memoirs. As they have not been written exclusively for young ladies, it will be well to have Lehzen to read it with you, and to judge what ought to be left for some future time. And now God bless you! Ever, my beloved child, your attached Friend and Uncle,

Leopold R.

St. Leonards, 28th December 1834.

My dearest Uncle,—I must again, with your permission, write you a few lines, to wish you a very happy new year, not only for this year, but for many to come. I know not how to thank you sufficiently for the invaluable and precious autographs which you were so very kind as to send me. Some of them I received a few days ago, and the others to-day, accompanied by a very kind letter from you, and a beautiful shawl, which will be most useful to me, particularly as a favourite one of mine is growing very old. I wish you could come here, for many reasons, but also to be an eye-witness of my extreme prudence in eating, which would astonish you. The poor sea-gulls are, however, not so happy as you imagine, for they have great enemies in the country-people here, who take pleasure in shooting them.

Believe me always, my dearest Uncle, your very affectionate and most grateful Niece,

Victoria.

Kensington Palace, 2nd February 1835.

My dearest Uncle,—I know not how to thank you sufficiently for the most valuable autographs you were kind enough to send me. I am particularly delighted with that of Louis Quatorze, "le grand Roi," and my great admiration.... You will not, I hope, think me very troublesome if I venture to ask for two more autographs which I should very particularly like to have; they are Mme. de Sévigné's¹⁹ and Racine's; as I am reading the letters of the former, and the tragedies of the latter, I should prize them highly. Believe me always, my dearest Uncle, your most affectionate and dutiful Niece,

Victoria.

Footnote 19: Marie de Rabutin Chantal, Marquise de Sévigné, born 1626. At twenty-four she was left a widow, and devoted herself to her children's education. When her daughter married the Count de Grignan, she began that correspondence with her on which her reputation chiefly rests. She died in 1696, and the letters were first published in 1726.

Camp of Beverloo
(in the North of the Province of Limburg),
3rd August 1835.

My dear Love,—By your Mother's letter of the 31st ult^o., I learned of the serious and important action in your young life²⁰ which has passed recently, and I cannot let it pass without saying some words on the subject. I am perhaps rather strangely situated for a preaching—somewhat in the style of those old camp preachers who held forth to many thousand people on some heath in Scotland. I am also on an immense heath, surrounded by 16,000 men, mostly young and gay, cooking, singing, working, and not very like the stern old Covenanters; however, I shall try. First of all, let me congratulate you that it passed happily and well off. Secondly, let me entreat you to look with a serious and reflective mind on the day which is past. Many are the religions, many the shades of those religions, but it must be confessed the principles of the Christian religion are the most perfect and the most beautiful that can be imagined.... There is one virtue which is particularly Christian; this is the knowledge of our own heart in real humility. Hypocrisy is a besetting sin of all times, but particularly of the present, and many are the wolves in sheep's clothes. I am sorry to say, with all my affection for old England, the very state of its Society and politics renders many in that country essentially humbugs and deceivers; the appearance of the thing is generally more considered than the reality; provided matters go off well, and opinion may be gained, the real good is matter of the most perfect indifference. Defend yourself, my dear love, against this system; let your dear character always be true and loyal; this does not exclude prudence—worldly concerns are now unfortunately so organised that you must be cautious or you may injure yourself and others—but it does not prevent the being sterling and true. Nothing in persons gives greater reliance, greater weight, than when they are known to be true. HONESTY AND SINCERITY From your earliest childhood I was anxious to see in you this important virtue saved and developed, and Lehzen will still be able to recollect that. If it is God's pleasure that you should once²¹ fill the arduous situation to which you seem destined, you will find the importance of what I now say to you. And when others may tremble to have at last their real character found out, and to meet all the contempt which they may deserve, your mind and heart will be still and happy, because it will [page 42] know that it acts honestly, that truth and goodness are the motives of its actions. I press you now against my heart; may God bless you as I wish and hope it, and may you always feel some affection for your sincerely devoted camp preacher and Uncle,

Leopold R.

Footnote 20: The Princess was confirmed at the Chapel Royal, on 30th July 1835.

Footnote 21: King Leopold not infrequently uses "once" like the Latin olim, as referring to any indefinite date in the future as well as in the past. "Some day" is what is intended here.

The year 1836 was not an eventful one at home; the Whig Ministry were too weak to carry measures of first-rate importance, and could hardly have maintained themselves in power against the formidable opposition of Sir Robert Peel without the support of O'Connell. Parliament was chiefly occupied by the consideration of the Secret Societies in Ireland, Tithes, Municipal Corporations, and such matters; the Marriage Act, and the Act for the Registration of Births have probably been the most important measures of the year to the country. Troubles which were destined to become more acute arose in Lower Canada and Jamaica, both taking the form of disputes between the executive and the legislature.

On the continent of Europe, affairs were more disturbing. Several attempts were made on the life of the King of the French, while an abortive insurrection with a view of establishing a military empire was made by Louis Bonaparte at Strasburg. The Prince was allowed to leave the country and go to the United States, but his accomplices were detained for trial. In Algiers the French Government determined to prosecute operations against the Arab Chief Abd-el-Kader, and they sent an expedition to Constantin.

Holland and Belgium were occupied with a dispute about their boundary line, the cession to Belgium of Luxemburg being the chief point of difference. The difficulties that arose in passing an important Municipal Act for Belgium caused King Leopold temporarily to regret he had not accepted the throne of Greece.

Portugal was still convulsed by revolutionary agitation. Dom Pedro, the eldest son of King John VI., had been proclaimed Emperor of Brazil in his father's lifetime, and had abdicated the throne of Portugal in favour of his daughter Donna Maria, a child seven years old, while Dom Miguel, his younger brother, who had acted in opposition to his father in Portugal, claimed the throne for himself. Dom Pedro had agreed that his daughter should marry Miguel, who was in 1827 appointed Regent. Miguel, had he acted wisely, might have maintained himself on the throne, but Dom Pedro, who had been expelled from Brazil by a revolution, took active steps to recover the Portuguese throne for his daughter, and equipped an expedition for that end with English and French volunteers. In this way, Donna Maria, who had spent part of her exile in England, and formed a friendship with the Princess Victoria, was through [page 44] British instrumentality placed on her throne, but still could only maintain herself with difficulty against Miguel. She was a few weeks older than the Princess Victoria, and had recently lost her first husband, the Duc de Leuchtenberg. She was married by proxy on the 1st of January 1836, and in person on the 9th of April, to Prince Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg.

There was also a disputed succession in Spain, where by the ancient law women might succeed to the throne. Ferdinand VII., who had revoked the Pragmatic Sanction of 1711 and restored the former system, died in 1833, leaving no son. His elder daughter Isabella, then three years of age, was proclaimed Queen (her mother Christina being appointed Regent), and Isabella's claims were recognised by England and France. The late King's brother, Don Carlos, taking his stand upon the Salic Law as established by the Pragmatic Sanction, raised the standard of revolt and allied himself with Dom Miguel, the young Queens Maria and Isabella mutually recognising each other, and being supported by France and England against the "Holy Alliance" of Austria, Russia, and Prussia. A seven years' civil war resulted, which did not end till, from sheer exhaustion, the Carlists had to cease fighting the Christinos, as the loyal party was called. The English Government in the previous year had sanctioned the enlistment of 10,000 men; who, commanded by Colonel (afterwards Sir de Lacy) Evans, landed at San Sebastian in August to assist the Christinos. A British auxiliary contingent was already with the Spanish army, while a naval squadron under Lord John Hay was active on the coast. Mendizabal was Prime Minister at the beginning of the year 1836, and was succeeded in May by Isturitz. Riots took place at Madrid, and Isturitz fled to France; Calatrava succeeding him, assisted by Mendizabal. The Christino cause did not much advance during the year.

4th March 1836.

My dearly beloved Child,—You wrote me again a long, dear, good letter, like all those which I received from your kind hands. Time approaches now for the arrival of the cousins, and most probably of your Uncle Ferdinand also. He has informed me of his arrival for the 7th or 8th; notwithstanding this, I mean to leave everything settled as it has been arranged. They will set off on the 7th, arrive at Paris on the 8th, and leave it again on the 12th.... Fernando¹ has still a very bad cold; change of air is likely to cure that. The stay here has done Fernando a great deal of good, and it cannot be denied that he is quite another person. It has given me some trouble, but I have written down for him everything which he ought to know about the organisation of a government in general, and what will be necessary in specie to carry on successfully the Government in Portugal.... My inclinations, as you are aware, would have led me to the East, but certainly the only thing which reconciles me with my not having done so is that it has made me to remain near you, and will enable me to see you and to be useful to you.

Footnote 1: The Queen's first cousin, Prince Ferdinand (son of Prince Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg, who was brother of the Duchess of Kent and the King of the Belgians), aged nineteen, who married the Queen of Portugal on 9th April. He was at this time visiting the King of the Belgians on his way to Portugal.

Kensington Palace, 7th March 1836.

... You are very kind, my dearest, best Uncle, to say that "the only thing which reconciles you" for not having gone to Greece is, that you are near me and can see me. Thank Heaven that you did not go there! it would have been dreadful for me [page 46] and for all your relations to be thus, as it were, cut off from almost all intercourse! It is hard enough, that you are as far as you are, when I recollect the happy time when I could see you, and be with you, every day!...

Kensington Palace, 29th March 1836.

My dearest Uncle,— ... As concerning the "fatigues" we are said to have undergone, they were none to me, and made me very happy; I only wish they could have lasted longer, for all, all is over now, and our beloved Ferdinand² himself leaves our shores this very morning. We accompanied them all on Sunday, where we took a final leave of our dear Ferdinand, and I cannot tell you how sorry I was, and am, to see him go, for I love him dearly. He is so truly excellent, kind, and good, and endears himself so much by his simplicity and good-heartedness! I may venture to say, that no one has his prosperity and happiness more at heart than I have. I am extremely sanguine about his success. He goes there full of courage, spirits, and goodwill, and being naturally clever and observant, I doubt not that with good counsel, and prudence, he will do very well. Your kind advice will be of the greatest and most important use to him, the more so as he is so exceedingly fond of you.... Ferdinand leaves behind him here a most favourable impression on all parties, for I have even heard from some great Tories themselves that there was a great feeling for him in this country.

Footnote 2: See ante, p. 45. He had latterly been visiting the Duchess of Kent.

Stuttgart, 16th April 1836.

... You will like our two Coburg cousins also, I think; they are more manly than I think the two others are, after the description. I am very fond of them both. Ernest is my favourite, although Albert is much handsomer, and cleverer too, but Ernest is so honest and good-natured. I shall be very curious to hear your opinion upon them....

Kensington Palace, 26th April 1836.

My dearest, best Uncle,— ... You will, I am sure, have been delighted with M. de Neumann's³ account of the complete [page 47] success of our dear Ferdinand. All has gone off better than even our most sanguine hopes could have desired. He is much pleased with the good Queen, and she is delighted with him, and M. de Neumann says that they are already quite happy together. This is really a great blessing, but I fear that all the exterior affairs are not in quite so good a state. I hope, however, that the good people will not make any more difficulties about Fernando's being Commander-in-Chief, as I hear from all accounts it is necessary he should be so....

Uncle Ernest and my cousins will probably come here in the beginning of next month, I hear, and will visit you on their return.

You ask me about Sully's Memoirs, and if I have finished them. I have not finished them, but am reading them with great interest, and find there is a great deal in them which applies to the present times, and a great deal of good advice and reasoning in them. As you say, very truly, it is extremely necessary for me to follow the "events of the day," and to do so impartially. I am always both grateful and happy when you give me any advice, and hope you will continue to do so as long as I live.

I am glad to hear you approve my singing, and I cannot tell you how delightful it would be for me, if you could join with us. À propos, dear Uncle, you did not answer what I said to you in a former letter about your visiting us again. You know, dear Uncle, that this is a subject upon which I am very earnest and very eager, and as the summer approaches I grow more and more anxious about it. You know, also, that pleasure does more good than a hundred walks and rides.

Believe me always, my dearest Uncle, your truly devoted and attached Niece,

Victoria.

Footnote 3: Baron Neumann, who acted as Minister Plenipotentiary during the absences of Prince Esterhazy, succeeded him as Austrian Minister in 1842. He married Lady Augusta Somerset in 1844.

13th May 1836.

My dearest Child,—I got this time a very small letter from your good little Ladyship, and I shall repay it probably in larger coin, as my letter going through a messenger of my own will become longer, as it will be more confidential than through the usual mode of conveyance.

I am really astonished at the conduct of your old Uncle the King; this invitation of the Prince of Orange and his sons, this forcing him upon others, is very extraordinary.⁴ It is so, [page 48] because persons in political stations and champions of great political passions cannot put aside their known character as you would lay your hat upon a table.

Not later than yesterday I got a half official communication from England, insinuating that it would be highly desirable that the visit of your relatives should not take place, this year—qu'en dites-vous? The relations of the Queen and the King, therefore, to the God-knows-what degree, are to come in shoals and rule the land, when your relations are to be forbidden the country, and that when, as you know, the whole of your relations have ever been very dutiful and kind to the King. Really and truly I never heard or saw anything like it, and I hope it will a little rouse your spirit; now that slavery is even abolished in the British Colonies, I do not comprehend why your lot alone should be to be kept, a white little slavey in England, for the pleasure of the Court, who never bought you, as I am not aware of their having gone to any expense on that head, or the King's even having spent a sixpence for your existence. I expect that my visits in England will also be prohibited by an Order in Council. Oh consistency and political or other honesty, where must one look for you!

I have not the least doubt that the King, in his passion for the Oranges, will be excessively rude to your relations; this, however, will not signify much; they are your guests and not his, and will therefore not mind it....

Footnote 4: King Leopold had for some time cherished a hope of uniting the Princess Victoria in marriage with her cousin, Prince Albert of Coburg. He therefore arranged that the Prince, with his elder brother, Prince Ernest, should pay a visit to the Duchess of Kent at Kensington Palace. King William naturally opposed a scheme which he knew met with the approval of his sister-in-law. He accordingly invited the Prince of Orange and his two sons at the same time, and favoured the candidature of the younger son, Prince Alexander. The King (it is believed) went so far as to say that no other marriage should ever take place, and that the Duke of Saxe-Coburg and his son should never put foot in the country; they should not be allowed to land, and must go back whence they came.

The Prince of Orange had himself been a candidate for the hand of Princess Charlotte, and had no reason to be friendly to King Leopold, of whom it is recorded that he said, "Voilà un homme qui a pris ma femme et mon royaume."

23rd May 1836.

My dearest Uncle,— ... Uncle Ernest and my cousins arrived here on Wednesday, sains et saufs. Uncle is looking remarkably well, and my cousins are most delightful young people. I will give you no detailed description of them, as you will so soon see them yourself. But I must say, that they are both very amiable, very kind and good, and extremely merry, just as young people should be; with all that, they are extremely sensible, and very fond of occupation. Albert is extremely handsome, which Ernest certainly is not, but he has [page 49] a most good-natured, honest, and intelligent countenance. We took them to the Opera on Friday, to see the Puritani, and as they are excessively fond of music, like me, they were in perfect ecstasies, having never heard any of the singers before....

7th June 1836.

My dearest Uncle,—These few lines will be given to you by my dear Uncle Ernest when he sees you.

I must thank you, my beloved Uncle, for the prospect of great happiness you have contributed to give me, in the person of dear Albert. Allow me, then, my dearest Uncle, to tell you how delighted I am with him, and how much I like him in every way. He possesses every quality that could be desired to render me perfectly happy. He is so sensible, so kind, and so good, and so amiable too. He has, besides, the most pleasing and delightful exterior and appearance you can possibly see.

I have only now to beg you, my dearest Uncle, to take care of the health of one, now so dear to me, and to take him under your special protection. I hope and trust that all will go on prosperously and well on this subject of so much importance to me.

Believe me always, my dearest Uncle, your most affectionate, devoted, and grateful Niece,

Victoria.

17th June 1836.

My dearest and most beloved Child,—I begged your Mother, in the meantime, to offer you my best thanks for your very pretty drawing representing the Provost of Bruges and his daughter⁵; I admired also that for your Aunt. They do your spirit of invention honour, and it is a very good plan to draw subjects from books or plays which interest you. You will feel the loss of a pleasant society in the old Palace, the more so as your relations are good unsophisticated people, a thing which one does not so often meet with. I suppose that part of your London amusements will soon be over. You were going to Windsor, which you will probably have left by this time. I hope you were very prudent; I cannot disguise from you, that though the inhabitants are good-natured [page 50] people, still that I think you want all your natural caution with them. Never permit yourself to be induced to tell them any opinion or sentiment of yours which is beyond the sphere of common conversation and its ordinary topics. Bad use would be made of it against yourself, and you cannot in that subject be too much guarded. I know well the people we have to deal with. I am extremely impartial, but I shall also always be equally watchful.... God bless you! Ever, my dear child, your very devoted Uncle and Friend,

Leopold R.

Footnote 5: Leading characters in The Heiress of Bruges, by Grattan.

9th August 1836.

My beloved Uncle,— ... I was sure you would be very much pleased with Ernest and Albert as soon as you knew them more; there cannot be two more good and sensible young men than they are. Pray, dear Uncle, say everything most kind from me to them.

We go to Buxted⁶ to-morrow morning, and stay there till next Monday.

All the gaieties are now over. We took leave of the Opera on Saturday, and a most brilliant conclusion to the season it was. Yesterday I took my farewell lesson with Lablache,⁷ which I was very sorry to do. I have had twenty-six lessons with him, and I look forward with pleasure to resume them again next spring.

Footnote 6: Lord Liverpool's house. Charles Cecil Cope Jenkinson, third Earl of Liverpool, was fifty-three years old at the time of the Queen's accession. He was a moderate Tory, and had held office as Under-Secretary for the Home Department in 1807, and in 1809 as Under-Secretary for War and the Colonies. He succeeded to the Earldom in 1828. The title, since revived, became extinct on his death in 1851. He was a friend of the Duchess of Kent, who often stayed with him at Buxted Park in Sussex, and at Pitchford in Shropshire. At three successive visits at the latter house the Princess occupied the same small room without a fireplace.

Footnote 7: Luigi Lablache (1794-1858), a famous opera-singer, was the Princess's singing-master.

2nd September 1836.

My dearest Uncle,— ... The state of Spain is most alarming and unfortunate.⁸ I do hope something will be done. The news were rather better yesterday and the day before. The Christinos had gained a victory over the Carlists.⁹ I take a great interest in the whole of this unfortunate affair. [page 51] I hope and trust Portugal may not suffer by all the affairs of Spain, but much is to be feared. Dieskau will have told you much about the internal affairs, which seem to go on very prosperously. Pray has the Duchess of Braganza¹⁰ written to you or Aunt Louise since Ferdinand's marriage?

You did not send me the King of Naples'¹¹ letter, as you said you would; pray do so in your next letter. I hope he will come here next year. You do not mention France, so I hope all is quiet. The Duke of Orleans is quite well again, I am happy to hear from Aunt Louise. Now I must conclude, begging you to believe me, always, your most truly attached and really devoted Niece,

Victoria.

Footnote 8: See Introductory Note for the year, ante, p. 44.

Footnote 9: The civil war was favourable to the Carlists at this time, General Gomez obtaining a victory on 30th August. By the end of the year he had twice traversed the kingdom, hampered with plunder and prisoners, and surrounded by armies greater than his own, and in no district did he find the inhabitants disposed to act against him.

Footnote 10: Step-mother of the Queen of Portugal.

Footnote 11: Ferdinand II., commonly named "Bomba." He married en secondes noces, the Archduchess Theresa of Austria.

Claremont, 21st September 1836.

My most dearly beloved Uncle,—As I hear that Mamma is going to send a letter to you which will reach you at Dover, and though it is only an hour and a half since we parted, I must write you one line to tell you how very, very sad I am that you have left us, and to repeat, what I think you know pretty well, how much I love you. When I think that but two hours ago we were happily together, and that now you are travelling every instant farther and farther away from us, and that I shall with all probability not see you for a year, it makes me cry. Yes, dearest Uncle, it is dreadful in this life, that one is destined, and particularly unhappy me, to be almost always separated from those one loves most dearly. I live, however, in the hopes of your visit next year with dear Aunt, and I cannot say how thankful and happy I am that we have had you here for six short, and to me most bright happy days! I shall look back with the greatest delight on them.

Believe me, always, your ever devoted and most affectionately attached Niece and Child,

Victoria.

Footnote 12: Written at the conclusion of the King's visit to England.

Laeken, 11th November 1836.

My very dear Child,— ...I know attempts have been made to represent you as indifferent to the established Church. You know that in England the Sovereign is the head of the Church, and that the Church looks upon the Protestant religion [page 52] as it is established as the State Religion. In times like the present, when the Crown is already a good deal weakened, I believe that it is of importance to maintain as much as possible this state of affairs, and I believe that you will do well, whenever an occasion offers itself to do so without affectation, to express your sincere interest for the Church, and that you comprehend its position and count upon its good-will. The poor Church will be a good deal persecuted, I have no doubt, but it would be desirable that the men belonging to it should be united, sensible, and moderate....

Ramsgate, 14th November 1836.

... What you say to me relative to Church matters I quite comprehend, and always am very thankful for advice from you.

I am reading away famously. I like Mrs. Hutchinson's Life of her husband¹³ only comme cela; she is so dreadfully violent. She and Clarendon are so totally opposite, that it is quite absurd, and I only believe the juste milieu....

Your speech interested me very much; it is very fine indeed; you wrote it yourself, did you not?

Belgium is indeed the happiest country in the world, and it is all, all owing to your great care and kindness. "Nous étions des enfans perdus," General Goblet¹⁴ said to me at Claremont, "quand le Roi est venu nous sauver." And so it is....

Pray, dear Uncle, say everything most kind from me to Ernest and Albert, and believe me, always, your affectionate Niece,

Victoria.

Pray, dear Uncle, is the report of the King of Naples' marriage to the Archduchess Theresa true? I hear the king has behaved uncommonly well at Naples during the cholera panic. I enclose the measure of my finger.

Footnote 13: The regicide, Colonel Hutchinson's, fame rests more on his wife's commemoration of him than on his own exploits. She was the daughter of Sir Allen Apsley, Lieutenant of the Tower of London, and highly educated. Between 1664 and 1671 she wrote the biography of her husband, first published in 1806. "The figure of Colonel Hutchinson," says J. R. Green, "stands out from his wife's canvas with the grace and tenderness of a portrait by Van Dyck."

Footnote 14: The Belgian General, Albert Joseph Goblet. Count d'Alviella.

Laeken, 18th November 1836.

... Poor Charles X. is dead, it is said of the cholera. I regret him; few people were ever kinder to me than the good old man. He was blinded by certain absolute ideas, but a [page 53] good man, and deserving to be loved. History will state that Louis XVIII. was a most liberal monarch, reigning with great mildness and justice to his end, but that his brother, from his despotic and harsh disposition, upset all the other had done, and lost the throne. Louis XVIII. was a clever, hard-hearted man, shackled by no principle, very proud and false. Charles X. an honest man, a kind friend, an honourable master, sincere in his opinions, and inclined to do everything that is right. That teaches us what we ought to believe in history as it is compiled according to ostensible events and results known to the generality of people. Memoirs are much more instructive, if written honestly and not purposely fabricated, as it happens too often nowadays, particularly at Paris.... I shall not fail to read the books you so kindly recommend. I join you a small copy of our very liberal Constitution, hitherto conscientiously executed—no easy matter. You may communicate it to your Mother; it is the best answer to an infamous Radical or Tory-Radical paper, the Constitutional, which seems determined to run down the Coburg family. I don't understand the meaning of it; the only happiness poor Charlotte knew was during her short wedded existence, and there was but one voice on that subject, that we offered a bright prospect to the nation. Since that period I have (though been abused, and vilified merely for drawing an income which was the consequence of a Treaty ratified by both Houses of Parliament, and that without one dissenting voice, a thing not very likely to happen again) done everything to see England prosperous and powerful. I have spared her, in 1831, much trouble and expense, as without my coming here very serious complications, war and all the expensive operations connected with it, must have taken place. I give the whole of my income, without the reservation of a farthing, to the country; I preserve unity on the Continent, have frequently prevented mischief at Paris, and to thank me for all that, I get the most scurrilous abuse, in which the good people from constant practice so much excel.... The conclusion of all this—and that by people whose very existence in political life may be but of a few years' standing—is scurrilous abuse of the Coburg family. I should like to know what harm the Coburg family has done to England? But enough of this. Your principle is very good; one must not mind what newspapers say. Their power is a fiction of the worst description, and their efforts marked by the worst faith and the greatest untruths. If all the Editors of the papers in the countries where the liberty of the press exists were to be assembled, we should have a crew to which you would not confide a dog that you would value, still less your honour and reputation....

21st November 1836.

My most dearly beloved Uncle,—You cannot imagine how happy you have made me by your very dear, kind, long, and interesting letter of the 18th, which I received yesterday morning, and for which I beg you to accept my very warmest and best thanks. You know, I think, my dearest Uncle, that no creature on earth loves you more dearly, or has a higher sense of admiration for you, than I have. Independent of all that you have done—which I never, never can be grateful enough for—my love for you exceeds all that words can express; it is innate in me, for from my earliest years the name of Uncle was the dearest I knew, the word Uncle, alone, meant no other but you!

Your letter is so interesting and instructive that I could read it over and over again. I hope, dear Uncle, you will in process of time give me the aperçu you mention, which would be so very interesting for me.

I cannot tell you how distressed I was by the late unfortunate contre-révolution manquée at Lisbon,¹⁵ and how sorry I was to see by the letter you wrote me, that you were still unaware of it on the 18th. Mamma received a letter from Lord Palmerston yesterday morning, which she has sent you, and which is consolatory, I think. He speaks in the highest terms of our beloved Ferdinand, which proves that he becomes daily more and more worthy of his arduous situation, and says that the Queen's situation "is better than it was," less bad than it might have been "after such an affair," and not so good as it would have been had poor Donna Maria waited patiently till all was ripe for action. Dietz¹⁶ wrote Mamma a most desponding letter, so much so, that had we not got Lord Palmerston's letter we must have thought all, all was over.¹⁷ I hope, dear Uncle, you will tell me your feeling about the whole, which will only satisfy me; no one else could, for I take an interest in Ferdinand's welfare as though he were my brother.

Allow me, dearest Uncle, to say a few words respecting my name, to which you allude. You are aware, I believe, that about a year after the accession of the present King there was a desire to change my favourite and dear name Victoria to that of Charlotte, also most dear, to which the King willingly consented. On its being told me, I said nothing, though I felt grieved beyond measure at the thought of any change. Not long after this, Lord Grey, and also the Archbishop of Canterbury, acquainted Mamma that the country, having been accustomed to hear me called Victoria, had become used to it, enfin, liked it, and therefore, to my great delight, the idea of a change was given up.¹⁸

I was sure the death of old Charles X. would strike you....

I thank you much for the Constitution de la Belgique. Those attacks on you are infamous, but must not be minded; they are the language of a few jealous, envious people. En revanche, I enclose a paragraph from a speech of O'Connell's¹⁹ I think worth your reading.

Pray, dearest Uncle, say everything most kind to my beloved and dearest Aunt, and thank her in my name for her kind letter, which I shall answer on Friday. I am happy she and the dear little man are well.

Believe me, always, your most devoted and affectionately attached Niece,

Victoria.

Footnote 15: Prince Ferdinand was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Portuguese army on the advice of the Duc de Terceira, then Prime Minister. The appointment was highly unpopular; riots broke out, the army mutinied, and rose against the authorities, with the result that the Queen of Portugal was compelled to accept the Radical Constitution of 1820, in the place of Dom Pedro's constitutional Charter of 1826. Later in the year the Queen, assisted by Palmella, Terceira, and Saldanha, made a counter-move, believing that the people of Lisbon would support her, and proposed to dismiss her Ministers; she had, however, been misled as to the popular aid forthcoming, and had to give up the struggle, Sá da Bandeira becoming Prime Minister. The Queen, virtually a captive, had to accede to the revolutionary requirements.

Footnote 16: Dietz was a former Governor of Prince Ferdinand, who accompanied him to Portugal on his marriage with Donna Maria, and took a considerable part in political affairs.

Footnote 17: A former Minister of the Interior was killed by the National Guards, who threatened to march on Belem, where the Queen was; she had to apply to the British Marines for protection.

Footnote 18: In the course of the debate (3rd August 1831) on Lord Althorp's proposition to add £10,000 a year to the Duchess of Kent's income, Sir M. W. Ridley suggested changing the Princess's name to Elizabeth, as being "more accordant to the feelings of the people," saying that he had heard the subject "frequently and seriously argued." Hunt, the Radical, who opposed the grant, saw no objection to the change, and Lord Althorp thought the matter of no particular consequence. The Princess's own feelings, and those of her mother, do not seem to have been considered. See Hansard, 3rd series, vol. v. 591, 654 et seq.

Footnote 19: Probably that on the Irish Church Question at the General (formerly "Catholic") Association, Dublin.

Claremont, 5th December 1836.

My dearest Uncle,—... I have begun since a few days Lord Clive's Life, by Sir John Malcolm,²⁰ which is very interesting, as it gives much insight into the affairs of India, over parts of which, I fear, it would be well to throw a veil. I am reading it by myself, et je vous le recommande....

Footnote 20: The book reviewed by Macaulay, who spoke of Sir John Malcolm as one whose "love passes the love of biographers, and who can see nothing but wisdom and justice in the actions of his idol."

The closing months of the reign of William IV. were not marked by any stirring events at home. The Conservative opposition to the Melbourne Ministry was strengthened before the meeting of Parliament by a great speech by Sir Robert Peel at Glasgow, and Lord Brougham later on emerged from his retirement to become the able and venomous critic of his former friends. The Government failed to carry important measures on Church Rates and Irish Municipal Corporations, while the Radical group pressed persistently their favourite motions in support of the Ballot, and against the Property qualification of members, Primogeniture, the Septennial Act, the Bishops' seats and Proxy Voting in the House of Lords. The Ministry was saved from shipwreck by the demise of the Crown and by the accession of the Princess Victoria, who, on attaining her legal majority a month earlier, had received marked signs of enthusiastic popular favour.

The General Election in the Autumn did not materially affect the position of parties, the Radicals losing and O'Connell gaining seats; but the prestige of Lord Melbourne was increased by the unique position he now held in reference to the Sovereign. Parliament was opened in person by the Queen on 20th November, and the Civil List dealt with, the amount allocated being £385,000 as against £510,000 in the late reign (of which £75,000, formerly paid in pensions, was now struck off, and other arrangements made).

For some time past the state of Canada had caused grave anxiety. By an Act of 1791, it had been divided into Upper and Lower Canada, each with a Governor, Council, and House of Representatives, Lower Canada being in the main French, while Upper Canada was occupied by British settlers. Friction first arose in the former, between the nominee Council and the popular Assembly, the Assembly declining to pay the salaries of officials whom they had censured, but whom the Executive had retained in their posts. Mr Papineau, who had been Speaker of the Assembly, was leader in the popular movement. Lord Gosford, the Governor of Lower Canada, dismissed some Militia officers who had taken part in political demonstrations, and warrants were issued for the apprehension of certain members of the Assembly, on the charge of high treason: within a short time the discontented party broke out into rebellion. The course which events would take in Upper Canada was for a time doubtful. Sir Francis Head, the [page 57] Governor, placed his regular troops at the service of Lord Gosford, preferring to rely on the militia. This unusual action was successful, but was not approved by the Colonial Office. The state of affairs became very alarming at the close of the year, when it was announced in Parliament that Lord Gosford had resigned and that Sir John Colborne (afterwards Lord Seaton) had been appointed to succeed him.

In France the confederates of Louis Napoleon in the Strasburg outbreak were tried and acquitted; a treaty was concluded at Tafna with Abd-el-Kader, but negotiations for a similar agreement with Achmet Bey were less successful, and operations were continued against Constantin with successful results, the town being carried by an assault on 13th October, with some loss of officers and men on the French side.

Affairs continued unsettled in the Peninsula. In Spain General Evans was defeated near San Sebastian, but afterwards, in conjunction with Lord John Hay, captured Irun, the frontier town. Don Carlos meanwhile marched on Madrid, but was encountered by Espartero, Commander-in-Chief of the Christinos, who was Prime Minister for a brief period during the year. The British legion was dissolved, and Evans returned to England.

In Portugal the English were becoming unpopular for their supposed intervention: Ferdinand, the Queen's consort, who was naturally believed to be in harmony with the British Cabinet, acted tactlessly in accepting the Commandership-in-Chief, and internal hostilities continued throughout the year.

In Hanover a reactionary step was taken by King Ernest, who had succeeded his brother, William IV. of England, on the throne of Hanover; by letters patent he abrogated the Constitution of 1833, an action which, imperfect and open to criticism though the Constitution was, naturally aroused anxiety among the supporters of representative institutions throughout Europe.

16th January 1837.

My dearest Uncle,— ... We saw Van de Weyer¹ on Tuesday, and his conversation was most interesting. He praises our dear Ferdinand most exceedingly, but as for the poor Queen, what he told us does not redound much to her credit; one good quality, however, she has, which is her excessive fondness for and real obedience to Ferdinand. She is unfortunately surrounded by a camarilla² who poison her ears, and fetter all her actions; poor soul! she is much to be pitied. About Lavradio³ you will also have, I fear, heard but too much. Honesty and single-heartedness seems to have left Portugal. Van de Weyer is so clear in all that he says, so sensible, so quiet, so clever, and, last but not least, so agreeable; I hope we shall soon see him again. You see, dear Uncle, how much interest I take in Portugal; but I must say that I think every one who knows dear Ferdinand, and particularly who loves him as I do, must feel a very deep interest as to the fate of the unhappy country in which he is destined to play so prominent and difficult a part.

I have been reading to-day a very clever speech of Sir Robert Peel's (not a political one) to the University at Glasgow, on the occasion of his being elected Lord Rector of that college. There is another speech of his at the dinner at Glasgow which is political, but which I have not yet read....⁴

Footnote 1: Sylvain Van de Weyer (b. 1802) was, in 1830, Belgian Plenipotentiary at the Conference of London. He returned to his own country and became Foreign Minister. His exertions contributed greatly to render successful the candidature of Prince Leopold for the throne of Belgium. The King appointed him Belgian Minister in London, to which post he returned in 1851, and held it till 1867. He was treated by the Queen until his death in 1874 as a very intimate friend and adviser.

Footnote 2: I.e. a clique.

Footnote 3: The Portuguese Statesman who had gone to Gotha to arrange the Queen's marriage, and was destined to act in a similar manner for her son in 1857.

Footnote 4: Sir R. Peel was installed as Lord Rector of Glasgow on 11th January, and delivered an address on the principles of Education: strong political feeling was manifested, groans being given for Lord Melbourne and the Ministry. At a civic banquet given in Sir R. Peel's honour, he expounded the principles of Conservative Reform.

23rd January 1837.

My dearest Uncle,— ... The affairs of the Peninsula are indeed very distressing,⁵ and what you tell me in your letter of the 20th, as also in the former one, is highly interesting and, alas! but too true. I trust, not withstanding what you say, I may yet live to see Spain and Portugal settled. But I greatly fear that the time is far distant.

Do you know Mendizabal?⁶ I saw him at our house in 1835. Alava⁷ presented him to us; he is a tall, dark, fine, and clever-looking man. I remember his being so much struck with my likeness to Donna Maria, which I was not aware was the case. Pray, dear Uncle, may I ask you a silly question?—is not the Queen of Spain⁸ rather clever? You know her, and what do you think of her? And do you know what sort of people are about poor little Queen Isabel?⁹ Poor, good Donna Maria! I feel much for her; her education was one of the worst that could be. As long as those Ficalhos and Melos remain about her, nothing can be done. Could they not be got rid of in time?

I was sorry to see that the French Chambers were rather stormy.¹⁰

I thank you much for the list of the ball of the 18th, which must have been very splendid. The last ball I was at was our own, and I concluded that very ball at half-past three in the morning with a country dance, Albert being my partner.

Pray, dear Uncle, tell both young gentlemen, with my kindest love, that I often think of that night and of many other pleasant evenings we passed together. The singing will come all in time. Who is their singing-master? I wish they had my worthy Lablache. I sing regularly every evening, as I think it better to do so every day to keep the voice manageable. Oh, my beloved Uncle, could you join us, how delightful that would be! How I should delight in singing with you all our favourite things from La Gazza, Otello, Il Barbiere, etc., etc.

The little Cousin¹¹ must be a little love: oh, could I but see [page 60] him and play with him! Pray, dear Uncle, does he know such a thing as that he has got an Aunt and Cousin on the other side of the water? ...

Pray, dear Uncle, have you read Sir R. Peel's two speeches? I wish you would, and give me your opinion of them.

Footnote 5: Some interesting observations on these events may be read in Borrow's Bible in Spain.

Footnote 6: Don Juan Alvarez y Mendizabal (1790-1853), Spanish politician and financier.

Footnote 7: Miguel Ricardo di Alava (1771-1843), Spanish General; he acted as the representative of Spain at Paris, at the Court of the Bourbons; he was a great friend of the Duke of Wellington, and was with him at his headquarters during the Peninsular War.

Footnote 8: The Queen Regent, Christina.

Footnote 9: Then six years old; she died in 1904.

Footnote 10: This was in reference to the trial at Strasburg of the confederates of Prince Louis Bonaparte (afterwards Napoleon III.) in his abortive attempt to establish a military despotism on 30th October. The Prince was permitted to go to the United States, being conveyed in a French frigate; the other conspirators were acquitted.

Footnote 11: Leopold, born in 1835, afterwards Duke of Brabant, the present King of the Belgians.

Claremont, 30th January 1837.

My dearest Uncle,— ... I am very sorry that the Portuguese news are still so very unfavourable; I trust that, in time, things will come right. The Portuguese are, as you say, a most inconceivable set of selfish politicians.

Our friend, Mr Hume,¹² made a most violent speech at a dinner given to him and old George Byng¹³ at Drury Lane last week.¹⁴ He called Sir R. Peel and some other Tories "the cloven foot," which I think rather strong. I think that great violence and striving such a pity, on both sides, don't you, dear Uncle? They irritate one another so uselessly by calling one another fools, blockheads, liars, and so forth for no purpose. I think violence so bad in everything. They should imitate you, and be calm, for you have had, God knows! enough cause for irritation from your worthy Dutch neighbours and others. You will, I fear, laugh at my politics, but I like telling you my feelings, for you alone can put me right on such subjects.

Footnote 12: Joseph Hume, leader of the Radical party, was now M.P. for Middlesex.

Footnote 13: George Byng, for many years Member for Middlesex, was great-grandson of William Wentworth, Earl of Strafford, of the 1711 creation. His younger brother, Sir John Byng, the well-known General of the Peninsula and Waterloo, was created Earl of Strafford in 1817.

Footnote 14: This was a dinner given by the Middlesex reformers to their representatives. Grote also spoke and said that the Tories well knew that their dominion rested upon everything that was antiquated and corrupt and anti-popular in the nation—upon oligarchical predominance in the State, and sectarian pride and privileges in the Church.

3rd February 1837.

My dear Child,— ... I am sorry to see so much violence in England at this moment; I consider it as the most lamentable circumstance, as it renders matters so very difficult to settle. Besides, the poor Crown is more or less the loser in all this, as it generally ends with the abolition of something or other which might have proved useful for the carrying on of Government. A rule which you may thus early impress on [page 61] your mind is, that people are far from acting generally according to the dictates of their interests, but oftener in consequence of their passions, though it may even prove injurious to their interests. If the Tory part of Parliament could have brought themselves to act without passion, much in the reform of Parliament might have been settled much more in conformity with their best interests. I was authorised, in 1831, to speak in this sense to the Duke of Wellington by Lord Grey;¹⁵ the effect would have been highly beneficial to both parties, but passion made it impossible to succeed. This is a dangerous part of the business, and we must see during the present session of Parliament if parties are grown wiser. I fear they are not. The business of the highest in a State is certainly, in my opinion, to act with great impartiality and a spirit of justice for the good of all, and not of this or that party.¹⁶

Footnote 15: This refers to the rejection of the Reform Bill by the House of Lords in 1831; as a consequence, mobs broke the windows of Apsley House, and fired Nottingham Castle.

Footnote 16: On 14th April 1837, Sir Robert Peel wrote to J. W. Croker:— ... "We are, in short, in this state of things. All the convictions and inclinations of the Government are with their Conservative opponents. Half their actions and all their speeches are with the Radicals." (Croker Papers, ii. 306.)

Claremont, 6th February 1837.

My beloved Uncle,— ... I do not know quite for certain when we leave this place, but I should think to-day week. You must be pleased, dear Uncle, I think, for we shall have been six months in the country next Thursday, as we left town on the 10th of August last, and I am sure you will stand by me for my having my season fully, as you may understand that my Operatic and Terpsichorean feelings are pretty strong, now that the season is returning, and I have been a very good child, not even wishing to come to town till now. We shall certainly come here for the Easter week.

Dr Clark¹⁷ arrived here quite happy last night, bringing the news that Van de Weyer had had the best news from Lisbon he had received since his return, that all had gone off quietly, that Ferdinand was daily gaining popularity, and that both he and the Queen had been very well received at the theatre. The man who threw a stone at Ferdinand was a Frenchman, whom, it seems, Ferdinand had relieved with money over and over again. A fine specimen of gratitude!

I hope and trust with you that there will be less violence in Parliament this year, but much is to be feared.

You will miss my good cousins Ernest and Albert very much, I am sure; I hope you will instil into them to take enough exercise and not to study too much.

There were two questions in my last letter but one, which you have not answered, dear Uncle. They are: 1st, What you think of the Queen Christina of Spain, what opinion you have of her, as one cannot believe reports? 2nd, If you know what sort of people are about poor little Queen Isabel, and if she is being well or ill brought up?...

Footnote 17: Afterwards Sir James Clark, and Physician-in-Ordinary to the Queen.

14th March 1837.

... We had a dinner on Saturday which amused me, as I am very fond of pleasant society, and we have been for these last three weeks immured within our old palace, and I longed sadly for some gaiety. After being so very long in the country I was preparing to go out in right earnest, whereas I have only been twice to the play since our return, which is marvellous! However, we are to have another dinner to-morrow, and are going to the play and Opera. After Easter I trust I shall make ample amends for all this solitariness. I hope to begin singing with Lablache shortly after Easter. But to return to last Saturday's dinner. We had the Archbishop of Dublin,¹⁸ a clever but singular man, and his lady; Lord Palmerston, with whom I had much pleasant and amusing conversation after dinner—you know how agreeable he is; then Lady Cadogan,¹⁹ who enquired much after you and Aunt Louise; Lord and Lady Rosebery,²⁰ Mr and Mrs E. Stanley,²¹ Lord Morpeth,²² Lord Templetown,²³ Sir John Cam Hobhouse,²⁴ Dr Lushington,²⁵ and Mr Woulfe,²⁶ the Solicitor-General for Ireland, a Roman [page 63] Catholic and a very clever man. Lady Cadogan, who is not long come back from Paris, says that the Duke of Orleans has been going out very little and is remarkably well. I saw a report in the papers that he and the Duc de Nemours were coming over here, which I fear is not true; I wish it was....

There is one thing in your former letter which I must answer, or, rather, more advert to. You said to me, that if it was not for me, you would regret Greece very much. Now, I assure you, dearest Uncle, you ought not to regret it, though there is not a doubt that Greece would be much happier were you there. But I have heard from various people who have been staying in Greece that they very soon got to like the Turks much better than the Greeks, who are very untrue, and are quite banditti-like; then, again, the country, though undoubtedly fine in parts, is a rocky and barren country, and also you are constantly exposed to the effects of the Plague, that most dreadful of all evils; and then, lastly, how very, very far you would be, how cut off from all those who are dear to you, and how exposed to dangers of all kinds!

I much grieve that they are quarrelling so much in the French Chambers.²⁷ I must now conclude.

Footnote 18: Richard Whateley, formerly Principal of St Alban Hall, and Drummond Professor of Political Economy at Oxford.

Footnote 19: Louisa Honoria, wife of the third Earl, and sister of Joseph, first Lord Wallscourt.

Footnote 20: Archibald, fourth Earl of Rosebery, and Anne Margaret, his second wife, daughter of the first Viscount Anson.

Footnote 21: Edward Stanley, afterwards fourteenth Earl of Derby, thrice Prime Minister.

Footnote 22: Chief Secretary for Ireland.

Footnote 23: John Henry, first Viscount, formerly M.P. for Bury St Edmunds.

Footnote 24: Sir John Cam Hobhouse, a Radical, and a friend of Byron, at whose wedding he acted as best man; he was imprisoned in 1819 for breach of privilege. He was elected M.P. for Westminster in 1820 as Burdett's colleague, and afterwards for Nottingham and Harwich. Commissioner of Woods and Forests (the old Houses of Parliament being burned down during his term of office), and later President of Board of Control. Created Lord Broughton, 1851.

Footnote 25: Stephen Lushington, advocate in the old Ecclesiastical Court, M.P. for Ilchester and the Tower Hamlets, and a Judge in the Ecclesiastical and Admiralty Courts from 1828 to 1867.

Footnote 26: Stephen Woulfe, M.P. for Carlisle, Solicitor-General, and subsequently Attorney-General, for Ireland, becoming Chief Baron in 1838.

Footnote 27: On 10th March a heated debate took place in the French Chamber on the question of the Queen of the Belgians' dowry, a Deputy calling for the production of King Louis Philippe's rent-roll, and a complete statement of his income.

Laeken, 31st March 1837.

My beloved Child,—Your dear letter of the 28th gave me the greatest pleasure. I was sure from your constant affection for us that you would feel much interested in the event of the 24th. It was a moment of some anxiety, but all passed over very well. Your Aunt is going on very well, and the little cousin²⁸ also. He is smaller than his brother was, but promises to be like him; the features are much the same, the shape of the forehead and mouth. The elder Prince was much interested about his frère, and anxious to see him; at first, however, he declared after a long contemplation, "pas beau frère!" Now he thinks better of him, but makes a very odd little face when he sees him. The name of the little one will be Philippe Eugène Ferdinand Marie Clément Baudouin (Baldwin)—a name of the old Counts of Flanders—Léopold Georges. My Aunt, who is his godmother, wished he should be called Philippe in honour of his grandfather, and as Philippe le Bon was one of the most [page 64] powerful Princes of this country, I gave him the name with pleasure. Eugène is her own name, Ferdinand that of Chartres, Marie of the Queen and also of Princess Marie, Clément of Princess Clémentine; Léopold your Aunt wished, and George in honour of St George of England and of George IV. Probably I shall hereafter give to Léopold the title of Duke of Brabant, and to Philippe that of Count of Flanders, both fine old titles.

Footnote 28: Philippe, second son of King Leopold, afterwards Count of Flanders. He died in 1905.

Laeken, 7th April 1837.

My dearest Child,—... You have been the subject of all sorts of newspaper paragraphs; your good and sensible way of looking on these very creditable productions will be of use to you. If the press says useful things, and makes observations which merit attention, there is no doubt that sometimes, though God knows very rarely, something useful may be gleaned from them. But when you see its present state, when the one side says black and the other white, when the opposite political characters are treated by their respective antagonists as rogues, fools, blockheads, wretches, and all the other names in which the English political dictionary is so very rich, one stands like the ass, between two bundles of hay, considerably embarrassed which ought to be chosen....

Laeken, 11th April 1837.

... As I believe the visit at Windsor is fixed for the 15th, I hope this letter will arrive in time. Perhaps the King will speak to you about the necessity of forming you an establishment.²⁹... Your position, having a Mother with whom you very naturally remain, would render a complete independent establishment perhaps matter of real inconvenience; still something like that which Charlotte had will become desirable. My idea, if it meets with your approbation, would be this: The Duchess of Northumberland would remain your first Lady, Baroness Lehzen would fill a position similar to that of Mrs Campbell, who had been Charlotte's governess in her younger days, and the Dean³⁰ would step into the position which good Dr Short³¹ held. An Equerry, I do not think—as you will not [page 65] go out without your Mother—you would require. On the other hand, it may become matter of examination if you will perhaps like to have some young ladies attendants in the style of Lady Catherine Jenkinson;³² should this be your wish, it would become necessary to make very good choices, else perhaps you would derive more trouble than comfort from the arrangement; cela va sans dire, that the choice could only be made by yourself, and that nobody should be given you against your wishes. Should the King speak to you on the subject, I would at once express this my wish if you should approve some such arrangement, and beg him to let you choose. Resist mildly but positively any nomination of a Gentleman other than the Dean; it is highly probable that any other would be put about you as a spy, and turn out at all events a great bore, which is better avoided....

I received a messenger from Coburg. I enclose the letters and also a packet with fans. Ever, my beloved child, your faithfully attached Uncle and Friend,

Leopold R.

Footnote 29: The Princess was to attain her legal majority on 24th May.

Footnote 30: George Davys, the Princess Victoria's instructor, Dean of Chester, and afterwards Bishop of Peterborough.

Footnote 31: Thomas Vowler Short, Rector of St George's, Bloomsbury, appointed in 1841 Bishop of Sodor and Man.

Footnote 32: Lady Catherine Jenkinson, daughter of the Earl of Liverpool, soon after the Queen's accession married Colonel Francis Vernon Harcourt.

12th April 1837.

... What you say about the newspapers is very true and very flattering. They are indeed a curious compound of truth and untruth. I am so used to newspaper nonsense and attacks that I do not mind it in the least....

How happy I am that that beloved Aunt is going on so well and does not suffer from the cold, as also the jeune Philippe. Leopold must be great fun with his Aunt Marie;³³ does he still say "pas beau frère!" or is he more reconciled to his brother? It is very noble in the Duc de Nemours to have thus given up his apanage;³⁴ I am sorry there were such difficulties about it. There is no Ministry formed yet, I see by the papers.

Footnote 33: Princess Marie of Orleans, born 1813, daughter of King Louis Philippe, and thus sister to the Queen of the Belgians.

Footnote 34: This grant was surrendered in order that due provision might be made by the Legislature for the elder brother, the Duke of Orleans, on the occasion of his marriage with the Princess Hélène of Mecklenburg-Schwerin.

28th April 1837.

My most beloved Uncle,—.... Sir Henry Hardinge's³⁵ [page 66] motion was quite lost, I am happy to say, and don't you think, dearest Uncle, that it has almost done good, as it proves that the Tories have lost all chance of getting in? It was a trial of strength, and the Ministry have triumphed. I have been reading in the papers, what I suppose you already know, that it is believed that the Lords will pass the Irish Corporation Bill;³⁶ and also that Ministers mean to drop for the present the question about Church Rates,³⁷ as the Radicals, being angry with Ministers relative to the Canada business, would not support them well.

Footnote 35: On a motion for going into supply, Sir H. Hardinge proposed an amendment censuring the Government for the authorisation of the raising of a force of Volunteers to assist the Spanish Government, and for the method in which that force had been organised. The amendment was lost by a majority of 36, on 19th April.

Footnote 36: The Irish Municipal Bill, to convert Corporations of Municipalities into Electoral Councils, was introduced in the House of Commons on the 15th of February. The Bill was opposed by the Conservatives, but passed the House of Commons. In the Lords an amendment of Lyndhurst's struck out the constructive clauses, and the Act became, on the 18th of May, an Act for the Abolition of Municipalities in Ireland. Lord John Russell brought forward a motion to reconstruct the Bill. But the Peers declined to pass it, and it was postponed.

Footnote 37: As Ministers only obtained a majority of 5 in a house of 569, the measure was dropped.

Laeken, 28th April 1837.

... I hope you occupy yourself with the several great questions which agitate parties. I think a good mode will be to talk concerning them sometimes with the Dean. He is a good moderate man, and still well able to give you sufficient information. From conversation with clever people, such as dine sometimes with you, much may be very usefully gathered, and you will do well to attend to this. I am no enemy to this way of instruction, and have seen people who were sharp enough to profit wonderfully by it. You hear in this way the opinions of a variety of persons, and it rests with your own good sense to classify and appreciate them....

2nd May 1837.

... You may depend upon it that I shall profit by your excellent advice respecting Politics. Pray, dear Uncle, have you read Lord Palmerston's speech concerning the Spanish affairs,³⁸ which he delivered the night of the division on Sir Henry Hardinge's motion? It is much admired. The Irish Tithes question came on last night in the House of Commons,³⁹ [page 67] and I am very anxious for the morning papers, to see what has been done. Lord Melbourne looks remarkably well, Lord Palmerston not very well, and as for poor little Lord John Russell, he is only a shadow of himself. It must be dreadfully fagging work for them; they sit so very late too, for when the Spanish question came on, the division only took place at four o'clock in the morning, and I saw them at the Drawing-Room the same day afterwards....

Footnote 38: Lord Palmerston indignantly asked whether England should continue to fulfil her nengagement with the Queen of Spain, or disgracefully abandon an ally whom she had pledged herself to succour.

Footnote 39: The Irish Tithe Bill, a measure to facilitate the collection of tithes, was abandoned because the Tories would not consent to any secular appropriation of Church revenues, and the Whigs would not consent to the withdrawal of their amendments. A remarkable feature in the Bill was a proposal that a portion of every clergyman's income should be applied to education, as was already prescribed by a former Act.

9th May 1837.

My dearest Uncle,—It was very kind of you to write to me from your new château; I hardly ventured to hope for my usual letter, and yet I should have been much disappointed had I not received it. I am sorry that the house is so bad, but hope you will have found a good position for a new one....

Pray, dearest Uncle, may I ask such an indiscreet question as, if Major Stroekens is a clever man; he was so nervous and embarrassed when he came here, that I could not make him out. He brought me a very nice letter from Donna Maria.

I am anxiously waiting to hear the issue of the battle between the Carlists and Christinos, which is, they say, to decide a great deal.⁴⁰

Now farewell, dearest Uncle. I beg my affectionate love to my dear Aunt, and my most respectful hommages to the Members of the Family with you. Believe me, always, your affectionate Niece,

Victoria.

Old Pozzo⁴¹ dined here last Wednesday, and he gave me a long, I must say clever, dissertation about the state of France, during dinner-time.

Footnote 40: After an obstinate investment by the Carlists, Espartero had relieved Bilbao on Christmas Day, 1836. The Christino commanders then began to concert a combined movement on the Carlist lines, which stretched from Irun to Villafranca.

Footnote 41: Count Pozzo di Borgo (1764-1842), Russian Ambassador. By birth a Corsican and a devoted patriot, he was a life-long opponent of Napoleon and his designs. He entered the Russian diplomatic service in 1803, and after Waterloo became Russian Ambassador in Paris. He was Ambassador in London for two years, when his health gave way.

Laeken, 25th May 1837.

My dearest Child,—You have had some battles and difficulties of which I am completely in the dark. The thing I am most curious to learn is what the King proposed to you concerning [page 68] your establishment.... I shall reserve my opinion till I am better informed, but by what I heard I did not approve of it, because I thought it ill-timed. Stockmar will be able to do much. Two things seem necessary; not to be fettered by any establishment other than what will be comfortable to you, and then to avoid any breach with your mother. I have fully instructed Stockmar, and I must say he left me in such good disposition that I think he will be able to be of great use to you. The great thing is to act without precipitation and with caution. The King seems better again. I am very curious to know what he proposed; you will have it in your power to modify his proposition, as it is difficult your approbation should be dispensed with; it would be a great fault in your situation to submit to this.... They seemed to think the King dying, which does not appear to be the case. Be steady, my good child, and not put out by anything; as long as I live you will not want a faithful friend and supporter....

Here your somewhat curious little soul has at least the outlines of things....

26th.—I received yesterday the whole of the papers concerning the King's propositions.⁴² I approve your letter to the King, as it is amiable and generous, and this in your position will always tell favourably. I think that if he is well advised he will chiefly consult your wishes. This is the footing on which you must place matters. It is not worth while to be told that one is in some sort of age when the consequence is that you are not consulted in what concerns you most personally. Avoid in future to say much about your great youth and inexperience. Who made the letter? Was it yourself, or came it from your Mother? You have now the Baron at your elbow, and even your Mother was most anxious for his arrival. Speak sometimes with him; it is necessary to accustom you to the thing.

About the King's health.⁴³ I am doubtful what to think. We have foreseen the case and treated it formerly. The great thing would be to make no change, to keep Ministers and everything as it is, and to gain time; in this way no one is hurt and no amour-propre blessé. For this reason I lean to your keeping, to begin with, Sir Herbert Taylor⁴⁴ for your official secretary, though I am not quite decided on the subject. He knows the manner in which the daily business is carried on; this is important. I believe him, and have found him to be an honest [page 69] man, that would do for State matters; it would not be required that he should be your confidential adviser. Now I conclude, and send you this letter through Stockmar. My best regards to Lehzen. Ever your faithful Uncle and Friend,

Leopold R.

Footnote 42: The King had offered the Princess an establishment of £10,000 a year, independent of her mother. This was accepted, to the great vexation of the Duchess of Kent, but the arrangement was not carried into effect.

Footnote 43: King William's health was at this time causing much anxiety.

Footnote 44: Private Secretary to King William IV.

26th May 1837.

... The demonstrations of affection and kindness from all sides towards me on my birthday, were most gratifying. The parks and streets were crowded all day as though something very extraordinary had happened. Yesterday I received twenty-two Addresses from various places, all very pretty and loyal; one in particular was very well written which was presented by Mr. Attwood⁴⁵ from the Political Union at Birmingham.

I am delighted to hear Stockmar is at length arrived; he reached London on Wednesday, and we shall see him to-day.

How distressed I am that poor dear Ernest⁴⁶ has been so ill! Thank God! that he is now better.

The Spanish affairs have turned out better than you had expected; the triumphant capture of Irun⁴⁷ was a great thing for the Christinos.

The King is much better.

Footnote 45: Thomas Attwood founded in 1829 the Birmingham Political Union, which helped to pass the Reform Act. Previously he had been known for his opposition to the Orders in Council, and the resumption of cash payments. Birmingham elected him without opposition in 1832, and he sat till 1840.

Footnote 46: Prince Ernest of Saxe-Coburg.

Footnote 47: The frontier town of Spain, near St Sebastian, captured, 16th May, by the Christinos, supported by British troops.

Tuileries, 7th June 1837.

... The entrée⁴⁸ last Sunday was something remarkably splendid; we saw it from the Tuileries, as we had nothing to do with the business itself, and your Aunt's rank would have clashed with that of the Duchess of Orleans. The effect of all this on the people of this great town has been very great, and evidently much ground has been solidly regained. The King, getting out of that sort of confinement in which it was necessary to keep, has gained much in personal comfort, and also in a [page 70] political point of view; because to have a King who cannot show himself without being shot at, is a state of society which lowers his authority....

For the present the best plan is to continue to act as you have done hitherto; to avoid quarrels, but also to stick firmly to your resolution when once taken. The violence which is sometimes shown is so well known to you, you know also so well that you have nothing to fear from these people, that you must keep up your usual cool spirit, whatever may be tried in the House to teaze you out of it. I mean to wait some more detailed accounts of what is going on in England before I give my opinion on what ought to be done in the case that the King's disease should take a more fatal turn.

As I told you before, however, when we treated this subject verbally and in writing, I believe it to be your interest to act very mildly, to begin by taking everything as the King leaves it. By this system you avoid disappointing those whose hopes may remain unchanged, as your own choices, as it were, are not yet made. Parties, which at present are so nearly balanced, remain in statu quo, and you gain time.

I must conclude now this letter. My winding up is, keep your mind cool and easy; be not alarmed at the prospect of becoming perhaps sooner than you expected Queen; aid will not be wanting, and the great thing is that you should have some honest people about you who have your welfare really at heart. Stockmar will be in this respect all we can wish, and we must hope that useful occupation will prevent his health from suffering. Now once more God bless you. Ever, my dear child, your faithful Uncle and Friend,

Leopold R.

Footnote 48: The entry into Paris of the Duke and Duchess of Orleans, who had been married at Fontainebleau on May 30th.

Laeken, 15th June 1837.

My beloved Child,—I hope that to-day will not pass over without bringing me a letter from you. In the meantime I will begin this epistle, which will go by a messenger of my own to-morrow. In every letter I shall write to you I mean to repeat to you, as a fundamental rule, to be courageous, firm and honest, as you have been till now. You may count upon my faithful good offices in all difficulties, and you have at your command Stockmar, whose judgment, heart, and character offer all the guarantees we can wish for. I wish nothing but to see you happy and prosperous, and by Sunday I shall probably write you a long letter, which will enter into details about most things.

My object is that you should be no one's tool, and though young, and naturally not yet experienced, your good natural sense and the truth of your character will, with faithful and proper advice, get you very well through the difficulties of your future position, should it be the will of Providence to take the King from this earthly life. Of his real position I am still not quite able to judge, there being so much contradictory in the reports. Be this as it may, the great thing for you is, not to be hurried into important measures, and to gain time. A new reign is always a time of hope; everybody is disposed to see something for his own wishes and prospects. The policy of a new Sovereign must therefore be to act in such a manner as to hurt as little as possible the amour-propre of people, to let circumstances and the force of things bring about the disappointments which no human power could prevent coming sooner or later: that they should come as late as possible is in your interest. Should anything happen to the King before I can enter more fully into the necessary details, limit yourself to taking kindly and in a friendly manner the present Administration into your service. They are naturally friendly to your interests, as you are in fact the only possible Sovereign of the whole family, with the exception of the Duke of Sussex, they can serve with sincerity and attachment. This is of great importance to you, as it is by no means the same thing to have people who aid and assist you with feelings of real attachment, or merely from cold and calculating motives of political expediency and self-interest. This being done, no other step should be taken without consulting seriously. The very time which is necessary to attain this end is favourable to you, as it is your greatest interest for the present moment to act most cautiously and to gain as much time as possible. In high positions it is excessively difficult to retrace a false move to get out of a mistake; and there exists very rarely, except in time of war and civil feuds, a necessity for an immediate decision. Your part must be, to resume once more what I said before, to remain as long as possible agreeable to all parties, and after the formation of the Ministry, to be most careful how you take any measure of importance....

16th June 1837.

My beloved Uncle,—... I cannot say how happy I am that the entrée publique into Paris succeeded so well, and that the dear King was so well received; I trust he will now at last be [page 72] rewarded for all the troubles and anxiety he has had ever since 1830. Lord Palmerston said that the French say that l'assassinat est hors de mode. I hope and trust in Heaven that this may be the case, and for ever!

You know, of course, dear Uncle, how very ill the King is; it may all be over at any moment, and yet may last a few days. Consequently, we have not been out anywhere in public since Tuesday, 6th, and since Wednesday all my lessons are stopped, as the news may arrive very suddenly....

Laeken, 17th June 1837.

My beloved Child,—... I shall to-day enter on the subject of what is to be done when the King ceases to live. The moment you get official communication of it, you will entrust Lord Melbourne with the office of retaining the present Administration as your Ministers. You will do this in that honest and kind way which is quite your own, and say some kind things on the subject. The fact is that the present Ministers are those who will serve you personally with the greatest sincerity and, I trust, attachment. For them, as well as for the Liberals at large, you are the only Sovereign that offers them des chances d'existence et de durée. With the exception of the Duke of Sussex, there is no one in the family that offers them anything like what they can reasonably hope from you, and your immediate successor, with the mustaches,⁴⁹ is enough to frighten them into the most violent attachment for you.

... The irksome position in which you have lived will have the merit to have given you the habit of discretion and prudence, as in your position you never can have too much of either. Great measures of State I hope you will be able to avoid at first. I have already—if you would read it over, and perhaps let Stockmar see it—written to you some months ago on the subject of the necessity of maintaining the influence of conservative principles, and of protecting the Church. You will do well to keep both objects in view. You will do wisely by showing yourself attached to the English Protestant Church as it exists in the State; you are particularly where you are, because you are a Protestant. I know you are averse to persecution, and you are right; miss, however, no opportunity to show your sincere feeling for the existing Church; it is right and meet that you should do so. I must repeat that you will do well as long as it will be possible to hurt no one's hopes or prospects. That [page 73] this will not always, or very long, be possible is the consequence of the state of parties; still, one may be frank and honest, and still kind to all. Concerning foreign policy I shall write on some future occasion. In the meantime I trust you will protect the two Queens in the Peninsula, who are miserably ill off. I am sure, with your good sense you will not find it difficult to judge questions yourself. I cannot too much recommend this, as it will then become a habit, and even an amusement to you. Cultivate always a genuine feeling of right and wrong, and be very true and honourable in your dealings; this gives great strength. I have taken into consideration the advantage or disadvantage of my coming over to you immediately. The result of my examen is that I think it better to visit you later. If, however, you wanted me at any time, I should come in a moment. People might fancy I came to enslave you, while I glory in the contrary; and, thirdly, that they might be jealous, or affect it at least, of my coming, as if I thought of ruling the realm for purposes of my own....

I am now at the end, I think, of what I had to say. May Heaven bless you and keep up your spirits. Ever, my beloved child, your faithful Uncle and Friend,

Leopold R.

Pardon the hurry in which this letter was written.

Footnote 49: The Duke of Cumberland.

19th June 1837.

My dearly beloved Uncle,—Your kind and dear letter, containing most wholesome, prudent, sound and excellent advice, was given me by our good and invaluable honest friend, Stockmar, and I beg you to accept my best thanks for it. Before I say anything else, let me tell you how happy and thankful I am to have Stockmar here; he has been, and is, of the greatest possible use, and be assured, dearest Uncle, that he possesses my most entire confidence!

The King's state, I may fairly say, is hopeless; he may perhaps linger a few days, but he cannot recover ultimately. Yesterday the physicians declared he could not live till the morning, but to-day he is a little better; the great fear is his excessive weakness and no pulse at all. Poor old man! I feel sorry for him; he was always personally kind to me, and I should be ungrateful and devoid of feeling if I did not remember this.

I look forward to the event which it seems is likely to occur soon, with calmness and quietness; I am not alarmed at it, and yet I do not suppose myself quite equal to all; I trust, however, [page 74] that with good-will, honesty, and courage I shall not, at all events, fail. Your advice is most excellent, and you may depend upon it I shall make use of it, and follow it, as also what Stockmar says. I never showed myself, openly, to belong to any party, and I do not belong to any party. The Administration will undoubtedly be well received by me, the more so as I have real confidence in them, and in particular in Lord Melbourne, who is a straightforward, honest, clever and good man.

I need not add much more, dearest Uncle, but that I trust that the all-powerful Being who has so long watched over my destinies will guide and support me, in whatever situation and station it may please Him to place me!...

South Street, 20th June 1837.

Viscount Melbourne⁵⁰ presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and being aware that your Majesty has already received the melancholy intelligence of the death of his late Majesty, will do himself the honour of waiting upon your Majesty a little before nine this morning. Viscount Melbourne has requested the Marquis of Lansdowne⁵¹ to name eleven as the hour for the meeting of the Council at Kensington Palace.

Footnote 50: Lord Melbourne, so far as can be augured from his handwriting, which is extremely difficult to decipher, appears always to have written his own name Melburne. But it is not the correct spelling, and no one else seems to have employed it.

Footnote 51: Lord President of the Council; formerly for a brief period (1806-7) Chancellor of the Exchequer.

20th June 1837 (half-past eight a.m.).

Dearest, most beloved Uncle,—Two words only, to tell you that my poor Uncle, the King, expired this morning at twelve minutes past two. The melancholy news were brought to me by Lord Conyngham⁵² and the Archbishop of Canterbury⁵³ at six. I expect Lord Melbourne almost immediately, and hold a Council at eleven. Ever, my beloved Uncle, your devoted and attached Niece,

Victoria R.

Footnote 52: Francis Nathaniel, second Marquis of Conyngham, had been M.P. for Westbury and Donegal, and was now Lord Chamberlain.

Footnote 53: William Howley (1766-1848), Bishop of London 1813-1828, Primate 1828-1848.

Windsor Castle, 20th June 1837.

My dearest Niece ... I feel most grateful for your kind letter [page 75] full of sympathy with my irreparable loss, and thank you with all my heart for your feeling expressions on this melancholy occasion. I am, as you may suppose, deeply affected by all the sad scenes I have gone through lately; but I have the great comfort to dwell upon the recollection of the perfect resignation, piety, and patience with which the dear King bore his trials and sufferings, and the truly Christian-like manner of his death.

Excuse my writing more at present, my heart is overwhelmed and my head aches very much. Accept the assurance of my most affectionate devotion, and allow me to consider myself always as your Majesty's most affectionate Friend, Aunt, and Subject,

Adelaide.

Tuesday, 20th June 1837.    

I was awoke at 6 o'clock by Mamma, who told me that the Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Conyngham were here, and wished to see me. I got out of bed and went into my sitting-room (only in my dressing-gown) and alone, and saw them. Lord Conyngham (the Lord Chamberlain) then acquainted me that my poor Uncle, the King, was no more, and had expired at 12 minutes past 2 this morning, and consequently that I am Queen. Lord Conyngham knelt down and kissed my hand, at the same time delivering to me the official announcement of the poor King's demise. The Archbishop then told me that the Queen was desirous that he should come and tell me the details of the last moments of my poor good Uncle; he said that he had directed his mind to religion, and had died in a perfectly happy, quiet state of mind, and was quite prepared for his death. He added that the King's sufferings at the last were not very great but that there was a good deal of uneasiness. Lord Conyngham, whom I charged to express my feelings of condolence and sorrow to the poor Queen, returned directly to Windsor. I then went to my room and dressed.

Since it has pleased Providence to place me in this station, I shall do my utmost to fulfil my duty towards my country; I am very young and perhaps in many, though not in all things, inexperienced, but I am sure that very few have more real goodwill and more real desire to do what is fit and right than I have.

Breakfasted, during which time good, faithful Stockmar came and talked to me. Wrote a letter to dear Uncle Leopold and a few words to dear good Feodore. Received a letter from [page 76] Lord Melbourne in which he said he would wait upon me at a little before 9. At 9 came Lord Melbourne, whom I saw in my room, and of course quite alone, as I shall always do all my Ministers. He kissed my hand, and I then acquainted him that it had long been my intention to retain him and the rest of the present Ministry at the head of affairs, and that it could not be in better hands than his. He again then kissed my hand. He then read to me the Declaration which I was to read to the Council, which he wrote himself, and which is a very fine one. I then talked with him some little time longer, after which he left me. He was in full dress. I like him very much, and feel confidence in him. He is a very straightforward, honest, clever and good man. I then wrote a letter to the Queen. At about 11 Lord Melbourne came again to me, and spoke to me upon various subjects. At about half-past 11 I went downstairs and held a Council in the red saloon.

I went in of course quite alone and remained seated the whole time. My two Uncles, the Dukes of Cumberland and Sussex, and Lord Melbourne conducted me. The Declaration, the various forms, the swearing in of the Privy Councillors, of which there were a great number present, and the reception of some of the Lords of the Council, previous to the Council, in an adjacent room (likewise alone) I subjoin here. I was not at all nervous and had the satisfaction of hearing that people were satisfied with what I had done and how I had done it. Received after this, audiences of Lord Melbourne, Lord John Russell, Lord Albemarle (Master of the Horse), and the Archbishop of Canterbury, all in my room and alone. Saw Stockmar. Saw Clark, whom I named my physician. Saw Mary. Wrote to Uncle Ernest. Saw Ernest Hohenlohe, who brought me a kind and very feeling letter from the poor Queen. I feel very much for her, and really feel that the poor good King was always so kind personally to me, that I should be ungrateful were I not to recollect it and feel grieved at his death. The poor Queen is wonderfully composed now, I hear.

Wrote my journal. Took my dinner upstairs alone. Went downstairs. Saw Stockmar. At about twenty minutes to 9 came Lord Melbourne and remained till near 10. I had a very important and a very comfortable conversation with him. Each time I see him I feel more confidence in him; I find him very kind in his manner too. Saw Stockmar. Went down and said good-night to Mamma, etc. My dear Lehzen will always remain with me as my friend, but will take no situation about me, and I think she is right.

Wilton Crescent, 22nd June 1837.

Lord John Russell⁵⁴ presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that he presented to the House of Commons this day your Majesty's gracious Message.

He then moved an Address of Condolence and Congratulation, which was seconded by Sir Robert Peel. Sir Robert Peel very properly took occasion to speak in terms of high admiration of the deportment of your Majesty before the Privy Council on Tuesday. The Address was agreed to without a dissentient voice, and your Majesty may rest assured that the House of Commons is animated by a feeling of loyalty to the Throne, and of devotion to your Majesty.

Footnote 54: Writing as Leader of the House of Commons.

(Undated—22nd or 23rd June 1837.)

My dearest Niece,—I am most grateful for your amiable letter and truly kind offer to come and see me next week. Any day convenient to your Majesty will be agreeable to me, the sooner the better, for I am equally anxious to see you again, and to express to you in person all that I feel for you at this trying moment. If Monday will suit you I shall be ready to receive you and your dear Mother on that day. My prayers are with you and my blessing follows you in all you have to go through. My health is as well as it can be after the great exertions I have suffered, and I try to keep up under my heavy trial and deep affliction.

My best wishes attend you, my dearest Niece, and I am for ever your Majesty's most affectionate and faithful Friend, Aunt and Subject,

Adelaide.

Paris, le 23 Juin 1837.

Madame ma Sœur,—J'ai appris avec une vive peine la perte que votre Majesté vient de faire dans la personne de son très cher et bien aimé Oncle le Roi Guillaume IV. d'auguste et vénérable mémoire. La vive et sincère amitié que je porte à votre Majesté, et à ceux qui lui sont chers, les liens de parenté [page 78] qui rapprochent nos deux familles par l'alliance de ma fille chérie avec le Roi des Belges votre Oncle bien aimé, et enfin le souvenir qui m'est toujours bien cher de la tendre amitié qui m'attachait au feu Prince votre Père, depuis que nous nous étions vus en Amérique, il y a déjà trente-huit ans,⁵⁵ me déterminent à ne pas attendre les formalités d'usage, pour offrir à votre Majesté mes félicitations sur son avènement au Trône de la Grande-Bretagne. Il m'est doux de penser que l'heureuse direction que la Princesse votre excellente et bien aimée Mère a si sagement donnée à votre jeune âge, vous met à portée de supporter dignement le grand fardeau qui vous est échu. Je fais les vœux les plus sincères pour que la Providence bénisse votre Règne, et qu'il soit une époque de bonheur et de prospérité pour les peuples que vous êtes appelée a gouverner. Puissiez-vous aussi jouir longtemps de tout le bonheur personnel que je vous souhaite du fond de mon cœur. Je serai toujours bien empressé de manifester à votre Majesté tous les sentiments d'attachement et d'affection que je lui porte. Qu'elle me permette d'y ajouter l'expression de la haute estime et de l'inviolable amitié avec lesquelles je ne cesserai d'être, Madame ma Sœur, de votre Majesté Le Bon Frère,

Louis Philippe R.

Footnote 55: In 1799 the Duke of Kent was Commander-in-Chief in British North America.

Laeken, 23rd June 1837.

My beloved Child,—Your new dignities will not change or increase my old affection for you; may Heaven assist you, and may I have the happiness of being able to be of use to you, and to contribute to those successes in your new career for which I am so anxious. Your letter of the 19th, written very shortly before the important event took place, gave me great satisfaction; it showed me a temper of mind well calculated for the occasion. To see the difficulties of the task without shrinking from them or feeling alarm, and to meet them with courage, is the way to succeed. I have often seen that the confidence of success has been the cause of the success itself, and you will do well to preserve that sentiment.

I have been most happy to learn that the swearing in of the Council passed so well. The Declaration in the newspapers I find simple and appropriate. The translation in the papers says, "J'ai été élevés en Angleterre." 1. I should advise to say as often as possible that you are born in England. George III. [page 79] gloried in this, and as none of your cousins are born in England, it is your interest de faire reporter cela fortement. 2. You never can say too much in praise of your country and its inhabitants. Two nations in Europe are really almost ridiculous in their own exaggerated praises of themselves; these are the English and the French. Your being very national is highly important, and as you happen to be born in England and never to have left it a moment,⁵⁶ it would be odd enough if people tried to make out the contrary. 3. The Established Church I also recommend strongly; you cannot, without pledging yourself to anything particular, say too much on the subject. 4. Before you decide on anything important I should be glad if you would consult me; this would also have the advantage of giving you time. In politics most measures will come in time within a certain number of days; to retrace or back out of a measure is on the contrary extremely difficult, and almost always injurious to the highest authority.

Footnote 56: The Duke and Duchess of Kent were settled at Amorbach, in Leiningen, till a short time before the birth of their child, when they came to Kensington.

25th June 1837.

My beloved Uncle,—Though I have an immense deal of business to do, I shall write you a few lines to thank you for your kind and useful letter of the 23rd, which I have just received. Your advice is always of the greatest importance to me.

Respecting Claremont, Stockmar will be able to explain to you the total impossibility of my being out of London, as I must see my Ministers every day. I am very well, sleep well, and drive every evening in the country; it is so hot that walking is out of the question. Before I go further let me pause to tell you how fortunate I am to have at the head of the Government a man like Lord Melbourne. I have seen him now every day, with the exception of Friday, and the more I see him, the more confidence I have in him; he is not only a clever statesman and an honest man, but a good and a kind-hearted man, whose aim is to do his duty for his country and not for a party. He is of the greatest use to me both politically and privately.

I have seen almost all my other Ministers, and do regular, hard, but to me delightful, work with them. It is to me the greatest pleasure to do my duty for my country and my people, and no fatigue, however great, will be burdensome to me if it is for the welfare of the nation. Stockmar will tell you all these things. I have reason to be highly pleased with all my Ministers, [page 80] and hope to God that the Elections⁵⁷ may be favourable, as I well know that the present Ministry is the best and most moderate we can have.

Do not, my dearly beloved Uncle, fear for my health; I shall take good care of it. I beg your advice on the enclosed paper.

Ever your devoted and grateful Niece and affectionate Child,

Victoria R.

Footnote 57: At that time rendered necessary by the demise of the Crown.

Laeken, 27th June 1837.

My dear Child,—... Now I must touch on another subject which is of vital importance for you and your comfort, viz. the habits of business which you will contract now. The best plan is to devote certain hours to it; if you do that, you will get through it with great ease. I think you would do well to tell your Ministers that for the present you would be ready to receive those who should wish to see you between the hours of eleven and half-past one. This will not plague you much, and will be sufficient in most cases for the usual business that is to be transacted.

I shall add to this a piece of advice. Whenever a question is of some importance, it should not be decided on the day when it is submitted to you. Whenever it is not an urgent one, I make it a rule not to let any question be forced upon my immediate decision; it is really not doing oneself justice de décider des questions sur le pouce. And even when in my mind I am disposed to accede, still I always keep the papers with me some little time before I return them. The best mode for you will be, that each Minister should bring his box with him, and when he submits to you the papers, explain them to you. Then you will keep the papers, either to think yourself upon it or to consult somebody, and either return them the next time you see the Minister to whom they belong, or send them to him. Good habits formed now may for ever afterwards be kept up, and will become so natural to you that you will not find them at all fatiguing.

Kensington Palace, 29th June 1837.

The Queen has received Lord Melbourne's communication, and thinks, as Prince Ernest of Hesse goes to the funeral, it [page 81] would be proper the Prince of Leiningen should do just the same. The Queen requests that Lord Melbourne will be so good as to take care that the Prince of Leiningen is informed as to the proper dress he ought to wear on the occasion.

Lord Albemarle mentioned yesterday to the Queen, that all the ladies' saddle-horses, including the Queen-Dowager's own favourite horses, belonged to the Queen; but it strikes her that it would be well if the Queen was to give the Queen-Dowager the choice of two or three of her own horses, and that she might keep them. The Queen would wish Lord Melbourne to give her his opinion on this subject....

Laeken, 30th June 1837.

My dearest Child,—... I am glad to see that you are so much pleased with Lord Melbourne. I believe him to be as you think him. His character is a guarantee which is valuable, and remember that cleverness and talent, without an honest heart and character, will never do for your Minister. I shall name nobody, but what I said just now applies to some people you have recently seen.

I am so happy that you enter into the important affairs which Providence has entrusted to you with so much interest and spirit; if you continue you will be sure of success, and your own conscience will give you the most delightful and satisfactory feelings. To be National is the great thing, and I was sure you would agree with what I said repeatedly to you on this vital subject, and you will be certain in this way of the love of the nation you govern.

I recommend to your kind attention what Stockmar will think it his duty to tell you; he will never press anything, never plague you with anything, without the thorough conviction that it is indispensable for your welfare. I can guarantee his independence of mind and disinterestedness; nothing makes an impression upon him but what his experience makes him feel to be of importance for you. I am delighted with your plan. You will recollect that I pressed upon you repeatedly how necessary it was for you to continue your studies on a more extended scale, more appropriate to the station you were destined once to fill. No one is better qualified to direct those studies for the next few years than Stockmar, few people possess more general information, and very, very few have been like him educated, as it were, by fate itself since 1816. There is no branch of information in which he may not prove useful—

(1) History, considered in a practical and philosophical way; (2) International Law and everything connected with it; (3) Political Economy, an important branch nowadays; (4) Classic studies; (5) belles lettres in general; (6) Physical Science in all its branches, etc., etc.—the list would be very long if I were to enumerate it all. The sooner you do this the better; in all countries and at all times men like Stockmar have filled similar situations, even in the most bigoted and jealous countries, such as Spain, Austria, etc. You will have him in this case constantly near you without anybody having the right of finding fault with it, and to be useful to you he should be near you. Stockmar would have the immense advantage, for so young a Queen, to be a living dictionary of all matters scientific and politic that happened these thirty years, which to you is of the greatest importance, because you must study the political history of at least the last thirty-seven years more particularly. I had begun something of the sort with you, even so far back as George II.; you will do well to go through the reign of George III., and to follow the various circumstances which brought on finally the present state of affairs....

My letter grows too long, and you will not have time to read it; I will therefore come to an end, remaining ever, my beloved Victoria, your faithfully attached Uncle and Friend,

Leopold R.

3rd July 1837.

My dearest Uncle,—I had the happiness of receiving your kind letter of 30th June yesterday, and hasten to thank you for it. Your dear and kind letters, full of kind and excellent advice, will always be of the greatest use to me, and will always be my delight. You may depend upon it that I shall profit by your advice, as I have already so often done.

I was sure you would be of my opinion relative to Lord Melbourne. Indeed, dearest Uncle, nothing is to be done without a good heart and an honest mind; I have, alas! seen so much of bad hearts and dishonest and double minds, that I know how to value and appreciate real worth.

All is going on well at present, and the elections promise to be favourable. God grant they may be so! I had a very long and highly interesting conversation with Palmerston on Saturday, about Turkey, Russia, etc., etc. I trust something may be done for my sister Queens. They have got a Constitution [page 83] in Spain at length, and the Cortes have done very well. We hope also to conclude a treaty of commerce with the Spaniards shortly, which would be an immense thing.

If you could get my kind and dear friend Louis Philippe, whom I do so respect, and for whom I have a great affection, to do something for poor Spain, it would be of great use.

I am quite penetrated by the King's kindness in sending good old General Baudrand⁵⁸ and the Duc d'Elchingen⁵⁹ over to compliment me; Baudrand did it very well, and with much good feeling. In Portugal, affairs look very black, I grieve to say. They have no money, and the Chartists want to bring about another counter-revolution, which would be fatal to the poor Queen's interests, I fear.

That you approve my plan about Stockmar I am delighted to hear.

I hope to go into Buckingham Palace very shortly after the funeral.

Now, dearest Uncle, I must invite you en forme. I should be most delighted if you, dearest Aunt Louise, and Leopold (j'insiste) could come about the middle or end of August. Then I should beg you would stay a little longer than usual, a fortnight at least. You could bring as many gentlemen, ladies, bonnes, etc., etc., as you pleased, and I should be too happy and proud to have you under my own roof....

Footnote 58: General Comte Baudrand (1774-1848).

Footnote 59: Son of Marshal Ney.

5th July 1837.

Went about half-past ten o'clock to Apsley House, and told the Duke of Wellington the whole of my communication with the Queen, Duchess of Kent, and Sir John Conroy on 15th June, also of my communication subsequently with Lord Melbourne, all of which he very much approved of. He said that he was quite sure that the Queen would find Lord Melbourne an honourable man, and one in whom Her Majesty might put confidence; that he was a man apt to treat matters too lightly, or, as he expressed it, a poco curante, but in the main an honest and an honourable man. Upon my speaking to him of the kind and paternal conduct of King Leopold towards his Niece, he said that he was fully persuaded of this, and should at all and any time be ready to uphold it by his approbation, but that he had no immediate connection with the Press, whose attacks [page 84] indeed he held very cheap, though they were frequently very offensive. He then asked me whether it was not true that the Queen had thought of some reviews at which she would appear on horseback. I said there had been some talk of it. He desired me to say that he thought this would be very dangerous, that she had much better do this in an open carriage, as no one except such as himself knew how difficult it was to get steady riding horses, and besides that, she could not be attended by any female, and that this would appear indelicate.

Windsor Castle, 7th July 1837.

My dearest Niece,—I must, before I leave this dear Castle, once more express to you the grateful sense I entertain for the kind treatment I have experienced from you since it has pleased our heavenly Father to put you in possession of it. You have contributed much to my comfort under all the painful and distressing circumstances of this time of woe, and I assure you that I ever shall remember it with sincere gratitude.

I hope that you continue quite well and do not suffer from the exertions and duties of your new position. My best wishes and prayers attend you on all occasions, for I shall be for the rest of my life devoted and attached to you as your most affectionate Aunt and Subject,

Adelaide.

Kensington Palace, 10th July 1837.

The Queen regrets very much to hear of Lord Melbourne's indisposition, and trusts it will be of no duration.

The Queen has just seen the Lord Chamberlain and has given him all her orders. The Lord Chamberlain says that he will do everything in his power to facilitate the Queen's going into Buckingham Palace on Thursday.

The Queen fears that there may have been some mistake with respect to the Chapter of the Garter, for Lord Conyngham,⁶⁰ as well as several others, imagined it would be held on Wednesday instead of Friday. The Queen requests Lord Melbourne to rectify this mistake, as it is the Queen's intention to hold the Chapter on Friday.

Footnote 60: The Lord Chamberlain.

11th July 1837.

My dearest, best Uncle,—... I have got very little time and very little to say. I really and truly go into Buckingham [page 85] Palace the day after to-morrow, but I must say, though I am very glad to do so, I feel sorry to leave for ever my poor old birthplace....

25th.—I shall not go out of town, I think, before the 20th or thereabouts of next month. Windsor requires thorough cleaning, and I must say I could not think of going in sooner after the poor King's death. Windsor always appears very melancholy to me, and there are so many sad associations with it. These will vanish, I daresay, if I see you there soon after my arrival there.

I have very pleasant large dinners every day. I invite my Premier generally once a week to dinner as I think it right to show publicly that I esteem him and have confidence in him, as he has behaved so well. Stockmar is of this opinion and is his great admirer....

Neuilly, 12th July 1837.

... Having still a few moments before a special messenger sets off, I take advantage of it to add a few words. By all I can hear, there are many intrigues on foot in England at this moment. Princess Lieven⁶¹ and another individual recently [page 86] imported from her country seem to be very active in what concerns them not; beware of them. A rule which I cannot sufficiently recommend is, never to permit people to speak on subjects concerning yourself or your affairs, without your having yourself desired them to do so. The moment a person behaves improperly on this subject, change the conversation, and make the individual feel that he has made a mistake.... People will certainly try to speak to you on your own personal affairs; decline it boldly, and they will leave you alone....

Now I conclude with my warmest wishes for your happiness. Ever, my dear Victoria, your faithfully attached Uncle and Friend,

Leopold R.

Footnote 61: The Princess Dorothea de Benckendorff married the Count de Lieven at fifteen; in 1812, he became Russian Minister (and later Ambassador) in London, whither she accompanied him. She was a woman of extraordinary cleverness, enjoying the confidence of George IV., Liverpool, Canning, Castlereagh, and Wellington. Inspiring the efforts, and even composing the despatches of her husband, she became herself the confidential correspondent of Nesselrode, Esterhazy, Posso di Borgo, Guizot, and Lord Aberdeen. In 1834, the Lievens returned to St Petersburg, where the Emperor Nicholas, though indifferent to the society of women of talent, showed her special marks of regard. Her husband died at Rome, in January 1838, and she established herself in Paris, afterwards seeking a home in England during the troubles of 1848. Returning to Paris, her salon became again the resort of diplomatists, politicians, and men of the world. She died in January 1857.

Madame de Lieven about this time told Greville that she had had an audience of the Queen, "who was very civil and gracious, but timid and embarrassed, and talked of nothing but commonplaces"; and Greville adds that the Queen "had probably been told that the Princess was an intrigante, and was afraid of committing herself."

Madame de Lieven wrote to Lord Aberdeen on the 30th July 1837:—

J'ai vu la Reine deux fois, je l'ai vue seule, et je l'ai vue dans la société du soir, et avec son Premier Ministre. Elle a un aplomb, un air de commandement, de dignité, qui avec son visage enfantin, sa petite taille, et son joli sourire, forment certainement le spectacle le plus extraordinaire qu'il soit possible de se figurer. Elle est d'une extrême réserve dans son discours. On croit que la prudence est une de ses premières qualités. Lord Melbourne a auprès d'elle un air d'amour, de contentement, de vanité même, et tout cela mêlé avec beaucoup de respect, des attitudes très à son aise, une habitude de première place dans son salon, de la rêverie, de la gaieté, vous voyez tout cela. La Reine est pleine d'aimables sourires pour lui.

La société le soir n'était composée que du household de la Reine, de tout le household de la Duchesse de Kent (moins la famille Conroy, qui n'approche pas du Palais), et de quelques étrangers. La Duchesse de Kent est parfaitement mécontente,—elle m'en a même parlé. Je doute que la mère et la fllle habitent longtemps sous le même toit. Quant à Lord Melbourne, il me semble que la Duchesse le déteste. Il est évident qu'il est dans la possession entière et exclusive de la confiance de la Reine, et que ses ressentiments, comme ses peines passées, sont confiés sans réserve à son Premier Ministre....

18th July 1837.

My beloved Uncle,—... I have been so busy, I can say but two words more, which are that I prorogued Parliament yesterday in person, was very well received, and am not at all tired to-day, but quite frisky. There is to be no review this year, as I was determined to have it only if I could ride, and as I have not ridden for two years, it was better not. Believe me, always, your devoted Niece,

Victoria R.

Stanhope Street, 22nd July 1837.

... With regard to Count Orloff,⁶² your Majesty will probably renew to him, on his taking leave, the assurances which your Majesty has already given, of your desire to cement and maintain the friendly alliance which subsists between the two Crowns; and an expression might be repeated of the pleasure which your Majesty has derived from the selection of a person who possesses the confidence and esteem of the Emperor so fully as Count Orloff is known to do.

It might, perhaps, be as well to avoid any allusion to your Majesty's not being personally acquainted with the Emperor, or anything that might be construed into an invitation to that Sovereign to come to England, because Viscount Palmerston has reason to believe that any such hint would be eagerly caught at, while at the same time such a visit does not, under all circumstances, seem to be a thing particularly to be desired....

Footnote 62: The Russian Ambassador.

Laeken, 24th July 1837.

My dearest Child,—... I hear that the Levée went off very well, and I have no doubt that the Drawing-Room did the same. Your spirit in all these new and trying proceedings makes me happy beyond expression. Believe me, with courage and honesty, you will get on beautifully and successfully. The firmness you displayed at the beginning of your reign will be for your quiet of the utmost importance. People must come to the opinion it is of no use intriguing, because when her mind is once made up, and she thinks a thing right, no earthly power will make her change. To these qualities must be added one which is of great importance, this is discretion; humble as it seems, it has often brought about successes in which talent failed and genius did not succeed. Discretion in the great affairs of the world does wonders, and safety depends frequently and is chiefly derived from it....

Now I must quickly conclude, with the prayer that you will not permit anybody, be it even your Prime Minister, to speak to you on matters that concern you personally, without your having expressed the wish of its being done. You have no idea of the importance of this for your peace and comfort and safety. I always act on this principle, and I can say with great success.

Believe me ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

Leopold R.

Laeken, 29th July 1837.

My dearest Child,—Your dear letter of the 24th inst. is, amongst so many kind letters, almost the kindest I yet received from your dear hands. My happiness and my greatest pride will always be, to be a tender and devoted father to you, my beloved child, and to watch over you and stand by you with heart and soul as long as the heart which loves you so sincerely will beat.

I have no doubt that Lord Melbourne will always do everything in his power to be useful to you. His position is become extremely happy; after having been, under the late King at least, in an awkward position, he is now sure of enjoying your confidence and sincere support. If the elections turn out favourably to the Ministry, it will, I hope, give them the means [page 88] of trying to conciliate the great mass of the moderate Tories, who from their nature and in consequence of their opinions are safe and desirable supporters of the Crown. The two extremes will give them trouble, and the ultra-Tories appear to me to be even the more unreasonable of the two.

I am most happy to see you on your guard against Princess Lieven and such-like people. Your life amongst intriguers and tormented with intrigues has given you an experience on this important subject which you will do well not to lose sight of, as it will unfortunately often reproduce itself, though the names and manner of carrying on the thing may not be the same.

I also think Windsor a little melancholy, but I believe that one likes it more and more, as the Park in particular is uncommonly beautiful. We shall try our best to enliven it by our presence, and probably soon after your arrival. I am most happy to see you so spirited and happy in your new position; it will go a great way to ensure your success, and your spirit and courage will never be de trop.

Now I will conclude for the day, not to bore you, and beg you always to believe me, my dear and beloved Victoria, your devoted Uncle and Friend,

Leopold R.

Langenburg, 31st July 1837.

My dearest Victoria,—On arriving here, I found your dear letter of the 9th of this month; and some days ago I received the one of the 16th. Many, many thanks for them both; it is indeed kind of you to write to me now when you have so much to do. You have no idea what a feeling it is, to hear and read of you, and to think that it is you, my own dear sister, who are the object of general observation, and, I may say, admiration; it is sometimes like a dream. For those who are near you it is quite different than for me, who have not seen you yet in your new position, but must represent to myself all through the report of others. The description in the papers of your proroguing Parliament I read with great interest; it must have been an imposing moment for you, your standing for the first time in your life in the middle of that assembly where the interests and welfare of your country are discussed and decided upon. It is with pride, pleasure, and anxiety I think of you at the description of such scenes and occurrences. I saw too by the papers that your incognito at the Opera was not quite kept as you wished it....

Buckingham Palace, 1st August 1837.

My dearest Uncle,—... I should be most happy to "peep once" into your country, and wish that it could be.

With respect to Politics, Lord Melbourne told me this morning that he thinks the Lords will be more moderate and reasonable next Session. The Duke of Wellington made a speech shortly before the Dissolution of Parliament, in which he said that he wished as much as the Government did to pass the questions now pending.

You do not think Alexander⁶³ near handsome enough in my opinion; you know, ladies are much better judges. He is somewhat colossal, I own, but very proportionate and good-looking, I think. I am all impatience to hear more about all this, and when you imagine the marriage will take place.

I have resumed my singing lessons with Lablache⁶⁴ twice a week, which form an agreeable recreation in the midst of all the business I have to do. He is such a good old soul, and greatly pleased that I go on with him. I admire the music of the Huguenots very much, but do not sing it, as I prefer Italian to French for singing greatly. I have been learning in the beginning of the season many of your old favourites, which I hope to sing with you when we meet. I wish I could keep Lablache to sing with us, but he will be gone by that time, I greatly fear.

Now farewell, my beloved Uncle. Give my affectionate love to my dear Aunt, and believe me always, your devoted Niece,

Victoria R.

J'embrasse Léopold et Philippe.

Footnote 63: Prince Alexander of Wurtemberg, betrothed to Princess Marie of Orleans, daughter of Louis Philippe. She died 10th January 1839. See Letter of Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians, 11th January 1839.

Footnote 64: See ante, p. 50.

9th August 1837.

My beloved Uncle,—... With respect to the Elections, they are, I'm thankful to say, rather favourable, though not quite so much so as we could wish. But upon the whole we shall have as good a House as we had, and, I hope (as Lord Melbourne does also), a more moderate one than the last one. The Irish Elections are very favourable to us; we have gained [page 90] six in the English boroughs, and lost, I grieve to say, several in the counties.

The country is very quiet, and I have good reason to believe all will do very well.

The King of Würtemberg is to arrive to-night, under the name of Count Teck, and wishes to be in strict incognito. He comes on purpose to see me; you know he is my second cousin—his mother⁶⁵ was sister to Queen Caroline and daughter to my grand-aunt.⁶⁶ I shall give the King a large dinner on Friday and a little concert after it....

Footnote 65: Queen Augusta of Würtemberg.

Footnote 66: Augusta, Duchess of Brunswick, sister of George III.

Endsleigh, l5th August 1837.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to lay before your Majesty a general statement of the result of the elections, which, with the exception of one or two doubtful counties in Ireland, may be said to be completed....

It is not to be denied that this near balance of parties makes the task of conducting the government difficult for any Ministry. On the other hand, the circumstances of the country do not present any extraordinary difficulty, and were any such to arise, the general composition of the new House of Commons affords a security that the maintenance of the Constitution and the welfare of the country would be permanent objects to the majority of its Members.⁶⁷

Lord John Russell had some time ago the honour of stating to your Majesty that the return of Mr Fox Maule for Perthshire, and of Mr Hume for Middlesex, were hardly to be expected. In this as in many other instances the superior organisation of the Tory party have enabled them to gain the appearance of a change of opinion, which has not in fact taken place.

Lord John Russell is sorry to add that bribery, intimidation, and drunkenness have been very prevalent at the late elections, and that in many cases the disposition to riot has only been checked by the appearance of the Military, who have in all cases conducted themselves with great temper and judgment.

Footnote 67: While the extreme Radicals were in several cases defeated, the number of O'Connell's followers was decidedly increased. The general balance of parties was not much affected, though the complaint made by Mr Roebuck, the Radical Member for Bath, in the last days of William IV.'s reign, that there was no Government, and that the machinery of legislation was at a dead stop, was no longer warranted.

Endsleigh, 21st August 1837.

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to submit to your Majesty a letter from the Earl of Coventry requesting an Audience.

It is usual for the Sovereign to receive any Peer who may be desirous of an Audience, without any other person being present. But if the Peer who is thus admitted to the honour of an Audience should enter upon political topics, it has been the custom for your Majesty's predecessors merely to hear what is offered, and not to give any opinion, or to enter into any discussion or conversation upon such topics.

Should your Majesty be pleased to grant Lord Coventry's request of an Audience, perhaps the most convenient course will be that the Lord-in-Waiting should signify to him, direct from Windsor, your Majesty's pleasure.

Windsor Castle, 19th September 1837. (20 m(inutes) p(ast) 11.)

My dearest, most beloved Uncle,—One line to express to you, imperfectly, my thanks for all your very great kindness to me, and my great, great grief at your departure! God knows how sad, how forlorn, I feel! How I shall miss you, my dearest, dear Uncle! every, every where! How I shall miss your conversation! How I shall miss your protection out riding! Oh! I feel very, very sad, and cannot speak of you both without crying!

Farewell, my beloved Uncle and father! may Heaven bless and protect you; and do not forget your most affectionate, devoted, and attached Niece and Child,

Victoria R.

Footnote 68: Written on the conclusion of a visit of the King of the Belgians to England.

Windsor Castle, 3rd October 1837.

My beloved Uncle,—... I am quite sad to leave this fine place, where, if it had not been for the meeting of Parliament so early this year, I would have remained till November. I have passed such a pleasant time here, the pleasantest summer I have ever passed in my life; I have had the great happiness of having you and my beloved Aunt here, I have had pleasant [page 92] people staying with me, and I have had delicious rides which have done me more good than anything. It will be such a break-up of our little circle! Besides my own people, Lord Melbourne and Lord Palmerston are the only people who have been staying here, and this little party was very social and agreeable. The Princess Augusta of Saxony⁶⁹ has been here for two nights; she is neither young nor handsome, but a very kind good person.

The news from Portugal are bad which I got this morning. The Civil War is ended, and the Chartists have been completely defeated; this is sad enough, but I was fearful of it: a counter-revolution never does well.⁷⁰

En revanche, the news from Spain are by far better....

Believe me always, in haste, your devoted and affectionate Niece,

Victoria R.

Footnote 69: Daughter of King Frederick Augustus of Saxony.

Footnote 70: On July 1st a new Ministry had come into power in Portugal. The finances of the country were in great confusion, a military insurrection broke out in the North at Braga, the Ministry resigned, and a new Ministry came into office in August. On the 18th August, the Duke of Terceira, followed by many persons of distinction, joined the insurgents, and, establishing himself at Mafra, advanced upon Lisbon with the Chartist troops, issuing a proclamation of provisional regency. A Convention was eventually signed, and the Cortes proceeded to discuss measures of Constitutional Reform.

6th October 1837.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in acknowledging your Majesty's gracious communication, of yesterday returns his thanks for the very lively account which your Majesty has given of the journey and the entrance into Brighton. Lord Melbourne entirely partakes in the wish your Majesty has been graciously pleased to express that he had been there to witness the scene; but your Majesty will at once perceive that it was better that he was not, as in that case Lord Melbourne would have been accused of an attempt to take a political advantage of the general enthusiasm and to mix himself and the Government with your Majesty's personal popularity. Lord Melbourne fears that for some time your Majesty will find yourself somewhat incommoded by the desire, which naturally prevails amongst all ranks and classes, to obtain an opportunity of seeing your Majesty....

Laeken, 9th October 1837.

... I have also told Stockmar to try to settle something for regular safe communication; in quiet times like the present, [page 93] one a week would be sufficient. You know now that all letters are read, and that should not be always the case with ours. There is, however, one thing about which I think it right to warn you. This way of reading people's letters is often taken advantage of by the writers of them, who are not so ignorant of the thing as is imagined to write the very subject which they wish to convey to the ears of persons without compromising themselves. I will give you an example: we are still plagued by Prussia concerning those fortresses; now, to tell the Prussian Government many things, which we should not like to tell them officially, the Minister is going to write a despatch to our man at Berlin, sending it by post; the Prussians are sure to read it, and to learn in this way what we wish them to hear. The diplomats in England may resort to this same mode of proceeding to injure people, to calumniate, and to convey to your knowledge such things as they may hope to have the effect of injuring some people they may fear, in your eyes. I tell you the trick, that you should be able to guard against it; it is of importance, and I have no doubt will be resorted to by various political people.... Ever, my dearest Victoria, your faithfully devoted Uncle and Friend,

Leopold R.

Trianon, 19th October 1837.

My dearest Victoria,—... There is a great disposition here to be on the best possible terms with England. As it has but too often happened that the diplomatic agents of the two countries have drawn, or been believed to draw, different ways,COUNT MOLÉ I recommended strongly to Count Molé⁷¹ to give strong and clear instructions to his people, particularly at Madrid, Lisbon, and Athens.... He is going to read them to Lord Granville, and also to communicate as much as possible all the despatches of the French diplomats to the English Government. This will be a proof of confidence, and it will besides have the advantage of giving often useful information, enabling thereby the English Government to hear two opinions instead of one. It cannot be denied that the idea that the Plenipotentiaries of the two countries were following two different lines of policy has been hurtful to the causes of the two Queens in the Peninsula. To put a stop to this double action is the only benefit which the Queens will at present derive from a better understanding between England and France; but as it is, it [page 94] will be still of some importance to them, and take away from the different political parties the possibility of using the pretended misunderstanding against the Government of the Queens. I trust that you will tell your Ministers to meet this friendly disposition with frankness and kindness. The wish of the King here is, to have matters concerted between the Plenipotentiaries of both countries. In this way it would become difficult for the parties in Spain or Portugal to say that the two Plenipotentiaries support different candidates for Ministerial power, and the division in the parties connected with the Queens might be in this manner prevented or reconciled. Many and many are the ill-natured hints thrown out against the King's policy here, and because he is clever, he is suspected of having ambitious schemes without end; it may not be without some importance to set this, in your mind at least, to rights. Whatever may have been the King's views immediately after the revolution of July⁷² I will not decide; perhaps he may a moment have wished to be able to do something for France. Supposing this for the sake of argument to have been so, two months of his reign were sufficient to show him that the great question was not to conquer territories or foreign influence, but to save Monarchy. He saw clearly that though he might begin a war, necessarily it would soon degenerate into a war of propaganda, and that he and his family would be the first victims of it. His struggle has constantly been to strengthen his Government, to keep together or create anew the elements indispensable for a Monarchical Government, and this struggle is far from being at its end, and most probably the remainder of his life will be devoted to this important task; and whatever may be the more lively disposition of the Duke of Orleans, great part of his reign if he comes to the throne, and perhaps the whole of it, will, bon gré mal gré, take the same turn. That it should be so is very natural, because of what use would be some foreign provinces if they would only add to the difficulty of governing the old? Therefore, knowing as I do all the proceedings of the King and his Cabinet, even more fully than I do those of your Government; seeing constantly in the most unreserved manner the whole of the despatches; knowing as the nearest neighbour the system that they constantly followed up towards us, I must say that no one is more against acquiring influence in foreign States, or even getting burthened with family aggrandisement in them, than he. He rejected most positively the marriage of Joinville with Donna Maria because he will not have anything to do with Portugal. He rejects a [page 95] mille times the idea of a future union of the Queen of Spain with Aumale, because he will not have a son where it is not his intention to support him.

His fear of being drawn into a real intervention has been the cause of his having been so anxious not to have a French Legion in Spain. He may be right or wrong on this subject—I do not decide this, as I was of a different opinion last year; but his fear of being drawn too far, like a man whose clothes get caught by a steam-engine, is natural enough. His dislike to the ultra-Liberals in the Peninsula is also very natural, because they uphold principles of Government which render Monarchy impossible, and the application of which to France would be the ruin of the King. England, from the peculiarity of its position, can do many things which in France would upset everything.... I must close my letter, and shall answer yours to-morrow. God bless you! Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

Leopold R.

Footnote 71: French Premier and Foreign Secretary.

Footnote 72: 1830.

Pavilion, Brighton, 25th October 1837.

... Now, dearest Uncle, I must speak to you un peu de Politique. I made Lord Melbourne read the political part of your letter. He wished me to communicate to you part of the contents of a letter of Lord Granville's which we received yesterday. Lord Granville complains a good deal of Molé,⁷³ and says, that though he is apparently very cordial and friendly towards us, and talks of his desire that we should be on a better footing as to our foreign Ministers than we have hitherto been, that whenever Lord Granville urges him to do anything decisive (to use Lord G.'s own words) "he shrinks from the discussion," says he must have time to reflect before he can give any answer, and evades giving any reply, whenever anything of importance is required. This, you see, dear Uncle, is not satisfactory. I merely tell you this, as I think you would like to know what Molé tells our Ambassador; this differs from what he told you. What you say about Louis Philippe I am sure is very true; his situation is a very peculiar and a very difficult one....

Footnote 73: See ante, p. 93.

Trianon, 27th October 1837.

... Political matters I shall not touch upon to-day; there [page 96] is nothing very particular except the taking of Constantin.⁷⁴ The Duc de Nemours has greatly distinguished himself. I am sorry to see that in England people are sometimes sufficiently absurd to be jealous of these French conquests. Nothing indeed can be more absurd, as nothing is of greater importance to the peace of Europe than that a powerful and military nation like the French should have this outlet for their love of military display. If one had named a council of wise men to fix upon a spot where this might be done with the least mischief to the rest of the world, one should have named the coast of Africa. By their being there they will render to civilisation a country which for about 800 years has been growing worse and worse, and which was in the times of the Romans one of the richest provinces. It settles, besides, upon the French a constant petite guerre with the natives, which is the very thing that will do them good.

Footnote 74: The French losses amounted to 19 officers and 86 men killed, with 38 officers and 468 men wounded. The French Government had failed in its efforts for an amicable arrangement with Achmet Bey, and it appeared probable that the Turkish fleet would also oppose them. The commander, however, merely landed some men at Tripoli, and the French success was complete.

Buckingham Palace, 19th November 1837.

... Now, dearest Uncle, before I say anything more, I will answer the various questions in your letter, which I have communicated to Lord Melbourne and Lord Palmerston. (1) With respect to Ferdinand's question to you, it is impossible for us to say beforehand what we shall do in such an emergency; it depends so entirely on the peculiar circumstances of the moment that we cannot say what we should do. You know, dear Uncle, that the fleet has orders to protect the King and Queen in case they should be in any personal danger. As to Lord Howard,⁷⁵ though what you say about him is true enough, it would not do to recall him at present; it would give Bois le Comte⁷⁶ all the advantage he wishes for, and which would be injurious to our interests and influence.

(2) With regard to Spain, a very decided mention is made of the Queen herself in the speech which is to be delivered by me to-morrow in the House of Lords.

We have great reason to know that, of late, the Queen has positively declared her intention to remain at Madrid to the very last.

Villiers'⁷⁷ conduct has been, I fear, much misrepresented, for his own opinions are not at all those of the ultra-Liberal kind; and his only aim has been, to be on good terms with the Spanish Ministry for the time being.

(3) Concerning France, I need not repeat to you, dear Uncle, how very anxious we all are to be upon the best and most friendly terms with her, and to co-operate with her.

Footnote 75: Lord Howard de Walden, British Minister at Lisbon.

Footnote 76: French Minister at Madrid.

Footnote 77: British Minister at Madrid, afterwards fourth Earl of Clarendon, and twice Foreign Secretary.

Buckingham Palace, 25th December 1837.

My dearest Uncle,—... You will, I am sure, be happy to hear that this Session is happily closed, and that the whole has gone off very satisfactorily, much more so even than any of us could hope. I went on Saturday to the House of Lords to give my Assent to the Civil List Bill. I shall return to town on the 16th of January, when Parliament meets again; it meets sooner than it was at first intended it should, on account of the affairs of Canada.

Laeken, 26th December 1837.

My dearest Child,—You were somewhat irritable when you wrote to me!... Affairs stand now as follows: the studies at Bonn take the whole of April, and may be concluded at the beginning of May. From May till the end of August, if you approved of the visit, the time should be utilisé. A séjour at Coburg would not be of much use; here we are generally absent in the summer. To confide therefore the young gentleman to his Uncle Mensdorff⁷⁹ for three months, would give him so much time for some manly accomplishments, which do no harm to a young man. To make him enter the Service would not do at all. What you say about his imbibing principles of a political nature, there is no great fear of that. First of all, Prague is not a town where politics are at all agitated; these topics are very rarely touched upon; besides, Albert is clever, and it is not at the eleventh hour that anybody in three months will make him imbibe political principles. Perhaps you will [page 98] turn in your mind what you think on the subject, and communicate me the result of it....

Footnote 78: This letter refers to the course of study which Prince Albert was about to pursue.

Footnote 79: Count Emmanuel de Mensdorff-Pouilly, who married, in 1804, Sophia, Princess of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld.

27th December 1837.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and acquaints your Majesty that he has this morning received a letter from the Speaker⁸⁰ consenting to remain until Whitsuntide. This is inconvenient enough, but the delay relieves your present embarrassment upon this head, and puts off changes until a period of the Session when public affairs will be more decisively settled.

Lord Melbourne is sorry to have to inform your Majesty that there was a good deal of difference of opinion yesterday in the Cabinet upon the affairs of Canada.⁸¹ All are of opinion that strong measures should be taken for the repression of the insurrection, but some, and more particularly Lord Howick, think that these measures of vigour should be accompanied by measures of amendment and conciliation. We are to have a Cabinet again upon the subject on Wednesday next, when Lord Melbourne hopes that some practical result will be come to without serious difference.

Footnote 80: Mr James Abercromby, afterwards Lord Dunfermline. He remained in the Chair till 1839. He had little hold over the House, and many regrettable scenes occurred.

Footnote 81: See Introductory Note, p. 56.

Windsor Castle, 28th December 1837.

The Queen received Lord Melbourne's communication yesterday evening, and is glad to see that the Speaker consents to remain a little while longer, though, as Lord Melbourne says, it is still very inconvenient.

The Queen regrets that there should have been any difference of opinion with respect to Canada, but hopes with Lord Melbourne that some final arrangement may be come to next Wednesday.

The Queen is very sorry to learn that Lord Melbourne will be detained in London until Saturday. She omitted to ask Lord Melbourne when he thinks it would be convenient for Lord Palmerston to come down to Windsor for a few days, as it is the Queen's wish to ask him in the course of the Recess. [page 99] The Queen is very thankful to Lord Melbourne for his kind enquiries after her health; she is sorry to say she had one of her bad headaches yesterday, but feels very well this morning and thinks a drive will quite cure her.

Windsor Castle, 29th December 1837.

The Queen received Lord Melbourne's two letters yesterday evening, and another this morning, enclosing one from Lord Duncannon.⁸² The Queen is very much gratified by the kind expressions in the letter she got last night; she is grieved to see Lord Melbourne is so much oppressed with business.

The Queen thinks Lord Melbourne has acted with the greatest judgment with respect to Sir J. Conroy,⁸³ and highly approves the course he intends pursuing.

The Queen regrets that there should be so much difficulty with respect to the Report of the Army Estimates, but fervently trusts that no serious difficulties will arise from it; she will be very anxious to talk about this and many other matters when she sees Lord Melbourne, which the Queen hopes (as Lord Melbourne says nothing to the contrary) she will do on the 3rd or 4th.

The Queen thinks that it will be quite right if Lord Melbourne writes to Lord John about the Staffordshire Yeomanry. The Queen will be delighted to see Lady John Russell's little girl, and would be very happy if Lady John was to bring the Baby also. The Queen begs Lord Melbourne to invite them (Lord and Lady John) in her name on the 8th, and to stay till the 11th.

The Duke and Duchess of Cambridge are here, and the Queen is very sorry to say, that from what she sees and hears, she has reason to fear all is not as it should be; her mother is most markedly civil and affectionate towards both the Duke and Duchess, and spoke Politics with the former. The Queen will tell Lord Melbourne more about this when she sees him.

The weather was beautiful yesterday, and the Queen had a long drive and walk, which have done her great good; it is still finer to-day.

Footnote 82: Commissioner of Woods and Forests and Lord Privy Seal.

Footnote 83: Sir J. Conroy, who had been Comptroller to the Duchess of Kent, made certain claims which it was not considered expedient to grant. He received a pension and a baronetcy.

30th December 1837.

... Lord Melbourne will do his utmost to compose these [page 100] differences respecting Canada and the Army,⁸⁴ but your Majesty must contemplate the possibility, not to say the probability, of his not being able to succeed. It will not do for the sake of temporary accommodation to sacrifice the honour of your Majesty's Crown or the interests of your Majesty's subjects.

Footnote 84: See Introductory Notes for 1837 and 1838, pp. 56 and 102.

31st December 1837.

... Lord Melbourne has not yet been able to leave London. In order to have a chance of arranging these troublesome affairs it is necessary continually to see those who are principally engaged in them. From a conversation which he has had this evening with Lord Howick, Lord Melbourne has better hopes of producing a general agreement upon Canadian affairs, but the question of the administration of the Army, which is of less immediate importance, is of more difficulty. Your Majesty knows the importance attached by the King of the Belgians to this matter. The opinion of the Duke of Wellington is also strongly against the projected alteration. On the other hand, five Cabinet Ministers have pledged themselves to it by signing the report, and consider themselves as having publicly undertaken to the House of Commons that some such measure shall be proposed. Lord Melbourne has asked for the opinions of Lord Hill⁸⁵ and Sir Hussey Vivian⁸⁶ in writing. When Lord Melbourne receives them he must submit them to your Majesty with as short and as clear a statement as he can make of a question which is of a technical and official character, and with which Lord Melbourne does not feel himself to be very familiar. Lord Melbourne transmits a copy of the proposed Order in Council to carry the recommendation of the report into effect, which will acquaint your Majesty precisely what the powers and duties are which it is intended to transfer from the Secretary of State⁸⁷ to the Secretary-at-War. It is the more necessary to be cautious, because it can be done without taking the opinion or having recourse to the authority of Parliament.

Your Majesty will not suppose that Lord Melbourne by laying before you the whole case has an idea of throwing the weight of such a decision entirely upon your Majesty. Lord Melbourne will deem it his duty to offer your Majesty a decided opinion upon the subject.

Lord Melbourne is much rejoiced to hear that your Majesty enjoys Windsor. The Duchess of Sutherland,⁸⁸ who appreciates both the grand and the beautiful, could not be otherwise than delighted with it....

Lord Melbourne has the pleasure of wishing your Majesty a happy and prosperous New Year.

Footnote 85: Commander-in-Chief.

Footnote 86: Master-General of the Ordnance.

Footnote 87: The Secretaries of State (then three, now five in number) have co-extensive authority, that is to say, any one of them can legally execute the duties of all, although separate spheres of action are for convenience assigned to them; at that time the administration of Colonial and Military affairs were combined, the Secretary-at-War not being a Secretary of State. After the Crimean War a fourth Secretary was appointed, and after the Indian Mutiny a fifth was added, entrusted severally with the supervision of Military affairs and the administration of India. See letters of Lord Melbourne of 1st, 4th, and 5th November 1841.

Footnote 88: Harriet Elizabeth Georgiana, Duchess of Sutherland (1806-1868), was the daughter of the sixth Earl of Carlisle, and married her cousin, Earl Gower (1786-1861), who became Duke of Sutherland in 1833. On the accession of the Queen, the Duchess of Sutherland became Mistress of the Robes, a post which she held till 1841, and on three subsequent occasions. The Duchess was a cultivated woman with many tastes, and made Stafford House a great social centre. She was deeply interested in philanthropic and social movements, such as the Abolition of Slavery, and had a strong sympathy for national movements, which she showed by entertaining Garibaldi in 1864. She combined a considerable sense of humour with a rare capacity for affection, and became one of the Queen's closest friends; after the Prince Consort's death she was for some weeks the Queen's constant companion.

The Melbourne Ministry were able to maintain themselves in office during the year (1838), but were too weak to carry important measures. The prevailing distress led to much criticism of the Poor Law Act of 1834, and the disturbances in Canada turned the tide of emigration to Australia. But public interest in politics was eclipsed by the gaieties of the Coronation, in which all ranks partook. The events of Imperial importance elsewhere centred in Jamaica and Canada, the apprenticeship system in the former place leading to a renewal of the anti-slavery agitation at home, and the passing of a Colonial Bill for absolute emancipation. The Canadian troubles brought about the passing of an Imperial Act for the suspension for two years of the Legislative Assembly of Lower Canada, and Lord Durham, an impulsive and generous-hearted man, was sent out as High Commissioner. Having dismissed the Executive Council of his predecessor, he nominated a fresh one, but an ordinance thereafter promulgated in reference to the rebels was severely criticised. Lord Brougham, rejoicing at the opportunity of paying off old scores, castigated the Government, especially Lord Glenelg, the Colonial Secretary, and carried a measure censuring their Canadian policy. The Ministry disallowed the ordinance of Lord Durham, who, finding himself unsupported, resigned his Commission and returned home. On his arrival at Plymouth, he made a speech, in which he described the rebellion as finally at an end; the news, however, subsequently arrived that after his departure from Canada, disturbances had broken out afresh. Sir John Colborne was appointed to succeed Lord Durham with full powers.

The Civil War continued in Spain through the year, and intermittent rioting took place in Portugal, a country which was now verging on bankruptcy. The old Dutch and Belgian controversy as to the possession of Luxemburg was revived, the King of Holland, who had obstinately withheld his concurrence for six years from the Articles on the faith of which King Leopold accepted the throne of Belgium, now showing overt hostility in the disputed territory. As was natural, France was in sympathy with Belgium, and the two countries entered into a treaty of commerce and reciprocity.

1st January 1838.

... Lord Melbourne feels most deeply the extreme kindness of your Majesty's expressions. Whatever may happen in the course of events, it will always be to Lord Melbourne a source of the most lively satisfaction to have assisted your Majesty in the commencement of your reign, which was not without trouble and difficulty, and your Majesty may depend that whether in or out of office Lord Melbourne's conduct will always be directed by the strongest attachment to your Majesty's person, and by the most ardent desire to promote your Majesty's interests, which from his knowledge of your Majesty's character and disposition Lord Melbourne feels certain will be always identified with the interests of your People.

14th January 1838.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour of acknowledging your Majesty's gracious communication, which he received this evening. Lord Melbourne has this morning seen Lord Durham upon the subject of his assuming the Government of Canada,¹ and has had a long conversation with him. Lord Melbourne is to receive his final answer before the Cabinet to-morrow, which meets at ten o'clock. Lord Durham is anxious that your Majesty should express to him your wish, or rather, as he phrased it, lay upon him your commands that he should undertake this duty, and [page 104] also that, as his absence will be but temporary, that Lady Durham² should retain her situation in your Majesty's household. Lord Melbourne thinks that your Majesty may properly gratify him in both these points. Lord Durham made some other stipulations, which Lord Melbourne will explain to your Majesty, but, upon the whole, Lord Melbourne feels little doubt that he will accept.

Lord Glenelg³ is on Monday to make a statement to the House of Lords upon the subject of Canada, on which a debate may not improbably arise by which Lord Melbourne may be detained. On Wednesday there is neither House of Lords nor Cabinet dinner. Wednesday, Friday, and Sunday will therefore be festive days, on which Lord Melbourne will have great pleasure in obeying your Majesty's commands and also on Monday, if he should not be kept in the House of Lords.

Lord Melbourne thinks it was prudent in your Majesty not to expose yourself to the cold of the Chapel. He is himself better, but has still much cough, though he has kept himself very quiet and been very careful of his diet since he has been in London.

Footnote 1: In the room of Lord Gosford. See ante, p. 102.

Footnote 2: Daughter of Earl Grey.

Footnote 3: Colonial Secretary.

Windsor Castle, 15th January 1838.
(Half-past nine o'clock.)

The Queen has written approved on Lord Melbourne's letter as he desired; but adds a line to express her satisfaction at Lord Durham's having accepted the office of Governor-General of Canada.

The Queen will be very happy to see Lord Melbourne at half-past three.

Brussels, 16th January 1838.

My dearly beloved Child,—... I am very grateful for Lord Melbourne's kind recollection of me. I have a sincere regard for him, and I think that our intercourse has satisfied him of one thing, that I have nothing so much at heart than your welfare, and what is for the good of your Empire. I wish [page 105] very much that you would speak with him on the subject of what ought to be done to keep for the Crown the little influence it still may possess. His views on this important subject are the more trustworthy as he always has belonged to the moderate Liberals, and therefore has had the means of judging the matter with great impartiality. Monarchy to be carried on requires certain elements, and the occupation of the Sovereign must be constantly to preserve these elements, or should they have been too much weakened by untoward circumstances, to contrive by every means to strengthen them again. You are too clever not to know, that it is not the being called Queen or King, which can be of the least consequence, when to the title there is not also annexed the power indispensable for the exercise of those functions. All trades must be learned, and nowadays the trade of a constitutional Sovereign, to do it well, is a very difficult one.

... I must end, and remain ever, most affectionately, my dear Child, your devoted Uncle,

Leopold R.

24th January 1838.

My dearest Niece,—Having just been informed of your gracious consideration of, and your generosity towards, the dear King's children,⁴ I must express to you how deeply I feel this kind proof of your attachment to the late King, whose memory you respect by the generous continuance of their former allowances from the Privy Purse. Nothing could have given me more real satisfaction, and I trust and hope that they will prove their gratitude and entire devotion to you by their future conduct. Let me thank you, dearest Victoria, from the bottom of my heart, and be assured that the heavenly blessing of our beloved King will be upon you for your generous kindness to those he loved so much in this world.

I hope that you have not suffered at all from the severity of the weather, and are as well as all your subjects can wish you to be, amongst whom there is none more anxiously praying for your welfare and happiness than, my dear Niece, your most devoted and affectionate Aunt,

Adelaide.

Footnote 4: The eldest of the five illegitimate sons of William IV. and Mrs. Jordan had been created Earl of Munster, and his sisters and brothers had been given the precedence of the daughters and younger sons of a Marquis. The Queen now continued the same allowances as they had received from the late King.

Buckingham Palace, 22nd February 1838.

My dear Uncle,—... I had a very brilliant Levée again yesterday, at which O'Connell and all his sons, son-in-law, nephew, etc., appeared. I received him, as you may imagine, with a very smiling face; he has been behaving very well this year.⁵ It was quite a treat for me to see him, as I had for long wished it.

We are going on most prosperously here, which will, I am sure, give you as much pleasure as it does me. We have no fear for any of the questions. Lord John Russell is much pleased with the temper of the House of Commons, which he says is remarkably good, and the Duke of Wellington is behaving uncommonly well, going with Ministers, and behaving like an honest man should do....

Footnote 5: Ever since the Accession, O'Connell's speeches had been full of expressions of loyalty, and he had been acting in concert with the Whigs.

Stanhope Street, 25th February 1838.

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and with reference to your Majesty's question upon the subjects to which Lord William Russell's recent despatch relates, he has the honour to state: that in the Governments of the Continent, and more especially in those which have no representative Assemblies, the second class of persons in the public offices possess and exercise much more power and influence than the corresponding class of persons do in this country. In England the Ministers who are at the head of the several departments of the State, are liable any day and every day to defend themselves in Parliament; in order to do this, they must be minutely acquainted with all the details of the business of their offices, and the only way of being constantly armed with such information is to conduct and direct those details themselves.

On the Continent, where Ministers of State are not liable so to be called to account for their conduct, the Ministers are tempted to leave the details of their business much more to their Under-Secretaries and to their chief clerks. Thus it happens that all the routine of business is generally managed by these subordinate agents; and to such an extent is this [page 107] carried, that Viscount Palmerston believes that the Ministers for Foreign Affairs, in France, Austria, Prussia, and Russia, seldom take the trouble of writing their own despatches, except, perhaps, upon some very particular and important occasion.

Your Majesty will easily see how greatly such a system must place in the hands of the subordinate members of the public departments the power of directing the policy and the measures of the Government; because the value and tendency, and the consequences of a measure, frequently depend as much upon the manner in which that measure is worked out, as upon the intention and spirit with which it was planned.

Another circumstance tends also to give great power to these second-class men, and that is their permanence in office.

In England when, in consequence of some great political change, the Heads of Departments go out, the greater part of the Under-Secretaries go out also; thus the Under-Secretary (with two or three exceptions) having come in with his Chief, has probably no more experience than his Chief, and can seldom set up his own knowledge to overrule the opinion, or to guide the judgment, of his superior.

But on the Continent, changes of Ministers are oftener changes of individual men from personal causes, than changes of parties from political convulsions; and therefore when the Chief retires, the Under-Secretary remains. There are consequently in all the public offices abroad a number of men who have spent the greater part of their lives in their respective departments, and who by their long experience are full of knowledge of what has been done in former times, and of the most convenient and easy manner of doing what may be required in the time present. This affords to the Chiefs an additional motive for leaning upon their subordinates, and gives to those subordinates still more real influence.

This class of subordinate men has, from the fact of its being possessed of so much power, been invested by the jargon of the day with the title of "Bureaucratic"—a name fabricated in imitation of the words "aristocratic" and "democratic," each being compounded of the word "cratic," which is a corruption from the Greek word "kratos," which means power; and the prefix, denoting the particular class of society whose power is meant to be expressed. Thus "aristo-cratic" is the power of the upper, or, as in Greek it is called, the "aristos" class of society; "demo-cratic" is the power of the people, which in Greek is called the "demos"; and "bureau-cratic" is the power of the public offices or "bureaus," for which [page 108] latter the French name has been taken instead of a Greek word.

It appears, then, to be the opinion of Lord William Russell, that this second class of public men in Prussia are animated by a desire to see the general policy of their country rendered more national and independent than it has hitherto been; that for this purpose they were desirous of urging on the Government to take its stand against foreign influence upon some point or other, not much caring what that point might be; that they thought it would be difficult to choose a political question, because on such a question the King of Prussia might be against them, and that consequently they chose a religious question, on which they knew they should have the King with them; and that accordingly they led the Government on to a quarrel with the Court of Rome, and with the Catholic or Austrian party in Germany, more with a view to place Prussia in an independent national position than from any particular importance which they attached to the question itself upon which the rupture was to be effected.

21st March 1838.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. The House sate until half-past eleven last night. Lord Stanhope⁶ made a long declamatory speech, very violent, but having in it nothing defined or specific, and was answered by Lord Brougham in a most able and triumphant defence and maintenance of the late Act for Amending the Laws for the Relief of the Poor.⁷

Lord Melbourne was very sorry to be prevented from waiting upon your Majesty. He is very grateful for your Majesty's enquiries, and feels very well this morning....

Lord Minto⁸ told Lord Melbourne last night to acquaint your Majesty that Lord Amelius Beauclerck,⁹ your Majesty's [page 109] first Naval Aide-de-Camp, intended to ask an Audience to-day of your Majesty, and that the object of it was to request that he and the other Aides-de-Camp might wear sashes. This was always refused by the late King as being absurd and ridiculous—as it is, particularly considering Lord Amelius's figure—and your Majesty had perhaps better say that you can make no change.

Lord Melbourne will be at St James's twenty minutes before ten.

Footnote 6: Philip Henry, fourth Earl.

Footnote 7: Before 1834 a great source of public abuse was the out-door relief given to able-bodied paupers, either in kind or money. The Act of that year was based on the principle that no one must perish through the want of the bare necessities of life. Poor Law Commissioners were established, England was divided into Districts, and the Districts into Unions. Out-door relief was to be given, on the order of two justices, to poor persons wholly unable, from age or infirmity, to work. But there was much opposition to the new law; it was considered a grievance that old couples were refused relief at home, and that the sexes must be separated at the workhouse, to which the name of "Bastille" began to be attached. In Devonshire it was even believed that the bread distributed by the relieving officers was mixed with poisonous ingredients.

Footnote 8: The First Lord of the Admiralty.

Footnote 9: A son of the eighth Duke of St Albans.

Buckingham Palace, 4th April 1838.

My dearest Uncle,—Vous ne m'en voudrez pas, I sincerely hope, for not having written to you sooner to thank you for your kind letter, which I received last week, but I really could not do so. As honesty is the best policy, I will tell you the simple fact. I have been out riding every day for about three hours, which quite renovates me, and when I come home I have consequently a good deal to do, what with seeing people, reading despatches, writing, etc. You will, I trust, now quite forgive your poor niece, whom you so often call "the little Queen," which is, I fear, true; but her feelings of affection are not so small as her body is, I can assure you.

The Prince de Ligne¹⁰ will be received with every possible attention, I can promise; it would have been so without his being recommended; his rank, and, above all, his being one of your subjects, would of course entitle him to a good reception from me....

There is another sujet which I wish to mention to you, et que j'ai bien à cœur, which is, if you would consult Stockmar with respect to the finishing of Albert's education; he knows best my feelings and wishes on that subject....

Footnote 10: He was appointed to attend the Coronation as Minister Extraordinary from King Leopold.

5th April 1838.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is much distressed that, being in the House of Lords, he was unable to answer your Majesty's letter as soon as he received [page 110] it. Lord Melbourne went to the Palace about half-past four, but learning from the porter at the gate that your Majesty was not returned, went away thinking that there was not left time to see your Majesty before the House of Lords. Lord Melbourne is very much concerned that your Majesty should have hastened at all, and most earnestly requests your Majesty never will do so upon his account. Lord Melbourne hears with great pleasure that your Majesty has had a pleasant ride, and likes your horse. Lord Melbourne is very well himself, and will wait upon your Majesty to-morrow morning about ten minutes before ten.

Buckingham Palace, 10th April 1838.

My dearest Uncle,—I received your kind letter of the 5th on Sunday, and return you my best thanks for it. I shall, before I say another word, answer your question about the horses which I ride, which I do the more willingly as I have got two darlings, if I may use that word. They are, both of them, quite perfect in every sense of the word; very handsome, full of spirit, delightful easy-goers, very quiet, and never shying at anything. Is not this perfection? The one called Tartar (which belonged to Lord Conyngham), an Irish horse, is a very dark brown, a beautiful creature; the other, which Lord Uxbridge¹¹ got for me, is called Uxbridge; he is smaller than Tartar, and is a dark chestnut, with a beautiful little Arabian head. I am afraid I shall have bored you with this long account of my horses.

I am going to Windsor to-morrow afternoon, and have got a great deal to do in consequence....

Poor dear Louie¹² lingers on, but, alas! I can only say lingers; she does not gain strength. I cannot say how it grieves me, I am so sincerely attached to the good old soul, who has known me ever since my birth. But I still entertain a hope that she may get over it.

We shall have a fortnight's respite from our Political Campaign. I trust we shall do as well as we have done when Parliament meets again. Believe me always, your devoted Niece,

Victoria R.

Footnote 11: Henry, Earl of Uxbridge, afterwards second Marquis of Anglesey (1797-1869).

Footnote 12: Louisa Louis was born at Erbach in 1771. The Queen erected a tablet to her memory in St Martin's-in-the-Fields, where she is described as "the faithful and devoted friend of Princess Charlotte of Wales, and from earliest infancy honoured by the affectionate attachment of Her Majesty Queen Victoria." See Reminiscences, ante, p. 10.

13th April 1838.

... Concerning the education of our friend Albert, it has been the best plan you could have fixed upon, to name Stockmar your commissary-general; it will give unité d'action et de l'ensemble, which otherwise we should not have had. I have communicated to him what your uncle and the young gentleman seem to wish, and what strikes me as the best for the moment. Stockmar will make a regular report to you on this subject. They will return to Bonn at the beginning of May, and remain till the end of August.... I agree with this, as nothing enlarges the mind so much as travelling. But Stockmar will best treat this affair verbally with you. The young gentlemen wished to pay me another visit at the beginning of May, prior to their return to Bonn. Nothing definite is, however, as yet settled about it. On one thing you can rely, that it is my great anxiety to see Albert a very good and distinguished young man, and no pains will be thought too much on my part if this end can be attained....

(Undated.)

Your Majesty will perceive by this box, which I received this morning but had not time to open, that Marshal Soult, Duke of Dalmatia,¹³ has been appointed Ambassador to the Coronation....

Footnote 13: Soult entered the French army in 1785, and became Marshal of France in 1804. After distinguishing himself at Austerlitz in 1805, he was made Duke of Dalmatia in 1807. Serving in the Peninsular War, he pursued Moore to Corunna, and became Commander-in-Chief in Spain in 1809. Subsequently he conducted the French retreat before Wellington in Southern France, 1813-14; was banished, but recalled and created a peer. He was Minister of War 1830-34.

Windsor Castle, 17th April 1838.

My dearest Uncle,—... You will by this time have learnt the sad loss we have all sustained in the death of dearest, faithful, excellent Louie, who breathed her last, without a struggle or a suffering, on Sunday night at nine o'clock. I [page 112] don't think I have ever been so much overcome or distressed by anything, almost, as by the death of this my earliest friend; it is the first link that has been broken of my first and infantine affections. I always loved Louie, and shall cherish her memory as that of the purest and best of mortals as long as I live! I took leave of her before I left London on Wednesday, and never, never shall I forget the blessing she gave me, and the grasp she gave my hand! I was quite upset by it! And I feared and felt I should behold her on earth no more; it was, however, a beautiful lesson of calmness and contentment and resignation to the will of her God! Prepared as she was at every moment of her life to meet her heavenly Father, she was full of hope of recovery, and quite unconscious of her approaching end. You will, I am sure, dearest Uncle, feel the loss of this excellent creature; I cannot restrain my tears while writing this. One great consolation I have, which is, that I have been the means of making her last days as happy as she could wish to be, after having lost what she loved most!

... Poor Mason, our faithful coachman for so many years, is also dead. These old servants cannot be replaced; and to see those whom one has known from one's birth drop off, one by one, is melancholy! You will think this letter a very sad one, but I feel sad....

Marlborough House, 17th April 1838.

... I can well enter into all your feelings of regret at the death of one so truly attached and so faithful as dear old Louie had been to you from your infancy, and I quite understand your grief; yet I feel sure that you will also rejoice for her, that she has been relieved from her earthly sufferings. For her the change of existence was a happy one; good and pious as she was, we may trust that her state at present is one of felicity and bliss through the redeeming grace of our Saviour....

17th April 1838.

... The Parliamentary affairs will, please Heaven, continue to go on well; I am more than ever bound to wish it, as I am not anxious to exchange my clever and well-informed friend [page 113] Palmerston, with Lord Aberdeen, for instance, of whose sweetness the Greek negotiation¹⁴ has given me very fair means of judging. Now I will conclude by touching on one subject which concerns your great goodness to us. When we left England you expressed a wish to see us at the time of the Coronation, which was then believed to take place at the end of May. More mature reflection has made me think that a King and Queen at your dear Coronation might perhaps be a hors-d'œuvre, and I think, if it meets with your approbation, that it may be better to pay you our respects at some other period, which you might like to fix upon. I do not deny that having been deprived by circumstances from the happiness of wishing you joy at your birthday, since 1831, in person, I feel strongly tempted to make a short apparition to see you, as seeing and speaking is much pleasanter than ink and paper....

Footnote 14: Referring to the offer of the throne of Greece to King Leopold in 1830.

Buckingham Palace, 25th April 1838.

My beloved Uncle,—... With respect to the happiness of seeing you and my dearest Aunt, I shall now respectfully state my feelings. It would have made me very happy to see you both at the Coronation, but I think upon the whole it is perhaps better you should not do so. Then, with respect to your coming for my old birthday, I must observe that I could not enjoy you or my Aunt at all à mon aise. First of all, I could not lodge you, and if one is not in the same house together, there is no real seeing one another; secondly, the town will be so full of all sorts of foreigners that I should have no peace to see you and Aunt quietly. If therefore, dearest Uncle, it suits you and Aunt Louise, would you come about the end of August, and stay with me as long as you can? I trust, dearest Uncle, que vous me comprendrez bien, and that you are assured of the great happiness it is for me to see you at any time.

Since I have written to you we have received from Lord Granville the news of Marshal Soult's appointment as Ambassador for the Coronation, and of the Duc de Nemours' intention of coming here as a spectator. You may be assured that I shall be delighted to see the Duke, as I always am any of the dear French family. With regard to Soult, I am sure you are aware that whoever the King chose to send would be equally well received by me and the Government.

Buckingham Palace, 5th May 1838.

The Queen sends the papers relating to the Coronation as Lord Melbourne wished. The Queen also transmits the names of the young ladies who she proposes should carry her train. If Lord Melbourne sees any objection to any of these she hopes he will say so.

The Queen has put down Lady Mary Talbot, as being the daughter of the oldest Earl in the Kingdom¹⁵ and a Roman Catholic; and Lady Anne Fitzwilliam, as she is anxious to show civility to Lord Fitzwilliam, who has been very kind to the Queen.

Perhaps, when the names are agreed to, Lord Melbourne would kindly undertake to speak or write to the parents of the young ladies proposing it to them.

Footnote 15: John, sixteenth Earl of Shrewsbury (1791-1852).

17th May 1838.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and thinks that your Majesty had better direct Lord Conyngham to ask the Archbishop, before the Audience, who has generally been there and how it ought to be conducted.

Your Majesty had better read the Answer and not give it to the Archbishop, as Lord Melbourne apprehends the Archbishop does not give your Majesty the Address.

Your Majesty had better say something kind to each of the Bishops as they are presented. They are presented to your Majesty in this manner as a sort of privilege, instead of being presented at the Drawing-Room with others, and your Majesty should conduct yourself towards them exactly as if they had been presented in the usual circle. [page 115] The time is about half-past one, and your Majesty had better be punctual so as not to delay the Drawing-Room.

In the same letter is enclosed a draft of a letter which it was suggested by Lord Melbourne that the Queen should write to the King of Portugal, with regard to the suppression of the Slave Trade.

That you hope that the King and Queen of Portugal will not consider the strong representations made by your Government on the subject of the Slave Trade as arising from any desire to embarrass them. That there is every disposition to make allowance for the difficulties of Portugal, but allowance must also be made for the feelings of the people of England; that those feelings on the Slave Trade are as strong as they are just. That England has made great sacrifices for the suppression of that crime, that she has made sacrifices to Portugal, and that she has been extremely indignant at finding that traffic so obstinately continued to be sheltered and protected under the flag of Portugal. That Portugal must not expect that England will much longer refrain from taking effectual measures for preventing these practices. That you have spoken thus openly because you wish them to be aware of the truth, and that you entreat both the Queen and the King to use their power and influence in procuring such a treaty to be concluded without delay, as will satisfy England and exonerate Portugal from the reproach under which she now labours.

This is the substance of what might be written. It is perhaps a little harshly worded, but your Majesty may soften it.

Buckingham Palace, 25th May 1838.

My dearest Uncle,—I am most thankful for your very kind letter, and for the beautiful little sword, which delights me.

I have been dancing till past four o'clock this morning; we have had a charming ball, and I have spent the happiest birthday that I have had for many years; oh, how different to last year! Everybody was so kind and so friendly to me.

We have got a number of Austrians and Milanese here, among whom are a Prince Odescalchi, and a Count Eugène Zichy, renowned for his magnificent turquoises and his famous valzing, a good-natured élégant; we have also Esterhazy's daughter Marie—now Countess Chorinsky—a Count and Countess Grippa, and a Marquis and Marchioness of Trivalzi, etc.

Old Talleyrand¹⁶ is at last dead. I hear he showed wonderful composure and firmness to the last. He was one of those people who I thought never would die. Did you know what Pozzo said to somebody here about him? He said he (Talleyrand) would not die yet, "parce que le Diable ne voulait pas l'avoir."

Footnote 16: Died 17th May, aged eighty-four.

Laeken, 2nd June 1838.

... I have not all this time touched on our affairs, from motives of great discretion, but as the battle draws nigh,¹⁷ I cannot very well help writing a few words on the subject. I found an Article in the French Constitutionnel which paints our position in pretty true colours. As it is not very long, I beg you to have the goodness to read it. You have given me so many proofs of affection, and your kind speech at Windsor is so fresh in my memory, that it would be very wrong in me to think that in so short a time, and without any cause, those feelings which are so precious to me could have changed. This makes me appeal to those sentiments.

The independent existence of the Provinces which form this Kingdom has always been an object of importance to England; the surest proof of it is, that for centuries England has made the greatest sacrifices of blood and treasure for that object. The last time I saw the late King at Windsor, in 1836, he said to me: "If ever France or any other Power invades your country, it will be a question of immediate war for England; we cannot suffer that." I answered him I was happy to hear him speak so, as I also did not want any foreign Power to invade us....

All I want from your kind Majesty is, that you will occasionally express to your Ministers, and particularly to good Lord Melbourne, that, as far as it is compatible with the interests of your own dominions, you do not wish that your Government should take the lead in such measures as might in a short time bring on the destruction of this country, as well as that of your uncle and his family.

Europe has enjoyed ever since 1833, in our part of it, a state of profound peace and real happiness and prosperity. None [page 117] can deny that the measures which I adopted to organise this country have greatly contributed to this happy state of affairs; this makes me think that the changes which are to take place should be brought about in a very gentle manner....

I am sorry to have you to listen to so much about politics, but it is not my fault; I wished nothing so much as to be left alone. I shall do all I can to bring about a good conclusion, but it must not be forgotten that these seven years all the dangers, all the trouble, fell constantly to my share....

Now I will make haste to conclude, and remain ever, my dearest Victoria, your truly devoted Uncle,

Leopold R.

Footnote 17: The execution of the treaty of 1831, called the Twenty-four Articles, assigning part of Luxemburg to Holland, had been reluctantly agreed to by Leopold, but the King of Holland withheld his assent for seven years.

Buckingham Palace, 10th June 1838.

My dearest Uncle,—It is indeed a long while since I have written to you, and I fear you will think me very lazy; but I must in turn say, dearest Uncle, that your silence was longer than mine, and that it grieved me, and m'a beaucoup peinée. I know, however, you have had, and still have, much to do. Many thanks, my dear Uncle, for your very kind letter of the 2nd inst....

It would indeed, dearest Uncle, be very wrong of you, if you thought my feelings of warm and devoted attachment to you, and of great affection for you, could be changed. Nothing can ever change them! Independent of my feelings of affection for you, my beloved Uncle, you must be aware that the ancient and hereditary policy of this country with respect to Belgium must make me most anxious that my Government not only should not be parties to any measure that would be prejudicial to Belgium, but that my Ministers should, as far as may not conflict with the interests or engagements of this country, do everything in their power to promote the prosperity and welfare of your Kingdom.

My Ministers, I can assure you, share all my feelings on this subject, and are most anxious to see everything settled in a satisfactory manner between Belgium and Holland.

We all feel that we cannot sufficiently or adequately express how much Belgium owes to your wise system of government, which has rendered that country so flourishing in every way, and how much all Europe is indebted to you for the preservation of general peace; because it is certain that when you ascended the throne of Belgium that country was the one from which the occasion of a general war was much to be [page 118] feared; whereas now it is become a link to secure the continuance of peace; and by the happy circumstances of your double near relationship to me and to the King of the French, Belgium—which was in former times the cause of discord between England and France—becomes now a mutual tie to keep them together.

This, my beloved Uncle, we owe to you, and it must be a source of pride and gratification to you.

I perfectly understand and feel that your position with respect to all these affairs is very difficult and trying, and the feelings of your subjects are far from unnatural; yet I sincerely hope that you will use the great influence you possess over the minds of the leading men in Belgium, to mitigate discontent and calm irritation, and procure acquiescence in whatever arrangements may ultimately be found inevitable.

You are right in saying that I, though but a child of twelve years old when you went to Belgium, remember much of what took place, and I have since then had the whole matter fully explained to me. The Treaty of November 1831 was perhaps not so advantageous to the Belgians as could have been wished, yet it cannot have been thought very advantageous to the Dutch, else they would have most probably urged their Government before this time to accept it; besides, when these conditions were framed, England was only one out of five Powers whose concurrence was required, and consequently they were made under very difficult circumstances. This treaty having been ratified, it is become binding, and therefore it is almost impossible to consider it as otherwise, and to set aside those parts of it which have been ratified by all the parties.

I feel I must in turn, dearest Uncle, entreat your indulgence for so long a letter, and for such full explanations, but I felt it my duty to do so, as you had spoken to me on the subject.

You may be assured, my beloved Uncle, that both Lord Melbourne and Lord Palmerston are most anxious at all times for the prosperity and welfare of Belgium, and are consequently most desirous of seeing this difficult question brought to a conclusion which may be satisfactory to you. Allow me once more therefore, dearest Uncle, to beseech you to use your powerful influence over your subjects, and to strive to moderate their excited feelings on these matters. Your situation is a very difficult one, and nobody feels more for you than I do.

I trust, dearest Uncle, that you will, at all times, believe me your devoted and most affectionate Niece,

Victoria R.

Laeken, June ¹⁸ 1838.

My dearest and most beloved Victoria,—You have written me a very dear and long letter, which has given me great pleasure and satisfaction. I was much moved with the expressions of truly felt affection, which it contains, and I shall never again doubt your affection for me, but rely on your dear heart and the constancy of your character.

I will now tell you honestly that I had some misgivings; I did not exactly think that you had quite forgotten me, but I thought I had been put aside as one does with a piece of furniture which is no longer wanted. I did not complain, because I fear if affection is once on the decline, reproaches only diminish it the faster. I therefore said nothing, but in a life full of grief and disappointments like mine, the loss of your affection would have been one of the most severe. It was in this point of view that the declaration made by Lord Palmerston at the beginning of May to the Prussian Government chagrined me much.¹⁹ It was premature, because the negotiation was not yet renewed. It looked as if the English Government had been anxious to say to the Northern Powers, who always steadfastly protected Holland, "You imagine, perhaps, that we mean to have égards for the uncle of the Queen; there you see we shall make even shorter work with him now than we did under our late master."

This impression had been general on the Continent; they considered the declaration to Prussia in this way: "La Reine et ses Ministres sont donc entièrement indifférents sur le compte du Roi L.; cela change entièrement la position, et nous allons faire mains basses sur lui." From that moment their language became extremely imperious; they spoke of nothing but acts of coercion, bombardment, etc., etc. I firmly believe, because I have been these many years on terms of great and sincere friendship with Palmerston, that he did not himself quite foresee the importance which would be attached to his declaration. I must say it hurt me more in my English capacity than in my Belgian, as I came to this country from England, and was chosen for that very reason. Besides, I am happy to say, I was never as yet in the position to ask for any act of kindness from you, so that whatever little service I may have rendered you, remained on a basis of perfect disinterestedness. That the first diplomatic step in our affairs should seem by your Government to be [page 120] directed against me, created therefore all over the Continent a considerable sensation. I shall never ask any favours of you, or anything that could in the least be considered as incompatible with the interests of England; but you will comprehend that there is a great difference in claiming favours and in being treated as an enemy....

I will conclude my overgrown letter with the assurance that you never were in greater favour, and that I love you dearly. Believe me, therefore, ever, my best beloved Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

Leopold R.

Footnote 18: The day of the month is not given.

Footnote 19: Prussia was giving unmistakable evidence of a disposition to support Holland against Belgium.

Marlboro' House, 28th June 1838.
(At a quarter before 12 o'clock on the Coronation Day.)

My dearest Niece,—The guns are just announcing your approach to the Abbey, and as I am not near you, and cannot take part in the sacred ceremony of your Coronation, I must address you in writing to assure you that my thoughts and my whole heart are with you, and my prayers are offered up to Heaven for your happiness, and the prosperity and glory of your reign. May our Heavenly Father bless and preserve you, and His Holy Ghost dwell within you to give you that peace which the world cannot give! Accept of these my best wishes, and the blessing of your most devoted and attached Aunt,

Adelaide.

Thursday, 28th June 1838.    

I was awoke at four o'clock by the guns in the Park, and could not get much sleep afterwards on account of the noise of the people, bands, etc., etc. Got up at seven, feeling strong and well; the Park presented a curious spectacle, crowds of people up to Constitution Hill, soldiers, bands, etc. I dressed, having taken a little breakfast before I dressed, and a little after. At half-past 9 I went into the next room, dressed exactly in my House of Lords costume; and met Uncle Ernest, Charles,²⁰ and Feodore (who had come a few minutes before into my dressing-room), Lady Lansdowne, Lady Normanby, the Duchess of Sutherland, and Lady Barham, all in their robes.

Footnote 20: Prince Charles of Leiningen, the Queen's half-brother.

At 10 I got into the State Coach with the Duchess of Sutherland and Lord Albemarle and we began our Progress. I subjoin a minute account of the whole Procession and of the whole Proceeding,—the route, etc. It was a fine day, and the crowds of people exceeded what I have ever seen; many as there were the day I went to the City, it was nothing, nothing to the multitudes, the millions of my loyal subjects, who were assembled in every spot to witness the Procession. Their good humour and excessive loyalty was beyond everything, and I really cannot say how proud I feel to be the Queen of such a Nation. I was alarmed at times for fear that the people would be crushed and squeezed on account of the tremendous rush and pressure.

I reached the Abbey amid deafening cheers at a little after half-past eleven; I first went into a robing-room quite close to the entrance where I found my eight train-bearers: Lady Caroline Lennox, Lady Adelaide Paget, Lady Mary Talbot, Lady Fanny Cowper, Lady Wilhelmina Stanhope, Lady Anne Fitzwilliam, Lady Mary Grimston, and Lady Louisa Jenkinson—all dressed alike and beautifully in white satin and silver tissue with wreaths of silver corn-ears in front, and a small one of pink roses round the plait behind, and pink roses in the trimming of the dresses.

After putting on my mantle, and the young ladies having properly got hold of it and Lord Conyngham holding the end of it, I left the robing-room and the Procession began as is described in the annexed account, and all that followed and took place. The sight was splendid; the bank of Peeresses quite beautiful all in their robes, and the Peers on the other side. My young train-bearers were always near me, and helped me whenever I wanted anything. The Bishop of Durham²¹ stood on the side near me, but he was, as Lord Melbourne told me, remarkably maladroit, and never could tell me what was to take place. At the beginning of the Anthem, where I've made a mark, I retired to St Edward's Chapel, a dark small place immediately behind the Altar, with my ladies and train-bearers—took off my crimson robe and kirtle, and put on the supertunica of cloth of gold, also in the shape of a kirtle, which was put over a singular sort of little gown of linen trimmed with lace; I also took off my circlet of diamonds and then proceeded bareheaded into the Abbey; I was then seated upon St Edward's chair, where the Dalmatic robe was clasped round me by the Lord Great Chamberlain. Then followed all the various things; and last (of those things) the Crown being placed on [page 122] my head—which was, I must own, a most beautiful impressive moment; all the Peers and Peeresses put on their coronets at the same instant.

Footnote 21: Edward Maltby, 1770-1859.

My excellent Lord Melbourne, who stood very close to me throughout the whole ceremony, was completely overcome at this moment, and very much affected; he gave me such a kind, and I may say fatherly look. The shouts, which were very great, the drums, the trumpets, the firing of the guns, all at the same instant, rendered the spectacle most imposing.

The Enthronisation and the Homage of, first, all the Bishops, and then my Uncles, and lastly of all the Peers, in their respective order was very fine. The Duke of Norfolk (holding for me the Sceptre with a Cross) with Lord Melbourne stood close to me on my right, and the Duke of Richmond with the other Sceptre on my left, etc., etc. All my train-bearers, etc., standing behind the Throne. Poor old Lord Rolle, who is 82, and dreadfully infirm, in attempting to ascend the steps fell and rolled quite down, but was not the least hurt; when he attempted to re-ascend them I got up and advanced to the end of the steps, in order to prevent another fall. When Lord Melbourne's turn to do Homage came, there was loud cheering; they also cheered Lord Grey and the Duke of Wellington; it's a pretty ceremony; they first all touch the Crown, and then kiss my hand. When my good Lord Melbourne knelt down and kissed my hand, he pressed my hand and I grasped his with all my heart, at which he looked up with his eyes filled with tears and seemed much touched, as he was, I observed, throughout the whole ceremony. After the Homage was concluded I left the Throne, took off my Crown and received the Sacrament; I then put on my Crown again, and re-ascended the Throne, leaning on Lord Melbourne's arm. At the commencement of the Anthem I descended from the Throne, and went into St Edward's Chapel with my Ladies, Train-bearers, and Lord Willoughby, where I took off the Dalmatic robe, supertunica, etc., and put on the Purple Velvet Kirtle and Mantle, and proceeded again to the Throne, which I ascended leaning on Lord Melbourne's hand.

There was another most dear Being present at this ceremony, in the box immediately above the royal box, and who witnessed all; it was my dearly beloved angelic Lehzen, whose eyes I caught when on the Throne, and we exchanged smiles. She and Späth, Lady John Russell, and Mr. Murray saw me leave the Palace, arrive at the Abbey, leave the Abbey and again return to the Palace!!

I then again descended from the Throne, and repaired with all the Peers bearing the Regalia, my Ladies and Trainbearers, [page 123] to St Edward's Chapel, as it is called; but which, as Lord Melbourne said, was more unlike a Chapel than anything he had ever seen; for what was called an Altar was covered with sandwiches, bottles of wine, etc., etc. The Archbishop came in and ought to have delivered the Orb to me, but I had already got it, and he (as usual) was so confused and puzzled and knew nothing, and—went away. Here we waited some minutes. Lord Melbourne took a glass of wine, for he seemed completely tired. The Procession being formed, I replaced my Crown (which I had taken off for a few minutes), took the Orb in my left hand and the Sceptre in my right, and thus loaded, proceeded through the Abbey—which resounded with cheers, to the first robing-room; where I found the Duchess of Gloucester, Mamma, and the Duchess of Cambridge with their Ladies. And here we waited for at least an hour, with all my ladies and train-bearers; the Princesses went away about half an hour before I did. The Archbishop had (most awkwardly) put the ring on the wrong finger, and the consequence was that I had the greatest difficulty to take it off again, which I at last did with great pain. Lady Fanny, Lady Wilhelmina, and Lady Mary Grimston looked quite beautiful. At about half-past four I re-entered my carriage, the Crown on my head, and the Sceptre and Orb in my hands, and we proceeded the same way as we came—the crowds if possible having increased. The enthusiasm, affection, and loyalty were really touching, and I shall ever remember this day as the Proudest of my life! I came home at a little after six, really not feeling tired.

At eight we dined. Besides we thirteen—my Uncles, sister, brother, Späth, and the Duke's gentlemen—my excellent Lord Melbourne and Lord Surrey dined here. Lord Melbourne came up to me and said: "I must congratulate you on this most brilliant day," and that all had gone off so well. He said he was not tired, and was in high spirits. I sat between Uncle Ernest²² and Lord Melbourne; and Lord Melbourne between me and Feodore, whom he had led in. My kind Lord Melbourne was much affected in speaking of the whole ceremony. He asked kindly if I was tired; said the Sword he carried (the first, the Sword of State) was excessively heavy. I said that the Crown hurt me a good deal. He was so much amused at Uncle Ernest's being astonished at our still having the Litany. We agreed that the whole thing was a very fine sight. He thought the robes, and particularly the Dalmatic, "looked remarkably well." "And you did it all so well—excellent!" said he, with tears in his eyes. He said he thought I looked [page 124] rather pale and "moved by all the people" when I arrived; "and that's natural; and that's better." The Archbishop's and Dean's copes, which were remarkably handsome, were from James the Second's time; the very same that were worn at his Coronation, Lord Melbourne told me. Spoke of the Bishop of Durham's awkwardness, Lord Rolle's fall, etc. Of the Duc de Nemours being like his father in face; of the young ladies' (train-bearers') dresses; which he thought beautiful; and he said he thought the Duchess of Richmond (who had ordered the make of the dresses, etc., and had been much condemned by some of the young ladies for it) quite right. She said to him: "One thing I was determined about; that I would have no discussion with their Mammas about it." Spoke of Talleyrand and Soult having been very much struck by the ceremony of the Coronation; of the English being far too generous not to be kind to Soult. Lord Melbourne went home the night before, and slept very deeply till he was woke at six in the morning. I said I did not sleep well. Spoke of the Illuminations and Uncle Ernest's wish to see them.

Footnote 22: The King of Hanover.

After dinner, before we sat down, we (that is Charles, Lord Melbourne, and I) spoke of the numbers of Peers at the Coronation, which, Lord Melbourne said, with the tears in his eyes, was unprecedented. I observed that there were very few Viscounts; he said: "There are very few Viscounts," that they were an odd sort of title and not really English; that they came from Vice-Comités; that Dukes and Barons were the only real English titles; that Marquises were likewise not English; and that they made people Marquises when they did not wish to make them Dukes. Spoke of Lord Audley who came as the First Baron, and who Lord Melbourne said was a very odd young man, but of a very old family; his ancestor was a Sir Something Audley in the time of the Black Prince, who, with Chandos, gained the Battle of Poictiers.

I then sat on the sofa for a little while with Lady Barham and then with Charles; Lord Melbourne sitting near me the whole evening. Mamma and Feodore remained to see the illuminations and only came in later, and Mamma went away before I did. Uncle Ernest drove out to see the Illuminations.

I said to Lord Melbourne when I first sat down that I felt a little tired on my feet; "You must be very tired," he said. Spoke of the weight of the Robes, etc., etc., the Coronets; and he turned round to me with the tears in his eyes, and said so kindly: "And you did it beautifully—every part of it, with so much taste; it's a thing that you can't give a person advice upon; it must be left to a person." To hear this, from this kind impartial friend, gave me great and real pleasure. Mamma [page 125] and Feodore came back just after he said this. Spoke of the Bishops' Copes, about which he was very funny; of the Pages who were such a nice set of boys, and who were so handy, Lord Melbourne said, that they kept them the whole time. Little Lord Stafford and Slane (Lord Mountcharles) were pages to their fathers and looked lovely; Lord Paget (not a fine boy) was Lord Melbourne's page and remarkably handy, he said. Spoke again of the young ladies' dresses, about which he was very amusing; he waited for his carriage with Lady Mary Talbot and Lady Wilhelmina; he thinks Lady Fanny does not make as much show as other girls, which I would not allow. He set off for the Abbey from his house at half-past eight, and was there long before anybody else; he only got home at half-past six and had to go round by Kensington. He said there was a large breakfast in the Jerusalem Chamber where they met before all began; he said, laughing, that whenever the Clergy, or a Dean and Chapter, had anything to do with anything, there's sure to be plen'y to eat.

Spoke of my intending to go to bed, etc.; he said, "You may depend upon it, you are more tired than you think you are." I said I had slept badly the night before; he said that was my mind, that nothing kept people more awake than any consciousness of a great event going to take place, and being agitated. He was not sure if he was not going to the Duke of Wellington's.

Stayed in the dining room till twenty minutes past eleven, but remained on Mamma's balcony looking at the fireworks in Green Park, which were quite beautiful.

Uncle Ernest, Charles, Feodore, and the Ladies and Gentlemen (like Lehzen, etc.) saw me leave the Palace, arrive at the Abbey, leave the Abbey, and return to the Palace. Got a long letter from Aunt Louise.

Buckingham Palace, 29th June 1838.

The Queen is very anxious to hear if Lord Melbourne got home safe, and if he is not tired, and quite well this morning.

Lord Melbourne will be glad to hear that the Queen had an excellent night, is not the least tired, and is perfectly well this morning; indeed she feels much better than she has done for some days.

The Queen hears that it is usual to ask for an additional [page 126] week's holiday for the boys at the various Public Schools, on the occasion of the Coronation. Perhaps Lord Melbourne will enquire about this, in order that there may be no neglect on my part.

Buckingham Palace, 2nd July 1838.

My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for two kind letters, one which I got last Monday and one this morning. The kind interest you take in me and my country (of which, and of the nation, I'm more proud than I ever was, since I've witnessed their excessive affection and loyalty to me) makes me certain that you will be glad to hear how beautifully everything went off. It was a memorable and glorious day for me. The millions assembled to witness the progress to and from the Abbey was beyond belief, and all in the highest good-humour. It is a fine ceremony, and a scene I shall ever remember, and with pleasure. I likewise venture to add that people thought I did my part very well.

The amiable Duc de Nemours dined with me on Friday, comes to my ball to-night, and dines again with me on Wednesday. Pray tell dearest Aunt Louise that I thank her much for her very kind letter, and will avail myself of her kindness and not write to her this mail.

Feodore is writing in my room, well and happy. Uncle Ernest still very lame, and Charles well. There's an account of the family. Ever and ever your most devoted Niece,

Victoria R.

8th July 1838.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. As your Majesty does not ride, the question is between driving down the line or not going down it at all,²³ and it appears to Lord Melbourne that the first is the best, namely, to drive down; but if your Majesty feels a strong repugnance, there is no more to be said.

Lord Melbourne thinks it safer and more prudent that your Majesty should not ride; but still it might have been done, [page 127] and if Lord Melbourne had thought that your Majesty wished it much, he would not have dissuaded it.

Footnote 23: Referring to the Hyde Park review on the next day.

Neuilly, 12th July 1838.

My dearest Victoria,—I am very grateful for your kind letter; it is extremely meritorious, amidst such fatigues and festivities and occupations of every kind, to find a moment to write. I expressed already the great satisfaction with which I read and heard all the accounts of the Coronation, and I believe that there never was anything like it. The only one which in point of loyal demonstration may approach it is that of George III., but I think it fell short of yours.

I am happy to see that it has increased, if possible, your affection and attachment to your country, and this is in every respect a great blessing. You will remember that I have never varied on that subject, the great thing is to be the National Sovereign of your own country, and to love its very faults. This strengthens the mutual attachment, and that can never be too strong....

Believe me, ever, my dearest Victoria, your very devoted Uncle,

Leopold R.

The whole of the family here offer their best hommages.

Neuilly, 20th July 1838.

I feel most grateful for your dear kind letter of the 10th inst., which I received a few days ago. I hear that the review was something most splendid, and I feel always some regret at having been deprived of the happiness of seeing you en fonction, which you do in a degree of rare perfection. May the remembrance of all this long remain in your mind, to cheer and strengthen you when occasionally there will be a darker sky....

10th August 1838.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. The very difficult and embarrassing situation in which Lord [page 128] Durham and the Canadas and the Ministry are left by the vote of the House of Lords of last night, requires that a Cabinet should be held to-day, and Lord Melbourne has directed one to be summoned at two. Lord Melbourne will wait upon your Majesty either before that hour or after, about four o'clock. The vote of last night and the Bill of Lord Brougham²⁴ is a direct censure upon Lord Durham. Lord Durham's conduct has been most rash and indiscreet, and, as far as we can see, unaccountable. But to censure him now would either be to cause his resignation, which would produce great embarrassment, and might produce great evil, or to weaken his authority, which is evidently most undesirable....

Footnote 24: This Bill (which emphasised the illegality of Lord Durham's ordinance) was read a second time by 54 to 36. On the following day Lord Melbourne announced to the Peers that Ministers had resolved to advise that the ordinance should be disallowed.

10th August 1838.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to inform you that the Cabinet have determined to advise your Majesty to disallow Lord Durham's ordinance, and to announce the same to the House of Lords.²⁵

This is absolutely necessary, but very disagreeable, and will be very much so to Lord Durham.

Footnote 25: See Introductory Note for the year, ante, p. 102.

25th September 1838.

My most beloved Victoria,—I can never thank you enough for the dear letter which I found on my table on arriving here, Sunday evening. It was most kind of you to have written so soon after our departure, and such an affectionate, good, kind letter. The tears came to my eyes as I read it, and I felt quite moved. Short as has been our stay, and great, as always, the pain of leaving you, it has been a great happiness for me to see you again, a happiness for which I shall always thank God, you, and your dear Uncle. I need not add how very precious is your affection to me, and how very grateful I am for every new proof of it. You know my feelings on this point, and you know they are better felt than expressed. Your calling me Louise, and in [page 129] such a kind way, gave me great pleasure. Almost all those dear to me call me so, and I think it looks more affectionate; I would fain say now sister-like, although I am rather an old sister for you now....

Leopold is half crazy with the steam-engine, and particularly with the tools which you sent him. I enclose here the expression of his gratitude. I wrote exactly what he told me to write, and I did not add a word. He has found again his kie (key), and he wears it suspended to his neck by a blue riband, with the Duchess's little seal. He felt deeply the attention you had to have an L engraved on each tool, and after his letter was closed he charged me to thank you for it, and to tell you that it gave him great pleasure. An iron spade was the greatest object of his ambition, and he worked so hard yesterday with it, that I feared he would hurt himself with the exertion. He will go to-day to the races with us, in the Scotch dress which the Duchess had the kindness to send him. It fits very well, and he is very proud of having a coat shaped like that of a man....

25th October 1838.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty....

Mr Stanley of the Treasury²⁶ arrived in London yesterday, and acquaints me that Lord Normanby makes no secret of his willingness, and indeed his desire, to undertake the government of Canada. It would have been better if Lord Normanby had acquainted Lord Melbourne quietly of this, and not made it at once public to all the world. It is not necessary to do anything at present. If Lord Durham remains, which Lord Melbourne does not, however, think likely, there will be no successor to be appointed, and if he returns, the authority of Governor of Lower Canada will devolve upon Sir John Colborne,²⁷ in whose hands it may be very safely left for the present.

If Ireland should be vacant, there is a strong feeling amongst many that it would be nice to name the Duke of Sussex. It is said that it would be popular in Ireland, that the name of one [page 130] of the Royal Family would do good there, and that it would afford to O'Connell a pretext and opportunity for giving up his new scheme of agitation. It is also added that the Duke would suffer himself to be guided on all essential matters by the advice of his Chief Secretary, and that he would content himself with discharging the ceremonial duties. Here are the reasons for it—your Majesty is so well acquainted with the reasons on the other side, that it is unnecessary for me to detail them.

I am afraid that times of some trouble are approaching, for which your Majesty must hold yourself prepared; but your Majesty is too well acquainted with the nature of human affairs not to be well aware that they cannot very well go on even as quietly as they have gone on during the last sixteen months.

Footnote 26: "Ben" Stanley, afterwards Lord Stanley of Alderley, Secretary to the Treasury.

Footnote 27: Field-Marshal Sir John Colborne, afterwards Lord Seaton, had been Military Secretary to Sir John Moore, had commanded a brigade with much distinction in the Peninsula, and had contributed greatly to the success of the British arms at Waterloo.

4th November 1838.

Lord Melbourne is very well, but Sir James Clark,²⁸ a Scotchman and a physician, and therefore neither by country nor by profession very religious, detained him from Church in order to go through the report upon the state of Buckingham Palace. This is not a very good excuse, but it is the true one. Lord Melbourne is very grateful to your Majesty for your enquiries, and having some letters to submit, will be happy to attend upon your Majesty.

Footnote 28: Physician-in-Ordinary to the Queen.

Windsor Castle, 6th November 1838.

My dear Uncle,—.... We have all been much distressed by the melancholy and untimely death of poor Lady John Russell,²⁹ which took place on the 1st. She was safely confined on the 20th of October with a little girl, who bears my name, and seemed to be going on very well; but on Wednesday she began to sink from weakness, not disease, and died at three o'clock on Thursday. It is a dreadful blow to him, for he was so attached to her, and I don't believe two people ever were happier together. I send you his pretty letter to me, [page 131] which I think you may be interested to see; he is dreadfully beat down by it, but struggles manfully against his grief, which makes one pity him more. She has left four children by her first husband, now orphans, the eldest a sweet girl twelve years old, and two little girls by Lord John; the eldest of these two is two and a half, and the youngest a fortnight. I had known her very well and liked her, and I assure you I was dreadfully shocked at it. You may also imagine what a loss she is to poor Miss Lister, who has no mother, and whose only sister she was. I fear, dear Uncle, I have made a sad and melancholy letter of this, but I have been so much engrossed by all this misery, and knowing you take an interest in poor Lord John, that I let my pen run on almost involuntarily.

We have very good accounts of the Queen-Dowager from Gibraltar.

Please return me Lord John's letter when you have done with it.

Lord and Lady Howard³⁰ have been here, and I urged him to bear Dietz as an inevitable evil, and I think he seems very anxious to do what is right. I have likewise written to Ferdinand, urging him and Dietz to be reasonable.

Will you tell Aunt Louise that she will receive a box containing the Limerick lace dress (just like mine), which I lay at her feet. I fear, dear Uncle, you will think I'm making you my commissioner de toilette, as in these two letters I have plagued you with commissions on that subject....

Footnote 29: Daughter of Mr Thomas Lister. She had been widow of the second Lord Ribblesdale, and married Lord John Russell in April 1835.

Footnote 30: Charles Augustus, sixth Lord Howard de Walden, was the British Minister at Lisbon, and afterwards (1846-1868) at Brussels.

Laeken, 9th November 1838.

My dearest Victoria,—Your kind and interesting letter of the 6th reached me yesterday morning. I hail in you those simple and unaffected feelings which it contains. May you always preserve that great warmth and truth of character which you now possess, and rest assured that it will be an ornament to you, and the means of finding the same truth and warmth of feeling in others. Those who serve, from whatever motive it may be, have always their eyes wide open on their superiors, and no qualities impose so much on them the necessity of respect, which they gladly avoid, than a warm and noble character that knows how to feel for others, and how to [page 132] sympathise with their sorrows. I pity Lord John from all my heart, having always had for him sentiments of the sincerest regard. I fear that as a political man it may prove also a severe blow. All depends on how he takes it, if he will wish to forget his grief by occupying himself with political strife or if his greater sensibility will make him wish to indulge it in solitude....

Windsor Castle, 12th November 1838.

My dearest Uncle,—I was certain you would take interest in and feel for poor Lord John; he is, I hear, still dreadfully shaken, and quite unequal to do any business at present. His chief consolation is in attending to the children.

I felt much for you, and still more for poor dear Aunt Louise, when the sad separation from poor Marie³¹ took place; it is so melancholy to see a dear relation depart who is so ill.

I have this morning heard from Ferdinand that the good Queen is at last confined, after keeping us for two months and more dans l'attente of the event. It took place on the 3rd, and Ferdinand writes such a funny letter, saying, "nous sommes tous bien heureux surtout moi qui craignais que ce ne fût une petite fille ce qui m'eût été un peu désagréable, car en fait d'enfants j'aime mieux les petits garçons, parce qu'ils sont plus gais et plus tapageurs."³² Isn't this very good?

I believe the King of the French is to be godfather....

Footnote 31: See post, p. 144.

Footnote 32: The Prince received the title of Duke of Oporto.

20th November 1838.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and transmits a copy of Mr. Macaulay's letter.³³...

Lord Melbourne fears, from what he hears of the language of Lord Howick and Mr. Monson, that much difficulty will be found in making arrangements and deciding upon questions. But Lord Melbourne will use every effort in his power in order to keep the Administration together and to carry on the public [page 133] service. Lord Melbourne hears with concern from Mr Fox Maule that Lord John Russell does not return to business as readily as Mr Maule had hoped that he would, and Lord Melbourne fears that he will not do whilst he remains at Cassiobury with the children. Solitude and retirement cherish and encourage grief. Employment and exertion are the only means of dissipating it.

Footnote 33: Declining to join the Government. The original is not preserved among the Queen's papers.

22nd November 1838.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to acknowledge your Majesty's gracious communication received yesterday. Lord Melbourne had nothing particular to lay before your Majesty, but still regrets that he did not write, as your Majesty might have wished to hear from him.

Lord Melbourne returns the King of Portugal's³⁴ letter, which, as your Majesty observes, is very rough and ill-tempered with reference to Lord Howard.³⁵ Lord Melbourne read it with much concern, as it shows so much dislike and alienation, as renders it very improbable that they should ever go on together well and in a friendly spirit. Lord Melbourne fears that the epithets applied to Lord Howard, though very severe and full of resentment, are not entirely ill-chosen and inappropriate.

All the Ministers, except Lord Duncannon³⁶ and Lord John Russell, dined here yesterday, and they all appeared to be in very good-humour and disposed to co-operate in order to meet the difficulties by which we are surrounded....

With respect to Canada, Lord Melbourne feels that it may be considered somewhat presumptuous in him to undervalue danger, which is considered by those upon the spot to be so great and so imminent, but still he cannot feel the alarm which seems to be felt there. Lord Durham, Lord Melbourne is convinced, exaggerates the peril in order to give greater éclat to his own departure. The worst symptom which Lord Melbourne perceives is the general fear which seems to prevail there, and which makes every danger ten times as great as it really is.

Footnote 34: The birth of an heir on 16th September 1837 conferred on Prince Ferdinand the right to the title of King.

Footnote 35: See ante, p. 131.

Footnote 36: Lord Duncannon (1781-1847), at this time Lord Privy Seal and First Commissioner of Woods and Forests, was afterwards (as Earl of Bessborough) Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. He must not be confused with the Lord Dungannon who sat in the House of Commons as Mr Hill-Trevor from 1830-1841, and, as Viscount Dungannon, was elected in 1843, but immediately unseated on petition.

Laeken, 24th November 1838.

My dear Victoria,—Van Praet³⁷ is bearer of this letter. The present moment being one of some importance—which may, if imprudently managed, cause great disturbances in the West of Europe, and exercise a reaction on your own Government—I think it my duty to inform you of what is going on.

I join a copy of a letter to Lord Palmerston. I should feel obliged to you if you would read it in the presence of good Lord Melbourne, in whose fairness and sense of justice I must say I feel great confidence....

I will not complain, only one subject I must touch upon as really very unfair. That your Ministers should take a line unfavourable to this country may be explained by their political position, but why should they press so much on the French Government? I really see no cause for it. England is in an excellent position for a mediator, and for all parties it is highly desirable that that position should be maintained.³⁸

I will not plague with a longer letter. You know from experience that I never ask anything of you. I prefer remaining in the position of having rendered services without wanting any return for it but your affection; but, as I said before, if we are not careful we may see serious consequences which may affect more or less everybody, and this ought to be the object of our most anxious attention. I remain, my dear Victoria, your affectionate Uncle,

Leopold R.

Footnote 37: Jules van Praet, author of a History of Flanders, was Secretary of the Belgian Legation in London in 1831, and took a leading part in the negotiations which placed King Leopold on the throne.

Footnote 38: King Leopold considered that the interests of Belgium were being neglected by the four Powers, and in his speech at the opening of his Parliament, on 13th November, stated amid loud acclamations that those interests would be defended with perseverance and courage. The Deputies, in reply, said that Belgium had consented to painful sacrifices only under a formal guarantee by the Powers, which they now shrank from carrying out.

2nd December 1838.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and returns this letter with the enclosures. He has read it and them with great attention. Your Majesty will probably think [page 135] it right to acquaint the King that your Majesty had already seen his letter to Lord Palmerston.

Lord Melbourne cannot perceive the justice of the King's complaint. For the sake of the King himself and of the Belgian nation, we are most anxious to settle speedily and definitely the questions so long pending between Belgium and Holland, and which arose from the separation of the two countries in 1830. We can only settle it by the agreement of the four Great Powers who constitute the Conference to which the question was referred, viz., Austria, Prussia, England, France. Of course it is of vital importance for us to carry them all along with us, and for that reason we press France. If she differs from us, there is a ground immediately laid for difference and war.

Lord Melbourne would suggest that your Majesty should say "that your great affection for the King, as well as your anxiety for the interests of your own country, and your desire for the promotion of peace, render you most solicitous to have the Belgian question speedily and definitively settled; that it appears to you that it can only be settled by the agreement of the four Powers who constitute the Conference, and that therefore you cannot but wish most strongly to carry France as well as the two others along with you."³⁹

Footnote 39: See the Queen's letter of 5th December to the King of the Belgians.

3rd December 1838.

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to acquaint that as soon as he arrived at half-past two, Sir George Grey⁴⁰ ran in to acquaint him that the whole insurrection in Canada was put down and suppressed.⁴¹ Despatches have been received from Sir John Colborne to say that the British turned out with the utmost alacrity, the volunteers beat the French wherever they met them, the whole are dispersed, and Sir John says that he feels no doubt of the tranquillity of the Colony during the rest of the winter. Unless, therefore, the Americans make an attempt upon Upper Canada, all is well. Lord Melbourne will have the pleasure of returning [page 136] to Windsor to-morrow, unless there should be any impediment, of which Lord Melbourne will inform your Majesty.

Footnote 40: Sir George Grey (1799-1882), at this time Under-Secretary for the Colonies, afterwards Secretary of State successively for Home and Colonial Affairs.

Footnote 41: On the 3rd of November, however, the insurrection had broken out anew in Lower Canada, while in Upper Canada many American "sympathyzers" joined the insurgents there; these were decisively defeated at Prescott. This fight cost the British 45 in killed and wounded; 159 of their opponents (including 131 natives of the United States) were taken, and conveyed to Kingston, to be tried by court-martial.

Windsor Castle, 5th December 1838.

My dear Uncle,—I have to thank you for two letters, one brought by Van Praet, and the other received on Tuesday. Before I proceed further I must tell you that both Lord Melbourne and I had already seen your letter to Lord Palmerston, which he sent to us immediately on receiving it. I have read these letters with the greatest attention, and can quite understand that your difficulties are great in trying to restrain the eagerness and violence of some of your people.