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THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
CHARLES DARWIN
From The Life and Letters of Charles Darwin
By Charles Darwin
Edited by his Son Francis Darwin
CONTENTS
[My father’s autobiographical recollections, given in the present chapter, were written for his children,—and written without any thought that they would ever be published. To many this may seem an impossibility; but those who knew my father will understand how it was not only possible, but natural. The autobiography bears the heading, ‘Recollections of the Development of my Mind and Character,’ and end with the following note:—“Aug. 3, 1876. This sketch of my life was begun about May 28th at Hopedene (Mr. Hensleigh Wedgwood’s house in Surrey.), and since then I have written for nearly an hour on most afternoons.” It will easily be understood that, in a narrative of a personal and intimate kind written for his wife and children, passages should occur which must here be omitted; and I have not thought it necessary to indicate where such omissions are made. It has been found necessary to make a few corrections of obvious verbal slips, but the number of such alterations has been kept down to the minimum.—F.D.]
[My father's personal memories, shared in this chapter, were written for his children—without any thought of them being published. To many, this may seem impossible; however, those who knew my father will see that it was not only possible but also natural. The autobiography is titled, ‘Recollections of the Development of my Mind and Character,’ and concludes with the following note:—“Aug. 3, 1876. I started this sketch of my life around May 28th at Hopedene (Mr. Hensleigh Wedgwood’s house in Surrey), and since then, I've written for nearly an hour most afternoons.” It’s easy to understand that, in a personal and intimate narrative meant for his wife and children, there will be sections that need to be omitted; I haven’t felt it necessary to indicate where these omissions occur. A few obvious verbal mistakes have been corrected, but the total number of changes has been kept to a minimum.—F.D.]
A German Editor having written to me for an account of the development of my mind and character with some sketch of my autobiography, I have thought that the attempt would amuse me, and might possibly interest my children or their children. I know that it would have interested me greatly to have read even so short and dull a sketch of the mind of my grandfather, written by himself, and what he thought and did, and how he worked. I have attempted to write the following account of myself, as if I were a dead man in another world looking back at my own life. Nor have I found this difficult, for life is nearly over with me. I have taken no pains about my style of writing.
A German editor reached out to me for a personal account of my mind and character, along with a brief autobiography. I figured this would be a fun exercise for me and might also interest my kids or grandkids. I know I would have found it fascinating to read even a brief and uneventful story about my grandfather's thoughts and actions, written by him. So, I’ve tried to write the following account as if I were a dead man in another world reflecting on my life. I haven't found it hard, since my life is nearly at an end. I didn’t focus much on the style of my writing.
I was born at Shrewsbury on February 12th, 1809, and my earliest recollection goes back only to when I was a few months over four years old, when we went to near Abergele for sea-bathing, and I recollect some events and places there with some little distinctness.
I was born in Shrewsbury on February 12, 1809, and my earliest memory goes back to when I was just a little over four years old, when we went to near Abergele for a seaside vacation, and I remember some events and places there with a bit of clarity.
My mother died in July 1817, when I was a little over eight years old, and it is odd that I can remember hardly anything about her except her death-bed, her black velvet gown, and her curiously constructed work-table. In the spring of this same year I was sent to a day-school in Shrewsbury, where I stayed a year. I have been told that I was much slower in learning than my younger sister Catherine, and I believe that I was in many ways a naughty boy.
My mom passed away in July 1817 when I was just over eight years old, and it's strange that I can barely remember anything about her except for her deathbed, her black velvet dress, and her oddly designed work table. In the spring of that same year, I was sent to a day school in Shrewsbury, where I stayed for a year. I've been told that I was much slower to learn than my younger sister Catherine, and I think I was a pretty naughty boy in many ways.
By the time I went to this day-school (Kept by Rev. G. Case, minister of the Unitarian Chapel in the High Street. Mrs. Darwin was a Unitarian and attended Mr. Case’s chapel, and my father as a little boy went there with his elder sisters. But both he and his brother were christened and intended to belong to the Church of England; and after his early boyhood he seems usually to have gone to church and not to Mr. Case’s. It appears (“St. James’ Gazette”, Dec. 15, 1883) that a mural tablet has been erected to his memory in the chapel, which is now known as the ‘Free Christian Church.’) my taste for natural history, and more especially for collecting, was well developed. I tried to make out the names of plants (Rev. W.A. Leighton, who was a schoolfellow of my father’s at Mr. Case’s school, remembers his bringing a flower to school and saying that his mother had taught him how by looking at the inside of the blossom the name of the plant could be discovered. Mr. Leighton goes on, “This greatly roused my attention and curiosity, and I enquired of him repeatedly how this could be done?”—but his lesson was naturally enough not transmissible.—F.D.), and collected all sorts of things, shells, seals, franks, coins, and minerals. The passion for collecting which leads a man to be a systematic naturalist, a virtuoso, or a miser, was very strong in me, and was clearly innate, as none of my sisters or brother ever had this taste.
By the time I attended this day school (run by Rev. G. Case, the minister of the Unitarian Chapel on High Street. Mrs. Darwin was a Unitarian and went to Mr. Case’s chapel, and my father, as a young boy, went there with his older sisters. However, both he and his brother were baptized and expected to belong to the Church of England; and after his early childhood, he seems to have mostly gone to church instead of Mr. Case’s. It seems (“St. James’ Gazette,” Dec. 15, 1883) that a memorial plaque has been put up in the chapel, which is now known as the ‘Free Christian Church.’) my interest in natural history, especially collecting, was well established. I tried to identify the names of plants (Rev. W.A. Leighton, who was a schoolmate of my father’s at Mr. Case’s school, remembers him bringing a flower to school and saying that his mother had taught him how to discover the name of the plant by looking at the inside of the blossom. Mr. Leighton continues, “This really piqued my interest and curiosity, and I asked him repeatedly how this could be done?”—but his lesson was naturally not able to be passed on.—F.D.), and I collected all sorts of things: shells, seals, franks, coins, and minerals. The passion for collecting that drives someone to become a systematic naturalist, a virtuoso, or a miser was very strong in me, and it was clearly innate, as none of my sisters or brother ever shared this interest.
One little event during this year has fixed itself very firmly in my mind, and I hope that it has done so from my conscience having been afterwards sorely troubled by it; it is curious as showing that apparently I was interested at this early age in the variability of plants! I told another little boy (I believe it was Leighton, who afterwards became a well-known lichenologist and botanist), that I could produce variously coloured polyanthuses and primroses by watering them with certain coloured fluids, which was of course a monstrous fable, and had never been tried by me. I may here also confess that as a little boy I was much given to inventing deliberate falsehoods, and this was always done for the sake of causing excitement. For instance, I once gathered much valuable fruit from my father’s trees and hid it in the shrubbery, and then ran in breathless haste to spread the news that I had discovered a hoard of stolen fruit.
One little event from this year really stuck in my mind, and I hope it’s because my conscience was troubled by it afterward; it’s interesting because it seems I was curious about how plants can change even at such a young age! I told another little boy (I think it was Leighton, who later became a well-known lichenologist and botanist) that I could make polyanthuses and primroses change color by watering them with different colored liquids, which was, of course, a ridiculous lie that I had never actually tested. I also confess that as a kid, I often made up deliberate falsehoods, and I always did this to create excitement. For example, I once collected a bunch of valuable fruit from my dad’s trees and hid it in the bushes, then rushed inside to spread the news that I had found a stash of stolen fruit.
I must have been a very simple little fellow when I first went to the school. A boy of the name of Garnett took me into a cake shop one day, and bought some cakes for which he did not pay, as the shopman trusted him. When we came out I asked him why he did not pay for them, and he instantly answered, “Why, do you not know that my uncle left a great sum of money to the town on condition that every tradesman should give whatever was wanted without payment to any one who wore his old hat and moved [it] in a particular manner?” and he then showed me how it was moved. He then went into another shop where he was trusted, and asked for some small article, moving his hat in the proper manner, and of course obtained it without payment. When we came out he said, “Now if you like to go by yourself into that cake-shop (how well I remember its exact position) I will lend you my hat, and you can get whatever you like if you move the hat on your head properly.” I gladly accepted the generous offer, and went in and asked for some cakes, moved the old hat and was walking out of the shop, when the shopman made a rush at me, so I dropped the cakes and ran for dear life, and was astonished by being greeted with shouts of laughter by my false friend Garnett.
I must have been a really naive kid when I first started school. One day, a boy named Garnett took me into a bakery and got some cakes without paying, because the shopkeeper trusted him. After we left, I asked him why he didn't pay for them, and he quickly replied, "Don't you know my uncle left a huge sum of money to the town so that every shopkeeper should give whatever was asked for free to anyone wearing his old hat and moving it in a certain way?" Then he showed me how to move the hat. He went into another shop where he was trusted, asked for a small item, moved his hat the right way, and, of course, got it without paying. When we came out, he said, "If you want, you can go alone into that bakery (I remember exactly where it was) and I'll lend you my hat. You can get anything you want if you move the hat on your head correctly." I happily accepted his generous offer, went in, asked for some cakes, moved the old hat, and was walking out of the shop when the shopkeeper ran at me. So, I dropped the cakes and ran for my life, only to be met with shouts of laughter from my deceitful friend Garnett.
I can say in my own favour that I was as a boy humane, but I owed this entirely to the instruction and example of my sisters. I doubt indeed whether humanity is a natural or innate quality. I was very fond of collecting eggs, but I never took more than a single egg out of a bird’s nest, except on one single occasion, when I took all, not for their value, but from a sort of bravado.
I can say in my defense that I was compassionate as a boy, but I owe this entirely to the teaching and example of my sisters. I actually wonder if compassion is a natural or inherent trait. I loved collecting eggs, but I never took more than one egg from a bird’s nest, except for one time when I took them all, not because I valued them, but out of a sense of bravado.
I had a strong taste for angling, and would sit for any number of hours on the bank of a river or pond watching the float; when at Maer (The house of his uncle, Josiah Wedgwood.) I was told that I could kill the worms with salt and water, and from that day I never spitted a living worm, though at the expense probably of some loss of success.
I had a real passion for fishing and could spend hours by the river or pond just watching the bobber. When I was at Maer (the house of my uncle, Josiah Wedgwood), I learned that I could kill the worms with salt and water. From that day on, I never used a live worm again, even though it probably cost me some success.
Once as a very little boy whilst at the day school, or before that time, I acted cruelly, for I beat a puppy, I believe, simply from enjoying the sense of power; but the beating could not have been severe, for the puppy did not howl, of which I feel sure, as the spot was near the house. This act lay heavily on my conscience, as is shown by my remembering the exact spot where the crime was committed. It probably lay all the heavier from my love of dogs being then, and for a long time afterwards, a passion. Dogs seemed to know this, for I was an adept in robbing their love from their masters.
Once, when I was a very little boy at day school, or maybe even before that, I acted cruelly; I beat a puppy, I think, just because I enjoyed having power over it. But the beating couldn't have been too harsh, since the puppy didn't howl, which I'm sure of because it happened near the house. This act weighed heavily on my conscience, as shown by the fact that I still remember the exact spot where it happened. It probably weighed even more because I loved dogs then, and that passion lasted for a long time. Dogs seemed to recognize this, as I was good at stealing their affection from their owners.
I remember clearly only one other incident during this year whilst at Mr. Case’s daily school,—namely, the burial of a dragoon soldier; and it is surprising how clearly I can still see the horse with the man’s empty boots and carbine suspended to the saddle, and the firing over the grave. This scene deeply stirred whatever poetic fancy there was in me.
I clearly remember only one other event from this year at Mr. Case’s daily school—namely, the burial of a dragoon soldier; and it's surprising how vividly I can still picture the horse with the man's empty boots and carbine hanging from the saddle, as well as the gunfire over the grave. This scene deeply moved whatever poetic imagination I had.
In the summer of 1818 I went to Dr. Butler’s great school in Shrewsbury, and remained there for seven years till Midsummer 1825, when I was sixteen years old. I boarded at this school, so that I had the great advantage of living the life of a true schoolboy; but as the distance was hardly more than a mile to my home, I very often ran there in the longer intervals between the callings over and before locking up at night. This, I think, was in many ways advantageous to me by keeping up home affections and interests. I remember in the early part of my school life that I often had to run very quickly to be in time, and from being a fleet runner was generally successful; but when in doubt I prayed earnestly to God to help me, and I well remember that I attributed my success to the prayers and not to my quick running, and marvelled how generally I was aided.
In the summer of 1818, I attended Dr. Butler’s prestigious school in Shrewsbury and stayed there for seven years until Midsummer 1825, when I turned sixteen. I boarded at the school, which allowed me to truly experience the life of a schoolboy; however, since it was only about a mile from my home, I often sprinted back during longer breaks and before bedtime. I think this was beneficial in many ways, as it helped maintain my family connections and interests. I recall in the early days of my schooling that I frequently had to run fast to make it on time, and because I was a quick runner, I usually succeeded. But whenever I felt uncertain, I prayed sincerely to God for help, and I distinctly remember attributing my success to those prayers rather than my speed, wondering how consistently I received assistance.
I have heard my father and elder sister say that I had, as a very young boy, a strong taste for long solitary walks; but what I thought about I know not. I often became quite absorbed, and once, whilst returning to school on the summit of the old fortifications round Shrewsbury, which had been converted into a public foot-path with no parapet on one side, I walked off and fell to the ground, but the height was only seven or eight feet. Nevertheless the number of thoughts which passed through my mind during this very short, but sudden and wholly unexpected fall, was astonishing, and seem hardly compatible with what physiologists have, I believe, proved about each thought requiring quite an appreciable amount of time.
I’ve heard my father and older sister say that when I was a little boy, I really liked to take long walks by myself; but I can’t remember what I was thinking about. I often got completely lost in my thoughts, and once, while I was heading back to school on top of the old walls around Shrewsbury, which had been turned into a public footpath with no guardrail on one side, I walked off and fell down. Luckily, it was only a seven or eight-foot drop. Still, the number of thoughts that went through my mind during that quick, unexpected fall was incredible and seems hard to reconcile with what scientists have shown about how each thought actually takes a noticeable amount of time.
Nothing could have been worse for the development of my mind than Dr. Butler’s school, as it was strictly classical, nothing else being taught, except a little ancient geography and history. The school as a means of education to me was simply a blank. During my whole life I have been singularly incapable of mastering any language. Especial attention was paid to verse-making, and this I could never do well. I had many friends, and got together a good collection of old verses, which by patching together, sometimes aided by other boys, I could work into any subject. Much attention was paid to learning by heart the lessons of the previous day; this I could effect with great facility, learning forty or fifty lines of Virgil or Homer, whilst I was in morning chapel; but this exercise was utterly useless, for every verse was forgotten in forty-eight hours. I was not idle, and with the exception of versification, generally worked conscientiously at my classics, not using cribs. The sole pleasure I ever received from such studies, was from some of the odes of Horace, which I admired greatly.
Nothing could have been worse for my mental development than Dr. Butler's school, since it focused entirely on classical subjects, with only a bit of ancient geography and history thrown in. For me, the education I received there was essentially pointless. Throughout my life, I've struggled to grasp any language. They put a lot of emphasis on poetry writing, which I never excelled at. I had plenty of friends and managed to gather a decent collection of old poems that I could piece together with help from other boys to fit any topic. We spent a lot of time memorizing the lessons from the day before; I could easily memorize forty or fifty lines of Virgil or Homer while in morning chapel. However, this effort was completely wasted, as I forgot every line within forty-eight hours. I wasn't lazy, and aside from songwriting, I generally worked hard at my classical studies without relying on study aids. The only enjoyment I ever got from those studies came from some of Horace's odes, which I admired a lot.
When I left the school I was for my age neither high nor low in it; and I believe that I was considered by all my masters and by my father as a very ordinary boy, rather below the common standard in intellect. To my deep mortification my father once said to me, “You care for nothing but shooting, dogs, and rat-catching, and you will be a disgrace to yourself and all your family.” But my father, who was the kindest man I ever knew and whose memory I love with all my heart, must have been angry and somewhat unjust when he used such words.
When I left school, I was neither tall nor short for my age; and I think everyone, including my teachers and my dad, saw me as a pretty average kid, not quite up to the common level of smarts. To my great shame, my dad once told me, “You care about nothing but hunting, dogs, and catching rats, and you’re going to bring shame on yourself and your family.” But my dad, who was the kindest person I've ever known and whose memory I cherish deeply, must have been upset and somewhat unfair when he said that.
Looking back as well as I can at my character during my school life, the only qualities which at this period promised well for the future, were, that I had strong and diversified tastes, much zeal for whatever interested me, and a keen pleasure in understanding any complex subject or thing. I was taught Euclid by a private tutor, and I distinctly remember the intense satisfaction which the clear geometrical proofs gave me. I remember, with equal distinctness, the delight which my uncle gave me (the father of Francis Galton) by explaining the principle of the vernier of a barometer with respect to diversified tastes, independently of science, I was fond of reading various books, and I used to sit for hours reading the historical plays of Shakespeare, generally in an old window in the thick walls of the school. I read also other poetry, such as Thomson’s ‘Seasons,’ and the recently published poems of Byron and Scott. I mention this because later in life I wholly lost, to my great regret, all pleasure from poetry of any kind, including Shakespeare. In connection with pleasure from poetry, I may add that in 1822 a vivid delight in scenery was first awakened in my mind, during a riding tour on the borders of Wales, and this has lasted longer than any other aesthetic pleasure.
Looking back as best as I can at my character during my school years, the only qualities that seemed promising for the future were my strong and varied interests, my enthusiasm for anything that caught my attention, and my deep enjoyment in grasping complex topics or things. I was taught Euclid by a private tutor, and I clearly remember the intense satisfaction I felt from the clear geometrical proofs. I also vividly recall the joy my uncle (the father of Francis Galton) brought me by explaining the principle of the vernier on a barometer. Aside from my scientific interests, I loved reading various books and would spend hours absorbed in the historical plays of Shakespeare, usually sitting in an old window set into the thick walls of the school. I also read other poetry, such as Thomson’s ‘Seasons,’ and the recently published poems of Byron and Scott. I mention this because later in life, much to my regret, I completely lost all enjoyment of poetry, including Shakespeare. Regarding my enjoyment of poetry, I should add that in 1822, a deep appreciation for beautiful landscapes was first sparked in my mind during a riding tour along the borders of Wales, and this has lasted longer than any other artistic pleasure I've experienced.
Early in my school days a boy had a copy of the ‘Wonders of the World,’ which I often read, and disputed with other boys about the veracity of some of the statements; and I believe that this book first gave me a wish to travel in remote countries, which was ultimately fulfilled by the voyage of the “Beagle”. In the latter part of my school life I became passionately fond of shooting; I do not believe that any one could have shown more zeal for the most holy cause than I did for shooting birds. How well I remember killing my first snipe, and my excitement was so great that I had much difficulty in reloading my gun from the trembling of my hands. This taste long continued, and I became a very good shot. When at Cambridge I used to practise throwing up my gun to my shoulder before a looking-glass to see that I threw it up straight. Another and better plan was to get a friend to wave about a lighted candle, and then to fire at it with a cap on the nipple, and if the aim was accurate the little puff of air would blow out the candle. The explosion of the cap caused a sharp crack, and I was told that the tutor of the college remarked, “What an extraordinary thing it is, Mr. Darwin seems to spend hours in cracking a horse-whip in his room, for I often hear the crack when I pass under his windows.”
Early in my school days, a boy had a copy of the 'Wonders of the World,' which I often read and debated with other boys about the truth of some of the claims. I believe this book first sparked my desire to travel to distant countries, a dream that was eventually fulfilled by the voyage of the “Beagle.” Later in my school life, I developed a strong passion for shooting; I don’t think anyone could have been more enthusiastic about the noble pursuit of shooting birds than I was. I vividly remember shooting my first snipe; I was so excited that I had a lot of trouble reloading my gun because my hands were trembling. This interest lasted a long time, and I became quite a good shot. While at Cambridge, I practiced raising my gun to my shoulder in front of a mirror to make sure I did it correctly. A better method was to have a friend wave a lit candle around, and then I would shoot at it with a cap on the nipple. If I aimed well, the little puff of air would blow out the candle. The cap’s explosion made a sharp sound, and I was told that one of the college tutors remarked, “What an extraordinary thing it is, Mr. Darwin seems to spend hours cracking a whip in his room, for I often hear the crack when I walk past his windows.”
I had many friends amongst the schoolboys, whom I loved dearly, and I think that my disposition was then very affectionate.
I had a lot of friends among the schoolboys, whom I cared for deeply, and I believe that I was very affectionate at that time.
With respect to science, I continued collecting minerals with much zeal, but quite unscientifically—all that I cared about was a new-named mineral, and I hardly attempted to classify them. I must have observed insects with some little care, for when ten years old (1819) I went for three weeks to Plas Edwards on the sea-coast in Wales, I was very much interested and surprised at seeing a large black and scarlet Hemipterous insect, many moths (Zygaena), and a Cicindela which are not found in Shropshire. I almost made up my mind to begin collecting all the insects which I could find dead, for on consulting my sister I concluded that it was not right to kill insects for the sake of making a collection. From reading White’s ‘Selborne,’ I took much pleasure in watching the habits of birds, and even made notes on the subject. In my simplicity I remember wondering why every gentleman did not become an ornithologist.
Regarding science, I kept collecting minerals with great enthusiasm, but without much scientific approach—all I cared about was finding a newly named mineral, and I barely tried to classify them. I must have looked at insects with some attention because when I was ten years old (1819), I spent three weeks at Plas Edwards on the coast of Wales, where I was really interested and surprised to see a large black and scarlet Hemipterous insect, numerous moths (Zygaena), and a Cicindela that aren’t found in Shropshire. I nearly decided to start collecting all the insects I could find dead, as after talking with my sister, I concluded that it wasn't right to kill insects just to build a collection. I found a lot of joy in observing birds and even made notes about their behaviors, inspired by White’s ‘Selborne.’ In my innocence, I remember wondering why every gentleman didn’t pursue being an ornithologist.
Towards the close of my school life, my brother worked hard at chemistry, and made a fair laboratory with proper apparatus in the tool-house in the garden, and I was allowed to aid him as a servant in most of his experiments. He made all the gases and many compounds, and I read with great care several books on chemistry, such as Henry and Parkes’ ‘Chemical Catechism.’ The subject interested me greatly, and we often used to go on working till rather late at night. This was the best part of my education at school, for it showed me practically the meaning of experimental science. The fact that we worked at chemistry somehow got known at school, and as it was an unprecedented fact, I was nicknamed “Gas.” I was also once publicly rebuked by the head-master, Dr. Butler, for thus wasting my time on such useless subjects; and he called me very unjustly a “poco curante,” and as I did not understand what he meant, it seemed to me a fearful reproach.
Towards the end of my school years, my brother worked hard on chemistry and set up a decent lab with the right equipment in the tool shed in the garden. I was allowed to help him as a sort of assistant in most of his experiments. He created all sorts of gases and compounds, and I carefully read several chemistry books, including Henry and Parkes' 'Chemical Catechism.' I found the subject really fascinating, and we often ended up working late into the night. This was the best part of my education at school because it gave me a real understanding of experimental science. The fact that we were working on chemistry somehow got out at school, and since it was unusual, people started calling me “Gas.” I was even publicly scolded by the headmaster, Dr. Butler, for wasting my time on such pointless topics; he unfairly called me a “poco curante,” and not understanding what that meant made it feel like a harsh insult.
As I was doing no good at school, my father wisely took me away at a rather earlier age than usual, and sent me (Oct. 1825) to Edinburgh University with my brother, where I stayed for two years or sessions. My brother was completing his medical studies, though I do not believe he ever really intended to practise, and I was sent there to commence them. But soon after this period I became convinced from various small circumstances that my father would leave me property enough to subsist on with some comfort, though I never imagined that I should be so rich a man as I am; but my belief was sufficient to check any strenuous efforts to learn medicine.
Since I wasn't doing well in school, my dad wisely decided to take me out at an earlier age than usual and sent me (Oct. 1825) to Edinburgh University with my brother, where I stayed for two years. My brother was finishing his medical studies, even though I don’t think he ever really planned to practice. I was there to start my medical studies. But soon after arriving, I became convinced from various little signs that my dad would leave me enough property to live comfortably, even though I never thought I’d end up as wealthy as I am. Still, my belief was enough to halt any strong efforts to study medicine.
The instruction at Edinburgh was altogether by lectures, and these were intolerably dull, with the exception of those on chemistry by Hope; but to my mind there are no advantages and many disadvantages in lectures compared with reading. Dr. Duncan’s lectures on Materia Medica at 8 o’clock on a winter’s morning are something fearful to remember. Dr.—— made his lectures on human anatomy as dull as he was himself, and the subject disgusted me. It has proved one of the greatest evils in my life that I was not urged to practise dissection, for I should soon have got over my disgust; and the practice would have been invaluable for all my future work. This has been an irremediable evil, as well as my incapacity to draw. I also attended regularly the clinical wards in the hospital. Some of the cases distressed me a good deal, and I still have vivid pictures before me of some of them; but I was not so foolish as to allow this to lessen my attendance. I cannot understand why this part of my medical course did not interest me in a greater degree; for during the summer before coming to Edinburgh I began attending some of the poor people, chiefly children and women in Shrewsbury: I wrote down as full an account as I could of the case with all the symptoms, and read them aloud to my father, who suggested further inquiries and advised me what medicines to give, which I made up myself. At one time I had at least a dozen patients, and I felt a keen interest in the work. My father, who was by far the best judge of character whom I ever knew, declared that I should make a successful physician,—meaning by this one who would get many patients. He maintained that the chief element of success was exciting confidence; but what he saw in me which convinced him that I should create confidence I know not. I also attended on two occasions the operating theatre in the hospital at Edinburgh, and saw two very bad operations, one on a child, but I rushed away before they were completed. Nor did I ever attend again, for hardly any inducement would have been strong enough to make me do so; this being long before the blessed days of chloroform. The two cases fairly haunted me for many a long year.
The instruction at Edinburgh was entirely through lectures, and they were incredibly boring, except for the chemistry ones by Hope; but I think there are no benefits and many drawbacks to lectures compared to reading. Dr. Duncan’s lectures on Materia Medica at 8 o’clock on a winter morning are something terrifying to remember. Dr. —— made his lectures on human anatomy as dull as he was, and the subject disgusted me. It has turned out to be one of the biggest mistakes of my life that I wasn’t pushed to practice dissection, as I would have quickly gotten over my disgust, and that experience would have been invaluable for my future work. This has been an irreparable setback, along with my inability to draw. I also regularly attended the clinical wards in the hospital. Some of the cases troubled me quite a bit, and I still have vivid memories of some of them; but I wasn’t foolish enough to let that affect my attendance. I can’t understand why this part of my medical training didn’t interest me more; because during the summer before coming to Edinburgh, I started seeing some poor people, mostly children and women in Shrewsbury: I wrote down as detailed an account as I could of each case along with all the symptoms, and read them out loud to my dad, who suggested further questions and advised me on what medicines to give, which I prepared myself. At one point, I had at least a dozen patients, and I felt a strong interest in the work. My dad, who was by far the best judge of character I’ve ever known, said I would make a successful physician—meaning someone who would have many patients. He insisted that the key to success was to inspire confidence; but I don’t know what he saw in me that made him think I could earn that confidence. I also attended the operating theatre in the hospital at Edinburgh on two occasions and witnessed two very difficult surgeries, one on a child, but I rushed out before they were finished. I never went back, as no amount of persuasion would have been enough to make me do so; this was long before the wonderful days of chloroform. Those two cases haunted me for many years.
My brother stayed only one year at the University, so that during the second year I was left to my own resources; and this was an advantage, for I became well acquainted with several young men fond of natural science. One of these was Ainsworth, who afterwards published his travels in Assyria; he was a Wernerian geologist, and knew a little about many subjects. Dr. Coldstream was a very different young man, prim, formal, highly religious, and most kind-hearted; he afterwards published some good zoological articles. A third young man was Hardie, who would, I think, have made a good botanist, but died early in India. Lastly, Dr. Grant, my senior by several years, but how I became acquainted with him I cannot remember; he published some first-rate zoological papers, but after coming to London as Professor in University College, he did nothing more in science, a fact which has always been inexplicable to me. I knew him well; he was dry and formal in manner, with much enthusiasm beneath this outer crust. He one day, when we were walking together, burst forth in high admiration of Lamarck and his views on evolution. I listened in silent astonishment, and as far as I can judge without any effect on my mind. I had previously read the ‘Zoonomia’ of my grandfather, in which similar views are maintained, but without producing any effect on me. Nevertheless it is probable that the hearing rather early in life such views maintained and praised may have favoured my upholding them under a different form in my ‘Origin of Species.’ At this time I admired greatly the ‘Zoonomia;’ but on reading it a second time after an interval of ten or fifteen years, I was much disappointed; the proportion of speculation being so large to the facts given.
My brother was at the University for just one year, which meant that during my second year, I had to rely on myself. This turned out to be a good thing because I got to know several young men who were passionate about natural science. One of them was Ainsworth, who later published his travels in Assyria; he was a Wernerian geologist and had some knowledge about many subjects. Dr. Coldstream was quite different—formal, very religious, and extremely kind-hearted; he later wrote some excellent zoological articles. Another young man was Hardie, who I think would have become a great botanist, but he died young in India. Lastly, there was Dr. Grant, who was several years older than me, but I can't remember how we met. He published some outstanding zoological papers, but after moving to London as a Professor at University College, he stopped working in science, which has always puzzled me. I knew him well; he had a dry and formal demeanor but was quite enthusiastic underneath. One day, while we were walking together, he expressed his admiration for Lamarck and his ideas on evolution. I listened in silent surprise, and to the best of my judgment, it didn’t really impact me. I had previously read my grandfather’s ‘Zoonomia,’ which presented similar ideas but didn’t affect me either. Still, it's likely that hearing such views praised early on helped me to support them in a different way in my ‘Origin of Species.’ At that time, I really admired the ‘Zoonomia,’ but when I read it again after ten or fifteen years, I was quite disappointed because there was so much speculation compared to the facts presented.
Drs. Grant and Coldstream attended much to marine Zoology, and I often accompanied the former to collect animals in the tidal pools, which I dissected as well as I could. I also became friends with some of the Newhaven fishermen, and sometimes accompanied them when they trawled for oysters, and thus got many specimens. But from not having had any regular practice in dissection, and from possessing only a wretched microscope, my attempts were very poor. Nevertheless I made one interesting little discovery, and read, about the beginning of the year 1826, a short paper on the subject before the Plinian Society. This was that the so-called ova of Flustra had the power of independent movement by means of cilia, and were in fact larvae. In another short paper I showed that the little globular bodies which had been supposed to be the young state of Fucus loreus were the egg-cases of the wormlike Pontobdella muricata.
Drs. Grant and Coldstream focused a lot on marine zoology, and I often went with Grant to collect animals in the tidal pools, which I dissected as best as I could. I also got to know some of the Newhaven fishermen and sometimes joined them when they trawled for oysters, which helped me gather many specimens. However, since I didn't have regular practice in dissection and only had a terrible microscope, my efforts were quite lacking. Still, I made one interesting discovery and presented a short paper on it to the Plinian Society around the beginning of 1826. I found that the so-called eggs of Flustra could move independently using tiny hair-like structures called cilia and were actually larvae. In another short paper, I demonstrated that the small round bodies thought to be the young form of Fucus loreus were actually the egg cases of the wormlike Pontobdella muricata.
The Plinian Society was encouraged and, I believe, founded by Professor Jameson: it consisted of students and met in an underground room in the University for the sake of reading papers on natural science and discussing them. I used regularly to attend, and the meetings had a good effect on me in stimulating my zeal and giving me new congenial acquaintances. One evening a poor young man got up, and after stammering for a prodigious length of time, blushing crimson, he at last slowly got out the words, “Mr. President, I have forgotten what I was going to say.” The poor fellow looked quite overwhelmed, and all the members were so surprised that no one could think of a word to say to cover his confusion. The papers which were read to our little society were not printed, so that I had not the satisfaction of seeing my paper in print; but I believe Dr. Grant noticed my small discovery in his excellent memoir on Flustra.
The Plinian Society was encouraged and, I believe, founded by Professor Jameson. It was made up of students and met in a basement room at the University to read and discuss papers on natural science. I regularly attended, and the meetings were beneficial for me, as they sparked my enthusiasm and introduced me to like-minded people. One evening, a nervous young man stood up and, after stammering for what felt like forever and turning bright red, he finally managed to say, “Mr. President, I’ve forgotten what I was going to say.” The poor guy looked completely overwhelmed, and all the members were so taken aback that no one could think of anything to say to ease his embarrassment. The papers read to our little society were not published, so I didn’t get the satisfaction of seeing my paper in print, but I believe Dr. Grant acknowledged my small discovery in his excellent memoir on Flustra.
I was also a member of the Royal Medical Society, and attended pretty regularly; but as the subjects were exclusively medical, I did not much care about them. Much rubbish was talked there, but there were some good speakers, of whom the best was the present Sir J. Kay-Shuttleworth. Dr. Grant took me occasionally to the meetings of the Wernerian Society, where various papers on natural history were read, discussed, and afterwards published in the ‘Transactions.’ I heard Audubon deliver there some interesting discourses on the habits of N. American birds, sneering somewhat unjustly at Waterton. By the way, a negro lived in Edinburgh, who had travelled with Waterton, and gained his livelihood by stuffing birds, which he did excellently: he gave me lessons for payment, and I used often to sit with him, for he was a very pleasant and intelligent man.
I was also a member of the Royal Medical Society and attended pretty regularly; however, since the topics were all medical, I didn't care much for them. A lot of nonsense was talked there, but there were some good speakers, with the best being the current Sir J. Kay-Shuttleworth. Dr. Grant occasionally took me to meetings of the Wernerian Society, where various papers on natural history were read, discussed, and later published in the ‘Transactions.’ I heard Audubon give some interesting talks there about the habits of North American birds, somewhat unfairly mocking Waterton. By the way, there was a Black man living in Edinburgh who had traveled with Waterton and made a living by taxidermy, which he did exceptionally well. He gave me paid lessons, and I often spent time with him because he was a very pleasant and intelligent guy.
Mr. Leonard Horner also took me once to a meeting of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, where I saw Sir Walter Scott in the chair as President, and he apologised to the meeting as not feeling fitted for such a position. I looked at him and at the whole scene with some awe and reverence, and I think it was owing to this visit during my youth, and to my having attended the Royal Medical Society, that I felt the honour of being elected a few years ago an honorary member of both these Societies, more than any other similar honour. If I had been told at that time that I should one day have been thus honoured, I declare that I should have thought it as ridiculous and improbable, as if I had been told that I should be elected King of England.
Mr. Leonard Horner once took me to a meeting of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, where I saw Sir Walter Scott presiding as President. He apologized to the meeting, saying he didn’t feel suited for such a role. I looked at him and the whole scene with a sense of awe and respect. I believe it was because of this visit in my youth, along with my attendance at the Royal Medical Society, that I felt more honored to be elected a few years ago as an honorary member of both these societies than by any other similar recognition. If someone had told me back then that I would be honored in that way, I would have thought it was as ridiculous and unlikely as if they had said I would become the King of England.
During my second year at Edinburgh I attended ——’s lectures on Geology and Zoology, but they were incredibly dull. The sole effect they produced on me was the determination never as long as I lived to read a book on Geology, or in any way to study the science. Yet I feel sure that I was prepared for a philosophical treatment of the subject; for an old Mr. Cotton in Shropshire, who knew a good deal about rocks, had pointed out to me two or three years previously a well-known large erratic boulder in the town of Shrewsbury, called the “bell-stone”; he told me that there was no rock of the same kind nearer than Cumberland or Scotland, and he solemnly assured me that the world would come to an end before any one would be able to explain how this stone came where it now lay. This produced a deep impression on me, and I meditated over this wonderful stone. So that I felt the keenest delight when I first read of the action of icebergs in transporting boulders, and I gloried in the progress of Geology. Equally striking is the fact that I, though now only sixty-seven years old, heard the Professor, in a field lecture at Salisbury Craigs, discoursing on a trapdyke, with amygdaloidal margins and the strata indurated on each side, with volcanic rocks all around us, say that it was a fissure filled with sediment from above, adding with a sneer that there were men who maintained that it had been injected from beneath in a molten condition. When I think of this lecture, I do not wonder that I determined never to attend to Geology.
During my second year at Edinburgh, I went to ——’s lectures on Geology and Zoology, but they were really boring. The only result was my firm decision never to read a book on Geology or study the subject in any way. However, I’m sure I was ready for a more philosophical approach to it; an older man named Mr. Cotton in Shropshire, who knew a lot about rocks, had shown me a well-known large erratic boulder in the town of Shrewsbury called the "bell-stone." He told me that there was no other rock like it closer than Cumberland or Scotland, and he firmly assured me that the world would end before anyone could explain how this stone got to where it is now. This really stuck with me, and I thought a lot about this amazing stone. So, I felt a lot of joy when I first read about how icebergs transport boulders, and I was thrilled by the progress of Geology. Interestingly, even though I’m only sixty-seven now, I still remember the Professor during a field lecture at Salisbury Craigs talking about a trapdyke with amygdaloidal edges and with hardened layers on each side, surrounded by volcanic rocks. He said it was a crack filled with sediment from above, adding with a scoff that there were people who claimed it had been injected from below in a molten state. When I think of that lecture, it’s no surprise that I decided to steer clear of Geology.
From attending ——’s lectures, I became acquainted with the curator of the museum, Mr. Macgillivray, who afterwards published a large and excellent book on the birds of Scotland. I had much interesting natural-history talk with him, and he was very kind to me. He gave me some rare shells, for I at that time collected marine mollusca, but with no great zeal.
From attending ——’s lectures, I got to know the museum curator, Mr. Macgillivray, who later published a great book on the birds of Scotland. I had a lot of engaging natural history discussions with him, and he was very kind to me. He gave me some rare shells since I was collecting marine mollusks at that time, but I wasn’t very passionate about it.
My summer vacations during these two years were wholly given up to amusements, though I always had some book in hand, which I read with interest. During the summer of 1826 I took a long walking tour with two friends with knapsacks on our backs through North Wales. We walked thirty miles most days, including one day the ascent of Snowdon. I also went with my sister a riding tour in North Wales, a servant with saddle-bags carrying our clothes. The autumns were devoted to shooting chiefly at Mr. Owen’s, at Woodhouse, and at my Uncle Jos’s (Josiah Wedgwood, the son of the founder of the Etruria Works.) at Maer. My zeal was so great that I used to place my shooting-boots open by my bed-side when I went to bed, so as not to lose half a minute in putting them on in the morning; and on one occasion I reached a distant part of the Maer estate, on the 20th of August for black-game shooting, before I could see: I then toiled on with the game-keeper the whole day through thick heath and young Scotch firs.
My summer vacations over the past two years were completely focused on fun, though I always had a book in my hand, which I read with interest. During the summer of 1826, I went on a long hiking trip with two friends, carrying knapsacks on our backs through North Wales. We hiked about thirty miles most days, including one day when we climbed Snowdon. I also went on a riding trip in North Wales with my sister, with a servant carrying our clothes in saddle-bags. The autumns were spent mostly hunting at Mr. Owen’s place in Woodhouse and at my Uncle Jos's (Josiah Wedgwood, the son of the founder of the Etruria Works) in Maer. I was so eager that I would leave my shooting boots open by my bedside at night to save time putting them on in the morning; and one time, I reached a remote part of the Maer estate on August 20 for black-game shooting before dawn. I then worked alongside the gamekeeper all day, pushing through thick heather and young Scotch pines.
I kept an exact record of every bird which I shot throughout the whole season. One day when shooting at Woodhouse with Captain Owen, the eldest son, and Major Hill, his cousin, afterwards Lord Berwick, both of whom I liked very much, I thought myself shamefully used, for every time after I had fired and thought that I had killed a bird, one of the two acted as if loading his gun, and cried out, “You must not count that bird, for I fired at the same time,” and the gamekeeper, perceiving the joke, backed them up. After some hours they told me the joke, but it was no joke to me, for I had shot a large number of birds, but did not know how many, and could not add them to my list, which I used to do by making a knot in a piece of string tied to a button-hole. This my wicked friends had perceived.
I kept an accurate record of every bird I shot throughout the entire season. One day while shooting at Woodhouse with Captain Owen, his eldest son, and Major Hill, his cousin who later became Lord Berwick, both of whom I liked a lot, I felt really mistreated. Every time I fired and thought I had hit a bird, one of them would act like he was loading his gun and shout, “You can’t count that bird because I fired at the same time,” and the gamekeeper, realizing it was a joke, would back them up. After a few hours, they finally revealed the joke to me, but it wasn't funny to me since I had shot a lot of birds but had no idea how many, and I couldn’t add them to my list. I used to do this by tying a knot in a piece of string attached to a buttonhole. My mischievous friends had noticed this.
How I did enjoy shooting! But I think that I must have been half-consciously ashamed of my zeal, for I tried to persuade myself that shooting was almost an intellectual employment; it required so much skill to judge where to find most game and to hunt the dogs well.
How much I loved shooting! But I think I must have been somewhat ashamed of my enthusiasm because I tried to convince myself that shooting was almost an intellectual activity; it took a lot of skill to figure out where to find the most game and to handle the dogs effectively.
One of my autumnal visits to Maer in 1827 was memorable from meeting there Sir J. Mackintosh, who was the best converser I ever listened to. I heard afterwards with a glow of pride that he had said, “There is something in that young man that interests me.” This must have been chiefly due to his perceiving that I listened with much interest to everything which he said, for I was as ignorant as a pig about his subjects of history, politics, and moral philosophy. To hear of praise from an eminent person, though no doubt apt or certain to excite vanity, is, I think, good for a young man, as it helps to keep him in the right course.
One of my autumn visits to Maer in 1827 was memorable because I met Sir J. Mackintosh, who was the best conversationalist I’ve ever listened to. I later heard with pride that he had said, “There’s something about that young man that interests me.” This was probably mainly because he noticed how intently I listened to everything he said, even though I was completely clueless about his topics of history, politics, and moral philosophy. Hearing praise from an eminent person, while it might understandably boost one's ego, is, I believe, beneficial for a young man, as it helps keep him on the right path.
My visits to Maer during these two or three succeeding years were quite delightful, independently of the autumnal shooting. Life there was perfectly free; the country was very pleasant for walking or riding; and in the evening there was much very agreeable conversation, not so personal as it generally is in large family parties, together with music. In the summer the whole family used often to sit on the steps of the old portico, with the flower-garden in front, and with the steep wooded bank opposite the house reflected in the lake, with here and there a fish rising or a water-bird paddling about. Nothing has left a more vivid picture on my mind than these evenings at Maer. I was also attached to and greatly revered my Uncle Jos; he was silent and reserved, so as to be a rather awful man; but he sometimes talked openly with me. He was the very type of an upright man, with the clearest judgment. I do not believe that any power on earth could have made him swerve an inch from what he considered the right course. I used to apply to him in my mind the well-known ode of Horace, now forgotten by me, in which the words “nec vultus tyranni,* etc.,” come in.
My visits to Maer over the next two or three years were really enjoyable, aside from the fall shooting season. Life there felt completely free; the countryside was great for walking or riding; and in the evenings, there was plenty of pleasant conversation, not as personal as it usually gets in big family gatherings, along with music. In the summer, the whole family would often sit on the steps of the old porch, with the flower garden in front and the steep wooded bank across the way reflected in the lake, with an occasional fish jumping or a water bird paddling around. Nothing has left a clearer picture in my mind than those evenings at Maer. I was also fond of and deeply respected my Uncle Jos; he was quiet and reserved, which made him seem a bit intimidating, but he sometimes spoke openly with me. He was the very definition of an upright man, with the clearest judgment. I don’t think anything on earth could have made him stray even a little from what he believed was the right path. I used to think of him in relation to the famous ode by Horace, now forgotten by me, that includes the words “nec vultus tyranni, * etc.”
* Justum et tenacem propositi virum
Non civium ardor prava jubentium
Non vultus instantis tyranni
Mente quatit solida.
* A just and determined man
Is not shaken by the passion of wrongdoers
Nor by the face of an imminent tyrant
He remains steadfast in his mind.
CAMBRIDGE 1828-1831.
After having spent two sessions in Edinburgh, my father perceived, or he heard from my sisters, that I did not like the thought of being a physician, so he proposed that I should become a clergyman. He was very properly vehement against my turning into an idle sporting man, which then seemed my probable destination. I asked for some time to consider, as from what little I had heard or thought on the subject I had scruples about declaring my belief in all the dogmas of the Church of England; though otherwise I liked the thought of being a country clergyman. Accordingly I read with care ‘Pearson on the Creed,’ and a few other books on divinity; and as I did not then in the least doubt the strict and literal truth of every word in the Bible, I soon persuaded myself that our Creed must be fully accepted.
After spending two sessions in Edinburgh, my father noticed, or he heard from my sisters, that I wasn’t keen on the idea of becoming a physician, so he suggested that I should become a clergyman. He was quite adamant against me becoming an idle sportsman, which seemed like my likely path at the time. I asked for some time to think it over, as I had some doubts about fully believing all the teachings of the Church of England; although, I did like the idea of being a country clergyman. So, I carefully read 'Pearson on the Creed' and a few other theological books; and since I had no doubt about the absolute truth of every word in the Bible, I quickly convinced myself that I had to fully accept our Creed.
Considering how fiercely I have been attacked by the orthodox, it seems ludicrous that I once intended to be a clergyman. Nor was this intention and my father’s wish ever formerly given up, but died a natural death when, on leaving Cambridge, I joined the “Beagle” as naturalist. If the phrenologists are to be trusted, I was well fitted in one respect to be a clergyman. A few years ago the secretaries of a German psychological society asked me earnestly by letter for a photograph of myself; and some time afterwards I received the proceedings of one of the meetings, in which it seemed that the shape of my head had been the subject of a public discussion, and one of the speakers declared that I had the bump of reverence developed enough for ten priests.
Considering how fiercely I've been attacked by traditionalists, it's pretty ridiculous that I once planned to become a clergyman. I never really gave up that intention or my father's wish; it just faded away naturally when I left Cambridge and joined the “Beagle” as a naturalist. If we can trust phrenologists, I was actually well-suited to be a clergyman in one way. A few years ago, the secretaries of a German psychological society wrote to me asking for a photograph. Later, I received the proceedings from one of their meetings, where my head shape was publicly discussed, and one of the speakers claimed that I had enough of the "bump of reverence" for ten priests.
As it was decided that I should be a clergyman, it was necessary that I should go to one of the English universities and take a degree; but as I had never opened a classical book since leaving school, I found to my dismay, that in the two intervening years I had actually forgotten, incredible as it may appear, almost everything which I had learnt, even to some few of the Greek letters. I did not therefore proceed to Cambridge at the usual time in October, but worked with a private tutor in Shrewsbury, and went to Cambridge after the Christmas vacation, early in 1828. I soon recovered my school standard of knowledge, and could translate easy Greek books, such as Homer and the Greek Testament, with moderate facility.
Since it was decided that I should become a clergyman, I needed to attend one of the English universities and earn a degree. However, to my dismay, I realized that I had forgotten almost everything I had learned, even a few of the Greek letters, during the two years since I left school; it's incredible but true. Therefore, I didn’t head to Cambridge at the usual time in October but instead worked with a private tutor in Shrewsbury and went to Cambridge after the Christmas break, early in 1828. I quickly got back to my school level of knowledge and could translate simple Greek texts, like Homer and the Greek New Testament, with some ease.
During the three years which I spent at Cambridge my time was wasted, as far as the academical studies were concerned, as completely as at Edinburgh and at school. I attempted mathematics, and even went during the summer of 1828 with a private tutor (a very dull man) to Barmouth, but I got on very slowly. The work was repugnant to me, chiefly from my not being able to see any meaning in the early steps in algebra. This impatience was very foolish, and in after years I have deeply regretted that I did not proceed far enough at least to understand something of the great leading principles of mathematics, for men thus endowed seem to have an extra sense. But I do not believe that I should ever have succeeded beyond a very low grade. With respect to Classics I did nothing except attend a few compulsory college lectures, and the attendance was almost nominal. In my second year I had to work for a month or two to pass the Little-Go, which I did easily. Again, in my last year I worked with some earnestness for my final degree of B.A., and brushed up my Classics, together with a little Algebra and Euclid, which latter gave me much pleasure, as it did at school. In order to pass the B.A. examination, it was also necessary to get up Paley’s ‘Evidences of Christianity,’ and his ‘Moral Philosophy.’ This was done in a thorough manner, and I am convinced that I could have written out the whole of the ‘Evidences’ with perfect correctness, but not of course in the clear language of Paley. The logic of this book and, as I may add, of his ‘Natural Theology,’ gave me as much delight as did Euclid. The careful study of these works, without attempting to learn any part by rote, was the only part of the academical course which, as I then felt and as I still believe, was of the least use to me in the education of my mind. I did not at that time trouble myself about Paley’s premises; and taking these on trust, I was charmed and convinced by the long line of argumentation. By answering well the examination questions in Paley, by doing Euclid well, and by not failing miserably in Classics, I gained a good place among the oi polloi or crowd of men who do not go in for honours. Oddly enough, I cannot remember how high I stood, and my memory fluctuates between the fifth, tenth, or twelfth, name on the list. (Tenth in the list of January 1831.)
During the three years I spent at Cambridge, my time was wasted on academic studies just as much as it was in Edinburgh and at school. I tried math and even went to Barmouth during the summer of 1828 with a private tutor (a very dull guy), but I progressed really slowly. I found the work frustrating, mainly because I couldn't see any meaning in the early steps of algebra. This impatience was pretty silly, and I've deeply regretted not pushing myself enough to at least grasp some of the main principles of mathematics, as people who understand it seem to have an extra sense. However, I don't think I would have ever excelled beyond a basic level. As for the Classics, I did nothing except attend a few required college lectures, and my attendance was almost just for show. In my second year, I had to study for a month or two to pass the Little-Go, which I completed easily. Then, in my final year, I worked pretty hard for my B.A. degree, revising my Classics along with a bit of Algebra and Euclid, which I enjoyed just like I did in school. To pass the B.A. exam, I also needed to study Paley’s ‘Evidences of Christianity’ and ‘Moral Philosophy.’ I did this thoroughly, and I’m convinced I could have written out the entire ‘Evidences’ correctly, though not in Paley's clear language. The logic in this book, and I’ll add his ‘Natural Theology’ as well, delighted me just as much as Euclid did. The careful study of these works, without trying to memorize any part, was the only aspect of my academic experience that I thought, both then and now, was genuinely beneficial for my education. At that time, I didn't concern myself with Paley’s assumptions; I accepted them at face value and was captivated and convinced by the continuous line of argument. By doing well on the exam questions in Paley, succeeding at Euclid, and not completely failing my Classics, I ended up with a decent ranking among those who weren’t aiming for honors. Strangely, I can’t recall exactly how high I ranked, as my memory wavers between fifth, tenth, or twelfth on the list. (Tenth in the list of January 1831.)
Public lectures on several branches were given in the University, attendance being quite voluntary; but I was so sickened with lectures at Edinburgh that I did not even attend Sedgwick’s eloquent and interesting lectures. Had I done so I should probably have become a geologist earlier than I did. I attended, however, Henslow’s lectures on Botany, and liked them much for their extreme clearness, and the admirable illustrations; but I did not study botany. Henslow used to take his pupils, including several of the older members of the University, field excursions, on foot or in coaches, to distant places, or in a barge down the river, and lectured on the rarer plants and animals which were observed. These excursions were delightful.
Public lectures on various topics were held at the University, and attendance was completely optional; however, I was so tired of lectures from my time in Edinburgh that I didn't even go to Sedgwick’s engaging and fascinating talks. If I had, I probably would have become a geologist much sooner. I did, however, attend Henslow’s lectures on Botany, which I really enjoyed because of their clarity and the great illustrations; but I didn’t pursue botany seriously. Henslow used to take his students, including some of the older members of the University, on field trips, either on foot, in coaches, or by barge down the river, where he would lecture about the rare plants and animals we saw. Those excursions were a pleasure.
Although, as we shall presently see, there were some redeeming features in my life at Cambridge, my time was sadly wasted there, and worse than wasted. From my passion for shooting and for hunting, and, when this failed, for riding across country, I got into a sporting set, including some dissipated low-minded young men. We used often to dine together in the evening, though these dinners often included men of a higher stamp, and we sometimes drank too much, with jolly singing and playing at cards afterwards. I know that I ought to feel ashamed of days and evenings thus spent, but as some of my friends were very pleasant, and we were all in the highest spirits, I cannot help looking back to these times with much pleasure.
Although, as we will soon see, there were some positive aspects of my life at Cambridge, I ultimately wasted my time there, and even worse than that. My love for shooting and hunting, and when that was unavailable, for riding across the countryside, led me to a group of friends that included some reckless and shallow young men. We often had dinner together in the evenings, although these dinners frequently included some more respectable people, and we sometimes drank too much, followed by cheerful singing and playing cards. I know I should feel ashamed of the time I spent this way, but since some of my friends were really enjoyable, and we were all in great spirits, I can’t help but look back on those times with fondness.
But I am glad to think that I had many other friends of a widely different nature. I was very intimate with Whitley (Rev. C. Whitley, Hon. Canon of Durham, formerly Reader in Natural Philosophy in Durham University.), who was afterwards Senior Wrangler, and we used continually to take long walks together. He inoculated me with a taste for pictures and good engravings, of which I bought some. I frequently went to the Fitzwilliam Gallery, and my taste must have been fairly good, for I certainly admired the best pictures, which I discussed with the old curator. I read also with much interest Sir Joshua Reynolds’ book. This taste, though not natural to me, lasted for several years, and many of the pictures in the National Gallery in London gave me much pleasure; that of Sebastian del Piombo exciting in me a sense of sublimity.
But I’m glad to remember that I had many other friends who were quite different. I was very close with Whitley (Rev. C. Whitley, Hon. Canon of Durham, formerly Reader in Natural Philosophy at Durham University), who later became Senior Wrangler, and we often took long walks together. He introduced me to a love for art and good engravings, and I bought some pieces. I frequently visited the Fitzwilliam Gallery, and I must have had a decent taste because I definitely admired the best artworks, discussing them with the old curator. I also read Sir Joshua Reynolds’ book with great interest. This appreciation, though not something I was born with, lasted for several years, and many of the paintings in the National Gallery in London brought me a lot of joy; the one by Sebastian del Piombo stirred a feeling of greatness in me.
I also got into a musical set, I believe by means of my warm-hearted friend, Herbert (The late John Maurice Herbert, County Court Judge of Cardiff and the Monmouth Circuit.), who took a high wrangler’s degree. From associating with these men, and hearing them play, I acquired a strong taste for music, and used very often to time my walks so as to hear on week days the anthem in King’s College Chapel. This gave me intense pleasure, so that my backbone would sometimes shiver. I am sure that there was no affectation or mere imitation in this taste, for I used generally to go by myself to King’s College, and I sometimes hired the chorister boys to sing in my rooms. Nevertheless I am so utterly destitute of an ear, that I cannot perceive a discord, or keep time and hum a tune correctly; and it is a mystery how I could possibly have derived pleasure from music.
I also got into music, thanks to my warm-hearted friend, Herbert (The late John Maurice Herbert, County Court Judge of Cardiff and the Monmouth Circuit.), who earned a high wrangler’s degree. By spending time with these guys and listening to them play, I developed a strong appreciation for music, and I often timed my walks just right to hear the anthem at King’s College Chapel on weekdays. It gave me such immense pleasure that sometimes it would send shivers down my spine. I know I wasn’t just pretending to like it because I usually went to King’s College by myself, and I sometimes hired the choir boys to sing in my rooms. Still, I am completely lacking in musical ability, as I can’t recognize a discord or keep time and hum a tune correctly; it's a mystery how I could possibly enjoy music at all.
My musical friends soon perceived my state, and sometimes amused themselves by making me pass an examination, which consisted in ascertaining how many tunes I could recognise when they were played rather more quickly or slowly than usual. ‘God save the King,’ when thus played, was a sore puzzle. There was another man with almost as bad an ear as I had, and strange to say he played a little on the flute. Once I had the triumph of beating him in one of our musical examinations.
My musician friends quickly noticed my condition and sometimes entertained themselves by testing me to see how many songs I could recognize when they were played a bit faster or slower than normal. "God Save the King," when played that way, really threw me off. There was another guy with an almost equally bad ear, and oddly enough, he played a bit on the flute. Once, I had the victory of beating him in one of our music tests.
But no pursuit at Cambridge was followed with nearly so much eagerness or gave me so much pleasure as collecting beetles. It was the mere passion for collecting, for I did not dissect them, and rarely compared their external characters with published descriptions, but got them named anyhow. I will give a proof of my zeal: one day, on tearing off some old bark, I saw two rare beetles, and seized one in each hand; then I saw a third and new kind, which I could not bear to lose, so that I popped the one which I held in my right hand into my mouth. Alas! it ejected some intensely acrid fluid, which burnt my tongue so that I was forced to spit the beetle out, which was lost, as was the third one.
But no activity at Cambridge excited me as much or brought me as much joy as collecting beetles. It was just a pure passion for collecting; I didn't dissect them and rarely compared their features with published descriptions, but I got them named anyway. I’ll share an example of my enthusiasm: one day, while peeling off some old bark, I found two rare beetles and grabbed one in each hand; then I spotted a third, new kind that I didn’t want to lose, so I popped the one I was holding in my right hand into my mouth. Unfortunately, it released some extremely bitter liquid that burned my tongue, forcing me to spit the beetle out, which was lost, along with the third one.
I was very successful in collecting, and invented two new methods; I employed a labourer to scrape during the winter, moss off old trees and place it in a large bag, and likewise to collect the rubbish at the bottom of the barges in which reeds are brought from the fens, and thus I got some very rare species. No poet ever felt more delighted at seeing his first poem published than I did at seeing, in Stephens’ ‘Illustrations of British Insects,’ the magic words, “captured by C. Darwin, Esq.” I was introduced to entomology by my second cousin W. Darwin Fox, a clever and most pleasant man, who was then at Christ’s College, and with whom I became extremely intimate. Afterwards I became well acquainted, and went out collecting, with Albert Way of Trinity, who in after years became a well-known archaeologist; also with H. Thompson of the same College, afterwards a leading agriculturist, chairman of a great railway, and Member of Parliament. It seems therefore that a taste for collecting beetles is some indication of future success in life!
I was really successful in collecting, and I came up with two new methods. I hired a laborer to scrape moss off old trees during the winter and put it into a large bag, and to gather the debris at the bottom of the barges that brought reeds from the fens. Because of this, I found some very rare species. No poet has ever felt more thrilled about seeing their first poem published than I felt when I saw, in Stephens’ ‘Illustrations of British Insects,’ the amazing words, “captured by C. Darwin, Esq.” My second cousin W. Darwin Fox, a smart and really nice guy, introduced me to entomology; he was studying at Christ’s College and we became very close. Later on, I got to know Albert Way from Trinity, who became a well-known archaeologist, and we went out collecting together. I also spent time collecting with H. Thompson from the same college, who later became a leading farmer, chairman of a major railway, and a Member of Parliament. So it seems that having a passion for collecting beetles is a sign of future success in life!
I am surprised what an indelible impression many of the beetles which I caught at Cambridge have left on my mind. I can remember the exact appearance of certain posts, old trees and banks where I made a good capture. The pretty Panagaeus crux-major was a treasure in those days, and here at Down I saw a beetle running across a walk, and on picking it up instantly perceived that it differed slightly from P. crux-major, and it turned out to be P. quadripunctatus, which is only a variety or closely allied species, differing from it very slightly in outline. I had never seen in those old days Licinus alive, which to an uneducated eye hardly differs from many of the black Carabidous beetles; but my sons found here a specimen, and I instantly recognised that it was new to me; yet I had not looked at a British beetle for the last twenty years.
I’m surprised at the lasting impact that many of the beetles I caught in Cambridge have had on me. I can clearly remember the specific posts, old trees, and banks where I made great catches. The lovely Panagaeus crux-major was a prized find back then, and here at Down, I saw a beetle running across a path. When I picked it up, I quickly noticed that it was slightly different from P. crux-major, and it turned out to be P. quadripunctatus, which is just a variety or closely related species that differs only a little in shape. I had never seen Licinus alive in those earlier days, which to an untrained eye looks almost the same as many of the black Carabid beetles. However, my sons found one here, and I immediately recognized that it was new to me, even though I hadn’t looked at a British beetle in the last twenty years.
I have not as yet mentioned a circumstance which influenced my whole career more than any other. This was my friendship with Professor Henslow. Before coming up to Cambridge, I had heard of him from my brother as a man who knew every branch of science, and I was accordingly prepared to reverence him. He kept open house once every week when all undergraduates, and some older members of the University, who were attached to science, used to meet in the evening. I soon got, through Fox, an invitation, and went there regularly. Before long I became well acquainted with Henslow, and during the latter half of my time at Cambridge took long walks with him on most days; so that I was called by some of the dons “the man who walks with Henslow;” and in the evening I was very often asked to join his family dinner. His knowledge was great in botany, entomology, chemistry, mineralogy, and geology. His strongest taste was to draw conclusions from long-continued minute observations. His judgment was excellent, and his whole mind well balanced; but I do not suppose that any one would say that he possessed much original genius. He was deeply religious, and so orthodox that he told me one day he should be grieved if a single word of the Thirty-nine Articles were altered. His moral qualities were in every way admirable. He was free from every tinge of vanity or other petty feeling; and I never saw a man who thought so little about himself or his own concerns. His temper was imperturbably good, with the most winning and courteous manners; yet, as I have seen, he could be roused by any bad action to the warmest indignation and prompt action.
I haven't yet mentioned a situation that impacted my entire career more than anything else. This was my friendship with Professor Henslow. Before I arrived at Cambridge, I had heard of him from my brother as someone who knew all areas of science, so I was ready to admire him. He hosted an open house once a week where all undergraduates and some older members of the University interested in science would gather in the evening. I quickly got an invitation through Fox and started attending regularly. Before long, I became well acquainted with Henslow and spent most days taking long walks with him during the latter half of my time at Cambridge; some of the professors referred to me as “the man who walks with Henslow.” In the evenings, I was often invited to join his family for dinner. His knowledge was extensive in botany, entomology, chemistry, mineralogy, and geology. He had a strong tendency to draw conclusions from long-term detailed observations. His judgment was excellent, and his mind was well-balanced; however, I don't think anyone would say he had much original genius. He was deeply religious and so orthodox that he once told me he would be upset if a single word of the Thirty-nine Articles was changed. His moral qualities were truly admirable. He was completely free from any hint of vanity or trivial feelings; I never met a man who thought so little about himself or his own interests. His temperament was unshakeably good, with the most charming and polite manners; yet, as I have witnessed, he could be stirred to the strongest indignation and quick action by any wrongdoing.
I once saw in his company in the streets of Cambridge almost as horrid a scene as could have been witnessed during the French Revolution. Two body-snatchers had been arrested, and whilst being taken to prison had been torn from the constable by a crowd of the roughest men, who dragged them by their legs along the muddy and stony road. They were covered from head to foot with mud, and their faces were bleeding either from having been kicked or from the stones; they looked like corpses, but the crowd was so dense that I got only a few momentary glimpses of the wretched creatures. Never in my life have I seen such wrath painted on a man’s face as was shown by Henslow at this horrid scene. He tried repeatedly to penetrate the mob; but it was simply impossible. He then rushed away to the mayor, telling me not to follow him, but to get more policemen. I forget the issue, except that the two men were got into the prison without being killed.
I once witnessed a scene in the streets of Cambridge that was almost as horrifying as anything from the French Revolution. Two body-snatchers had been arrested, and while being taken to jail, they were ripped from the constable by a crowd of rough men who dragged them by their legs along the muddy, stony road. They were completely covered in mud, and their faces were bleeding from kicks or stones; they looked like corpses, but the crowd was so thick that I only caught a few quick glimpses of these miserable beings. I’ve never seen such rage on a man’s face as I did with Henslow at that terrible scene. He tried several times to push through the mob, but it was impossible. He then ran off to find the mayor, instructing me not to follow him and to get more police. I can’t remember what happened, except that the two men ended up in prison without being killed.
Henslow’s benevolence was unbounded, as he proved by his many excellent schemes for his poor parishioners, when in after years he held the living of Hitcham. My intimacy with such a man ought to have been, and I hope was, an inestimable benefit. I cannot resist mentioning a trifling incident, which showed his kind consideration. Whilst examining some pollen-grains on a damp surface, I saw the tubes exserted, and instantly rushed off to communicate my surprising discovery to him. Now I do not suppose any other professor of botany could have helped laughing at my coming in such a hurry to make such a communication. But he agreed how interesting the phenomenon was, and explained its meaning, but made me clearly understand how well it was known; so I left him not in the least mortified, but well pleased at having discovered for myself so remarkable a fact, but determined not to be in such a hurry again to communicate my discoveries.
Henslow’s kindness was limitless, as he demonstrated through his many great initiatives for his struggling parishioners while he served as the rector of Hitcham in later years. My close relationship with someone like him should have been, and I hope it was, an invaluable advantage. I can't help but mention a small incident that highlighted his thoughtful nature. While I was examining some pollen grains on a damp surface, I noticed the tubes extending out, and I rushed off to share my exciting find with him. I doubt any other botany professor would have been able to keep a straight face at my eagerness to share such a tidbit. But he found the phenomenon interesting and explained its significance, making it clear how well-known it was. So, I left him not at all embarrassed, but rather happy to have uncovered such an amazing fact on my own, though I resolved not to rush to share my discoveries in the future.
Dr. Whewell was one of the older and distinguished men who sometimes visited Henslow, and on several occasions I walked home with him at night. Next to Sir J. Mackintosh he was the best converser on grave subjects to whom I ever listened. Leonard Jenyns (The well-known Soame Jenyns was cousin to Mr. Jenyns’ father.), who afterwards published some good essays in Natural History (Mr. Jenyns (now Blomefield) described the fish for the Zoology of the “Beagle”; and is author of a long series of papers, chiefly Zoological.), often stayed with Henslow, who was his brother-in-law. I visited him at his parsonage on the borders of the Fens [Swaffham Bulbeck], and had many a good walk and talk with him about Natural History. I became also acquainted with several other men older than me, who did not care much about science, but were friends of Henslow. One was a Scotchman, brother of Sir Alexander Ramsay, and tutor of Jesus College: he was a delightful man, but did not live for many years. Another was Mr. Dawes, afterwards Dean of Hereford, and famous for his success in the education of the poor. These men and others of the same standing, together with Henslow, used sometimes to take distant excursions into the country, which I was allowed to join, and they were most agreeable.
Dr. Whewell was one of the older, distinguished men who sometimes visited Henslow, and on several occasions I walked home with him at night. Next to Sir J. Mackintosh, he was the best conversationalist on serious topics that I ever listened to. Leonard Jenyns (the well-known Soame Jenyns was a cousin of Mr. Jenyns’ father), who later published some excellent essays in Natural History (Mr. Jenyns, now Blomefield, described the fish for the Zoology of the “Beagle” and authored a long series of papers, mostly Zoological), often stayed with Henslow, who was his brother-in-law. I visited him at his parsonage on the borders of the Fens [Swaffham Bulbeck], and had many good walks and talks with him about Natural History. I also got to know several other older men who weren’t very interested in science but were friends of Henslow. One was a Scotsman, the brother of Sir Alexander Ramsay, and a tutor at Jesus College: he was a delightful man but didn’t live for many years. Another was Mr. Dawes, who later became Dean of Hereford and was famous for his success in educating the poor. These men and others of the same standing, along with Henslow, sometimes took long excursions into the countryside, which I was allowed to join, and they were very enjoyable.
Looking back, I infer that there must have been something in me a little superior to the common run of youths, otherwise the above-mentioned men, so much older than me and higher in academical position, would never have allowed me to associate with them. Certainly I was not aware of any such superiority, and I remember one of my sporting friends, Turner, who saw me at work with my beetles, saying that I should some day be a Fellow of the Royal Society, and the notion seemed to me preposterous.
Looking back, I can see that there must have been something about me that was a bit better than the average young person, or else those older guys with more academic standing wouldn’t have let me hang out with them. I definitely didn’t recognize any superiority in myself, and I remember one of my sporty friends, Turner, telling me while I was working with my beetles that I would one day be a Fellow of the Royal Society, and I thought that idea was ridiculous.
During my last year at Cambridge, I read with care and profound interest Humboldt’s ‘Personal Narrative.’ This work, and Sir J. Herschel’s ‘Introduction to the Study of Natural Philosophy,’ stirred up in me a burning zeal to add even the most humble contribution to the noble structure of Natural Science. No one or a dozen other books influenced me nearly so much as these two. I copied out from Humboldt long passages about Teneriffe, and read them aloud on one of the above-mentioned excursions, to (I think) Henslow, Ramsay, and Dawes, for on a previous occasion I had talked about the glories of Teneriffe, and some of the party declared they would endeavour to go there; but I think that they were only half in earnest. I was, however, quite in earnest, and got an introduction to a merchant in London to enquire about ships; but the scheme was, of course, knocked on the head by the voyage of the “Beagle”.
During my last year at Cambridge, I read with great care and deep interest Humboldt’s ‘Personal Narrative.’ This book, along with Sir J. Herschel’s ‘Introduction to the Study of Natural Philosophy,’ ignited in me a strong desire to contribute, even in the smallest way, to the grand field of Natural Science. No other book or even a dozen other books had as much impact on me as these two. I copied long passages about Teneriffe from Humboldt and read them aloud during one of the mentioned trips to (I think) Henslow, Ramsay, and Dawes, because I had previously talked about the wonders of Teneriffe, and some of the group said they would try to visit there; but I think they were only partially serious. I was, however, fully committed, and got an introduction to a merchant in London to ask about ships; but of course, the plan was ultimately thwarted by the voyage of the “Beagle.”
My summer vacations were given up to collecting beetles, to some reading, and short tours. In the autumn my whole time was devoted to shooting, chiefly at Woodhouse and Maer, and sometimes with young Eyton of Eyton. Upon the whole the three years which I spent at Cambridge were the most joyful in my happy life; for I was then in excellent health, and almost always in high spirits.
My summer vacations were spent collecting beetles, doing some reading, and taking short trips. In the fall, I devoted all my time to shooting, mainly at Woodhouse and Maer, and sometimes with young Eyton of Eyton. Overall, the three years I spent at Cambridge were the happiest of my life; I was in great health and mostly in high spirits.
As I had at first come up to Cambridge at Christmas, I was forced to keep two terms after passing my final examination, at the commencement of 1831; and Henslow then persuaded me to begin the study of geology. Therefore on my return to Shropshire I examined sections, and coloured a map of parts round Shrewsbury. Professor Sedgwick intended to visit North Wales in the beginning of August to pursue his famous geological investigations amongst the older rocks, and Henslow asked him to allow me to accompany him. (In connection with this tour my father used to tell a story about Sedgwick: they had started from their inn one morning, and had walked a mile or two, when Sedgwick suddenly stopped, and vowed that he would return, being certain “that damned scoundrel” (the waiter) had not given the chambermaid the sixpence intrusted to him for the purpose. He was ultimately persuaded to give up the project, seeing that there was no reason for suspecting the waiter of especial perfidy.—F.D.) Accordingly he came and slept at my father’s house.
As I had first come to Cambridge at Christmas, I had to stay for two terms after passing my final exam at the beginning of 1831; and Henslow then encouraged me to start studying geology. So, when I returned to Shropshire, I looked at geological sections and colored a map of parts around Shrewsbury. Professor Sedgwick planned to visit North Wales in early August to continue his well-known geological studies among the older rocks, and Henslow asked him to let me join him. (In connection with this trip, my father used to tell a story about Sedgwick: they had set out from their inn one morning and walked a mile or two when Sedgwick suddenly stopped and insisted on going back, convinced “that damned scoundrel” (the waiter) hadn’t given the chambermaid the sixpence that had been entrusted to him for that purpose. He was eventually convinced to abandon the idea, as there was no real reason to suspect the waiter of any wrongdoing.—F.D.) So, he came and stayed overnight at my father’s house.
A short conversation with him during this evening produced a strong impression on my mind. Whilst examining an old gravel-pit near Shrewsbury, a labourer told me that he had found in it a large worn tropical Volute shell, such as may be seen on the chimney-pieces of cottages; and as he would not sell the shell, I was convinced that he had really found it in the pit. I told Sedgwick of the fact, and he at once said (no doubt truly) that it must have been thrown away by some one into the pit; but then added, if really embedded there it would be the greatest misfortune to geology, as it would overthrow all that we know about the superficial deposits of the Midland Counties. These gravel-beds belong in fact to the glacial period, and in after years I found in them broken arctic shells. But I was then utterly astonished at Sedgwick not being delighted at so wonderful a fact as a tropical shell being found near the surface in the middle of England. Nothing before had ever made me thoroughly realise, though I had read various scientific books, that science consists in grouping facts so that general laws or conclusions may be drawn from them.
A short conversation with him this evening left a strong impression on me. While checking out an old gravel pit near Shrewsbury, a laborer told me he'd found a large, worn tropical Volute shell, like the ones you see on the mantels of cottages; and since he wouldn't sell the shell, I was convinced he actually found it in the pit. I mentioned this to Sedgwick, and he immediately said (probably correctly) that it must have been discarded there by someone; but then he added that if it was actually embedded there, it would be a huge setback for geology, as it would contradict everything we understand about the superficial deposits in the Midlands. These gravel beds really belong to the glacial period, and later on, I found broken Arctic shells in them. But I was then completely shocked that Sedgwick didn’t seem excited about such an amazing fact as a tropical shell being found near the surface in the middle of England. Until that moment, nothing had made me fully realize, even though I had read various scientific books, that science is about organizing facts so that we can draw general laws or conclusions from them.
Next morning we started for Llangollen, Conway, Bangor, and Capel Curig. This tour was of decided use in teaching me a little how to make out the geology of a country. Sedgwick often sent me on a line parallel to his, telling me to bring back specimens of the rocks and to mark the stratification on a map. I have little doubt that he did this for my good, as I was too ignorant to have aided him. On this tour I had a striking instance of how easy it is to overlook phenomena, however conspicuous, before they have been observed by any one. We spent many hours in Cwm Idwal, examining all the rocks with extreme care, as Sedgwick was anxious to find fossils in them; but neither of us saw a trace of the wonderful glacial phenomena all around us; we did not notice the plainly scored rocks, the perched boulders, the lateral and terminal moraines. Yet these phenomena are so conspicuous that, as I declared in a paper published many years afterwards in the ‘Philosophical Magazine’ (‘Philosophical Magazine,’ 1842.), a house burnt down by fire did not tell its story more plainly than did this valley. If it had still been filled by a glacier, the phenomena would have been less distinct than they now are.
The next morning, we set off for Llangollen, Conway, Bangor, and Capel Curig. This trip was really helpful in teaching me how to understand the geology of an area. Sedgwick often sent me on a route parallel to his, asking me to collect rock samples and mark the stratification on a map. I’m sure he did this for my benefit, since I was too inexperienced to actually assist him. During this trip, I had a clear example of how easy it is to miss phenomena, no matter how obvious they are, until someone has pointed them out. We spent hours in Cwm Idwal, carefully examining all the rocks, as Sedgwick was eager to find fossils in them; however, neither of us noticed the amazing glacial features surrounding us. We didn’t see the distinctly scored rocks, the perched boulders, or the lateral and terminal moraines. Yet these features are so obvious that, as I stated in a paper published many years later in the ‘Philosophical Magazine’ (‘Philosophical Magazine,’ 1842.), a house that burned down couldn’t have told its story more clearly than this valley did. If it had still been filled with a glacier, the features would have been less clear than they are now.
At Capel Curig I left Sedgwick and went in a straight line by compass and map across the mountains to Barmouth, never following any track unless it coincided with my course. I thus came on some strange wild places, and enjoyed much this manner of travelling. I visited Barmouth to see some Cambridge friends who were reading there, and thence returned to Shrewsbury and to Maer for shooting; for at that time I should have thought myself mad to give up the first days of partridge-shooting for geology or any other science.
At Capel Curig, I parted ways with Sedgwick and headed straight across the mountains to Barmouth using my compass and map, only following paths that aligned with my route. This led me to discover some strange, wild places, and I really enjoyed traveling this way. I went to Barmouth to see some friends from Cambridge who were studying there, then I returned to Shrewsbury and Maer for shooting. Back then, I would have thought I was crazy to give up the first days of partridge shooting for geology or any other science.
“VOYAGE OF THE ‘BEAGLE’ FROM DECEMBER 27, 1831, TO OCTOBER 2, 1836.”
On returning home from my short geological tour in North Wales, I found a letter from Henslow, informing me that Captain Fitz-Roy was willing to give up part of his own cabin to any young man who would volunteer to go with him without pay as naturalist to the Voyage of the “Beagle”. I have given, as I believe, in my MS. Journal an account of all the circumstances which then occurred; I will here only say that I was instantly eager to accept the offer, but my father strongly objected, adding the words, fortunate for me, “If you can find any man of common sense who advises you to go I will give my consent.” So I wrote that evening and refused the offer. On the next morning I went to Maer to be ready for September 1st, and, whilst out shooting, my uncle (Josiah Wedgwood.) sent for me, offering to drive me over to Shrewsbury and talk with my father, as my uncle thought it would be wise in me to accept the offer. My father always maintained that he was one of the most sensible men in the world, and he at once consented in the kindest manner. I had been rather extravagant at Cambridge, and to console my father, said, “that I should be deuced clever to spend more than my allowance whilst on board the ‘Beagle’;” but he answered with a smile, “But they tell me you are very clever.”
On returning home from my short geological tour in North Wales, I found a letter from Henslow, letting me know that Captain Fitz-Roy was willing to give up part of his cabin to any young man who would volunteer to go with him as a naturalist on the Voyage of the “Beagle,” without pay. I believe I outlined all the relevant details in my handwritten journal; I’ll just say here that I was immediately excited to accept the offer, but my father strongly opposed it, adding the words, which turned out to be fortunate for me, “If you can find any reasonable person who advises you to go, I will give my consent.” So that evening, I wrote back and turned down the offer. The next morning, I went to Maer to prepare for September 1st, and while I was out shooting, my uncle (Josiah Wedgwood) sent for me, offering to drive me over to Shrewsbury to talk with my father, as my uncle thought it would be wise for me to accept the offer. My father always claimed he was one of the most sensible men in the world, and he immediately agreed in the kindest way. I had been a bit extravagant at Cambridge, so to reassure my father, I said, “I’d have to be really clever to spend more than my allowance while on board the ‘Beagle’,” but he replied with a smile, “But they say you are very clever.”
Next day I started for Cambridge to see Henslow, and thence to London to see Fitz-Roy, and all was soon arranged. Afterwards, on becoming very intimate with Fitz-Roy, I heard that I had run a very narrow risk of being rejected, on account of the shape of my nose! He was an ardent disciple of Lavater, and was convinced that he could judge of a man’s character by the outline of his features; and he doubted whether any one with my nose could possess sufficient energy and determination for the voyage. But I think he was afterwards well satisfied that my nose had spoken falsely.
The next day, I set off for Cambridge to meet Henslow, and then to London to see Fitz-Roy, and everything was soon arranged. Later, as I got to know Fitz-Roy better, I found out that I had barely avoided being rejected because of the shape of my nose! He was a devoted follower of Lavater and believed he could judge a person's character by their facial features; he questioned whether anyone with my nose could have enough energy and determination for the voyage. But I believe he was eventually convinced that my nose didn't reflect my true abilities.
Fitz-Roy’s character was a singular one, with very many noble features: he was devoted to his duty, generous to a fault, bold, determined, and indomitably energetic, and an ardent friend to all under his sway. He would undertake any sort of trouble to assist those whom he thought deserved assistance. He was a handsome man, strikingly like a gentleman, with highly courteous manners, which resembled those of his maternal uncle, the famous Lord Castlereagh, as I was told by the Minister at Rio. Nevertheless he must have inherited much in his appearance from Charles II., for Dr. Wallich gave me a collection of photographs which he had made, and I was struck with the resemblance of one to Fitz-Roy; and on looking at the name, I found it Ch. E. Sobieski Stuart, Count d’Albanie, a descendant of the same monarch.
Fitz-Roy was a unique character, full of noble traits: he was dedicated to his duty, excessively generous, bold, determined, and incredibly energetic, as well as a passionate friend to everyone he was in charge of. He was willing to go to great lengths to help those he believed deserved support. He was a good-looking man, very much the gentleman, with polite manners similar to those of his maternal uncle, the well-known Lord Castlereagh, as I was informed by the Minister in Rio. Still, he must have inherited a lot of his looks from Charles II., because Dr. Wallich gave me a collection of photographs he had taken, and I was struck by how one of them looked like Fitz-Roy; upon checking the name, I found it was Ch. E. Sobieski Stuart, Count d’Albanie, a descendant of the same monarch.
Fitz-Roy’s temper was a most unfortunate one. It was usually worst in the early morning, and with his eagle eye he could generally detect something amiss about the ship, and was then unsparing in his blame. He was very kind to me, but was a man very difficult to live with on the intimate terms which necessarily followed from our messing by ourselves in the same cabin. We had several quarrels; for instance, early in the voyage at Bahia, in Brazil, he defended and praised slavery, which I abominated, and told me that he had just visited a great slave-owner, who had called up many of his slaves and asked them whether they were happy, and whether they wished to be free, and all answered “No.” I then asked him, perhaps with a sneer, whether he thought that the answer of slaves in the presence of their master was worth anything? This made him excessively angry, and he said that as I doubted his word we could not live any longer together. I thought that I should have been compelled to leave the ship; but as soon as the news spread, which it did quickly, as the captain sent for the first lieutenant to assuage his anger by abusing me, I was deeply gratified by receiving an invitation from all the gun-room officers to mess with them. But after a few hours Fitz-Roy showed his usual magnanimity by sending an officer to me with an apology and a request that I would continue to live with him.
Fitz-Roy had a pretty unfortunate temper. It was usually worse in the early morning, and with his sharp eye, he could often spot something wrong with the ship, and he didn’t hold back his criticism. He was very kind to me, but he was someone very hard to get along with given the close quarters we shared in our cabin. We had several arguments; for example, early in the voyage in Bahia, Brazil, he defended and praised slavery, which I detested, and told me he had just visited a prominent slave owner who had called many of his slaves and asked them if they were happy and if they wanted to be free, and they all answered "No." I then asked him, perhaps with a hint of sarcasm, whether he thought the answers given by slaves in front of their master held any value. This made him extremely angry, and he said that since I doubted his word, we could no longer live together. I feared I might have to leave the ship; however, as soon as the news spread—which it did quickly, as the captain called the first lieutenant to vent his anger at me—I was really pleased to receive an invitation from all the gun-room officers to join them for meals. But after a few hours, Fitz-Roy showed his usual generosity by sending an officer to me with an apology and a request for me to continue living with him.
His character was in several respects one of the most noble which I have ever known.
His character was, in many ways, one of the most admirable I've ever encountered.
The voyage of the “Beagle” has been by far the most important event in my life, and has determined my whole career; yet it depended on so small a circumstance as my uncle offering to drive me thirty miles to Shrewsbury, which few uncles would have done, and on such a trifle as the shape of my nose. I have always felt that I owe to the voyage the first real training or education of my mind; I was led to attend closely to several branches of natural history, and thus my powers of observation were improved, though they were always fairly developed.
The journey of the “Beagle” has been the most significant event in my life and has shaped my entire career; yet it relied on such a small thing as my uncle offering to drive me thirty miles to Shrewsbury, which not many uncles would have done, and on something as trivial as the shape of my nose. I’ve always believed that I owe my first real training or education of my mind to this voyage; it encouraged me to pay close attention to various areas of natural history, and as a result, my observation skills got better, even though they were already pretty well developed.
The investigation of the geology of all the places visited was far more important, as reasoning here comes into play. On first examining a new district nothing can appear more hopeless than the chaos of rocks; but by recording the stratification and nature of the rocks and fossils at many points, always reasoning and predicting what will be found elsewhere, light soon begins to dawn on the district, and the structure of the whole becomes more or less intelligible. I had brought with me the first volume of Lyell’s ‘Principles of Geology,’ which I studied attentively; and the book was of the highest service to me in many ways. The very first place which I examined, namely St. Jago in the Cape de Verde islands, showed me clearly the wonderful superiority of Lyell’s manner of treating geology, compared with that of any other author, whose works I had with me or ever afterwards read.
The study of the geology of all the places we visited was much more important, as reasoning played a key role here. At first, when examining a new area, the chaos of rocks can seem utterly hopeless; but by documenting the layers and types of rocks and fossils at various locations, while always reasoning and predicting what we might find elsewhere, clarity gradually begins to emerge about the area, and the overall structure becomes easier to understand. I had brought along the first volume of Lyell’s ‘Principles of Geology,’ which I studied carefully, and the book was incredibly helpful to me in many ways. The very first place I examined, St. Jago in the Cape Verde Islands, clearly demonstrated the remarkable advantage of Lyell’s approach to geology compared to that of any other author whose works I had with me or read afterward.
Another of my occupations was collecting animals of all classes, briefly describing and roughly dissecting many of the marine ones; but from not being able to draw, and from not having sufficient anatomical knowledge, a great pile of MS. which I made during the voyage has proved almost useless. I thus lost much time, with the exception of that spent in acquiring some knowledge of the Crustaceans, as this was of service when in after years I undertook a monograph of the Cirripedia.
Another thing I did was collect animals from all classes, quickly describing and roughly dissecting many of the marine ones; however, since I couldn't draw and didn't have enough anatomical knowledge, a huge stack of notes I took during the voyage ended up being pretty useless. I wasted a lot of time, except for the time spent learning about Crustaceans, which came in handy years later when I worked on a monograph about Cirripedia.
During some part of the day I wrote my Journal, and took much pains in describing carefully and vividly all that I had seen; and this was good practice. My Journal served also, in part, as letters to my home, and portions were sent to England whenever there was an opportunity.
During part of the day, I wrote in my journal, putting in a lot of effort to describe everything I had seen clearly and vividly; it was good practice. My journal also acted, in a way, as letters to my home, and sections were sent to England whenever there was a chance.
The above various special studies were, however, of no importance compared with the habit of energetic industry and of concentrated attention to whatever I was engaged in, which I then acquired. Everything about which I thought or read was made to bear directly on what I had seen or was likely to see; and this habit of mind was continued during the five years of the voyage. I feel sure that it was this training which has enabled me to do whatever I have done in science.
The various special studies mentioned earlier were not as important as the habit of working hard and focusing intensely on whatever I was doing, which I developed at that time. Everything I thought about or read was connected to what I had seen or was about to see; this way of thinking continued throughout the five years of the journey. I’m certain that this training has allowed me to accomplish everything I have in science.
Looking backwards, I can now perceive how my love for science gradually preponderated over every other taste. During the first two years my old passion for shooting survived in nearly full force, and I shot myself all the birds and animals for my collection; but gradually I gave up my gun more and more, and finally altogether, to my servant, as shooting interfered with my work, more especially with making out the geological structure of a country. I discovered, though unconsciously and insensibly, that the pleasure of observing and reasoning was a much higher one than that of skill and sport. That my mind became developed through my pursuits during the voyage is rendered probable by a remark made by my father, who was the most acute observer whom I ever saw, of a sceptical disposition, and far from being a believer in phrenology; for on first seeing me after the voyage, he turned round to my sisters, and exclaimed, “Why, the shape of his head is quite altered.”
Looking back, I can now see how my love for science gradually became more important than any other interest. During the first two years, my old passion for shooting was still strong, and I hunted every bird and animal for my collection; but over time, I kept putting down my gun and eventually gave it away to my servant, since shooting got in the way of my work, especially of figuring out the geological structure of a country. I realized, though without really noticing it, that the joy of observing and reasoning was much greater than that of skill and sport. The fact that my mind developed through my activities during the voyage is supported by a comment my father made, who was the most keen observer I’ve ever known, skeptical in nature, and not at all a believer in phrenology. When he first saw me after the voyage, he turned to my sisters and exclaimed, “Wow, the shape of his head has completely changed.”
To return to the voyage. On September 11th (1831), I paid a flying visit with Fitz-Roy to the “Beagle” at Plymouth. Thence to Shrewsbury to wish my father and sisters a long farewell. On October 24th I took up my residence at Plymouth, and remained there until December 27th, when the “Beagle” finally left the shores of England for her circumnavigation of the world. We made two earlier attempts to sail, but were driven back each time by heavy gales. These two months at Plymouth were the most miserable which I ever spent, though I exerted myself in various ways. I was out of spirits at the thought of leaving all my family and friends for so long a time, and the weather seemed to me inexpressibly gloomy. I was also troubled with palpitation and pain about the heart, and like many a young ignorant man, especially one with a smattering of medical knowledge, was convinced that I had heart disease. I did not consult any doctor, as I fully expected to hear the verdict that I was not fit for the voyage, and I was resolved to go at all hazards.
To get back to the journey. On September 11th, 1831, I made a quick visit with Fitz-Roy to the "Beagle" in Plymouth. Then I went to Shrewsbury to say a long goodbye to my father and sisters. On October 24th, I settled in Plymouth and stayed there until December 27th, when the "Beagle" finally departed from England to start its journey around the world. We had two earlier attempts to set sail, but we were forced back each time by heavy storms. Those two months in Plymouth were the most miserable I ever experienced, even though I tried to keep myself busy in various ways. I was feeling down at the thought of leaving all my family and friends for such a long time, and the weather felt incredibly dreary to me. I was also dealing with heart palpitations and pain, and like many young men who are a bit naïve, especially those with some medical knowledge, I was convinced that I had a heart condition. I didn’t see a doctor because I fully expected to be told that I wasn’t fit for the voyage, and I was determined to go no matter what.
I need not here refer to the events of the voyage—where we went and what we did—as I have given a sufficiently full account in my published Journal. The glories of the vegetation of the Tropics rise before my mind at the present time more vividly than anything else; though the sense of sublimity, which the great deserts of Patagonia and the forest-clad mountains of Tierra del Fuego excited in me, has left an indelible impression on my mind. The sight of a naked savage in his native land is an event which can never be forgotten. Many of my excursions on horseback through wild countries, or in the boats, some of which lasted several weeks, were deeply interesting: their discomfort and some degree of danger were at that time hardly a drawback, and none at all afterwards. I also reflect with high satisfaction on some of my scientific work, such as solving the problem of coral islands, and making out the geological structure of certain islands, for instance, St. Helena. Nor must I pass over the discovery of the singular relations of the animals and plants inhabiting the several islands of the Galapagos archipelago, and of all of them to the inhabitants of South America.
I don't need to go over the details of the voyage—where we traveled and what we did—since I've provided a full account in my published Journal. Right now, the amazing beauty of the tropical vegetation stands out in my mind more than anything else; although the sense of awe that the vast deserts of Patagonia and the forest-covered mountains of Tierra del Fuego gave me has left a lasting mark on me. The sight of an indigenous person in their homeland is something I'll never forget. Many of my horseback excursions through wild areas, or in the boats, some lasting several weeks, were incredibly interesting: the discomfort and some level of danger at the time hardly seemed to matter, and not at all later on. I also look back with great satisfaction on some of my scientific work, like figuring out the mystery of coral islands and understanding the geological structure of specific islands, such as St. Helena. And I can't overlook the discovery of the unique relationships between the animals and plants found on the different islands of the Galapagos archipelago, as well as their connections to the inhabitants of South America.
As far as I can judge of myself, I worked to the utmost during the voyage from the mere pleasure of investigation, and from my strong desire to add a few facts to the great mass of facts in Natural Science. But I was also ambitious to take a fair place among scientific men,—whether more ambitious or less so than most of my fellow-workers, I can form no opinion.
As far as I can tell about myself, I really pushed myself during the trip just for the enjoyment of exploring and my strong desire to contribute a few facts to the vast pool of knowledge in Natural Science. But I also wanted to earn a respectable spot among scientific peers—whether I was more or less ambitious than most of my colleagues, I can't say.
The geology of St. Jago is very striking, yet simple: a stream of lava formerly flowed over the bed of the sea, formed of triturated recent shells and corals, which it has baked into a hard white rock. Since then the whole island has been upheaved. But the line of white rock revealed to me a new and important fact, namely, that there had been afterwards subsidence round the craters, which had since been in action, and had poured forth lava. It then first dawned on me that I might perhaps write a book on the geology of the various countries visited, and this made me thrill with delight. That was a memorable hour to me, and how distinctly I can call to mind the low cliff of lava beneath which I rested, with the sun glaring hot, a few strange desert plants growing near, and with living corals in the tidal pools at my feet. Later in the voyage, Fitz-Roy asked me to read some of my Journal, and declared it would be worth publishing; so here was a second book in prospect!
The geology of St. Jago is both striking and straightforward: a stream of lava once flowed over the ocean floor, made up of crushed recent shells and corals, which it solidified into a hard white rock. Since then, the entire island has been uplifted. However, the line of white rock revealed to me a new and important fact, namely that there had been subsequent sinking around the craters, which had since erupted and released lava. It was at that moment that I realized I might write a book on the geology of the various countries I visited, and this thought filled me with excitement. That hour was unforgettable for me, and I can vividly remember the low lava cliff where I rested, with the sun blazing hot, a few unusual desert plants nearby, and living corals in the tidal pools at my feet. Later in the voyage, Fitz-Roy asked me to share some of my Journal and claimed it would be worth publishing; so here was the prospect of a second book!
Towards the close of our voyage I received a letter whilst at Ascension, in which my sisters told me that Sedgwick had called on my father, and said that I should take a place among the leading scientific men. I could not at the time understand how he could have learnt anything of my proceedings, but I heard (I believe afterwards) that Henslow had read some of the letters which I wrote to him before the Philosophical Society of Cambridge (Read at the meeting held November 16, 1835, and printed in a pamphlet of 31 pages for distribution among the members of the Society.), and had printed them for private distribution. My collection of fossil bones, which had been sent to Henslow, also excited considerable attention amongst palaeontologists. After reading this letter, I clambered over the mountains of Ascension with a bounding step, and made the volcanic rocks resound under my geological hammer. All this shows how ambitious I was; but I think that I can say with truth that in after years, though I cared in the highest degree for the approbation of such men as Lyell and Hooker, who were my friends, I did not care much about the general public. I do not mean to say that a favourable review or a large sale of my books did not please me greatly, but the pleasure was a fleeting one, and I am sure that I have never turned one inch out of my course to gain fame.
Towards the end of our trip, I got a letter while at Ascension that my sisters wrote, saying that Sedgwick had visited my father and mentioned that I was going to be recognized among the top scientific minds. At the time, I didn’t understand how he could have known about what I was doing, but I later heard that Henslow had read some of the letters I sent him before the Philosophical Society of Cambridge (Read at the meeting held November 16, 1835, and printed in a pamphlet of 31 pages for distribution among the members of the Society.) and had shared them privately. My collection of fossil bones, which I had sent to Henslow, also drew considerable interest from palaeontologists. After reading that letter, I climbed over the mountains of Ascension with excitement, making the volcanic rocks echo under my geological hammer. All of this shows how ambitious I was; however, I can honestly say that in later years, even though I greatly valued the approval of friends like Lyell and Hooker, I didn’t really care that much about the general public. I don’t mean to imply that a positive review or strong sales of my books didn’t make me happy, but that feeling was short-lived, and I’m sure I’ve never strayed from my path to seek fame.
FROM MY RETURN TO ENGLAND (OCTOBER 2, 1836) TO MY MARRIAGE (JANUARY 29, 1839.)
These two years and three months were the most active ones which I ever spent, though I was occasionally unwell, and so lost some time. After going backwards and forwards several times between Shrewsbury, Maer, Cambridge, and London, I settled in lodgings at Cambridge (In Fitzwilliam Street.) on December 13th, where all my collections were under the care of Henslow. I stayed here three months, and got my minerals and rocks examined by the aid of Professor Miller.
These two years and three months were the busiest I’ve ever experienced, even though I was occasionally unwell and lost some time because of it. After moving back and forth several times between Shrewsbury, Maer, Cambridge, and London, I settled into a place in Cambridge (on Fitzwilliam Street) on December 13th, where all my collections were taken care of by Henslow. I stayed there for three months and had my minerals and rocks examined with the help of Professor Miller.
I began preparing my ‘Journal of Travels,’ which was not hard work, as my MS. Journal had been written with care, and my chief labour was making an abstract of my more interesting scientific results. I sent also, at the request of Lyell, a short account of my observations on the elevation of the coast of Chile to the Geological Society. (‘Geolog. Soc. Proc. ii. 1838, pages 446-449.)
I started putting together my 'Journal of Travels,' which wasn't difficult since I had carefully written my manuscript journal, and my main task was summarizing my more interesting scientific findings. I also submitted, at Lyell's request, a brief report of my observations on the rise of the coast of Chile to the Geological Society. (‘Geolog. Soc. Proc. ii. 1838, pages 446-449.)
On March 7th, 1837, I took lodgings in Great Marlborough Street in London, and remained there for nearly two years, until I was married. During these two years I finished my Journal, read several papers before the Geological Society, began preparing the MS. for my ‘Geological Observations,’ and arranged for the publication of the ‘Zoology of the Voyage of the “Beagle”.’ In July I opened my first note-book for facts in relation to the Origin of Species, about which I had long reflected, and never ceased working for the next twenty years.
On March 7th, 1837, I rented a place on Great Marlborough Street in London and stayed there for almost two years, until I got married. During this time, I completed my Journal, presented several papers at the Geological Society, started getting the manuscript ready for my ‘Geological Observations,’ and made arrangements for the publication of the ‘Zoology of the Voyage of the “Beagle.”’ In July, I started my first notebook for facts about the Origin of Species, a topic I had been thinking about for a long time, and I kept working on it for the next twenty years.
During these two years I also went a little into society, and acted as one of the honorary secretaries of the Geological Society. I saw a great deal of Lyell. One of his chief characteristics was his sympathy with the work of others, and I was as much astonished as delighted at the interest which he showed when, on my return to England, I explained to him my views on coral reefs. This encouraged me greatly, and his advice and example had much influence on me. During this time I saw also a good deal of Robert Brown; I used often to call and sit with him during his breakfast on Sunday mornings, and he poured forth a rich treasure of curious observations and acute remarks, but they almost always related to minute points, and he never with me discussed large or general questions in science.
During these two years, I also became a bit involved in society and served as one of the honorary secretaries of the Geological Society. I spent a lot of time with Lyell. One of his main traits was his support for others' work, and I was both surprised and pleased by the interest he showed when, upon my return to England, I shared my views on coral reefs with him. This greatly encouraged me, and his guidance and example had a significant impact on me. During this time, I also spent a lot of time with Robert Brown; I often dropped by to have breakfast with him on Sunday mornings, and he shared a wealth of fascinating observations and sharp insights. However, they almost always focused on specific details, and he never discussed larger or broader scientific questions with me.
During these two years I took several short excursions as a relaxation, and one longer one to the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy, an account of which was published in the ‘Philosophical Transactions.’ (1839, pages 39-82.) This paper was a great failure, and I am ashamed of it. Having been deeply impressed with what I had seen of the elevation of the land of South America, I attributed the parallel lines to the action of the sea; but I had to give up this view when Agassiz propounded his glacier-lake theory. Because no other explanation was possible under our then state of knowledge, I argued in favour of sea-action; and my error has been a good lesson to me never to trust in science to the principle of exclusion.
During these two years, I took several short trips to relax, and one longer trip to the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy, which I wrote about in the ‘Philosophical Transactions.’ (1839, pages 39-82.) This paper was a major disappointment, and I'm embarrassed by it. After being heavily influenced by what I had observed about the elevation of the land in South America, I attributed the parallel lines to the sea's action; however, I had to abandon this idea when Agassiz introduced his glacier-lake theory. Since no other explanation seemed possible with our knowledge at the time, I argued in favor of sea action; and this mistake taught me a valuable lesson to never rely on the principle of exclusion in science.
As I was not able to work all day at science, I read a good deal during these two years on various subjects, including some metaphysical books; but I was not well fitted for such studies. About this time I took much delight in Wordsworth’s and Coleridge’s poetry; and can boast that I read the ‘Excursion’ twice through. Formerly Milton’s ‘Paradise Lost’ had been my chief favourite, and in my excursions during the voyage of the “Beagle”, when I could take only a single volume, I always chose Milton.
As I couldn’t work all day on science, I spent a lot of time over these two years reading various topics, including some metaphysical books; however, I wasn't really suited for that kind of study. During this period, I really enjoyed the poetry of Wordsworth and Coleridge, and I can proudly say that I read the ‘Excursion’ cover to cover twice. Before that, Milton’s ‘Paradise Lost’ had been my favorite, and during my travels on the “Beagle,” when I could only carry one book, I always picked Milton.
FROM MY MARRIAGE, JANUARY 29, 1839, AND RESIDENCE IN UPPER GOWER STREET, TO OUR LEAVING LONDON AND SETTLING AT DOWN, SEPTEMBER 14, 1842.
(After speaking of his happy married life, and of his children, he continues:—)
(After talking about his happy married life and his kids, he continues:—)
During the three years and eight months whilst we resided in London, I did less scientific work, though I worked as hard as I possibly could, than during any other equal length of time in my life. This was owing to frequently recurring unwellness, and to one long and serious illness. The greater part of my time, when I could do anything, was devoted to my work on ‘Coral Reefs,’ which I had begun before my marriage, and of which the last proof-sheet was corrected on May 6th, 1842. This book, though a small one, cost me twenty months of hard work, as I had to read every work on the islands of the Pacific and to consult many charts. It was thought highly of by scientific men, and the theory therein given is, I think, now well established.
During the three years and eight months that we lived in London, I did less scientific work, even though I worked as hard as I could, than during any other comparable period in my life. This was due to frequent bouts of illness and one long, serious health issue. Most of my time, when I was able to work, went into my project on ‘Coral Reefs,’ which I had started before getting married, and I corrected the final proof-sheet on May 6th, 1842. This book, although short, took me twenty months of intense effort because I had to read every relevant work about the Pacific islands and consult many charts. It was highly regarded by scientists, and I believe the theory presented in it is now well established.
No other work of mine was begun in so deductive a spirit as this, for the whole theory was thought out on the west coast of South America, before I had seen a true coral reef. I had therefore only to verify and extend my views by a careful examination of living reefs. But it should be observed that I had during the two previous years been incessantly attending to the effects on the shores of South America of the intermittent elevation of the land, together with denudation and the deposition of sediment. This necessarily led me to reflect much on the effects of subsidence, and it was easy to replace in imagination the continued deposition of sediment by the upward growth of corals. To do this was to form my theory of the formation of barrier-reefs and atolls.
No other work of mine started with such a deductive approach as this one, since the entire theory was developed on the west coast of South America before I'd actually seen a real coral reef. I only needed to confirm and expand my ideas by carefully studying living reefs. However, it's important to point out that during the two years before this, I'd been constantly focusing on the effects of the intermittent rising of the land along the shores of South America, along with erosion and sediment deposition. This naturally made me think a lot about the effects of sinking land, and it was easy to imagine replacing the ongoing sediment deposition with the upward growth of corals. Doing this helped me develop my theory on how barrier reefs and atolls form.
Besides my work on coral-reefs, during my residence in London, I read before the Geological Society papers on the Erratic Boulders of South America (‘Geolog. Soc. Proc.’ iii. 1842.), on Earthquakes (‘Geolog. Trans. v. 1840.), and on the Formation by the Agency of Earth-worms of Mould. (‘Geolog. Soc. Proc. ii. 1838.) I also continued to superintend the publication of the ‘Zoology of the Voyage of the “Beagle”.’ Nor did I ever intermit collecting facts bearing on the origin of species; and I could sometimes do this when I could do nothing else from illness.
Besides my work on coral reefs, while staying in London, I presented papers to the Geological Society on the Erratic Boulders of South America (‘Geolog. Soc. Proc.’ iii. 1842), on Earthquakes (‘Geolog. Trans. v. 1840), and on the Role of Earthworms in Soil Formation (‘Geolog. Soc. Proc. ii. 1838). I also continued to oversee the publication of the ‘Zoology of the Voyage of the "Beagle."’ I never stopped collecting facts related to the origin of species, and I sometimes managed to do this even when I was too ill to do much else.
In the summer of 1842 I was stronger than I had been for some time, and took a little tour by myself in North Wales, for the sake of observing the effects of the old glaciers which formerly filled all the larger valleys. I published a short account of what I saw in the ‘Philosophical Magazine.’ (‘Philosophical Magazine,’ 1842.) This excursion interested me greatly, and it was the last time I was ever strong enough to climb mountains or to take long walks such as are necessary for geological work.
In the summer of 1842, I was healthier than I had been in a while, so I took a solo trip to North Wales to explore the remnants of the old glaciers that once filled the larger valleys. I published a brief report on my observations in the ‘Philosophical Magazine.’ (‘Philosophical Magazine,’ 1842.) This trip fascinated me, and it was the last time I was strong enough to hike mountains or go on long walks needed for geological research.
During the early part of our life in London, I was strong enough to go into general society, and saw a good deal of several scientific men, and other more or less distinguished men. I will give my impressions with respect to some of them, though I have little to say worth saying.
During the early part of our time in London, I was well enough to engage with society and met quite a few scientists and other notable individuals. I'll share my thoughts about some of them, even though I don't have much of value to say.
I saw more of Lyell than of any other man, both before and after my marriage. His mind was characterised, as it appeared to me, by clearness, caution, sound judgment, and a good deal of originality. When I made any remark to him on Geology, he never rested until he saw the whole case clearly, and often made me see it more clearly than I had done before. He would advance all possible objections to my suggestion, and even after these were exhausted would long remain dubious. A second characteristic was his hearty sympathy with the work of other scientific men. (The slight repetition here observable is accounted for by the notes on Lyell, etc., having been added in April, 1881, a few years after the rest of the ‘Recollections’ were written.)
I spent more time with Lyell than with anyone else, both before and after I got married. His mind, as I saw it, was marked by clarity, caution, sound judgment, and a fair amount of originality. Whenever I brought up something about geology, he didn’t stop until he fully understood the whole situation, and often helped me understand it better than I had before. He would raise all possible objections to my ideas, and even after addressing those, he would often remain uncertain for a while. Another notable quality was his genuine support for the work of other scientists. (The slight repetition here is due to the notes on Lyell, etc., having been added in April 1881, a few years after the rest of the ‘Recollections’ were written.)
On my return from the voyage of the “Beagle”, I explained to him my views on coral-reefs, which differed from his, and I was greatly surprised and encouraged by the vivid interest which he showed. His delight in science was ardent, and he felt the keenest interest in the future progress of mankind. He was very kind-hearted, and thoroughly liberal in his religious beliefs, or rather disbeliefs; but he was a strong theist. His candour was highly remarkable. He exhibited this by becoming a convert to the Descent theory, though he had gained much fame by opposing Lamarck’s views, and this after he had grown old. He reminded me that I had many years before said to him, when discussing the opposition of the old school of geologists to his new views, “What a good thing it would be if every scientific man was to die when sixty years old, as afterwards he would be sure to oppose all new doctrines.” But he hoped that now he might be allowed to live.
On my return from the voyage of the "Beagle," I shared my thoughts on coral reefs with him, which were different from his, and I was pleasantly surprised and encouraged by the genuine interest he showed. His passion for science was intense, and he was deeply invested in the future progress of humanity. He was very kind-hearted and quite open-minded in his religious beliefs, or rather his lack of them; however, he strongly believed in God. His openness was truly remarkable. He demonstrated this by becoming a supporter of the theory of descent, even though he had gained a lot of recognition by challenging Lamarck’s ideas, and this was after he had grown older. He reminded me that many years ago, I had told him, while discussing the old guard of geologists opposing his new ideas, “What a good thing it would be if every scientist were to die at sixty, since afterwards they would surely oppose all new theories.” But he hoped that now he could be granted the chance to live.
The science of Geology is enormously indebted to Lyell—more so, as I believe, than to any other man who ever lived. When [I was] starting on the voyage of the “Beagle”, the sagacious Henslow, who, like all other geologists, believed at that time in successive cataclysms, advised me to get and study the first volume of the ‘Principles,’ which had then just been published, but on no account to accept the views therein advocated. How differently would anyone now speak of the ‘Principles’! I am proud to remember that the first place, namely, St. Jago, in the Cape de Verde archipelago, in which I geologised, convinced me of the infinite superiority of Lyell’s views over those advocated in any other work known to me.
The science of geology owes a tremendous debt to Lyell—more than to any other person who has ever existed, in my opinion. When I was starting the journey on the “Beagle,” the wise Henslow, who, like all other geologists at the time, believed in a series of cataclysms, suggested that I read the first volume of the ‘Principles,’ which had just come out, but to be careful not to accept the ideas presented in it. How differently would anyone talk about the ‘Principles’ now! I’m proud to recall that the first place where I did geological work, specifically St. Jago in the Cape Verde archipelago, made me realize the undeniable superiority of Lyell's ideas over those found in any other book I knew.
The powerful effects of Lyell’s works could formerly be plainly seen in the different progress of the science in France and England. The present total oblivion of Elie de Beaumont’s wild hypotheses, such as his ‘Craters of Elevation’ and ‘Lines of Elevation’ (which latter hypothesis I heard Sedgwick at the Geological Society lauding to the skies), may be largely attributed to Lyell.
The significant impact of Lyell’s works could previously be clearly observed in the different advancements of science in France and England. The current complete disregard for Elie de Beaumont’s outlandish theories, like his 'Craters of Elevation' and 'Lines of Elevation' (the latter of which I heard Sedgwick praising highly at the Geological Society), can be largely credited to Lyell.
I saw a good deal of Robert Brown, “facile Princeps Botanicorum,” as he was called by Humboldt. He seemed to me to be chiefly remarkable for the minuteness of his observations, and their perfect accuracy. His knowledge was extraordinarily great, and much died with him, owing to his excessive fear of ever making a mistake. He poured out his knowledge to me in the most unreserved manner, yet was strangely jealous on some points. I called on him two or three times before the voyage of the “Beagle”, and on one occasion he asked me to look through a microscope and describe what I saw. This I did, and believe now that it was the marvellous currents of protoplasm in some vegetable cell. I then asked him what I had seen; but he answered me, “That is my little secret.”
I spent quite a bit of time with Robert Brown, known as the “facile Princeps Botanicorum,” according to Humboldt. To me, he was mainly exceptional for the detail of his observations and their perfect accuracy. His knowledge was incredibly vast, but much of it died with him due to his intense fear of making mistakes. He freely shared his knowledge with me, yet he was oddly protective about certain topics. I visited him two or three times before the voyage of the “Beagle,” and once he asked me to look through a microscope and describe what I saw. I did this and now believe it was the amazing currents of protoplasm in some plant cell. When I asked him what I had seen, he replied, “That is my little secret.”
He was capable of the most generous actions. When old, much out of health, and quite unfit for any exertion, he daily visited (as Hooker told me) an old man-servant, who lived at a distance (and whom he supported), and read aloud to him. This is enough to make up for any degree of scientific penuriousness or jealousy.
He was capable of the most generous actions. When he was old, not in good health, and not able to do much, he visited daily (as Hooker told me) an old male servant who lived far away (and whom he supported) and read aloud to him. This is enough to make up for any level of scientific stinginess or jealousy.
I may here mention a few other eminent men, whom I have occasionally seen, but I have little to say about them worth saying. I felt a high reverence for Sir J. Herschel, and was delighted to dine with him at his charming house at the Cape of Good Hope, and afterwards at his London house. I saw him, also, on a few other occasions. He never talked much, but every word which he uttered was worth listening to.
I can mention a few other notable people I've met from time to time, but I don’t have much to say about them that’s significant. I held a deep respect for Sir J. Herschel and enjoyed dining with him at his lovely home in the Cape of Good Hope, as well as at his house in London. I also saw him on a few other occasions. He didn’t speak much, but every word he said was definitely worth hearing.
I once met at breakfast at Sir R. Murchison’s house the illustrious Humboldt, who honoured me by expressing a wish to see me. I was a little disappointed with the great man, but my anticipations probably were too high. I can remember nothing distinctly about our interview, except that Humboldt was very cheerful and talked much.
I once met at breakfast at Sir R. Murchison’s house the famous Humboldt, who honored me by expressing a desire to see me. I was a bit let down by the great man, but my expectations were probably too high. I can't remember much clearly about our meeting, except that Humboldt was very cheerful and talked a lot.
—reminds me of Buckle whom I once met at Hensleigh Wedgwood’s. I was very glad to learn from him his system of collecting facts. He told me that he bought all the books which he read, and made a full index, to each, of the facts which he thought might prove serviceable to him, and that he could always remember in what book he had read anything, for his memory was wonderful. I asked him how at first he could judge what facts would be serviceable, and he answered that he did not know, but that a sort of instinct guided him. From this habit of making indices, he was enabled to give the astonishing number of references on all sorts of subjects, which may be found in his ‘History of Civilisation.’ This book I thought most interesting, and read it twice, but I doubt whether his generalisations are worth anything. Buckle was a great talker, and I listened to him saying hardly a word, nor indeed could I have done so for he left no gaps. When Mrs. Farrer began to sing, I jumped up and said that I must listen to her; after I had moved away he turned around to a friend and said (as was overheard by my brother), “Well, Mr. Darwin’s books are much better than his conversation.”
—reminds me of Buckle, whom I once met at Hensleigh Wedgwood’s. I was really glad to learn from him about his method of collecting facts. He told me he bought all the books he read and created a complete index for each one, noting the facts he thought would be useful to him. He could always remember in which book he had read something because his memory was amazing. I asked him how he could initially judge which facts would be useful, and he said he didn't know but that some kind of instinct guided him. This habit of making indices allowed him to provide the impressive number of references on all sorts of topics, which can be found in his ‘History of Civilisation.’ I found this book really interesting and read it twice, but I doubt the value of his generalizations. Buckle was a great talker, and I listened to him without saying much, as he never left any gaps. When Mrs. Farrer started to sing, I jumped up and said I needed to listen to her; after I moved away, he turned to a friend and said (as my brother overheard), “Well, Mr. Darwin’s books are much better than his conversation.”
Of other great literary men, I once met Sydney Smith at Dean Milman’s house. There was something inexplicably amusing in every word which he uttered. Perhaps this was partly due to the expectation of being amused. He was talking about Lady Cork, who was then extremely old. This was the lady who, as he said, was once so much affected by one of his charity sermons, that she borrowed a guinea from a friend to put in the plate. He now said “It is generally believed that my dear old friend Lady Cork has been overlooked,” and he said this in such a manner that no one could for a moment doubt that he meant that his dear old friend had been overlooked by the devil. How he managed to express this I know not.
Of other great literary figures, I once met Sydney Smith at Dean Milman’s house. There was something inexplicably funny in everything he said. Maybe it was partly because we all expected to be entertained. He was talking about Lady Cork, who was very old at the time. This was the lady who, as he mentioned, was so moved by one of his charity sermons that she borrowed a guinea from a friend to put in the collection plate. He now said, “It’s commonly believed that my dear old friend Lady Cork has been overlooked,” and he delivered this in such a way that no one could doubt he meant that his dear old friend had been overlooked by the devil. How he managed to convey this, I have no idea.
I likewise once met Macaulay at Lord Stanhope’s (the historian’s) house, and as there was only one other man at dinner, I had a grand opportunity of hearing him converse, and he was very agreeable. He did not talk at all too much; nor indeed could such a man talk too much, as long as he allowed others to turn the stream of his conversation, and this he did allow.
I also once met Macaulay at Lord Stanhope’s house, and since there was only one other person at dinner, I had a great chance to hear him talk, and he was very pleasant. He didn’t talk excessively; in fact, a man like him couldn’t talk too much as long as he let others influence the direction of the conversation, and he did let that happen.
Lord Stanhope once gave me a curious little proof of the accuracy and fulness of Macaulay’s memory: many historians used often to meet at Lord Stanhope’s house, and in discussing various subjects they would sometimes differ from Macaulay, and formerly they often referred to some book to see who was right; but latterly, as Lord Stanhope noticed, no historian ever took this trouble, and whatever Macaulay said was final.
Lord Stanhope once showed me an interesting example of how sharp and detailed Macaulay’s memory was: many historians would frequently gather at Lord Stanhope’s house, and while discussing different topics, they would sometimes disagree with Macaulay. In the past, they would often check some book to find out who was correct; however, as Lord Stanhope observed, recently no historian bothers to do that, and whatever Macaulay said was considered the final word.
On another occasion I met at Lord Stanhope’s house, one of his parties of historians and other literary men, and amongst them were Motley and Grote. After luncheon I walked about Chevening Park for nearly an hour with Grote, and was much interested by his conversation and pleased by the simplicity and absence of all pretension in his manners.
On another occasion, I attended one of Lord Stanhope’s gatherings with historians and other literary figures, and among them were Motley and Grote. After lunch, I strolled around Chevening Park for almost an hour with Grote, and I found his conversation really engaging and appreciated his straightforwardness and lack of pretension in how he carried himself.
Long ago I dined occasionally with the old Earl, the father of the historian; he was a strange man, but what little I knew of him I liked much. He was frank, genial, and pleasant. He had strongly marked features, with a brown complexion, and his clothes, when I saw him, were all brown. He seemed to believe in everything which was to others utterly incredible. He said one day to me, “Why don’t you give up your fiddle-faddle of geology and zoology, and turn to the occult sciences!” The historian, then Lord Mahon, seemed shocked at such a speech to me, and his charming wife much amused.
Long ago, I occasionally had dinner with the old Earl, the father of the historian; he was a peculiar man, but I really liked what little I knew of him. He was open, friendly, and enjoyable to be around. He had distinct features and a brown complexion, and when I saw him, he was dressed entirely in brown. He seemed to believe in things that others found completely unbelievable. One day he said to me, “Why don’t you stop your nonsense about geology and zoology and dive into the occult sciences!” The historian, then Lord Mahon, appeared shocked by his comment, while his lovely wife found it quite amusing.
The last man whom I will mention is Carlyle, seen by me several times at my brother’s house, and two or three times at my own house. His talk was very racy and interesting, just like his writings, but he sometimes went on too long on the same subject. I remember a funny dinner at my brother’s, where, amongst a few others, were Babbage and Lyell, both of whom liked to talk. Carlyle, however, silenced every one by haranguing during the whole dinner on the advantages of silence. After dinner Babbage, in his grimmest manner, thanked Carlyle for his very interesting lecture on silence.
The last person I want to mention is Carlyle, who I saw several times at my brother’s place and a couple of times at my own. His conversations were very lively and engaging, just like his writings, but he sometimes went on a bit too long about the same topic. I remember a humorous dinner at my brother’s where, along with a few others, Babbage and Lyell were present, both of whom loved to chat. However, Carlyle managed to quiet everyone by lecturing the whole dinner about the benefits of silence. After dinner, Babbage, in his most serious tone, thanked Carlyle for his very interesting talk on silence.
Carlyle sneered at almost every one: one day in my house he called Grote’s ‘History’ “a fetid quagmire, with nothing spiritual about it.” I always thought, until his ‘Reminiscences’ appeared, that his sneers were partly jokes, but this now seems rather doubtful. His expression was that of a depressed, almost despondent yet benevolent man; and it is notorious how heartily he laughed. I believe that his benevolence was real, though stained by not a little jealousy. No one can doubt about his extraordinary power of drawing pictures of things and men—far more vivid, as it appears to me, than any drawn by Macaulay. Whether his pictures of men were true ones is another question.
Carlyle looked down on almost everyone: one day at my place, he described Grote’s ‘History’ as “a disgusting mess, with nothing uplifting about it.” Until his ‘Reminiscences’ came out, I always thought his sneers were partly jokes, but that now seems questionable. His expression showed a depressed, almost hopeless yet kind man; and it’s well known how genuinely he laughed. I believe his kindness was sincere, even though it had its fair share of jealousy. There's no doubt about his incredible talent for vividly portraying people and things—much more so, in my opinion, than Macaulay ever did. Whether his portrayals of people were accurate is another matter.
He has been all-powerful in impressing some grand moral truths on the minds of men. On the other hand, his views about slavery were revolting. In his eyes might was right. His mind seemed to me a very narrow one; even if all branches of science, which he despised, are excluded. It is astonishing to me that Kingsley should have spoken of him as a man well fitted to advance science. He laughed to scorn the idea that a mathematician, such as Whewell, could judge, as I maintained he could, of Goethe’s views on light. He thought it a most ridiculous thing that any one should care whether a glacier moved a little quicker or a little slower, or moved at all. As far as I could judge, I never met a man with a mind so ill adapted for scientific research.
He has been incredibly influential in instilling some important moral truths in people's minds. However, his views on slavery were appalling. To him, power equated to right. I found his perspective to be very limited, even excluding all branches of science that he looked down on. It astonishes me that Kingsley referred to him as someone well-suited to promote science. He ridiculed the idea that a mathematician, like Whewell, could assess, as I argued he could, Goethe’s ideas about light. He thought it was absurd that anyone should care whether a glacier moved a bit faster or slower, or whether it moved at all. From what I could see, I have never encountered a person whose mindset was so poorly suited for scientific research.
Whilst living in London, I attended as regularly as I could the meetings of several scientific societies, and acted as secretary to the Geological Society. But such attendance, and ordinary society, suited my health so badly that we resolved to live in the country, which we both preferred and have never repented of.
While living in London, I attended the meetings of several scientific societies as often as I could and served as secretary for the Geological Society. However, this attendance and regular socializing took a toll on my health, so we decided to move to the countryside, which we both preferred and have never regretted.
RESIDENCE AT DOWN FROM SEPTEMBER 14, 1842, TO THE PRESENT TIME, 1876.
After several fruitless searches in Surrey and elsewhere, we found this house and purchased it. I was pleased with the diversified appearance of vegetation proper to a chalk district, and so unlike what I had been accustomed to in the Midland counties; and still more pleased with the extreme quietness and rusticity of the place. It is not, however, quite so retired a place as a writer in a German periodical makes it, who says that my house can be approached only by a mule-track! Our fixing ourselves here has answered admirably in one way, which we did not anticipate, namely, by being very convenient for frequent visits from our children.
After several unsuccessful searches in Surrey and other places, we found this house and bought it. I was happy with the variety of plant life typical of a chalk area, so different from what I was used to in the Midlands; and even more pleased with the extreme peace and rural feel of the place. However, it's not as isolated as a writer in a German magazine claims, who says my house can only be reached by a mule-track! Settling here has worked out wonderfully in one way we didn’t expect, which is that it's very convenient for frequent visits from our children.
Few persons can have lived a more retired life than we have done. Besides short visits to the houses of relations, and occasionally to the seaside or elsewhere, we have gone nowhere. During the first part of our residence we went a little into society, and received a few friends here; but my health almost always suffered from the excitement, violent shivering and vomiting attacks being thus brought on. I have therefore been compelled for many years to give up all dinner-parties; and this has been somewhat of a deprivation to me, as such parties always put me into high spirits. From the same cause I have been able to invite here very few scientific acquaintances.
Few people have lived as secluded a life as we have. Aside from brief visits to relatives and occasional trips to the beach or elsewhere, we haven't gone anywhere. In the early days of our stay, we engaged with a small social circle and had a few friends over; however, my health often suffered from the excitement, leading to severe shivering and vomiting episodes. Because of this, I've had to forgo dinner parties for many years, which has been a real loss for me, as those gatherings always lifted my spirits. For the same reason, I've been able to invite very few scientific acquaintances here.
My chief enjoyment and sole employment throughout life has been scientific work; and the excitement from such work makes me for the time forget, or drives quite away, my daily discomfort. I have therefore nothing to record during the rest of my life, except the publication of my several books. Perhaps a few details how they arose may be worth giving.
My main joy and only job throughout my life has been scientific work; and the thrill of that work helps me forget, or completely pushes away, my daily discomfort. So, I have nothing to share for the rest of my life except the publication of my various books. Maybe a few details about how they came to be are worth mentioning.
MY SEVERAL PUBLICATIONS.
In the early part of 1844, my observations on the volcanic islands visited during the voyage of the “Beagle” were published. In 1845, I took much pains in correcting a new edition of my ‘Journal of Researches,’ which was originally published in 1839 as part of Fitz-Roy’s work. The success of this, my first literary child, always tickles my vanity more than that of any of my other books. Even to this day it sells steadily in England and the United States, and has been translated for the second time into German, and into French and other languages. This success of a book of travels, especially of a scientific one, so many years after its first publication, is surprising. Ten thousand copies have been sold in England of the second edition. In 1846 my ‘Geological Observations on South America’ were published. I record in a little diary, which I have always kept, that my three geological books (‘Coral Reefs’ included) consumed four and a half years’ steady work; “and now it is ten years since my return to England. How much time have I lost by illness?” I have nothing to say about these three books except that to my surprise new editions have lately been called for. (‘Geological Observations,’ 2nd Edit.1876. ‘Coral Reefs,’ 2nd Edit. 1874.)
In early 1844, I published my observations on the volcanic islands I visited during the voyage of the “Beagle.” In 1845, I worked hard on correcting a new edition of my ‘Journal of Researches,’ which was originally published in 1839 as part of Fitz-Roy’s work. The success of this, my first literary creation, always flatters my vanity more than any of my other books. Even today, it continues to sell well in England and the United States, and has been translated for the second time into German, as well as into French and other languages. It’s surprising that a travel book, especially a scientific one, has had such prolonged success years after its first release. Ten thousand copies of the second edition have been sold in England. In 1846, my ‘Geological Observations on South America’ were published. I note in a small diary, which I’ve always kept, that my three geological books (including ‘Coral Reefs’) took four and a half years of consistent work; “and now it’s been ten years since I returned to England. How much time have I lost due to illness?” I don’t have much to say about these three books besides the fact that, surprisingly, new editions have recently been requested. (‘Geological Observations,’ 2nd Edit. 1876. ‘Coral Reefs,’ 2nd Edit. 1874.)
In October, 1846, I began to work on ‘Cirripedia.’ When on the coast of Chile, I found a most curious form, which burrowed into the shells of Concholepas, and which differed so much from all other Cirripedes that I had to form a new sub-order for its sole reception. Lately an allied burrowing genus has been found on the shores of Portugal. To understand the structure of my new Cirripede I had to examine and dissect many of the common forms; and this gradually led me on to take up the whole group. I worked steadily on this subject for the next eight years, and ultimately published two thick volumes (Published by the Ray Society.), describing all the known living species, and two thin quartos on the extinct species. I do not doubt that Sir E. Lytton Bulwer had me in his mind when he introduced in one of his novels a Professor Long, who had written two huge volumes on limpets.
In October 1846, I started working on ‘Cirripedia.’ While on the coast of Chile, I discovered a very unusual species that burrowed into the shells of Concholepas, and it was so different from all other barnacles that I needed to create a new sub-order just for it. Recently, a related burrowing genus was found along the shores of Portugal. To understand the structure of my new barnacle, I had to examine and dissect many common forms, which gradually led me to study the entire group. I focused on this topic for the next eight years and eventually published two thick volumes (Published by the Ray Society) detailing all the known living species and two thinner quartos on the extinct species. I believe that Sir E. Lytton Bulwer had me in mind when he created a character named Professor Long in one of his novels, who had written two massive volumes on limpets.
Although I was employed during eight years on this work, yet I record in my diary that about two years out of this time was lost by illness. On this account I went in 1848 for some months to Malvern for hydropathic treatment, which did me much good, so that on my return home I was able to resume work. So much was I out of health that when my dear father died on November 13th, 1848, I was unable to attend his funeral or to act as one of his executors.
Although I worked on this project for eight years, I notes in my diary that I lost about two years of that time due to illness. Because of this, I went to Malvern in 1848 for several months to receive hydrotherapy, which helped me a lot, allowing me to get back to work when I returned home. I was so unwell that when my dear father passed away on November 13th, 1848, I couldn't attend his funeral or serve as one of his executors.
My work on the Cirripedia possesses, I think, considerable value, as besides describing several new and remarkable forms, I made out the homologies of the various parts—I discovered the cementing apparatus, though I blundered dreadfully about the cement glands—and lastly I proved the existence in certain genera of minute males complemental to and parasitic on the hermaphrodites. This latter discovery has at last been fully confirmed; though at one time a German writer was pleased to attribute the whole account to my fertile imagination. The Cirripedes form a highly varying and difficult group of species to class; and my work was of considerable use to me, when I had to discuss in the ‘Origin of Species’ the principles of a natural classification. Nevertheless, I doubt whether the work was worth the consumption of so much time.
My work on barnacles is, I believe, quite valuable. Not only did I describe several new and interesting forms, but I also figured out the homologies of different parts—I discovered the cementing apparatus, although I made some serious mistakes regarding the cement glands—and lastly, I proved the existence of tiny males that are complementary to and parasitic on the hermaphrodites in certain genera. This last discovery has now been completely confirmed, even though at one point a German author claimed that my entire account was just a product of my imagination. Barnacles represent a highly variable and challenging group of species to classify, and my work was quite helpful when I had to discuss the principles of natural classification in the 'Origin of Species.' Still, I wonder if the effort was worth the time spent.
From September 1854 I devoted my whole time to arranging my huge pile of notes, to observing, and to experimenting in relation to the transmutation of species. During the voyage of the “Beagle” I had been deeply impressed by discovering in the Pampean formation great fossil animals covered with armour like that on the existing armadillos; secondly, by the manner in which closely allied animals replace one another in proceeding southwards over the Continent; and thirdly, by the South American character of most of the productions of the Galapagos archipelago, and more especially by the manner in which they differ slightly on each island of the group; none of the islands appearing to be very ancient in a geological sense.
From September 1854, I dedicated all my time to organizing my massive collection of notes, observing, and experimenting with the idea of species transformation. During the voyage of the “Beagle,” I was greatly struck by discovering large fossil animals in the Pampean formation that were armored like the armadillos we have today. I was also intrigued by how closely related animals would replace each other as you move south across the continent. Additionally, I found it fascinating that most of the species in the Galapagos archipelago had a South American origin, especially noticing how they varied slightly from one island to another, with none of the islands seeming very old in geological terms.
It was evident that such facts as these, as well as many others, could only be explained on the supposition that species gradually become modified; and the subject haunted me. But it was equally evident that neither the action of the surrounding conditions, nor the will of the organisms (especially in the case of plants) could account for the innumerable cases in which organisms of every kind are beautifully adapted to their habits of life—for instance, a woodpecker or a tree-frog to climb trees, or a seed for dispersal by hooks or plumes. I had always been much struck by such adaptations, and until these could be explained it seemed to me almost useless to endeavour to prove by indirect evidence that species have been modified.
It was clear that facts like these, along with many others, could only be explained by the idea that species gradually change over time; this thought lingered in my mind. However, it was just as clear that neither the influence of the surrounding conditions nor the will of the organisms (especially in the case of plants) could explain the countless examples of how all kinds of organisms are perfectly adapted to their lifestyles—for instance, a woodpecker or a tree frog climbing trees, or a seed being dispersed by hooks or feathers. I had always been impressed by such adaptations, and until I could explain them, it seemed almost pointless to try to prove through indirect evidence that species had changed.
After my return to England it appeared to me that by following the example of Lyell in Geology, and by collecting all facts which bore in any way on the variation of animals and plants under domestication and nature, some light might perhaps be thrown on the whole subject. My first note-book was opened in July 1837. I worked on true Baconian principles, and without any theory collected facts on a wholesale scale, more especially with respect to domesticated productions, by printed enquiries, by conversation with skilful breeders and gardeners, and by extensive reading. When I see the list of books of all kinds which I read and abstracted, including whole series of Journals and Transactions, I am surprised at my industry. I soon perceived that selection was the keystone of man’s success in making useful races of animals and plants. But how selection could be applied to organisms living in a state of nature remained for some time a mystery to me.
After I returned to England, it seemed to me that by following Lyell’s example in geology and gathering all facts related to the variation of animals and plants in both domestication and nature, I might shed some light on the entire subject. I started my first notebook in July 1837. I operated on true Baconian principles and collected facts on a large scale without any preconceived theories, focusing particularly on domesticated products through printed inquiries, conversations with skilled breeders and gardeners, and extensive reading. When I look at the list of books I read and summarized, including entire series of journals and transactions, I’m amazed at my effort. I quickly realized that selection was the key to humans successfully creating useful breeds of animals and plants. However, how selection could apply to organisms in their natural habitats remained a mystery to me for some time.
In October 1838, that is, fifteen months after I had begun my systematic enquiry, I happened to read for amusement ‘Malthus on Population,’ and being well prepared to appreciate the struggle for existence which everywhere goes on from long-continued observation of the habits of animals and plants, it at once struck me that under these circumstances favourable variations would tend to be preserved, and unfavourable ones to be destroyed. The result of this would be the formation of new species. Here then I had at last got a theory by which to work; but I was so anxious to avoid prejudice, that I determined not for some time to write even the briefest sketch of it. In June 1842 I first allowed myself the satisfaction of writing a very brief abstract of my theory in pencil in 35 pages; and this was enlarged during the summer of 1844 into one of 230 pages, which I had fairly copied out and still possess.
In October 1838, fifteen months after I started my systematic research, I read "Malthus on Population" for fun. Having closely observed the behaviors of animals and plants for a long time, I was ready to understand the struggle for existence. It immediately struck me that in these conditions, favorable variations would be preserved while unfavorable ones would be eliminated. This would lead to the formation of new species. Finally, I had a theory to work with, but I was so eager to avoid bias that I decided not to write even a brief outline of it for some time. In June 1842, I finally allowed myself the satisfaction of writing a very short summary of my theory in pencil, spanning 35 pages; I expanded this during the summer of 1844 into a more comprehensive document of 230 pages, which I carefully copied out and still have.
But at that time I overlooked one problem of great importance; and it is astonishing to me, except on the principle of Columbus and his egg, how I could have overlooked it and its solution. This problem is the tendency in organic beings descended from the same stock to diverge in character as they become modified. That they have diverged greatly is obvious from the manner in which species of all kinds can be classed under genera, genera under families, families under sub-orders and so forth; and I can remember the very spot in the road, whilst in my carriage, when to my joy the solution occurred to me; and this was long after I had come to Down. The solution, as I believe, is that the modified offspring of all dominant and increasing forms tend to become adapted to many and highly diversified places in the economy of nature.
But at that time, I overlooked a really important issue, and it’s surprising to me, except in light of Columbus and his egg, how I could have missed it and its solution. This issue is the tendency for living beings that come from the same ancestors to change in ways as they get modified. It’s clear that they have changed a lot, as we can categorize species of all types into genera, genera into families, families into sub-orders, and so on; I can even remember the exact spot in the road when, to my delight, the solution came to me, which was long after I had arrived in Down. I believe the solution is that the modified offspring of all prominent and growing forms tend to adapt to countless and varied roles in the natural world.
Early in 1856 Lyell advised me to write out my views pretty fully, and I began at once to do so on a scale three or four times as extensive as that which was afterwards followed in my ‘Origin of Species;’ yet it was only an abstract of the materials which I had collected, and I got through about half the work on this scale. But my plans were overthrown, for early in the summer of 1858 Mr. Wallace, who was then in the Malay archipelago, sent me an essay “On the Tendency of Varieties to depart indefinitely from the Original Type;” and this essay contained exactly the same theory as mine. Mr. Wallace expressed the wish that if I thought well of his essay, I should sent it to Lyell for perusal.
Early in 1856, Lyell suggested that I write out my ideas in detail, so I started right away on a project much larger than what later became my ‘Origin of Species;’ however, it was just a summary of the materials I had gathered, and I completed about half of the work at that extent. But my plans were disrupted when, in the early summer of 1858, Mr. Wallace, who was then in the Malay archipelago, sent me an essay titled “On the Tendency of Varieties to Depart Indefinitely from the Original Type;” this essay presented exactly the same theory as mine. Mr. Wallace mentioned that if I found his essay worthwhile, I should send it to Lyell for review.
The circumstances under which I consented at the request of Lyell and Hooker to allow of an abstract from my MS., together with a letter to Asa Gray, dated September 5, 1857, to be published at the same time with Wallace’s Essay, are given in the ‘Journal of the Proceedings of the Linnean Society,’ 1858, page 45. I was at first very unwilling to consent, as I thought Mr. Wallace might consider my doing so unjustifiable, for I did not then know how generous and noble was his disposition. The extract from my MS. and the letter to Asa Gray had neither been intended for publication, and were badly written. Mr. Wallace’s essay, on the other hand, was admirably expressed and quite clear. Nevertheless, our joint productions excited very little attention, and the only published notice of them which I can remember was by Professor Haughton of Dublin, whose verdict was that all that was new in them was false, and what was true was old. This shows how necessary it is that any new view should be explained at considerable length in order to arouse public attention.
The reasons why I agreed, at the request of Lyell and Hooker, to let an abstract from my manuscript and a letter to Asa Gray, dated September 5, 1857, be published alongside Wallace’s essay, are outlined in the ‘Journal of the Proceedings of the Linnean Society,’ 1858, page 45. Initially, I was very hesitant to agree, as I thought Mr. Wallace might see my agreement as unreasonable, since I didn't yet realize how generous and noble he was. The extract from my manuscript and the letter to Asa Gray weren't meant for publication and were poorly written. In contrast, Mr. Wallace’s essay was eloquently written and very clear. Still, our joint works got very little attention, and the only published response I can recall was from Professor Haughton of Dublin, who stated that everything new in our work was false and everything true was old. This highlights how important it is for any new perspective to be explained in detail to capture public interest.
In September 1858 I set to work by the strong advice of Lyell and Hooker to prepare a volume on the transmutation of species, but was often interrupted by ill-health, and short visits to Dr. Lane’s delightful hydropathic establishment at Moor Park. I abstracted the MS. begun on a much larger scale in 1856, and completed the volume on the same reduced scale. It cost me thirteen months and ten days’ hard labour. It was published under the title of the ‘Origin of Species,’ in November 1859. Though considerably added to and corrected in the later editions, it has remained substantially the same book.
In September 1858, I started working, following the strong advice of Lyell and Hooker, to put together a book on the evolution of species. However, I was frequently interrupted by health issues and short visits to Dr. Lane’s lovely hydropathic facility at Moor Park. I summarized the manuscript I began on a much larger scale in 1856 and finished the book on the same smaller scale. It took me thirteen months and ten days of hard work. It was published under the title 'Origin of Species' in November 1859. Although it has been significantly revised and expanded in later editions, it has remained fundamentally the same book.
It is no doubt the chief work of my life. It was from the first highly successful. The first small edition of 1250 copies was sold on the day of publication, and a second edition of 3000 copies soon afterwards. Sixteen thousand copies have now (1876) been sold in England; and considering how stiff a book it is, this is a large sale. It has been translated into almost every European tongue, even into such languages as Spanish, Bohemian, Polish, and Russian. It has also, according to Miss Bird, been translated into Japanese (Miss Bird is mistaken, as I learn from Prof. Mitsukuri.—F.D.), and is there much studied. Even an essay in Hebrew has appeared on it, showing that the theory is contained in the Old Testament! The reviews were very numerous; for some time I collected all that appeared on the ‘Origin’ and on my related books, and these amount (excluding newspaper reviews) to 265; but after a time I gave up the attempt in despair. Many separate essays and books on the subject have appeared; and in Germany a catalogue or bibliography on “Darwinismus” has appeared every year or two.
It is definitely the main work of my life. From the very beginning, it was a big success. The first small edition of 1,250 copies sold out on the day it was released, and a second edition of 3,000 copies soon followed. By 1876, 16,000 copies had been sold in England; considering how dense the book is, that’s a significant number. It has been translated into almost every European language, including Spanish, Czech, Polish, and Russian. According to Miss Bird, it has even been translated into Japanese (though Miss Bird is mistaken, as I’ve learned from Prof. Mitsukuri.—F.D.), where it is extensively studied. There’s even been an essay in Hebrew discussing it, suggesting that the theory is found in the Old Testament! The reviews were numerous; for a while, I collected all that appeared about the ‘Origin’ and my related works, totaling 265 (excluding newspaper reviews), but eventually, I gave up out of frustration. Many individual essays and books on the topic have emerged, and in Germany, a catalogue or bibliography on “Darwinismus” has been published every year or two.
The success of the ‘Origin’ may, I think, be attributed in large part to my having long before written two condensed sketches, and to my having finally abstracted a much larger manuscript, which was itself an abstract. By this means I was enabled to select the more striking facts and conclusions. I had, also, during many years followed a golden rule, namely, that whenever a published fact, a new observation or thought came across me, which was opposed to my general results, to make a memorandum of it without fail and at once; for I had found by experience that such facts and thoughts were far more apt to escape from the memory than favourable ones. Owing to this habit, very few objections were raised against my views which I had not at least noticed and attempted to answer.
The success of the ‘Origin’ can largely be attributed to the fact that I had previously written two condensed sketches and had ultimately summarized a much larger manuscript, which was itself a summary. This allowed me to choose the most significant facts and conclusions. For many years, I also followed a golden rule: whenever I encountered a published fact, a new observation, or an idea that contradicted my general findings, I made a note of it immediately, without fail. I found that such facts and ideas were much more likely to slip from my memory than the ones that supported my results. Because of this habit, very few objections to my views went unnoticed or unanswered.
It has sometimes been said that the success of the ‘Origin’ proved “that the subject was in the air,” or “that men’s minds were prepared for it.” I do not think that this is strictly true, for I occasionally sounded not a few naturalists, and never happened to come across a single one who seemed to doubt about the permanence of species. Even Lyell and Hooker, though they would listen with interest to me, never seemed to agree. I tried once or twice to explain to able men what I meant by Natural Selection, but signally failed. What I believe was strictly true is that innumerable well-observed facts were stored in the minds of naturalists ready to take their proper places as soon as any theory which would receive them was sufficiently explained. Another element in the success of the book was its moderate size; and this I owe to the appearance of Mr. Wallace’s essay; had I published on the scale in which I began to write in 1856, the book would have been four or five times as large as the ‘Origin,’ and very few would have had the patience to read it.
It has sometimes been said that the success of the ‘Origin’ proved “that the subject was in the air,” or “that people’s minds were ready for it.” I don’t think that’s entirely true, because I occasionally spoke to several naturalists, and I never came across one who seemed to doubt the permanence of species. Even Lyell and Hooker, while they listened to me with interest, never seemed to agree. I tried a couple of times to explain to knowledgeable people what I meant by Natural Selection, but I failed miserably. What I believe is absolutely true is that countless well-observed facts were stored in the minds of naturalists, just waiting to fit in as soon as any theory that could accommodate them was clearly explained. Another factor in the book's success was its moderate size; I owe this to the appearance of Mr. Wallace’s essay. If I had published on the scale at which I started writing in 1856, the book would have been four or five times larger than the ‘Origin,’ and very few would have had the patience to read it.
I gained much by my delay in publishing from about 1839, when the theory was clearly conceived, to 1859; and I lost nothing by it, for I cared very little whether men attributed most originality to me or Wallace; and his essay no doubt aided in the reception of the theory. I was forestalled in only one important point, which my vanity has always made me regret, namely, the explanation by means of the Glacial period of the presence of the same species of plants and of some few animals on distant mountain summits and in the arctic regions. This view pleased me so much that I wrote it out in extenso, and I believe that it was read by Hooker some years before E. Forbes published his celebrated memoir (‘Geolog. Survey Mem.,’ 1846.) on the subject. In the very few points in which we differed, I still think that I was in the right. I have never, of course, alluded in print to my having independently worked out this view.
I benefited a lot from waiting to publish from around 1839, when the theory was clearly formed, until 1859; and I didn’t lose anything by it because I didn’t really care whether people credited me or Wallace with more originality. His essay definitely helped in getting the theory accepted. I was only preempted in one important aspect, which my vanity has always made me regret: the explanation of how the Glacial period accounts for the presence of the same species of plants and a few animals on distant mountain tops and in the Arctic regions. I liked this idea so much that I wrote it out in detail, and I believe Hooker read it a few years before E. Forbes published his famous memoir (‘Geolog. Survey Mem.,’ 1846) on the topic. In the very few areas where we disagreed, I still believe I was right. I have never mentioned in print that I independently developed this idea.
Hardly any point gave me so much satisfaction when I was at work on the ‘Origin,’ as the explanation of the wide difference in many classes between the embryo and the adult animal, and of the close resemblance of the embryos within the same class. No notice of this point was taken, as far as I remember, in the early reviews of the ‘Origin,’ and I recollect expressing my surprise on this head in a letter to Asa Gray. Within late years several reviewers have given the whole credit to Fritz Muller and Hackel, who undoubtedly have worked it out much more fully, and in some respects more correctly than I did. I had materials for a whole chapter on the subject, and I ought to have made the discussion longer; for it is clear that I failed to impress my readers; and he who succeeds in doing so deserves, in my opinion, all the credit.
Hardly anything gave me as much satisfaction while I was working on the ‘Origin’ as explaining the significant differences between embryos and adult animals in many classes, and the close similarities of embryos within the same class. To my recollection, this point wasn't mentioned in the early reviews of the ‘Origin,’ and I remember expressing my surprise about it in a letter to Asa Gray. In recent years, several reviewers have given full credit to Fritz Muller and Hackel, who have definitely explored this topic in much more depth, and in some ways more accurately, than I did. I had enough material for a whole chapter on the subject, and I should have made the discussion longer; it's clear that I didn't succeed in making an impression on my readers, and I believe anyone who does deserves all the credit.
This leads me to remark that I have almost always been treated honestly by my reviewers, passing over those without scientific knowledge as not worthy of notice. My views have often been grossly misrepresented, bitterly opposed and ridiculed, but this has been generally done, as I believe, in good faith. On the whole I do not doubt that my works have been over and over again greatly overpraised. I rejoice that I have avoided controversies, and this I owe to Lyell, who many years ago, in reference to my geological works, strongly advised me never to get entangled in a controversy, as it rarely did any good and caused a miserable loss of time and temper.
This makes me want to say that I’ve mostly been treated fairly by my reviewers, ignoring those who lack scientific knowledge as not worth my attention. My opinions have often been seriously misrepresented, strongly opposed, and mocked, but I believe this has mostly been done in good faith. Overall, I don’t doubt that my works have repeatedly been highly praised. I’m glad I’ve steered clear of controversies, and I owe this to Lyell, who, many years ago, advised me regarding my geological works to never get caught up in a dispute since it rarely led to any positive outcome and was a waste of time and energy.
Whenever I have found out that I have blundered, or that my work has been imperfect, and when I have been contemptuously criticised, and even when I have been overpraised, so that I have felt mortified, it has been my greatest comfort to say hundreds of times to myself that “I have worked as hard and as well as I could, and no man can do more than this.” I remember when in Good Success Bay, in Tierra del Fuego, thinking (and, I believe, that I wrote home to the effect) that I could not employ my life better than in adding a little to Natural Science. This I have done to the best of my abilities, and critics may say what they like, but they cannot destroy this conviction.
Whenever I realized that I had made a mistake or that my work wasn't perfect, and when I faced scornful criticism or even when I was overly praised to the point of feeling embarrassed, my greatest comfort has been to remind myself hundreds of times that “I have worked as hard and as well as I could, and no one can do more than that.” I remember being in Good Success Bay, in Tierra del Fuego, thinking (and I believe I wrote home about this) that I couldn’t spend my life better than by contributing a bit to Natural Science. I've done this to the best of my abilities, and critics can say whatever they want, but they can't take away this belief.
During the two last months of 1859 I was fully occupied in preparing a second edition of the ‘Origin,’ and by an enormous correspondence. On January 1st, 1860, I began arranging my notes for my work on the ‘Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication;’ but it was not published until the beginning of 1868; the delay having been caused partly by frequent illnesses, one of which lasted seven months, and partly by being tempted to publish on other subjects which at the time interested me more.
During the last two months of 1859, I was completely busy preparing a second edition of the 'Origin' and dealing with a massive amount of correspondence. On January 1st, 1860, I started organizing my notes for my work on the 'Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication,' but it wasn't published until the beginning of 1868. The delay was partly due to frequent illnesses, one of which lasted seven months, and partly because I was tempted to publish on other topics that were more intriguing to me at the time.
On May 15th, 1862, my little book on the ‘Fertilisation of Orchids,’ which cost me ten months’ work, was published: most of the facts had been slowly accumulated during several previous years. During the summer of 1839, and, I believe, during the previous summer, I was led to attend to the cross-fertilisation of flowers by the aid of insects, from having come to the conclusion in my speculations on the origin of species, that crossing played an important part in keeping specific forms constant. I attended to the subject more or less during every subsequent summer; and my interest in it was greatly enhanced by having procured and read in November 1841, through the advice of Robert Brown, a copy of C.K. Sprengel’s wonderful book, ‘Das entdeckte Geheimniss der Natur.’ For some years before 1862 I had specially attended to the fertilisation of our British orchids; and it seemed to me the best plan to prepare as complete a treatise on this group of plants as well as I could, rather than to utilise the great mass of matter which I had slowly collected with respect to other plants.
On May 15, 1862, my little book on the "Fertilisation of Orchids," which took me ten months to complete, was published: most of the information had been gathered over several years. During the summer of 1839, and I believe the summer before that, I became interested in the cross-fertilization of flowers by insects because I concluded in my thoughts on the origin of species that crossbreeding was crucial in maintaining the stability of specific forms. I focused on this topic more or less during each subsequent summer, and my interest was significantly deepened when I obtained and read, in November 1841, a copy of C.K. Sprengel's amazing book, "Das entdeckte Geheimniss der Natur," thanks to Robert Brown's advice. For several years leading up to 1862, I had specifically studied the fertilization of our British orchids; and I felt it was best to compile as comprehensive a treatise on this group of plants as I could, rather than to use the vast amount of information I had gradually collected regarding other plants.
My resolve proved a wise one; for since the appearance of my book, a surprising number of papers and separate works on the fertilisation of all kinds of flowers have appeared: and these are far better done than I could possibly have effected. The merits of poor old Sprengel, so long overlooked, are now fully recognised many years after his death.
My decision turned out to be a smart one; since my book came out, a surprising number of articles and individual works on the fertilization of various flowers have been published, and they're much better done than I could have managed. The contributions of poor old Sprengel, long ignored, are now fully acknowledged many years after his passing.
During the same year I published in the ‘Journal of the Linnean Society’ a paper “On the Two Forms, or Dimorphic Condition of Primula,” and during the next five years, five other papers on dimorphic and trimorphic plants. I do not think anything in my scientific life has given me so much satisfaction as making out the meaning of the structure of these plants. I had noticed in 1838 or 1839 the dimorphism of Linum flavum, and had at first thought that it was merely a case of unmeaning variability. But on examining the common species of Primula I found that the two forms were much too regular and constant to be thus viewed. I therefore became almost convinced that the common cowslip and primrose were on the high road to become dioecious;—that the short pistil in the one form, and the short stamens in the other form were tending towards abortion. The plants were therefore subjected under this point of view to trial; but as soon as the flowers with short pistils fertilised with pollen from the short stamens, were found to yield more seeds than any other of the four possible unions, the abortion-theory was knocked on the head. After some additional experiment, it became evident that the two forms, though both were perfect hermaphrodites, bore almost the same relation to one another as do the two sexes of an ordinary animal. With Lythrum we have the still more wonderful case of three forms standing in a similar relation to one another. I afterwards found that the offspring from the union of two plants belonging to the same forms presented a close and curious analogy with hybrids from the union of two distinct species.
In the same year, I published a paper titled “On the Two Forms, or Dimorphic Condition of Primula” in the ‘Journal of the Linnean Society,’ and over the next five years, I wrote five other papers on dimorphic and trimorphic plants. Nothing in my scientific career has brought me as much satisfaction as understanding the structure of these plants. I first noticed the dimorphism of Linum flavum around 1838 or 1839 and initially thought it was just random variability. However, when I examined the common species of Primula, I realized that the two forms were too regular and consistent to be seen that way. I became convinced that the common cowslip and primrose were on the path to becoming dioecious; that the short pistil in one form and the short stamens in the other were moving toward abortion. So, I tested this theory. But when I found that the flowers with short pistils fertilized with pollen from the short stamens produced more seeds than any of the four possible combinations, the abortion theory was disproven. After further experimentation, it was clear that the two forms, while both perfect hermaphrodites, were related to each other almost like the two sexes of a typical animal. With Lythrum, we see an even more remarkable case of three forms that relate to each other similarly. I later discovered that the offspring from the union of two plants of the same form showed a close and interesting similarity to hybrids created from the union of two distinct species.
In the autumn of 1864 I finished a long paper on ‘Climbing Plants,’ and sent it to the Linnean Society. The writing of this paper cost me four months; but I was so unwell when I received the proof-sheets that I was forced to leave them very badly and often obscurely expressed. The paper was little noticed, but when in 1875 it was corrected and published as a separate book it sold well. I was led to take up this subject by reading a short paper by Asa Gray, published in 1858. He sent me seeds, and on raising some plants I was so much fascinated and perplexed by the revolving movements of the tendrils and stems, which movements are really very simple, though appearing at first sight very complex, that I procured various other kinds of climbing plants, and studied the whole subject. I was all the more attracted to it, from not being at all satisfied with the explanation which Henslow gave us in his lectures, about twining plants, namely, that they had a natural tendency to grow up in a spire. This explanation proved quite erroneous. Some of the adaptations displayed by Climbing Plants are as beautiful as those of Orchids for ensuring cross-fertilisation.
In the fall of 1864, I finished a long paper titled ‘Climbing Plants’ and submitted it to the Linnean Society. Writing this paper took me four months, but I was feeling unwell when I received the proof sheets, which left many of my ideas expressed poorly and often unclearly. The paper didn't get much attention, but when it was revised and published as a separate book in 1875, it sold well. I became interested in this topic after reading a short paper by Asa Gray published in 1858. He sent me some seeds, and after growing a few plants, I became fascinated and confused by the twisting movements of the tendrils and stems. These movements are actually quite simple, even though they seem complex at first. I then collected various other types of climbing plants and studied the whole subject. My interest grew even more because I wasn’t satisfied with the explanation Henslow gave in his lectures about twining plants, which suggested they naturally tend to grow upward in a spiral. This explanation turned out to be completely wrong. Some of the adaptations found in climbing plants are as beautiful as those of orchids for promoting cross-fertilization.
My ‘Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication’ was begun, as already stated, in the beginning of 1860, but was not published until the beginning of 1868. It was a big book, and cost me four years and two months’ hard labour. It gives all my observations and an immense number of facts collected from various sources, about our domestic productions. In the second volume the causes and laws of variation, inheritance, etc., are discussed as far as our present state of knowledge permits. Towards the end of the work I give my well-abused hypothesis of Pangenesis. An unverified hypothesis is of little or no value; but if anyone should hereafter be led to make observations by which some such hypothesis could be established, I shall have done good service, as an astonishing number of isolated facts can be thus connected together and rendered intelligible. In 1875 a second and largely corrected edition, which cost me a good deal of labour, was brought out.
My book, ‘Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication,’ was started, as mentioned earlier, at the beginning of 1860, but it wasn’t published until early 1868. It was a large book and took me four years and two months of hard work to complete. It includes all my observations and a vast number of facts gathered from various sources about our domesticated species. In the second volume, I discuss the causes and laws of variation, inheritance, and so on, based on our current understanding. Towards the end of the work, I present my often-criticized hypothesis of Pangenesis. An untested hypothesis doesn’t hold much value; however, if someone in the future is inspired to make observations that could support such a hypothesis, I will have done a good service, as a remarkable number of isolated facts can then be connected and made comprehensible. In 1875, a second, extensively revised edition was published, which took me a considerable amount of effort to produce.
My ‘Descent of Man’ was published in February, 1871. As soon as I had become, in the year 1837 or 1838, convinced that species were mutable productions, I could not avoid the belief that man must come under the same law. Accordingly I collected notes on the subject for my own satisfaction, and not for a long time with any intention of publishing. Although in the ‘Origin of Species’ the derivation of any particular species is never discussed, yet I thought it best, in order that no honourable man should accuse me of concealing my views, to add that by the work “light would be thrown on the origin of man and his history.” It would have been useless and injurious to the success of the book to have paraded, without giving any evidence, my conviction with respect to his origin.
My 'Descent of Man' was published in February 1871. Once I became convinced, around 1837 or 1838, that species could change over time, I couldn't help but believe that humans were subject to the same principle. So, I gathered notes on the topic for my own understanding and didn't plan to publish them for quite a while. While the 'Origin of Species' doesn't address the origin of any specific species, I thought it was important to clarify that my work would "shed light on the origin of man and his history," so no honorable person could accuse me of hiding my views. It would have been pointless and detrimental to the book's success to have claimed my beliefs about human origins without presenting any evidence.
But when I found that many naturalists fully accepted the doctrine of the evolution of species, it seemed to me advisable to work up such notes as I possessed, and to publish a special treatise on the origin of man. I was the more glad to do so, as it gave me an opportunity of fully discussing sexual selection—a subject which had always greatly interested me. This subject, and that of the variation of our domestic productions, together with the causes and laws of variation, inheritance, and the intercrossing of plants, are the sole subjects which I have been able to write about in full, so as to use all the materials which I have collected. The ‘Descent of Man’ took me three years to write, but then as usual some of this time was lost by ill health, and some was consumed by preparing new editions and other minor works. A second and largely corrected edition of the ‘Descent’ appeared in 1874.
But when I discovered that many naturalists completely embraced the idea of species evolution, I thought it would be wise to organize the notes I had and publish a detailed study on the origin of humanity. I was even more motivated to do this since it allowed me to thoroughly discuss sexual selection—a topic that has always fascinated me. This topic, along with the variation in our domesticated animals and plants, as well as the reasons and laws behind variation, inheritance, and crossbreeding, are the only subjects I’ve been able to write about in depth, making full use of the materials I’ve gathered. It took me three years to write ‘The Descent of Man,’ but, as usual, some of that time was lost due to illness, and some was taken up by preparing new editions and other minor works. A second, mostly revised edition of ‘The Descent’ was published in 1874.
My book on the ‘Expression of the Emotions in Men and Animals’ was published in the autumn of 1872. I had intended to give only a chapter on the subject in the ‘Descent of Man,’ but as soon as I began to put my notes together, I saw that it would require a separate treatise.
My book on the 'Expression of the Emotions in Men and Animals' was published in the fall of 1872. I had initially planned to include just a chapter on the topic in the 'Descent of Man,' but once I started organizing my notes, I realized it needed to be a separate work.
My first child was born on December 27th, 1839, and I at once commenced to make notes on the first dawn of the various expressions which he exhibited, for I felt convinced, even at this early period, that the most complex and fine shades of expression must all have had a gradual and natural origin. During the summer of the following year, 1840, I read Sir C. Bell’s admirable work on expression, and this greatly increased the interest which I felt in the subject, though I could not at all agree with his belief that various muscles had been specially created for the sake of expression. From this time forward I occasionally attended to the subject, both with respect to man and our domesticated animals. My book sold largely; 5267 copies having been disposed of on the day of publication.
My first child was born on December 27, 1839, and I immediately started jotting down notes on the first signs of the different expressions he made because I was convinced, even then, that the most complex and subtle shades of expression must have had a gradual and natural origin. During the summer of the next year, 1840, I read Sir C. Bell’s excellent book on expression, and this really deepened my interest in the topic, even though I completely disagreed with his belief that various muscles were specially created for the purpose of expression. From that point on, I occasionally paid attention to the subject, both in relation to humans and our domesticated animals. My book sold really well; 5,267 copies were sold on the day it was published.
In the summer of 1860 I was idling and resting near Hartfield, where two species of Drosera abound; and I noticed that numerous insects had been entrapped by the leaves. I carried home some plants, and on giving them insects saw the movements of the tentacles, and this made me think it probable that the insects were caught for some special purpose. Fortunately a crucial test occurred to me, that of placing a large number of leaves in various nitrogenous and non-nitrogenous fluids of equal density; and as soon as I found that the former alone excited energetic movements, it was obvious that here was a fine new field for investigation.
In the summer of 1860, I was relaxing near Hartfield, where two kinds of Drosera were plentiful; I noticed that many insects were trapped by the leaves. I took some plants home, and when I fed them insects, I observed the tentacles moving, which made me think that the insects were captured for a specific reason. Luckily, an important test came to mind: placing a large number of leaves in different nitrogen-rich and non-nitrogen-rich liquids of the same density. As soon as I found out that only the nitrogen-rich ones triggered strong movements, it became clear that this was a great new area for research.
During subsequent years, whenever I had leisure, I pursued my experiments, and my book on ‘Insectivorous Plants’ was published in July 1875—that is, sixteen years after my first observations. The delay in this case, as with all my other books, has been a great advantage to me; for a man after a long interval can criticise his own work, almost as well as if it were that of another person. The fact that a plant should secrete, when properly excited, a fluid containing an acid and ferment, closely analogous to the digestive fluid of an animal, was certainly a remarkable discovery.
Over the following years, whenever I had some free time, I continued my experiments, and my book on ‘Insectivorous Plants’ was released in July 1875—sixteen years after my initial observations. The delay in this case, like with all my other books, turned out to be a huge advantage for me; since after a long break, a person can evaluate their own work almost as objectively as if it were someone else's. The discovery that a plant can secrete a fluid containing an acid and ferment when properly stimulated, which is really similar to an animal's digestive fluid, was definitely an amazing find.
During this autumn of 1876 I shall publish on the ‘Effects of Cross and Self-Fertilisation in the Vegetable Kingdom.’ This book will form a complement to that on the ‘Fertilisation of Orchids,’ in which I showed how perfect were the means for cross-fertilisation, and here I shall show how important are the results. I was led to make, during eleven years, the numerous experiments recorded in this volume, by a mere accidental observation; and indeed it required the accident to be repeated before my attention was thoroughly aroused to the remarkable fact that seedlings of self-fertilised parentage are inferior, even in the first generation, in height and vigour to seedlings of cross-fertilised parentage. I hope also to republish a revised edition of my book on Orchids, and hereafter my papers on dimorphic and trimorphic plants, together with some additional observations on allied points which I never have had time to arrange. My strength will then probably be exhausted, and I shall be ready to exclaim “Nunc dimittis.”
During this autumn of 1876, I will publish a book on the ‘Effects of Cross and Self-Fertilisation in the Vegetable Kingdom.’ This book will complement my previous work on the ‘Fertilisation of Orchids,’ where I demonstrated how effective the methods for cross-fertilisation are. Here, I will illustrate how significant the results are. Over eleven years, I conducted the numerous experiments recorded in this volume, prompted by a simple, accidental observation; indeed, it took that accident happening multiple times before I fully realized the striking fact that seedlings from self-fertilized parents are, even in the first generation, shorter and less vigorous than seedlings from cross-fertilized parents. I also hope to republish a revised edition of my book on Orchids, and in the future, I plan to share my papers on dimorphic and trimorphic plants, along with some additional observations on related topics that I have never had the time to organize. By then, I will probably feel exhausted, and I will be ready to say “Nunc dimittis.”
WRITTEN MAY 1ST, 1881.
‘The Effects of Cross and Self-Fertilisation’ was published in the autumn of 1876; and the results there arrived at explain, as I believe, the endless and wonderful contrivances for the transportal of pollen from one plant to another of the same species. I now believe, however, chiefly from the observations of Hermann Muller, that I ought to have insisted more strongly than I did on the many adaptations for self-fertilisation; though I was well aware of many such adaptations. A much enlarged edition of my ‘Fertilisation of Orchids’ was published in 1877.
‘The Effects of Cross and Self-Fertilisation’ was published in the fall of 1876, and the findings presented there explain, as I believe, the countless and amazing ways that pollen is transported from one plant to another of the same species. However, I now think, mainly based on Hermann Muller’s observations, that I should have emphasized more strongly than I did the many adaptations for self-fertilization, even though I was already aware of many of these adaptations. A much larger edition of my ‘Fertilisation of Orchids’ was published in 1877.
In this same year ‘The Different Forms of Flowers, etc.,’ appeared, and in 1880 a second edition. This book consists chiefly of the several papers on Heterostyled flowers originally published by the Linnean Society, corrected, with much new matter added, together with observations on some other cases in which the same plant bears two kinds of flowers. As before remarked, no little discovery of mine ever gave me so much pleasure as the making out the meaning of heterostyled flowers. The results of crossing such flowers in an illegitimate manner, I believe to be very important, as bearing on the sterility of hybrids; although these results have been noticed by only a few persons.
In the same year, "The Different Forms of Flowers, etc." was published, and a second edition came out in 1880. This book mainly includes several papers on Heterostyled flowers that were originally published by the Linnean Society, revised with a lot of new information added, along with observations on other instances where the same plant produces two types of flowers. As I mentioned before, no discovery of mine has ever brought me as much joy as figuring out the meaning of heterostyled flowers. I believe the outcomes of crossing these flowers in an unnatural way are very significant in relation to the sterility of hybrids, although only a few people have noted these outcomes.
In 1879, I had a translation of Dr. Ernst Krause’s ‘Life of Erasmus Darwin’ published, and I added a sketch of his character and habits from material in my possession. Many persons have been much interested by this little life, and I am surprised that only 800 or 900 copies were sold.
In 1879, I published a translation of Dr. Ernst Krause’s ‘Life of Erasmus Darwin,’ and I included a brief overview of his character and habits based on the information I had. Many people found this short biography quite interesting, and I’m surprised that only 800 or 900 copies were sold.
In 1880 I published, with [my son] Frank’s assistance, our ‘Power of Movement in Plants.’ This was a tough piece of work. The book bears somewhat the same relation to my little book on ‘Climbing Plants,’ which ‘Cross-Fertilisation’ did to the ‘Fertilisation of Orchids;’ for in accordance with the principle of evolution it was impossible to account for climbing plants having been developed in so many widely different groups unless all kinds of plants possess some slight power of movement of an analogous kind. This I proved to be the case; and I was further led to a rather wide generalisation, viz. that the great and important classes of movements, excited by light, the attraction of gravity, etc., are all modified forms of the fundamental movement of circumnutation. It has always pleased me to exalt plants in the scale of organised beings; and I therefore felt an especial pleasure in showing how many and what admirably well adapted movements the tip of a root possesses.
In 1880, with my son Frank's help, I published our book, ‘Power of Movement in Plants.’ This was quite a challenging project. The book has a similar connection to my shorter work on ‘Climbing Plants’ as ‘Cross-Fertilisation’ does to ‘The Fertilisation of Orchids.’ Following the principle of evolution, it was clear that we couldn't explain the development of climbing plants in so many different groups unless all plants had some degree of movement of a similar nature. I demonstrated that this is indeed true, and I was led to a broader conclusion: the major types of movements triggered by light, gravity, and so on are all variations of the basic movement of circumnutation. I've always enjoyed elevating plants in the hierarchy of living beings, so it was particularly satisfying to show just how many well-adapted movements the tip of a root can exhibit.
I have now (May 1, 1881) sent to the printers the MS. of a little book on ‘The Formation of Vegetable Mould, through the Action of Worms.’ This is a subject of but small importance; and I know not whether it will interest any readers (Between November 1881 and February 1884, 8500 copies have been sold.), but it has interested me. It is the completion of a short paper read before the Geological Society more than forty years ago, and has revived old geological thoughts.
I have now (May 1, 1881) sent the manuscript of a little book titled ‘The Formation of Vegetable Mould, through the Action of Worms’ to the printers. This topic might seem minor, and I'm not sure if it will capture the interest of any readers (Between November 1881 and February 1884, 8500 copies have been sold.), but it has certainly interested me. It completes a brief paper I presented to the Geological Society over forty years ago and has brought back some old geological thoughts.
I have now mentioned all the books which I have published, and these have been the milestones in my life, so that little remains to be said. I am not conscious of any change in my mind during the last thirty years, excepting in one point presently to be mentioned; nor, indeed, could any change have been expected unless one of general deterioration. But my father lived to his eighty-third year with his mind as lively as ever it was, and all his faculties undimmed; and I hope that I may die before my mind fails to a sensible extent. I think that I have become a little more skilful in guessing right explanations and in devising experimental tests; but this may probably be the result of mere practice, and of a larger store of knowledge. I have as much difficulty as ever in expressing myself clearly and concisely; and this difficulty has caused me a very great loss of time; but it has had the compensating advantage of forcing me to think long and intently about every sentence, and thus I have been led to see errors in reasoning and in my own observations or those of others.
I’ve now listed all the books I’ve published, which have marked important moments in my life, so not much more to say. I’m not aware of any changes in my mind over the last thirty years, except for one point I’ll mention shortly; and honestly, I wouldn’t expect any change unless it’s a general decline. However, my father lived to eighty-three with his mind as sharp as ever, and all his faculties intact; I hope to pass away before my mind noticeably deteriorates. I think I’ve become a bit better at formulating the right explanations and creating experimental tests, but this is likely just due to practice and having more knowledge. I still struggle to express myself clearly and concisely; this struggle has cost me a lot of time, but it has also pushed me to think deeply about each sentence, leading me to recognize errors in reasoning and in my own observations or those of others.
There seems to be a sort of fatality in my mind leading me to put at first my statement or proposition in a wrong or awkward form. Formerly I used to think about my sentences before writing them down; but for several years I have found that it saves time to scribble in a vile hand whole pages as quickly as I possibly can, contracting half the words; and then correct deliberately. Sentences thus scribbled down are often better ones than I could have written deliberately.
There seems to be a kind of inevitability in my thinking that makes me initially express my ideas in a wrong or awkward way. In the past, I would think through my sentences before writing them down, but for the past several years, I've found it faster to quickly jot down pages in messy handwriting, shortening many of the words, and then revise them carefully. Sentences written this way often turn out better than what I could have crafted deliberately.
Having said thus much about my manner of writing, I will add that with my large books I spend a good deal of time over the general arrangement of the matter. I first make the rudest outline in two or three pages, and then a larger one in several pages, a few words or one word standing for a whole discussion or series of facts. Each one of these headings is again enlarged and often transferred before I begin to write in extenso. As in several of my books facts observed by others have been very extensively used, and as I have always had several quite distinct subjects in hand at the same time, I may mention that I keep from thirty to forty large portfolios, in cabinets with labelled shelves, into which I can at once put a detached reference or memorandum. I have bought many books, and at their ends I make an index of all the facts that concern my work; or, if the book is not my own, write out a separate abstract, and of such abstracts I have a large drawer full. Before beginning on any subject I look to all the short indexes and make a general and classified index, and by taking the one or more proper portfolios I have all the information collected during my life ready for use.
Having talked about my writing process, I’ll add that with my larger works, I spend a lot of time organizing the content. I start with a rough outline in two or three pages, then create a more detailed outline over several pages, using just a few words or sometimes a single word to represent a whole discussion or a series of facts. Each heading gets expanded and often moved around before I start writing in detail. Since I've drawn heavily on facts observed by others in several of my books, and because I've usually had multiple distinct topics going at once, I have around thirty to forty large portfolios stored in labeled cabinets, where I can quickly file away any reference or note. I've purchased many books, and at the back of each one, I create an index of all the facts relevant to my work; if the book isn’t mine, I write a separate summary, and I have a large drawer full of these summaries. Before diving into a new topic, I review all the short indexes and compile a general and classified index, so by simply pulling the right portfolios, I have all the information I've collected over my life ready to use.
I have said that in one respect my mind has changed during the last twenty or thirty years. Up to the age of thirty, or beyond it, poetry of many kinds, such as the works of Milton, Gray, Byron, Wordsworth, Coleridge, and Shelley, gave me great pleasure, and even as a schoolboy I took intense delight in Shakespeare, especially in the historical plays. I have also said that formerly pictures gave me considerable, and music very great delight. But now for many years I cannot endure to read a line of poetry: I have tried lately to read Shakespeare, and found it so intolerably dull that it nauseated me. I have also almost lost my taste for pictures or music. Music generally sets me thinking too energetically on what I have been at work on, instead of giving me pleasure. I retain some taste for fine scenery, but it does not cause me the exquisite delight which it formerly did. On the other hand, novels which are works of the imagination, though not of a very high order, have been for years a wonderful relief and pleasure to me, and I often bless all novelists. A surprising number have been read aloud to me, and I like all if moderately good, and if they do not end unhappily—against which a law ought to be passed. A novel, according to my taste, does not come into the first class unless it contains some person whom one can thoroughly love, and if a pretty woman all the better.
I’ve mentioned that my perspective has shifted in one way over the last twenty or thirty years. Up until about thirty, or even a bit later, I found great joy in many types of poetry, including the works of Milton, Gray, Byron, Wordsworth, Coleridge, and Shelley. Even as a schoolboy, I really enjoyed Shakespeare, especially his historical plays. I also used to derive a lot of pleasure from paintings, and music brought me immense joy. But for many years now, I can’t stand to read a line of poetry; I recently tried to read Shakespeare again, and I found it so mind-numbingly dull that it made me feel sick. I’ve also nearly lost my appreciation for art and music. Music usually makes me overthink what I’ve been working on instead of bringing me joy. I still appreciate beautiful landscapes, but they no longer bring me the deep delight they once did. In contrast, novels that are imaginative, even if not of the highest quality, have been a wonderful source of relief and enjoyment for me over the years, and I often find myself grateful to all novelists. A surprising number have been read aloud to me, and I like most of them as long as they are at least halfway decent and don’t end sadly—there should really be a rule against that. In my opinion, a novel isn’t top-tier unless it features a character you can genuinely love, especially if she’s attractive.
This curious and lamentable loss of the higher aesthetic tastes is all the odder, as books on history, biographies, and travels (independently of any scientific facts which they may contain), and essays on all sorts of subjects interest me as much as ever they did. My mind seems to have become a kind of machine for grinding general laws out of large collections of facts, but why this should have caused the atrophy of that part of the brain alone, on which the higher tastes depend, I cannot conceive. A man with a mind more highly organised or better constituted than mine, would not, I suppose, have thus suffered; and if I had to live my life again, I would have made a rule to read some poetry and listen to some music at least once every week; for perhaps the parts of my brain now atrophied would thus have been kept active through use. The loss of these tastes is a loss of happiness, and may possibly be injurious to the intellect, and more probably to the moral character, by enfeebling the emotional part of our nature.
This strange and unfortunate loss of higher aesthetic tastes is even more surprising because I still find books on history, biographies, travel (regardless of any scientific facts they may contain), and essays on all sorts of topics just as interesting as I always have. It feels like my mind has turned into a machine that churns out general principles from big collections of facts, but I can’t understand why this has only affected the part of my brain responsible for higher tastes. I suppose someone with a more organized or better-structured mind wouldn’t have gone through this. If I had the chance to live my life again, I would make it a rule to read some poetry and listen to music at least once a week; perhaps that would have kept the now-atrophied parts of my brain active through use. Losing these tastes means losing happiness, and it could potentially harm my intellect and more likely weaken my moral character by dulling the emotional side of our nature.
My books have sold largely in England, have been translated into many languages, and passed through several editions in foreign countries. I have heard it said that the success of a work abroad is the best test of its enduring value. I doubt whether this is at all trustworthy; but judged by this standard my name ought to last for a few years. Therefore it may be worth while to try to analyse the mental qualities and the conditions on which my success has depended; though I am aware that no man can do this correctly.
My books have sold mostly in England, have been translated into many languages, and gone through several editions in other countries. I’ve heard it said that a work’s success abroad is the best measure of its lasting value. I’m not sure how reliable that is; but if that’s the case, my name should stick around for a while. So, it might be worth trying to break down the mental traits and circumstances that have contributed to my success, even though I know no one can do this perfectly.
I have no great quickness of apprehension or wit which is so remarkable in some clever men, for instance, Huxley. I am therefore a poor critic: a paper or book, when first read, generally excites my admiration, and it is only after considerable reflection that I perceive the weak points. My power to follow a long and purely abstract train of thought is very limited; and therefore I could never have succeeded with metaphysics or mathematics. My memory is extensive, yet hazy: it suffices to make me cautious by vaguely telling me that I have observed or read something opposed to the conclusion which I am drawing, or on the other hand in favour of it; and after a time I can generally recollect where to search for my authority. So poor in one sense is my memory, that I have never been able to remember for more than a few days a single date or a line of poetry.
I don’t have the quick understanding or sharp wit that some clever people have, like Huxley. Because of this, I’m not a great critic: when I first read a paper or book, I usually find it impressive, and it’s only after thinking it over for a while that I notice its weaknesses. I have a hard time following a long, purely abstract line of thought, which is why I could never do well in metaphysics or math. My memory is broad but unclear: it’s enough to make me cautious by vaguely reminding me that I’ve seen or read something against the conclusion I'm drawing, or, on the other hand, supporting it; and eventually, I can usually remember where to find the source. In one way, my memory is quite poor, as I’ve never been able to remember a single date or line of poetry for more than a few days.
Some of my critics have said, “Oh, he is a good observer, but he has no power of reasoning!” I do not think that this can be true, for the ‘Origin of Species’ is one long argument from the beginning to the end, and it has convinced not a few able men. No one could have written it without having some power of reasoning. I have a fair share of invention, and of common sense or judgment, such as every fairly successful lawyer or doctor must have, but not, I believe, in any higher degree.
Some of my critics have said, “Oh, he's a good observer, but he doesn't have any reasoning skills!” I don’t believe this is true, because the ‘Origin of Species’ is a continuous argument from start to finish, and it has convinced quite a number of capable people. No one could have written it without having some ability to reason. I have a decent amount of creativity and common sense or judgment, like any reasonably successful lawyer or doctor must have, but I don’t think it’s any greater than that.
On the favourable side of the balance, I think that I am superior to the common run of men in noticing things which easily escape attention, and in observing them carefully. My industry has been nearly as great as it could have been in the observation and collection of facts. What is far more important, my love of natural science has been steady and ardent.
On the positive side, I believe I'm better than most people at noticing things that others might easily overlook and at observing them closely. I've worked hard to gather and observe facts. Even more importantly, my passion for natural science has remained strong and intense.
This pure love has, however, been much aided by the ambition to be esteemed by my fellow naturalists. From my early youth I have had the strongest desire to understand or explain whatever I observed,—that is, to group all facts under some general laws. These causes combined have given me the patience to reflect or ponder for any number of years over any unexplained problem. As far as I can judge, I am not apt to follow blindly the lead of other men. I have steadily endeavoured to keep my mind free so as to give up any hypothesis, however much beloved (and I cannot resist forming one on every subject), as soon as facts are shown to be opposed to it. Indeed, I have had no choice but to act in this manner, for with the exception of the Coral Reefs, I cannot remember a single first-formed hypothesis which had not after a time to be given up or greatly modified. This has naturally led me to distrust greatly deductive reasoning in the mixed sciences. On the other hand, I am not very sceptical,—a frame of mind which I believe to be injurious to the progress of science. A good deal of scepticism in a scientific man is advisable to avoid much loss of time, but I have met with not a few men, who, I feel sure, have often thus been deterred from experiment or observations, which would have proved directly or indirectly serviceable.
This pure love, however, has been greatly supported by my desire to be respected by my fellow naturalists. Since I was young, I’ve had a strong urge to understand or explain everything I observed—that is, to categorize all facts under some general principles. These motivations combined have given me the patience to think deeply about any unexplained issue for many years. As far as I can tell, I'm not likely to blindly follow others. I've consistently worked to keep my mind open enough to abandon any theory, no matter how cherished (and I can’t help but come up with one on every topic), as soon as facts show it's wrong. In fact, I’ve learned I have no choice but to act this way because, apart from the Coral Reefs, I can’t recall a single initial hypothesis that didn’t eventually need to be abandoned or significantly changed. This has understandably made me very suspicious of deductive reasoning in the mixed sciences. On the other hand, I’m not overly skeptical—a mindset I believe can be harmful to scientific progress. A healthy amount of skepticism in a scientist is wise to save time, but I’ve encountered many people who I think have been held back from experiments or observations that could have been helpful, either directly or indirectly.
In illustration, I will give the oddest case which I have known. A gentleman (who, as I afterwards heard, is a good local botanist) wrote to me from the Eastern counties that the seed or beans of the common field-bean had this year everywhere grown on the wrong side of the pod. I wrote back, asking for further information, as I did not understand what was meant; but I did not receive any answer for a very long time. I then saw in two newspapers, one published in Kent and the other in Yorkshire, paragraphs stating that it was a most remarkable fact that “the beans this year had all grown on the wrong side.” So I thought there must be some foundation for so general a statement. Accordingly, I went to my gardener, an old Kentish man, and asked him whether he had heard anything about it, and he answered, “Oh, no, sir, it must be a mistake, for the beans grow on the wrong side only on leap-year, and this is not leap-year.” I then asked him how they grew in common years and how on leap-years, but soon found that he knew absolutely nothing of how they grew at any time, but he stuck to his belief.
I'll share the strangest case I've come across. A man (who I later learned is a knowledgeable local botanist) wrote to me from the Eastern counties saying that the seed or beans of the common field-bean had grown on the wrong side of the pod this year. I replied, asking for more information because I didn't understand what he meant; however, I didn't get a response for a long time. Then, I came across articles in two newspapers, one from Kent and the other from Yorkshire, claiming that it was quite remarkable that “the beans this year had all grown on the wrong side.” So, I figured there must be some truth to such a widespread statement. I then went to my gardener, an old man from Kent, and asked if he had heard anything about it. He said, “Oh, no, sir, that must be a mistake because the beans only grow on the wrong side in leap years, and this isn't a leap year.” I then asked him how they grew in regular years and how they grew in leap years, but soon realized that he didn't actually know how they grew at any time; he just clung to his belief.
After a time I heard from my first informant, who, with many apologies, said that he should not have written to me had he not heard the statement from several intelligent farmers; but that he had since spoken again to every one of them, and not one knew in the least what he had himself meant. So that here a belief—if indeed a statement with no definite idea attached to it can be called a belief—had spread over almost the whole of England without any vestige of evidence.
After a while, I heard from my first source, who, with many apologies, said he wouldn't have reached out if he hadn't heard the statement from several knowledgeable farmers; but he had since asked each of them again, and none of them had any clue what he actually meant. So, here was a belief—if a vague statement can even be called a belief—that had spread across almost all of England without any evidence at all.
I have known in the course of my life only three intentionally falsified statements, and one of these may have been a hoax (and there have been several scientific hoaxes) which, however, took in an American Agricultural Journal. It related to the formation in Holland of a new breed of oxen by the crossing of distinct species of Bos (some of which I happen to know are sterile together), and the author had the impudence to state that he had corresponded with me, and that I had been deeply impressed with the importance of his result. The article was sent to me by the editor of an English Agricultural Journal, asking for my opinion before republishing it.
I have only come across three deliberate false statements in my life, and one of them might have been a hoax (there have been several scientific hoaxes), which fooled an American Agricultural Journal. It was about creating a new breed of oxen in Holland by crossing different species of Bos (some of which I know happen to be sterile together), and the author had the audacity to claim that he had communicated with me and that I was highly impressed with the significance of his findings. The editor of an English Agricultural Journal sent me the article, asking for my opinion before they republished it.
A second case was an account of several varieties, raised by the author from several species of Primula, which had spontaneously yielded a full complement of seed, although the parent plants had been carefully protected from the access of insects. This account was published before I had discovered the meaning of heterostylism, and the whole statement must have been fraudulent, or there was neglect in excluding insects so gross as to be scarcely credible.
A second case detailed several varieties grown by the author from different species of Primula, which had naturally produced a complete set of seeds, even though the parent plants had been carefully protected from insects. This account was published before I understood the concept of heterostylism, and the entire claim must have been false, or there was such extreme negligence in keeping out insects that it’s hard to believe.
The third case was more curious: Mr. Huth published in his book on ‘Consanguineous Marriage’ some long extracts from a Belgian author, who stated that he had interbred rabbits in the closest manner for very many generations, without the least injurious effects. The account was published in a most respectable Journal, that of the Royal Society of Belgium; but I could not avoid feeling doubts—I hardly know why, except that there were no accidents of any kind, and my experience in breeding animals made me think this very improbable.
The third case was more intriguing: Mr. Huth included some lengthy excerpts from a Belgian author in his book on 'Consanguineous Marriage,' who claimed he had bred rabbits in the closest way for many generations without any harmful effects. This account was published in a highly respected journal, that of the Royal Society of Belgium; however, I couldn't help but feel skeptical—I’m not entirely sure why, except that there were no reported incidents at all, and my experience in breeding animals made me think this was quite unlikely.
So with much hesitation I wrote to Professor Van Beneden, asking him whether the author was a trustworthy man. I soon heard in answer that the Society had been greatly shocked by discovering that the whole account was a fraud. (The falseness of the published statements on which Mr. Huth relied has been pointed out by himself in a slip inserted in all the copies of his book which then remained unsold.) The writer had been publicly challenged in the Journal to say where he had resided and kept his large stock of rabbits while carrying on his experiments, which must have consumed several years, and no answer could be extracted from him.
So, with a lot of hesitation, I wrote to Professor Van Beneden, asking if the author was a reliable person. I soon received a reply saying that the Society was very shocked to learn that the entire account was a fraud. (The inaccuracies in the published statements that Mr. Huth relied on were pointed out by him in a note included in all the unsold copies of his book.) The writer had been publicly asked in the Journal to specify where he had lived and kept his large stock of rabbits while conducting his experiments, which must have taken several years, but no answer could be gotten from him.
My habits are methodical, and this has been of not a little use for my particular line of work. Lastly, I have had ample leisure from not having to earn my own bread. Even ill-health, though it has annihilated several years of my life, has saved me from the distractions of society and amusement.
My routines are systematic, and this has helped me a lot in my specific job. In the end, I've had plenty of free time since I don't have to earn a living. Even though poor health has taken away several years of my life, it has kept me away from the distractions of socializing and entertainment.
Therefore my success as a man of science, whatever this may have amounted to, has been determined, as far as I can judge, by complex and diversified mental qualities and conditions. Of these, the most important have been—the love of science—unbounded patience in long reflecting over any subject—industry in observing and collecting facts—and a fair share of invention as well as of common sense. With such moderate abilities as I possess, it is truly surprising that I should have influenced to a considerable extent the belief of scientific men on some important points.
Therefore, my success as a scientist, no matter what it has turned out to be, has been shaped, as far as I can tell, by a mix of different mental qualities and conditions. The most important of these have been a passion for science, endless patience in thoroughly thinking about any topic, diligence in observing and gathering facts, and a decent amount of creativity as well as common sense. Given my modest abilities, it’s quite astonishing that I have been able to significantly influence the beliefs of scientists on some key issues.
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