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LUCRETIA BORGIA.
From a portrait attributed to Dosso Dossi, in the possession of Mr. Henry Doetsch, London.

[Pg v]

FERDINAND GREGOROVIUS

LUCRETIA BORGIA

ACCORDING TO ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS
AND CORRESPONDENCE OF HER DAY

TRANSLATED FROM THE THIRD GERMAN EDITION

BY JOHN LESLIE GARNER

[Pg vi]

TO

DON MICHELANGELO GAETANI

DUKE OF SERMONETA

First published New York 1904
Reissued 1968 by
Benjamin Blom, Inc. 10452

Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 68-20226

Manufactured in the United States of America
BENJAMIN BLOM—New York/London

[Pg vii]

TO DON MICHELANGELO GAETANI DUKE OF SERMONETA

My honored Duke: I am induced to dedicate this work to you by the historical circumstances of which it treats and also by personal considerations.
My esteemed Duke: I feel it is necessary to dedicate this work to you because of the historical events it discusses and for personal reasons as well.

In it you will behold the founders of your ancient and illustrious family. The Borgias were mortal enemies of the Gaetani, who narrowly escaped the fate prepared for them by Alexander VI and his terrible son. Beautiful Sermoneta and all the great fiefs in the Maremma fell into the maw of the Borgias, and your ancestors either found death at their hands or were driven into exile. Donna Lucretia became mistress of Sermoneta, and eventually her son, Rodrigo of Aragon, inherited the estates of the Gaetani.
In this text, you will find the founders of your ancient and distinguished family. The Borgias were fierce rivals of the Gaetani, who narrowly escaped the fate intended for them by Alexander VI and his formidable son. The beautiful Sermoneta and all the key lands in the Maremma came under the control of the Borgias, while your ancestors either perished at their hands or were forced to flee. Donna Lucretia became the ruler of Sermoneta, and eventually her son, Rodrigo of Aragon, inherited the Gaetani estates.

Centuries have passed, and a beautiful and unfortunate woman may be forgiven for this confiscation of the appanages of your house. Moreover, it was not long before your family was reinstated in its rights by a bull of Julius II, which is now preserved—a precious jewel—in your family archives. To your house has descended the fame of its founders, but to yourself is due the position which the Gaetani now again enjoy.
Centuries have passed, and a lovely yet unfortunate woman can be excused for acquiring your family’s properties. Additionally, it wasn't long before your family regained its rights through a papal bull from Julius II, which is now treasured—like a precious jewel—in your family archives. Your family has inherited the legacy of its founders, but you are the one who truly deserves the status that the Gaetani now once again enjoy.

The survival of historical tradition in things and men exercises an indescribable charm on every student of civilization. To recognize in the ancient and still nourishing families of modern Rome the descendants [Pg viii]of the great personalities of other times, and to enjoy daily intercourse with them, made a profound impression on me. The Colonna, the Orsini, and the Gaetani are my friends, and all afforded me the greatest assistance. These families long ago vanished from the stage of Roman history, but the day came, illustrious Duke, when you were to make a place again for your ancient race in the history of the Imperial City; the day when—the temporal power of the popes having passed away, a power which had endured a thousand years—you carried to King Victor Emmanuel in Florence the declaration of allegiance of the Roman populace. This episode, marking the beginning of a new era for the city, will live, together with your name, in the annals of the Gaetani, and will preserve it forever in the memory of the Romans.
The preservation of historical tradition within people and things carries an indescribable appeal for every student of civilization. Recognizing in the ancient and still flourishing families of modern Rome the descendants of great figures from the past, and experiencing daily interactions with them, has made a profound impression on me. The Colonna, the Orsini, and the Gaetani are my friends and have all provided me with invaluable support. These families had long since faded from the forefront of Roman history, until the day, illustrious Duke, when you helped revive your ancient lineage in the history of the Imperial City; the day when—after a thousand years of papal temporal power having diminished—you took the declaration of loyalty from the Roman people to King Victor Emmanuel in Florence. This event, marking the beginning of a new era for the city, will be remembered alongside your name in the records of the Gaetani and will remain forever in the memory of the Romans.

Gregorovius.
Gregorovius.

Rome, March 9, 1874.
Rome, March 9, 1874.

[Pg ix]

BOOK THE FIRST—LUCRETIA BORGIA IN ROME

CHAPTER I
Lucretia's Dad	3
CHAPTER II
Lucretia's Mom	10
CHAPTER III
Lucretia's First House	15
CHAPTER IV
Lucretia's Education	20
CHAPTER V
Nepotism—Giulia Farnese—Lucretia's Engagements	34
CHAPTER VI
[Pg x]Her Dad Becomes Pope—Giovanni Sforza	44
CHAPTER VII
Lucretia's First Marriage	53
CHAPTER VIII
Family Matters	62
CHAPTER IX
Lucretia Exits Rome	71
CHAPTER X
History and Description of Pesaro	76
CHAPTER XI
The Invasion of Italy—The Wasteful World	87
CHAPTER XII
Divorce and Remarriage	102
CHAPTER XIII
A Queen and a Mother	113
CHAPTER XIV
[Pg xi]Borgias' Social Life	125
CHAPTER XV
Catarina Sforza's Misfortunes	137
CHAPTER XVI
Murder of Alfonso of Aragón	145
CHAPTER XVII
Lucretia in Nepi	152
CHAPTER XVIII
Caesar in Pesaro	159
CHAPTER XIX
Lucretia's Getting Another Marriage	167
CHAPTER XX
Negotiations with the House of Este	182
CHAPTER XXI
The Night Before the Wedding	196
CHAPTER XXII
[Pg xii]Arrival and Return of the Bridal Party	207

BOOK THE SECOND—LUCRETIA IN FERRARA

CHAPTER I
Lucretia's Trip to Ferrara	229
CHAPTER II
Official Entry into Ferrara	239
CHAPTER III
Parties Held in Lucretia's Honor	250
CHAPTER IV
The Este Dynasty – Ferrara Overview	266
CHAPTER V
Death of Alexander VI	279
CHAPTER VI
Events After the Pope's Death	293
CHAPTER VII
Court Poets—Giulia Bella and Julius II—The Este Dynasty in Danger	303
[Pg xiii]
CHAPTER VIII
Escape and Death of Caesar	317
CHAPTER IX
Murder of Ercole Strozzi—Death of Giovanni Sforza and Lucretia's Oldest Son	326
CHAPTER X
Effects of the War—The Roman Prince	338
CHAPTER XI
Final Years and Death of Vannozza	345
CHAPTER XII
Lucretia Borgia's Death—Conclusion	355
[Pg xiv]
INDEX

[Pg xv]

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Lucretia Borgia, from a portrait attributed to Dosso Dossi	*Frontispiece*
Trajan's Forum, Rome	16
Church of S. Maria del Popolo, Rome	20
Vittoria Colonna	30
The Farnese Palace, Rome	36
Alexander VI	44
Church of Ara Cœli, Rome	58
Tasso	82
Charles VIII	88
Savonarola	94
Macchiavelli	[Pg xvi]100
Cæsar Borgia	148
Guicciardini	176
Ercole d'Este, Duke of Ferrara	206
Castle of S. Angelo, Rome	210
Ariosto	248
Castle Vecchio, Ferrara	270
Benvenuto Garofalo	278
Facsimile of a letter from Alexander VI to Lucretia	281
Cardinal Bembo	290
Julius II	298
Facsimile of a letter from Lucretia to Marquis Gonzaga	301
Alfonso d'Este, Duke of Ferrara	304
Aldo Manuzio	328
Leo X	338
Lucretia Borgia, after a painting in the Musée de Nîmes	360

[Pg xvii]

INTRODUCTION

Lucretia Borgia is the most unfortunate woman in modern history. Is this because she was guilty of the most hideous crimes, or is it simply because she has been unjustly condemned by the world to bear its curse? The question has never been answered. Mankind is ever ready to discover the personification of human virtues and human vices in certain typical characters found in history and fable.

Lucretia Borgia is the most unfortunate woman in modern history. Is this because she committed the most horrific crimes, or is it simply because she has been unfairly judged by society to carry its blame? The question remains unanswered. People are always eager to find characters in history and myths that represent human virtues and vices.

The Borgias will never cease to fascinate the historian and the psychologist. An intelligent friend of mine once asked me why it was that everything about Alexander VI, Cæsar, and Lucretia Borgia, every little fact regarding their lives, every newly discovered letter of any of them, aroused our interest much more than did anything similar concerning other and vastly more important historic characters. I know of no better explanation than the following: the Borgias had for background the Christian Church; they made their first appearance issuing from it; they used it for their advancement; and the sharp contrast of their conduct with the holy state makes them appear altogether fiendish. The Borgias are a satire on a great form or phase of religion, debasing and destroying it. They stand on high pedestals, and from their presence radiates the light of the Christian ideal. In this form we behold and recognize them. We view their acts through a medium which is permeated with religious[Pg xviii] ideas. Without this, and placed on a purely secular stage, the Borgias would have fallen into a position much less conspicuous than that of many other men, and would soon have ceased to be anything more than representatives of a large species.

The Borgias will always intrigue historians and psychologists. A smart friend of mine once wondered why everything about Alexander VI, Cæsar, and Lucretia Borgia—every little detail of their lives, every newly found letter from any of them—captures our interest so much more than similar information about other, far more significant historical figures. I can offer no better explanation than this: the Borgias had the Christian Church as their backdrop; they emerged from it; they used it for their own gain; and the stark contrast between their actions and the holy institution makes them seem utterly villainous. The Borgias serve as a satire on a significant aspect of religion, corrupting and dismantling it. They stand on high pedestals, and from their presence emanates the light of the Christian ideal. In this form, we see and recognize them. We interpret their actions through a lens filled with religious ideas. Without this context, and set against a purely secular backdrop, the Borgias would have occupied a far less prominent role than many others and would quickly have become nothing more than representatives of a larger group.

We possess the history of Alexander VI and Cæsar, but of Lucretia Borgia we have little more than a legend, according to which she is a fury, the poison in one hand, the poignard in the other; and yet this baneful personality possessed all the charms and graces.

We have the history of Alexander VI and Cæsar, but for Lucretia Borgia, we know little more than a legend, which depicts her as a fury, with poison in one hand and a dagger in the other; and yet this dangerous figure had all the charms and elegance.

Victor Hugo painted her as a moral monster, in which form she still treads the operatic stage, and this is the conception which mankind in general have of her. The lover of real poetry regards this romanticist's terrible drama of Lucretia Borgia as a grotesque manifestation of the art, while the historian laughs at it; the poet, however, may excuse himself on the ground of his ignorance, and of his belief in a myth which had been current since the publication of Guicciardini's history.

Victor Hugo portrayed her as a moral monster, and this is how she is still seen on the operatic stage, which is the general perception of her. Appreciators of genuine poetry view this dramatic take on Lucretia Borgia by the romanticist as a ridiculous display of art, while historians find it amusing; however, the poet might defend himself based on his ignorance and his belief in a myth that had been around since the release of Guicciardini's history.

Roscoe, doubting the truth of this legend, endeavored to disprove it, and his apology for Lucretia was highly gratifying to the patriotic Italians. To it is due the reaction which has recently set in against this conception of her. The Lucretia legend may be analyzed most satisfactorily and scientifically where documents and mementos of her are most numerous; namely, in Rome, Ferrara, and Modena, where the archives of the Este family are kept, and in Mantua, where those of the Gonzaga are preserved. Occasional publications show that the interesting question still lives and remains unanswered.

Roscoe, skeptical about the truth of this legend, tried to disprove it, and his defense of Lucretia was very satisfying to the patriotic Italians. This has sparked a recent backlash against this view of her. The Lucretia legend can be most effectively and scientifically examined where there are the most documents and memorabilia about her; specifically, in Rome, Ferrara, and Modena, where the Este family's archives are stored, and in Mantua, where the Gonzaga archives are kept. Occasional publications indicate that this fascinating question is still relevant and remains unsolved.

The history of the Borgias was taken up again by Domenico Cerri in his work, Borgia ossia Alessandro VI, Papa e suoi contemporanei, Turin, 1858. The following year[Pg xix] Bernardo Gatti, of Milan, published Lucretia's letters to Bembo. In 1866 Marquis G. Campori, of Modena, printed an essay entitled Una vittima della storia Lucrezia Borgia, in the Nuova Antologia of August 31st of that year. A year later Monsignor Antonelli, of Ferrara, published Lucrezia Borgia in Ferrara, Sposa a Don Alfonso d'Este, Memorie storiche, Ferrara, 1867. Giovanni Zucchetti, of Mantua, immediately followed with a similar opuscule: Lucrezia Borgia Duchessa di Ferrara, Milano, 1869. All these writers endeavored, with the aid of history, to clear up the Lucretia legend, and to rehabilitate the honor of the unfortunate woman.

The history of the Borgias was revisited by Domenico Cerri in his work, Borgia ossia Alessandro VI, Papa e suoi contemporanei, Turin, 1858. The following year[Pg xix] Bernardo Gatti from Milan published Lucretia's letters to Bembo. In 1866, Marquis G. Campori of Modena printed an essay titled Una vittima della storia Lucrezia Borgia in the Nuova Antologia on August 31st of that year. A year later, Monsignor Antonelli from Ferrara published Lucrezia Borgia in Ferrara, Sposa a Don Alfonso d'Este, Memorie storiche, Ferrara, 1867. Giovanni Zucchetti from Mantua quickly followed with a similar piece: Lucrezia Borgia Duchessa di Ferrara, Milano, 1869. All these writers aimed, with the help of history, to clarify the Lucretia legend and to restore the reputation of the unfortunate woman.

Other writers, not Italians, among them certain French and English authors, also took part in this effort. M. Armand Baschet, to whom we are indebted for several valuable publications in the field of diplomacy, announced in his work, Aldo Manuzio, Lettres et Documents, 1494-1515, Venice, 1867, that he had been engaged for years on a biography of Madonna Lucretia Borgia, and had collected for the purpose a large mass of original documents.

Other writers, not from Italy, including some French and English authors, also contributed to this effort. M. Armand Baschet, who has provided us with several valuable publications in the field of diplomacy, revealed in his work, Aldo Manuzio, Lettres et Documents, 1494-1515, Venice, 1867, that he had been working for years on a biography of Madonna Lucretia Borgia and had gathered a substantial amount of original documents for that purpose.

In the meantime, in 1869, there was published in London the first exhaustive work on the subject: Lucrezia Borgia, Duchess of Ferrara, a Biography, illustrated by rare and unpublished documents, by William Gilbert. The absence of scientific method, unfortunately, detracts from the value of this otherwise excellent production, which, as a sequel to Roscoe's works, attracted no little attention.

In 1869, the first comprehensive work on the topic was published in London: Lucrezia Borgia, Duchess of Ferrara, a Biography, illustrated by rare and unpublished documents, by William Gilbert. Unfortunately, the lack of a scientific approach diminishes the value of this otherwise outstanding work, which, following Roscoe's publications, garnered significant attention.

The swarm of apologies for the Borgias called forth in France one of the most wonderful books to which history has ever given birth. Ollivier, a Dominican, published, in 1870, the first part of a work entitled Le Pape Alexandre VI et les Borgia. This production is the fantastic antithesis of Victor Hugo's drama. For, while the latter[Pg xx] distorted history for the purpose of producing a moral monster for stage effect, the former did exactly the same thing, intending to create the very opposite. Monks, however, now are no longer able to compel the world to accept their fables as history, and Ollivier's absurd romance was renounced even by the strongest organs of the Church; first by Matagne, in the Revue des questions historiques, Paris, April, 1871, and January, 1872, and subsequently by the Civiltà Cattolica, the organ of the Jesuits, in an article dated March 15, 1873, whose author made no effort to defend Alexander's character, simply because, in the light of absolutely authentic historical documents, it was no longer possible to save it.

The flood of apologies for the Borgias inspired one of the most amazing books that history has ever produced in France. Ollivier, a Dominican, released the first part of a work titled Le Pape Alexandre VI et les Borgia in 1870. This book is the incredible opposite of Victor Hugo's drama. While the latter[Pg xx] twisted history to create a moral monster for theatrical impact, the former did the exact opposite. However, monks can no longer force the world to accept their tales as history, and even the strongest voices in the Church renounced Ollivier's ridiculous story; first Matagne, in the Revue des questions historiques, Paris, April 1871, and January 1872, and later by Civiltà Cattolica, the Jesuit publication, in an article dated March 15, 1873, where the author made no attempt to defend Alexander's character, simply because, based on completely authentic historical documents, it was no longer possible to do so.

This article was based upon the Saggio di Albero Genealogico e di Memorie su la familia Borgia specialmente in relazione a Ferrara, by L. N. Cittadella, director of the public library of that city, published in Turin in 1872. The work, although not free from errors, is a conscientious effort to clear up the family history of the Borgias.

This article was based on the Saggio di Albero Genealogico e di Memorie su la familia Borgia specialmente in relazione a Ferrara, by L. N. Cittadella, director of the public library of that city, published in Turin in 1872. The work, while not without mistakes, is a sincere attempt to clarify the family history of the Borgias.

At the close of 1872 I likewise entered into the discussion by publishing a note on the history of the Borgias. This followed the appearance of the volume of the Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter, which embraced the epoch of Alexander VI. My researches in the archives of Italy had placed me in possession of a large amount of original information concerning the Borgias, and as it was impossible for me to avail myself of this mass of valuable details in that work, I decided to use it for a monograph to be devoted either to Cæsar Borgia or to his sister, as protagonist.

At the end of 1872, I joined the conversation by publishing a note on the history of the Borgias. This came after the release of the book Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter, which covered the time of Alexander VI. My research in the archives of Italy had given me a wealth of original information about the Borgias, and since I couldn't incorporate all these valuable details into that work, I chose to write a monograph focusing on either Cæsar Borgia or his sister as the main subject.

I decided on Madonna Lucretia for various reasons, among which was the following: in the spring of 1872 I found in the archives of the notary of the Capitol in Rome[Pg xxi] the protocol-book of Camillo Beneimbene, who for years was the trusted legal adviser of Alexander VI. This great manuscript proved to be an unexpected treasure; it furnished me with a long series of authentic and hitherto unknown documents. It contained all the marriage contracts of Donna Lucretia as well as numerous other legal records relating to the most intimate affairs of the Borgias. In November, 1872, I delivered a lecture on the subject before the class in history at the Royal Bavarian Academy of Sciences in Munich, which was published in the account of the proceedings. These records cast new light on the history of the Borgias, whose genealogy had only just been published by Cittadella.

I chose Madonna Lucretia for several reasons, one of which is this: in the spring of 1872, I discovered in the archives of the notary of the Capitol in Rome[Pg xxi] the protocol book of Camillo Beneimbene, who had been the trusted legal adviser of Alexander VI for many years. This remarkable manuscript turned out to be an unexpected treasure; it provided me with a long series of authentic and previously unknown documents. It included all of Donna Lucretia's marriage contracts along with numerous other legal records concerning the most personal affairs of the Borgias. In November 1872, I gave a lecture on this topic before the history class at the Royal Bavarian Academy of Sciences in Munich, which was published in the proceedings. These records shed new light on the history of the Borgias, whose genealogy had just been published by Cittadella.

There were other reasons which induced me to write a book on Donna Lucretia. I had treated the political history of Alexander VI and Cæsar at length, and had elucidated some of its obscure phases, but to Lucretia Borgia I had devoted no special attention. Her personality appeared to me to be something full of mystery, made up of contradictions which remained to be deciphered, and I was fascinated by it.

There were other reasons that led me to write a book about Donna Lucretia. I had extensively covered the political history of Alexander VI and Cæsar, explaining some of its unclear aspects, but I hadn't focused specifically on Lucretia Borgia. Her character seemed to me full of mystery, composed of contradictions that were yet to be understood, and I found it intriguing.

I began my task without any preconceived intention. I purposed to write, not an apology, but a history of Lucretia, broadly sketched, the materials for which, in so far as the most important period of her life, her residence in Rome, was concerned, were already in my possession. I desired to ascertain what manner of personality would be discovered by treating Lucretia Borgia in a way entirely different from that in which she had hitherto been examined, but at the same time scientifically, and in accordance with the original records.

I started my task without any specific intention. I aimed to write not an apology, but a broadly outlined history of Lucretia, for which I already had the materials, especially regarding the most significant period of her life, her time in Rome. I wanted to find out what kind of personality would emerge by looking at Lucretia Borgia in a completely different way than she's been examined before, while still doing it scientifically and based on the original records.

I completed my data; I visited the places where she had lived. I repeatedly went to Modena and Mantua, whose[Pg xxii] archives are inexhaustible sources of information regarding the Renaissance, and from them I obtained most of my material. My friends there, as usual, were of great help to me, especially Signor Zucchetti, of Mantua, late keeper of the Gonzaga archives, and Signor Stefano Davari, the secretary.

I finished gathering my information; I visited the places where she had lived. I repeatedly went to Modena and Mantua, whose[Pg xxii] archives are endless sources of information about the Renaissance, and from them I got most of my material. My friends there, as always, were a huge help to me, especially Signor Zucchetti from Mantua, the former keeper of the Gonzaga archives, and Signor Stefano Davari, the secretary.

The state archives of the Este family of Modena, however, yielded me the greatest store of information. The custodian was Signor Cesare Foucard. As might have been expected of Muratori's successor, this distinguished gentleman displayed the greatest willingness to assist me in my task. In every way he lightened my labors; he had one of his young assistants, Signor Ognibene, arrange a great mass of letters and despatches which promised to be of use to me, lent me the index, and supplied me with copies. Therefore, if this work has any merit, no small part of it is due to Signor Foucard's obligingness.

The state archives of the Este family in Modena provided me with the most valuable information. The custodian was Mr. Cesare Foucard. As you would expect from Muratori's successor, this distinguished gentleman was very helpful in my efforts. He made my work much easier; he had one of his young assistants, Mr. Ognibene, organize a large collection of letters and dispatches that seemed useful, lent me the index, and provided me with copies. So, if this work has any value, a significant portion of it is thanks to Mr. Foucard's kindness.

I also met with unfailing courtesy and assistance in other places—Nepi, Pesaro, and Ferrara. To Signor Cesare Guasti, of the state archives of Florence, I am indebted for careful copies of important letters of Lorenzo Pucci, which he had made for me.

I also received consistent courtesy and help in other places—Nepi, Pesaro, and Ferrara. I'm grateful to Signor Cesare Guasti from the state archives of Florence for the careful copies of important letters from Lorenzo Pucci that he made for me.

The material of which I finally found myself in possession is not complete, but it is abundant and new.

The material I ended up with isn't complete, but it's plentiful and fresh.

The original records will serve as defense against those who endeavor to discover a malicious motive in this work. No such interpretation is worthy of further notice, because the book itself will make my intention perfectly clear, which was simply that of the conscientious writer of history. I have substituted history for romance.

The original records will protect against those who try to find a malicious motive in this work. No such interpretation deserves any attention because the book itself will clarify my intention, which was simply that of a dedicated historian. I have replaced romance with history.

In the work I have attached more importance to the period during which Lucretia lived in Rome than to the time she spent in Ferrara, because the latter has already[Pg xxiii] been described, though not in detail, while the former has remained purely legendary. As I had to base my work entirely on original information, I endeavored to treat the subject in such a way as to present a picture truly characteristic of the age, and animated by concrete descriptions of its striking personalities.[Pg 1]

In this work, I've focused more on the time Lucretia lived in Rome rather than her time in Ferrara, since the latter has already[Pg xxiii] been covered, albeit briefly, while the former has remained mostly legendary. Since I had to base my work entirely on original information, I aimed to approach the topic in a way that provides an accurate depiction of the era, brought to life through detailed descriptions of its notable figures.[Pg 1]

BOOK THE FIRST

LUCRETIA BORGIA IN ROME

[Pg 3][Pg 2]

CHAPTER I

LUCRETIA'S FATHER

The Spanish house of Borja (or Borgia as the name is generally written) was rich in extraordinary men. Nature endowed them generously; they were distinguished by sensuous beauty, physical strength, intellect, and that force of will which compels success, and which was the source of the greatness of Cortez and Pizarro, and of the other Spanish adventurers.

The Spanish house of Borja (or Borgia as the name is usually written) was full of remarkable individuals. They had been blessed by nature; they were known for their striking beauty, physical strength, intelligence, and that strong will that drives success, which was also the foundation of the greatness of Cortez and Pizarro, along with other Spanish explorers.

Like the Aragonese, the Borgias also played the part of conquerors in Italy, winning for themselves honors and power, and deeply affecting the destiny of the whole peninsula, where they extended the influence of Spain and established numerous branches of their family. From the old kings of Aragon they claimed descent, but so little is known of their origin that their history begins with the real founder of the house, Alfonso Borgia, whose father's name is stated by some to have been Juan, and by others Domenico; while the family name of his mother, Francesca, is not even known.

Like the Aragonese, the Borgias also acted as conquerors in Italy, gaining honors and power for themselves, and significantly influencing the future of the entire peninsula, where they expanded Spain’s influence and established many branches of their family. They claimed descent from the old kings of Aragon, but very little is known about their origins; their history actually begins with the true founder of the family, Alfonso Borgia. Some say his father's name was Juan, while others claim it was Domenico; the surname of his mother, Francesca, is even unknown.

Alfonso Borgia was born in the year 1378 at Xativa, near Valencia. He served King Alfonso of Aragon as privy secretary, and was made Bishop of Valencia. He came to Naples with this genial prince when he ascended its throne, and in the year 1444 he was made a cardinal.

Alfonso Borgia was born in 1378 in Xativa, near Valencia. He worked as a private secretary for King Alfonso of Aragon and became the Bishop of Valencia. He traveled to Naples with this charming prince when he took the throne, and in 1444, he was made a cardinal.

Spain, owing to her religious wars, was advancing toward national unity, and was fast assuming a position of[Pg 4] European importance. She now, by taking a hand in the affairs of Italy, endeavored to grasp what she had hitherto let slip by,—namely, the opportunity of becoming the head of the Latin world and, above all, the center of gravity of European politics and civilization. She soon forced herself into the Papacy and into the Empire. From Spain the Borgias first came to the Holy See, and from there later came Charles V to ascend the imperial throne. From Spain came also Ignatius Loyola, the founder of the most powerful politico-religious order history has ever known.

Spain, due to her religious wars, was moving toward national unity and quickly becoming a significant player in European affairs. By involving herself in Italian matters, she aimed to seize what she had previously let slip away—the chance to become the leader of the Latin world and, most importantly, the center of European politics and culture. She soon made her way into the Papacy and the Empire. The Borgias came to the Holy See from Spain, and later Charles V came from there to take the imperial throne. Ignatius Loyola, the founder of the most powerful politico-religious order in history, also hailed from Spain.

Alfonso Borgia, one of the most active opponents of the Council of Basle and of the Reformation in Germany, was elected pope in 1455, assuming the name Calixtus III. Innumerable were his kinsmen, many of whom he had found settled in Rome when he, as cardinal, had taken up his residence there. His nearest kin were members of the three connected Valencian families of Borgia, Mila (or Mella), and Lanzol. One of the sisters of Calixtus, Catarina Borgia, was married to Juan Mila, Baron of Mazalanes, and was the mother of the youthful Juan Luis. Isabella, the wife of Jofrè Lanzol, a wealthy nobleman of Xativa, was the mother of Pedro Luis and Rodrigo, and of several daughters. The uncle adopted these two nephews and gave them his family name,—thus the Lanzols became Borgias.

Alfonso Borgia, one of the most active opponents of the Council of Basel and the Reformation in Germany, was elected pope in 1455, taking the name Calixtus III. He had countless relatives, many of whom he found living in Rome when he, as a cardinal, took up residence there. His closest relatives were from the three connected Valencian families of Borgia, Mila (or Mella), and Lanzol. One of Calixtus’s sisters, Catarina Borgia, married Juan Mila, Baron of Mazalanes, and was the mother of the young Juan Luis. Isabella, the wife of Jofrè Lanzol, a wealthy nobleman from Xàtiva, was the mother of Pedro Luis and Rodrigo, as well as several daughters. The uncle adopted these two nephews and gave them his family name—so the Lanzols became Borgias.

In 1456 Calixtus III bestowed the purple upon two members of the Mila family: the Bishop Juan of Zamora, who died in 1467, in Rome, where his tomb may still be seen in S. Maria di Monserrato, and on the youthful Juan Luis. Rodrigo Borgia also received the purple in the same year. Among other members of the house of Mila settled in Rome was Don Pedro, whose daughter,[Pg 5] Adriana Mila, we shall later find in most intimate relations with the family of her uncle Rodrigo.

In 1456, Calixtus III granted the purple to two members of the Mila family: Bishop Juan of Zamora, who passed away in 1467 in Rome, where his tomb can still be seen in S. Maria di Monserrato, and the young Juan Luis. Rodrigo Borgia also received the purple that same year. Among other members of the Mila family living in Rome was Don Pedro, whose daughter, [Pg 5] Adriana Mila, we will later find closely connected with the family of her uncle Rodrigo.

Of the sisters of this same Rodrigo, Beatrice was married to Don Ximenez Perez de Arenos, Tecla to Don Vidal de Villanova, and Juana to Don Pedro Guillen Lanzol.[1] All these remained in Spain. There is a letter extant, written by Beatrice from Valencia to her brother shortly after he became pope.

Of Rodrigo's sisters, Beatrice married Don Ximenez Perez de Arenos, Tecla married Don Vidal de Villanova, and Juana married Don Pedro Guillen Lanzol.[1] All of them stayed in Spain. There's a surviving letter from Beatrice written to her brother in Valencia shortly after he became pope.

Rodrigo Borgia was twenty-six when the dignity of cardinal was conferred upon him, and to this honor, a year later, was added the great office of vice-chancellor of the Church of Rome. His brother, Don Pedro Luis, was only one year older; and Calixtus bestowed upon this young Valencian the highest honors which can fall to the lot of a prince's favorite. Later we behold in him a papal nepot-prince in whom the Pope endeavored to embody all mundane power and honor; he made him his condottiere, his warder, his body-guard, and, finally, his worldly heir. Calixtus allowed him to usurp every position of authority in the Church domain and, like a destroying angel, to overrun and devastate the republics and the tyrannies, for the purpose of founding a family dynasty, the Papacy being of only momentary tenure, and not transmittable to an heir.

Rodrigo Borgia was twenty-six when he was named a cardinal, and just a year later, he was also given the important role of vice-chancellor of the Church of Rome. His brother, Don Pedro Luis, was only a year older, and Pope Calixtus granted this young Valencian the highest honors that a favorite of a prince could receive. Later, we see him as a papal nephew-prince, where the Pope tried to concentrate all worldly power and prestige. He made him his military leader, his guardian, his bodyguard, and eventually, his earthly successor. Calixtus allowed him to take over every position of power in the Church and, like a destructive force, to invade and conquer republics and tyrannies to establish a family dynasty since the Papacy was only meant to last temporarily and couldn't be passed down to an heir.

Calixtus made Pedro Luis generalissimo of the Church, prefect of the city, Duke of Spoleto, and finally, vicar of Terracina and Benevento. Thus in this first Spanish nepot was foreshadowed the career which Cæsar Borgia later followed.

Calixtus made Pedro Luis the top leader of the Church, the city's prefect, Duke of Spoleto, and finally, the representative for Terracina and Benevento. This first Spanish nephew hinted at the path that Cæsar Borgia would later take.

During the life of Calixtus the Spaniards were all-powerful in Rome. In great numbers they poured into[Pg 6] Italy from the kingdom of Valencia to make their fortune at the papal court as monsignori and clerks, as captains and castellans, and in any other way that suggested itself. Calixtus III died on the sixth of August, 1458, and a few days later Don Pedro Luis was driven from Rome by the oppressed nobility of the country, the Colonna and the Orsini, who rose against the hated foreigner. Soon afterwards, in December the same year, death suddenly terminated the career of this young and brilliant upstart, then in Civitavecchia. It is not known whether Don Pedro Luis Borgia was married or whether he left any descendants.[2]

During the time of Calixtus, the Spaniards held significant power in Rome. Many of them streamed into[Pg 6] Italy from the kingdom of Valencia, seeking to make their fortunes at the papal court as monsignors and clerks, as captains and castle lords, and in any other roles that came to mind. Calixtus III passed away on August 6, 1458, and a few days later, Don Pedro Luis was forced out of Rome by the oppressed local nobility, the Colonna and the Orsini, who revolted against the despised outsider. Shortly after, in December of the same year, death unexpectedly ended the life of this young and ambitious newcomer while he was in Civitavecchia. It's unclear whether Don Pedro Luis Borgia was married or if he had any children.[2]

Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia lamented the loss of his beloved and, probably, only brother, and inherited his property, while his own high position in the Curia was not affected by the change in the papacy. As vice-chancellor, he occupied a house in the Ponte quarter, which had formerly been the Mint, and which he converted into one of the most showy of the palaces of Rome. The building encloses two courts, where may still be seen the original open colonnades of the lower story; it was constructed as a stronghold, like the Palazzo di Venizia, which was almost contemporaneous with it. The Borgia palace, however, does not compare in architectural beauty or size with that built by Paul II. In the course of the years it has undergone many changes, and for a long time has belonged to the Sforza-Cesarini.

Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia mourned the loss of his beloved, and likely only, brother, while inheriting his property. His prominent position in the Curia remained unchanged by the shift in the papacy. As vice-chancellor, he lived in a house in the Ponte quarter, which used to be the Mint, and he transformed it into one of the most extravagant palaces in Rome. The building features two courtyards, where the original open colonnades of the lower level can still be seen; it was built as a fortress, similar to the Palazzo di Venezia, which was nearly contemporary. However, the Borgia palace doesn't match the architectural beauty or size of the one built by Paul II. Over the years, it has gone through many alterations and has long been owned by the Sforza-Cesarini family.

Nothing is known of Rodrigo's private life during the pontificate of the four popes who followed Calixtus—Pius[Pg 7] II, Paul II, Sixtus IV, and Innocent VIII—for the records of that period are very incomplete.

Nothing is known about Rodrigo's private life during the papacies of the four popes who followed Calixtus—Pius[Pg 7] II, Paul II, Sixtus IV, and Innocent VIII—because the records from that time are quite incomplete.

Insatiable sensuality ruled this Borgia, a man of unusual beauty and strength, until his last years. Never was he able to cast out this demon. He angered Pius II by his excesses, and the first ray of light thrown upon Rodrigo's private life is an admonitory letter written by that pope, the eleventh of June, 1460, from the baths of Petriolo. Borgia was then twenty-nine years old. He was in beautiful and captivating Siena, where Piccolomini had passed his unholy youth. There he had arranged a bacchanalian orgy of which the Pope's letter gives a picture.

Insatiable sensuality dominated this Borgia, a man of striking beauty and strength, well into his later years. He was never able to rid himself of this obsession. His excesses angered Pius II, and the first glimpse into Rodrigo's private life comes from a warning letter written by the pope on June 11, 1460, from the baths of Petriolo. Borgia was twenty-nine at the time. He was in the beautiful and captivating city of Siena, where Piccolomini had spent his scandalous youth. There, he arranged a wild party that the Pope's letter describes.

Dear Son: We have learned that your Worthiness, forgetful of the high office with which you are invested, was present from the seventeenth to the twenty-second hour, four days ago, in the gardens of John de Bichis, where there were several women of Siena, women wholly given over to worldly vanities. Your companion was one of your colleagues whom his years, if not the dignity of his office, ought to have reminded of his duty. We have heard that the dance was indulged in in all wantonness; none of the allurements of love were lacking, and you conducted yourself in a wholly worldly manner. Shame forbids mention of all that took place, for not only the things themselves but their very names are unworthy of your rank. In order that your lust might be all the more unrestrained, the husbands, fathers, brothers, and kinsmen of the young women and girls were not invited to be present. You and a few servants were the leaders and inspirers of this orgy. It is said that nothing is now talked of in Siena but your vanity, which is the subject of universal ridicule. Certain it is that here at the baths, where Churchmen and the laity are very numerous, your name is on every one's tongue. Our displeasure is beyond words, for your conduct has brought the holy state and office into disgrace; the people will say that they make us rich and great, not that we may live a blameless life, but that we may have means to gratify our passions. This is the reason the princes and the powers despise us and the laity[Pg 8] mock us; this is why our own mode of living is thrown in our face when we reprove others. Contempt is the lot of Christ's vicar because he seems to tolerate these actions. You, dear son, have charge of the bishopric of Valencia, the most important in Spain; you are a chancellor of the Church, and what renders your conduct all the more reprehensible is the fact that you have a seat among the cardinals, with the Pope, as advisors of the Holy See. We leave it to you whether it is becoming to your dignity to court young women, and to send those whom you love fruits and wine, and during the whole day to give no thought to anything but sensual pleasures. People blame us on your account, and the memory of your blessed uncle, Calixtus, likewise suffers, and many say he did wrong in heaping honors upon you. If you try to excuse yourself on the ground of your youth, I say to you: you are no longer so young as not to see what duties your offices impose upon you. A cardinal should be above reproach and an example of right living before the eyes of all men, and then we should have just grounds for anger when temporal princes bestow uncomplimentary epithets upon us; when they dispute with us the possession of our property and force us to submit ourselves to their will. Of a truth we inflict these wounds upon ourselves, and we ourselves are the cause of these troubles, since we by our conduct are daily diminishing the authority of the Church. Our punishment for it in this world is dishonor, and in the world to come well deserved torment. May, therefore, your good sense place a restraint on these frivolities, and may you never lose sight of your dignity; then people will not call you a vain gallant among men. If this occurs again we shall be compelled to show that it was contrary to our exhortation, and that it caused us great pain; and our censure will not pass over you without causing you to blush. We have always loved you and thought you worthy of our protection as a man of an earnest and modest character. Therefore, conduct yourself henceforth so that we may retain this our opinion of you, and may behold in you only the example of a well ordered life. Your years, which are not such as to preclude improvement, permit us to admonish you paternally.

Dear Son,: We’ve learned that you, forgetting the high position you hold, were present four days ago from 5 PM to 10 PM in the gardens of John de Bichis, surrounded by several women from Siena, who are completely absorbed in superficial pleasures. Your companion was one of your peers, who, if not reminded by his age or the dignity of his role, should have known better. We’ve heard that the dance was indulged in with complete abandon; nothing about love was lacking, and you behaved in a fully worldly manner. Shame prevents me from mentioning all that happened, as not only the acts themselves but even their names are unworthy of your status. To allow your desires to run wild, the husbands, fathers, brothers, and relatives of the young women and girls were not invited. You, along with a few servants, were the leaders and instigators of this wild gathering. It’s said that nothing is being discussed in Siena but your pride, which has become a subject of public mockery. It’s clear that here at the baths, where both clergy and laypeople gather, your name is on everyone’s lips. Our disappointment is beyond words, as your actions have brought disgrace to the holy office; people will say that they make us rich and powerful not to live righteous lives but to satisfy our desires. This is why princes and powerful people look down on us, and the common folks mock us; this is why we are ridiculed for our lifestyle when we admonish others. Contempt is the fate of Christ's representative because he appears to overlook such behaviors. You, dear son, oversee the bishopric of Valencia, the most significant in Spain; you are a chancellor of the Church, and what makes your behavior even more unacceptable is your status among the cardinals, serving alongside the Pope as advisors of the Holy See. We leave it to you to consider whether it is fitting for your position to pursue young women, send gifts of fruits and wine to those you fancy, and spend your days focused solely on sensual pleasures. People criticize us because of you, and the memory of your revered uncle, Calixtus, suffers too, with many saying he was wrong to honor you. If you excuse yourself due to your youth, I remind you: you are not so young as to ignore the responsibilities your roles demand. A cardinal should be above reproach and serve as a model of virtue in the eyes of all, and then we would have just reason to be upset when temporal princes insult us; when they contest our rights and force us to bend to their will. Truly, we inflict these wounds upon ourselves and are the source of our troubles, as our actions daily undermine the authority of the Church. Our punishment in this life is dishonor, and in the next, well-earned torment. May your good sense curb these frivolities, and may you never forget your dignity; then people will not label you a vain dandy. If this happens again, we will have to show that it contradicts our counsel and has caused us great distress; our criticism will not pass without making you feel embarrassed. We have always loved you and believed you deserving of our support as someone of earnest and modest character. Therefore, conduct yourself from now on in a way that allows us to keep this opinion of you and see only the example of a well-ordered life. Your age, which allows for growth, gives us reason to advise you as a father.

Petriolo, June 11, 1460.[3]
[Pg 9]

A few years later, when Paul II occupied the papal throne, the historian Gasparino of Verona described Cardinal Borgia as follows: "He is handsome; of a most glad countenance and joyous aspect, gifted with honeyed and choice eloquence. The beautiful women on whom his eyes are cast he lures to love him, and moves them in a wondrous way, more powerfully than the magnet influences iron."

A few years later, when Paul II was pope, the historian Gasparino of Verona described Cardinal Borgia like this: "He is handsome, with a cheerful and joyful face, blessed with charming and exquisite speech. The beautiful women he gazes at are drawn to love him, and he captivates them in an extraordinary way, more powerfully than a magnet attracts iron."

There are such organizations as Gasparino describes; they are men of the physical and moral nature of Casanova and the Regent of Orleans. Rodrigo's beauty was noted by many of his contemporaries even when he was pope. In 1493 Hieronymus Portius described him as follows: "Alexander is tall and neither light nor dark; his eyes are black and his lips somewhat full. His health is robust, and he is able to bear any pain or fatigue; he is wonderfully eloquent and a thorough man of the world."[4]

There are organizations like the ones Gasparino talks about; they are made up of individuals with the physical and moral characteristics of Casanova and the Regent of Orleans. Rodrigo's looks were remarked upon by many of his contemporaries, even while he was pope. In 1493, Hieronymus Portius described him like this: "Alexander is tall and neither light nor dark; his eyes are black, and his lips are somewhat full. His health is strong, and he can handle any pain or fatigue; he is incredibly articulate and very worldly." [4]

The force of this happy organization lay, apparently, in the perfect balance of all its powers. From it radiated the serene brightness of his being, for nothing is more incorrect than the picture usually drawn of this Borgia, showing him as a sinister monster. The celebrated Jason Mainus, of Milan, calls attention to his "elegance of figure, his serene brow, his kingly forehead, his countenance with its expression of generosity and majesty, his genius, and the heroic beauty of his whole presence."[Pg 10]

The strength of this well-functioning organization seemed to come from the perfect balance of all its powers. From it radiated the calm brightness of his being, because nothing is more misleading than the usual portrayal of this Borgia as a dark monster. The famous Jason Mainus of Milan points out his "elegance of figure, his calm brow, his regal forehead, his face with its expression of generosity and majesty, his intelligence, and the heroic beauty of his entire presence."[Pg 10]

CHAPTER II

LUCRETIA'S MOTHER

About 1466 or 1467 Cardinal Rodrigo's magnetism attracted a woman of Rome, Vannozza Catanei. We know that she was born in July, 1442, but of her family we are wholly ignorant. Writers of that day also call her Rosa and Catarina, although she named herself, in well authenticated documents, Vannozza Catanei. Paolo Giovio states that Vanotti was her patronymic, and although there was a clan of that name in Rome, he is wrong. Vannozza was probably the nickname for Giovanna—thus we find in the early records of that age: Vannozza di Nardis, Vannozza di Zanobeis, di Pontianis, and others.

Around 1466 or 1467, Cardinal Rodrigo's charm drew the attention of a Roman woman named Vannozza Catanei. We know she was born in July 1442, but we have no information about her family. Writers from that time also referred to her as Rosa and Catarina, although she identified herself, in well-documented records, as Vannozza Catanei. Paolo Giovio claims that Vanotti was her last name, and while there was a family with that name in Rome, he was mistaken. Vannozza was likely a nickname for Giovanna—so we see in early records from that period references such as Vannozza di Nardis, Vannozza di Zanobeis, di Pontianis, and others.

There was a Catanei family in Rome, as there was in Ferrara, Genoa, and elsewhere. The name was derived from the title, capitaneus. In a notarial document of 1502 the name of Alexander's mistress is given in its ancient form, Vanotia de Captaneis.

There was a Catanei family in Rome, as there was in Ferrara, Genoa, and other places. The name came from the title, capitaneus. In a notarial document from 1502, the name of Alexander's mistress is listed in its old form, Vanotia de Captaneis.

Litta, to whom Italy is indebted for the great work on her illustrious families—a wonderful work in spite of its errors and omissions—ventures the opinion that Vannozza was a member of the Farnese family and a daughter of Ranuccio. There is, however, no ground for this theory. In written instruments of that time she is explicitly called Madonna Vannozza de casa Catanei.

Litta, to whom Italy owes gratitude for the extensive work on her notable families—a remarkable piece despite its inaccuracies and gaps—suggests that Vannozza was part of the Farnese family and a daughter of Ranuccio. However, there is no basis for this theory. In documents from that time, she is clearly referred to as Madonna Vannozza de casa Catanei.

None of Vannozza's contemporaries have stated what were the characteristics which enabled her to hold the[Pg 11] pleasure-loving cardinal so surely and to secure her recognition as the mother of several of his acknowledged children. We may imagine her to have been a strong and voluptuous woman like those still seen about the streets of Rome. They possess none of the grace of the ideal woman of the Umbrian school, but they have something of the magnificence of the Imperial City—Juno and Venus are united in them. They would resemble the ideals of Titian and Paul Veronese but for their black hair and dark complexion,—blond and red hair have always been rare among the Romans.

None of Vannozza's contemporaries have explained what characteristics allowed her to keep the[Pg 11] pleasure-loving cardinal so firmly in her grasp and to be recognized as the mother of several of his acknowledged children. We can imagine her as a strong and voluptuous woman like those still seen in the streets of Rome. They lack the grace of the ideal woman portrayed by the Umbrian school, but they embody some of the magnificence of the Imperial City—Juno and Venus are combined in them. They would resemble the ideals of Titian and Paul Veronese if not for their black hair and dark complexion—blonde and red hair have always been rare among the Romans.

Vannozza doubtless was of great beauty and ardent passions; for if not, how could she have inflamed a Rodrigo Borgia? Her intellect too, although uncultivated, must have been vigorous; for if not, how could she have maintained her relations with the cardinal?

Vannozza was definitely very beautiful and had strong passions; if she wasn't, how could she have captivated Rodrigo Borgia? Her intellect, although unrefined, must have been sharp; if it weren't, how could she have kept up her relationship with the cardinal?

The date given above was the beginning of this liaison, if we may believe the Spanish historian Mariana, who says that Vannozza was the mother of Don Pedro Luis, Rodrigo's eldest son. In a notarial instrument of 1482 this son of the cardinal is called a youth (adolescens), which signified a person fourteen or fifteen years of age. In what circumstances Vannozza was living when Cardinal Borgia made her acquaintance we do not know. It is not likely that she was one of the innumerable courtesans who, thanks to the liberality of their retainers, led most brilliant lives in Rome at that period; for had she been, the novelists and epigrammatists of the day would have made her famous.

The date mentioned above marks the start of this relationship, according to the Spanish historian Mariana, who states that Vannozza was the mother of Don Pedro Luis, Rodrigo's oldest son. In a legal document from 1482, this cardinal’s son is referred to as a youth (adolescens), meaning he was around fourteen or fifteen years old. We do not know the circumstances in which Vannozza was living when Cardinal Borgia met her. It's unlikely that she was one of the many courtesans who lived extravagant lives in Rome during that time, because if she were, the novelists and poets of the era would have made her famous.

The chronicler Infessura, who must have been acquainted with Vannozza, relates that Alexander VI, wishing to make his natural son Cæsar a cardinal, caused it to appear, by false testimony, that he was the legitimate son of a certain Domenico of Arignano, and he adds that[Pg 12] he had even married Vannozza to this man. The testimony of a contemporary and a Roman should have weight; but no other writer, except Mariana—who evidently bases his statement on Infessura—mentions this Domenico, and we shall soon see that there could have been no legal, acknowledged marriage of Vannozza and this unknown man. She was the cardinal's mistress for a much longer time before he himself, for the purpose of cloaking his relations with her and for lightening his burden, gave her a husband. His relations with her continued for a long time after she had a recognized consort.

The chronicler Infessura, who likely knew Vannozza, says that Alexander VI, wanting to make his natural son Cæsar a cardinal, falsely claimed he was the legitimate son of a man named Domenico from Arignano. He adds that[Pg 12] he even married Vannozza to this guy. The testimony of someone from that time and place should be credible, but no other writer, except for Mariana—who seems to rely on Infessura—mentions this Domenico. We will soon see that there couldn’t have been any legally recognized marriage between Vannozza and this unknown man. She was the cardinal's mistress for a much longer time before he gave her a husband to cover up their relationship and make his life easier. Their relationship continued for a long time even after she had a recognized partner.

The first acknowledged husband of Vannozza was Giorgio di Croce, a Milanese, for whom Cardinal Rodrigo had obtained from Sixtus IV a position as apostolic secretary. It is uncertain at just what time she allied herself with this man, but she was living with him as his wife in 1480 in a house on the Piazzo Pizzo di Merlo, which is now called Sforza-Cesarini, near which was Cardinal Borgia's palace.

The first recognized husband of Vannozza was Giorgio di Croce, a man from Milan, for whom Cardinal Rodrigo secured a role as apostolic secretary from Sixtus IV. It's unclear exactly when she partnered with him, but she was living with him as his wife in 1480 in a house on Piazzo Pizzo di Merlo, which is now known as Sforza-Cesarini, close to Cardinal Borgia's palace.

Even as early as this, Vannozza was the mother of several children acknowledged by the cardinal: Giovanni, Cæsar, and Lucretia. There is no doubt whatever about these, although the descent of the eldest of the children, Pedro Luis, from the same mother, is only highly probable. Thus far the date of the birth of this Borgia bastard has not been established, and authorities differ. In absolutely authentic records I discovered the dates of birth of Cæsar and Lucretia, which clear up forever many errors regarding the genealogy and even the history of the house. Cæsar was born in the month of April, 1476—the day is not given—and Lucretia on the eighteenth of April, 1480. Their father, when he was pope, gave their ages in accordance with these dates. In October, 1501, he men[Pg 13]tioned the subject to the ambassador of Ferrara, and the latter, writing to the Duke Ercole, said, "The Pope gave me to understand that the Duchess (Lucretia) was in her twenty-second year, which she will complete next April, in which month also the most illustrious Duke of Romagna (Cæsar) will be twenty-six."

Even at this early point, Vannozza was the mother of several children acknowledged by the cardinal: Giovanni, Cæsar, and Lucretia. There’s no doubt about these three, although it’s only highly likely that the eldest child, Pedro Luis, is from the same mother. So far, the exact date of this Borgia illegitimate child’s birth hasn’t been established, and experts disagree. In absolutely authentic records, I found the birth dates of Cæsar and Lucretia, which clear up many misunderstandings regarding the genealogy and even the history of the family. Cæsar was born in April 1476—the exact day isn’t specified—and Lucretia was born on April 18, 1480. Their father, when he was pope, stated their ages based on these dates. In October 1501, he mentioned this to the ambassador of Ferrara, who, in a letter to Duke Ercole, wrote, "The Pope indicated that the Duchess (Lucretia) was in her twenty-second year, which she will complete next April, in which month the most illustrious Duke of Romagna (Cæsar) will also be twenty-six."

If the correctness of the father's statement of the age of his own children is questioned, it may be confirmed by other reports and records. In despatches which a Ferrarese ambassador sent to the same duke from Rome much earlier, namely, in February and March, 1483, the age of Cæsar at that time is given as sixteen to seventeen years, which agrees with the subsequent statement of his father.[5] The son of Alexander VI was, therefore, a few years younger than has hitherto been supposed, and this fact has an important bearing upon his short and terrible life. Mariana, therefore, and other authors who follow him, err in stating that Cæsar, Rodrigo's second son, was older than his brother Giovanni. In reality, Giovanni must have been two years older than Cæsar. Venetian letters from Rome, written in October, 1496, describe him as a young man of twenty-two; he accordingly must have been born in 1474.[6]

If the accuracy of the father's claim about his children's ages is questioned, it can be verified by other reports and records. In dispatches that a Ferrarese ambassador sent to the same duke from Rome much earlier, specifically in February and March of 1483, Cæsar's age at that time is listed as sixteen to seventeen years, which matches his father's later statement.[5] Cæsar, the son of Alexander VI, was therefore a few years younger than previously thought, and this has important implications for his brief and tragic life. Mariana and other authors who follow him are mistaken in saying that Cæsar, Rodrigo's second son, was older than his brother Giovanni. In fact, Giovanni must have been two years older than Cæsar. Venetian letters from Rome, written in October 1496, describe him as a young man of twenty-two, indicating he must have been born in 1474.[6]

Lucretia herself came into the world April 18, 1480. This exact date is given in a Valencian document. Her father was then forty-nine and her mother thirty-eight years of age. The Roman or Spanish astrologers cast the horoscope of the child according to the constellation which was in the ascendancy, and congratulated Cardinal Rodrigo on the brilliant career foretold for his daughter by the stars.[Pg 14]

Lucretia was born on April 18, 1480. This specific date is mentioned in a Valencian document. At that time, her father was forty-nine and her mother was thirty-eight. Roman or Spanish astrologers created a horoscope for the child based on the prevailing constellation and congratulated Cardinal Rodrigo on the promising future the stars predicted for his daughter.[Pg 14]

Easter had just passed; magnificent festivities had been held in honor of the Elector Ernst of Saxony, who, together with the Duke of Brunswick and Wilhelm von Henneberg had arrived in Rome March 22d. These gentlemen were accompanied by a retinue of two hundred knights, and a house in the Parione quarter had been placed at their disposal. Pope Sixtus IV loaded them with honors, and great astonishment was caused by a magnificent hunt which Girolamo Riario, the all-powerful nepot, gave for them, at Magliana on the Tiber. These princes departed from Rome on the fourteenth of April.

Easter had just passed; grand celebrations were held for Elector Ernst of Saxony, who, along with the Duke of Brunswick and Wilhelm von Henneberg, arrived in Rome on March 22nd. These gentlemen were accompanied by a group of two hundred knights, and a house in the Parione district had been provided for them. Pope Sixtus IV bestowed them with honors, and there was great surprise at the extravagant hunt that Girolamo Riario, the powerful nephew, organized for them at Magliana on the Tiber. These princes left Rome on April 14th.

The papacy was at that time changing to a political despotism, and nepotism was assuming the character which later was to give Cæsar Borgia all his ferocity. Sixtus IV, a mighty being and a character of a much more powerful cast than even Alexander VI, was at war with Florence, where he had countenanced the Pazzi conspiracy for the murder of the Medici. He had made Girolamo Riario a great prince in Romagna, and later Alexander VI planned a similar career for his son Cæsar.

The papacy was transitioning into a political dictatorship, and nepotism was starting to take on the traits that would later make Cæsar Borgia so ruthless. Sixtus IV, a formidable figure with a stronger presence than even Alexander VI, was at war with Florence, where he had supported the Pazzi conspiracy to assassinate the Medici. He had elevated Girolamo Riario to a powerful position in Romagna, and later, Alexander VI intended for his son Cæsar to follow a similar path.

Lucretia was indeed born at a terrible period in the world's history; the papacy was stripped of all holiness, religion was altogether material, and immorality was boundless. The bitterest family feuds raged in the city, in the Ponte, Parione, and Regola quarters, where kinsmen incited by murder daily met in deadly combat. In this very year, 1480, there was a new uprising of the old factions of Guelph and Ghibbeline in Rome; there the Savelli and Colonna were against the Pope, and here the Orsini for him; while the Valle, Margana, and Santa Croce families, inflamed by a desire for revenge for blood which had been shed, allied themselves with one or the other faction.[Pg 15]

Lucretia was born during a really terrible time in world history; the papacy had lost all its holiness, religion was completely materialistic, and immorality knew no bounds. Intense family feuds tore through the city, particularly in the Ponte, Parione, and Regola neighborhoods, where relatives driven by murder faced off in deadly combats every day. In this very year, 1480, there was a fresh uprising of the old factions of Guelph and Ghibbeline in Rome; there the Savelli and Colonna were against the Pope, and here the Orsini supported him; meanwhile, the Valle, Margana, and Santa Croce families, fueled by a thirst for revenge for spilled blood, allied themselves with one faction or the other.[Pg 15]

CHAPTER III

LUCRETIA'S FIRST HOME

Lucretia passed the first years of her childhood in her mother's house, which was on the Piazza Pizzo di Merlo, only a few steps from the cardinal's palace. The Ponte quarter, to which it belonged, was one of the most populous of Rome, since it led to the Bridge of S. Angelo and the Vatican. In it were to be found many merchants and the bankers from Florence, Genoa, and Siena, while numerous papal office-holders, as well as the most famous courtesans dwelt there. On the other hand, the number of old, noble families in Ponte was not large, perhaps because the Orsini faction did not permit them to thrive there. These powerful barons had resided in this quarter for a long time in their vast palace on Monte Giordano. Not far distant stood their old castle, the Torre di Nona, which had originally been part of the city walls on the Tiber. At this time it was a dungeon for prisoners of state and other unfortunates.

Lucretia spent the early years of her childhood in her mother's house, located on the Piazza Pizzo di Merlo, just a short walk from the cardinal's palace. The Ponte neighborhood, where it was situated, was one of the most populated areas in Rome since it led to the Bridge of S. Angelo and the Vatican. Many merchants and bankers from Florence, Genoa, and Siena could be found there, along with numerous papal officials and some of the most well-known courtesans. On the flip side, there weren't many old noble families in Ponte, likely because the Orsini faction made it hard for them to flourish. These powerful barons had lived in this area for a long time in their large palace on Monte Giordano. Not too far away was their old castle, the Torre di Nona, which had originally been part of the city's walls along the Tiber. At that time, it served as a prison for state prisoners and other unfortunate souls.

It is not difficult to imagine what Vannozza's house was, for the Roman dwelling of the Renaissance did not greatly differ from the ordinary house of the present day, which generally is gloomy and dark. Massive steps of cement led to the dwelling proper, which consisted of a principal salon and adjoining rooms with bare flagstone floors, and ceilings of beams and painted wooden paneling. The walls of the rooms were whitewashed, and only in the wealthiest houses were they covered with tapestries, and in these only on festal occasions. In the fifteenth century the walls of[Pg 16] few houses were adorned with pictures, and these usually consisted of only a few family portraits. If Vannozza decorated her salon with any likenesses, that of Cardinal Rodrigo certainly must have been among the number. There was likewise a shrine with relics and pictures of the saints and one of the Madonna, the lamp constantly burning before it.

It’s not hard to picture what Vannozza's house looked like, since a Roman home from the Renaissance was not very different from an average house today, which tends to be dark and dreary. Sturdy cement steps led up to the main part of the house, which featured a large salon and connected rooms with plain stone floors and ceilings made of beams and painted wood paneling. The walls of the rooms were whitewashed, and only the richest homes had tapestries, which were only displayed on special occasions. In the fifteenth century, only a few houses had walls adorned with paintings, and these typically included just a few family portraits. If Vannozza decorated her salon with any images, Cardinal Rodrigo's likeness would surely have been included. There was also a shrine with relics, pictures of saints, and one of the Madonna, with a lamp that was always lit in front of it.

TRAJAN'S FORUM, ROME.

Heavy furniture,—great wide beds with canopies; high, brown wooden chairs, elaborately carved, upon which cushions were placed; and massive tables, with tops made of marble or bits of colored wood,—was ranged around the walls. Among the great chests there was one which stood out conspicuously in the salon, and which contained the dowry of linen. It was in such a chest—the chest of his sister—that the unfortunate Stefano Porcaro concealed himself when he endeavored to escape after his unsuccessful attempt to excite an uprising on the fifth of January, 1453. His sister and another woman sat on the chest, better to protect him, but the officers pulled him out.

Heavy furniture—large canopy beds, high brown wooden chairs with intricate carvings topped with cushions, and massive tables made of marble or colorful wood—was arranged around the walls. Among the large chests, one stood out prominently in the living room, containing the dowry of linen. It was in this chest—the chest of his sister—that the unfortunate Stefano Porcaro hid when he tried to escape after his failed attempt to incite an uprising on January 5, 1453. His sister and another woman sat on the chest to better shield him, but the officers pulled him out.

Although we can only state what was then the fashion, if Vannozza had any taste for antiquities her salon must have been adorned with them. At that time they were being collected with the greatest eagerness. It was the period of the first excavations; the soil of Rome was daily giving up its treasures, and from Ostia, Tivoli, and Hadrian's Villa, from Porto d'Anzio and Palestrina, quantities of antiquities were being brought to the city. If Vannozza and her husband did not share this passion with the other Romans, one would certainly not have looked in vain in her house for the cherished productions of modern art—cups and vases of marble and porphyry, and the gold ornaments of the jewelers. The most essential thing in every well ordered Roman house was above all else the cre[Pg 17]denza, a great chest containing gold and silver table and drinking vessels and beautiful majolica; and care was taken always to display these articles at banquets and on other ceremonious occasions.

Although we can only describe what was fashionable at the time, if Vannozza had any interest in antiques, her salon would have been filled with them. Back then, people were eager to collect them. It was the era of the first excavations; the ground in Rome was constantly revealing its treasures, and many antiquities were being brought to the city from Ostia, Tivoli, Hadrian's Villa, Porto d'Anzio, and Palestrina. Even if Vannozza and her husband didn't share the same passion as the other Romans, it’s likely that her house was filled with beloved modern art—cups and vases made of marble and porphyry, and gold jewelry. The most important thing in any well-organized Roman home was the cre[Pg 17]denza, a large chest containing gold and silver tableware and exquisite majolica; and great care was taken to display these items during banquets and other formal occasions.

It is not likely that Rodrigo's mistress possessed a library, for private collections of books were at that time exceedingly rare in bourgeois houses. A short time after this they were first made possible in Rome by the invention of printing, which was there carried on by Germans.

It’s unlikely that Rodrigo’s mistress had a library, as private book collections were extremely rare in middle-class homes back then. Shortly after, they became possible in Rome with the invention of printing, which was introduced by Germans.

Vannozza's household doubtless was rich but not magnificent. She must occasionally have entertained the cardinal, as well as the friends of the family, and especially the confidants of the Borgias: the Spaniards, Juan Lopez, Caranza, and Marades; and among the Romans, the Orsini, Porcari, Cesarini, and Barberini. The cardinal himself was an exceedingly abstemious man, but magnificent in everything which concerned the pomp and ceremonial of his position. The chief requirement of a cardinal of that day was to own a princely residence and to have a numerous household.

Vannozza's household was certainly wealthy but not extravagant. She must have occasionally hosted the cardinal, along with family friends, especially the Borgias' confidants: the Spaniards Juan Lopez, Caranza, and Marades; and among the Romans, the Orsini, Porcari, Cesarini, and Barberini. The cardinal himself was a very moderate man, yet he was grand when it came to the pomp and ceremony of his role. A primary expectation for a cardinal at that time was to have a grand residence and a large household.

Rodrigo Borgia was one of the wealthiest princes of the Church, and he maintained the palace and pomp of a great noble. His contemporary Jacopo of Volterra, gave the following description of him about 1486: "He is a man of an intellect capable of everything and of great sense; he is a ready speaker; he is of an astute nature, and has wonderful skill in conducting affairs. He is enormously wealthy, and the favor accorded him by numerous kings and princes lends him renown. He occupies a beautiful and comfortable palace which he built between the Bridge of S. Angelo and the Campo dei Fiore. His papal offices, his numerous abbeys in Italy and Spain, and his three bishoprics of Valencia, Portus, and Carthage yield him a[Pg 18] vast income, and it is said that the office of vice-chancellor alone brings him in eight thousand gold florins. His plate, his pearls, his stuffs embroidered with silk and gold, and his books in every department of learning are very numerous, and all are of a magnificence worthy of a king or pope. I need not mention the innumerable bed hangings, the trappings for his horses, and similar things of gold, silver, and silk, nor his magnificent wardrobe, nor the vast amount of gold coin in his possession. In fact it was believed that he possessed more gold and riches of every sort than all the cardinals together, with the exception of one, Estouteville."

Rodrigo Borgia was one of the richest princes of the Church, living in the style of high nobility. His contemporary Jacopo of Volterra described him in about 1486: "He has an intellect that can do anything and great sense; he speaks well; he is clever and has amazing skill in managing affairs. He is extremely wealthy, and the support he receives from many kings and princes gives him fame. He resides in a beautiful and comfortable palace that he built between the Bridge of S. Angelo and the Campo dei Fiore. His papal roles, along with his many abbeys in Italy and Spain, and his three bishoprics of Valencia, Portus, and Carthage provide him a[Pg 18] huge income, and it’s said that his position as vice-chancellor alone brings him in eight thousand gold florins. His silverware, pearls, silk and gold embroidered fabrics, and books in every field of learning are numerous, all of a splendor fit for a king or pope. I don't even need to mention the countless bed hangings, decorations for his horses, and other items made of gold, silver, and silk, or his impressive wardrobe, or the large amount of gold coins he has. In fact, it was believed he had more gold and wealth of every kind than all the cardinals combined, except for one, Estouteville."

Cardinal Rodrigo, therefore, was able to give his children the most brilliant education, while he modestly maintained them as his nephews. Not until he himself had attained greatness could he bring them forth into the full light of day.

Cardinal Rodrigo was able to provide his children with an exceptional education while modestly introducing them as his nephews. It wasn't until he achieved greatness himself that he could bring them into the spotlight.

In 1482 he did not occupy his house in the Ponte quarter, perhaps because he was having it enlarged. He spent more of his time in the palace which Stefano Nardini had finished in 1475 in the Parione quarter, which is now known as the Palazzo del Governo Vecchio. Rodrigo was living here in January, 1482, as we learn from an instrument of the notary Beneimbene,—the marriage contract of Gianandrea Cesarini and Girolama Borgia, a natural daughter of the same Cardinal Rodrigo. This marriage was performed in the presence of the bride's father, Cardinals Stefano Nardini and Gianbattista Savelli, and the Roman nobles Virginius Orsini, Giuliano Cesarini, and Antonio Porcaro.

In 1482, he didn’t stay at his house in the Ponte district, possibly because he was getting it remodeled. He spent most of his time in the palace that Stefano Nardini completed in 1475 in the Parione district, which is now called the Palazzo del Governo Vecchio. Rodrigo was living there in January 1482, as we know from a document by the notary Beneimbene—the marriage contract of Gianandrea Cesarini and Girolama Borgia, a natural daughter of Cardinal Rodrigo. This marriage took place in front of the bride's father, Cardinals Stefano Nardini and Gianbattista Savelli, along with Roman nobles Virginius Orsini, Giuliano Cesarini, and Antonio Porcaro.

The instrument of January, 1482, is the earliest authentic document we possess regarding the family life of Cardinal Borgia. In it he acknowledges himself to be the[Pg 19] father of the "noble demoiselle Hieronyma," and she is described as the sister of the "noble youth Petrus Lodovicus de Borgia, and of the infant Johannes de Borgia." As these two, plainly mentioned as the eldest sons, were natural children, it would have been improper to name their mother. Cæsar also was passed by, as he was a child of only six years.

The document from January 1482 is the earliest genuine record we have about the family life of Cardinal Borgia. In it, he admits to being the[Pg 19] father of the "noble young lady Hieronyma," who is referred to as the sister of the "noble youth Petrus Lodovicus de Borgia, and the infant Johannes de Borgia." Since these two, clearly identified as the eldest sons, were illegitimate, it would have been inappropriate to mention their mother. Cæsar was also overlooked, as he was only six years old.

Girolama was still a minor, being only thirteen years of age, and her betrothed, Giovanni Andrea, had scarcely reached manhood. He was a son of Gabriello Cesarini and Godina Colonna. By this marriage the noble house of Cesarini was brought into close relations with the Borgia, and later it derived great profit from the alliance. Their mutual friendship dated from the time of Calixtus, for it was the prothonotary Giorgio Cesarini who, on the death of that pope, had helped Rodrigo's brother Don Pedro Luis when he was forced to flee from Rome. Both Girolama and her youthful spouse died in 1483. Was she also a child of the mother of Lucretia and Cæsar? We know not, but it is regarded as unlikely. Let us anticipate by saying that there is only a single authentic record which mentions Rodrigo's children and their mother together. This is the inscription on Vannozza's tomb in S. Maria del Popolo in Rome, in which she is named as the mother of Cæsar, Giovanni, Giuffrè, and Lucretia, while no mention is made of their older brother, Don Pedro Luis, nor of their sister Girolama.

Girolama was still a minor at just thirteen years old, and her fiancé, Giovanni Andrea, had barely reached adulthood. He was the son of Gabriello Cesarini and Godina Colonna. This marriage connected the noble house of Cesarini closely with the Borgia, and they later gained significant advantages from the alliance. Their friendship began during the time of Pope Calixtus, as the prothonotary Giorgio Cesarini had assisted Rodrigo's brother Don Pedro Luis when he had to flee Rome after the pope's death. Both Girolama and her young husband died in 1483. Was she also a child of Lucretia and Cæsar's mother? We don't know, but it’s generally considered unlikely. It’s worth noting that there is only one reliable record that mentions Rodrigo’s children and their mother together. This is the inscription on Vannozza's tomb in S. Maria del Popolo in Rome, where she is named as the mother of Cæsar, Giovanni, Giuffrè, and Lucretia, with no mention of their older brother, Don Pedro Luis, or their sister Girolama.

Rodrigo, moreover, had a third daughter, named Isabella, who could not have been a child of Vannozza. April 1, 1483, he married her to a Roman nobleman, Piergiovanni Mattuzi of the Parione quarter.[Pg 20][7]

Rodrigo also had a third daughter named Isabella, who couldn't possibly be Vannozza's child. On April 1, 1483, he married her off to a Roman nobleman, Piergiovanni Mattuzi from the Parione district.[Pg 20][7]

CHAPTER IV

LUCRETIA'S EDUCATION

The cardinal's relations with Vannozza continued until about 1482, for after the birth of Lucretia she presented him with another son, Giuffrè, who was born in 1481 or 1482.

The cardinal's relationship with Vannozza lasted until around 1482 because after Lucretia was born, she gave him another son, Giuffrè, who was born in 1481 or 1482.

CHURCH OF S. MARIA DEL POPOLO, ROME.

After that, Borgia's passion for this woman, who was now about forty, died out, but he continued to honor her as the mother of his children and as the confidant of many of his secrets.

After that, Borgia's feelings for this woman, who was now around forty, faded, but he still respected her as the mother of his children and his trusted confidant for many of his secrets.

Vannozza had borne her husband, a certain Giorgio di Croce, a son, who was named Octavian—at least this child passed as his. With the cardinal's help she increased her revenues; in old official records she appears as the lessee of several taverns in Rome, and she also bought a vineyard and a country house near S. Lucia in Selci in the Subura, apparently from the Cesarini. Even to-day the picturesque building with the arched passageway over the stairs which lead up from the Subura to S. Pietro in Vincoli is pointed out to travelers as the palace of Vannozza or of Lucretia Borgia. Giorgio di Croce had become rich, and he built a chapel for himself and his family in S. Maria del Popolo. Both he and his son Octavian died in the year 1486.[8]

Vannozza had given birth to her husband, a man named Giorgio di Croce, a son who was called Octavian—at least that’s how he was known. With the cardinal's support, she boosted her income; in old official records, she is listed as the owner of several taverns in Rome, and she also purchased a vineyard and a country house near S. Lucia in Selci in the Subura, apparently from the Cesarini. Even today, the charming building with the arched passageway leading up from the Subura to S. Pietro in Vincoli is shown to visitors as the palace of Vannozza or Lucretia Borgia. Giorgio di Croce became wealthy, and he built a chapel for himself and his family in S. Maria del Popolo. Both he and his son Octavian passed away in 1486.[8]

His death caused a change in Vannozza's circumstances,[Pg 21] the cardinal hastening to marry the mother of his children a second time, so that she might have a protector and a respectable household. The new husband was Carlo Canale, of Mantua.

His death changed Vannozza's situation,[Pg 21] and the cardinal quickly arranged to marry the mother of his children again, so she could have a protector and a respectable home. The new husband was Carlo Canale from Mantua.

Before he came to Rome he had by his attainments acquired some reputation among the humanists of Mantua. There is still extant a letter to Canale, written by the young poet Angelo Poliziano regarding his Orfeo; the manuscript of this, the first attempt in the field of the drama which marked the renaissance of the Italian theater, was in the hands of Canale, who, appreciating the work of the faint-hearted poet, was endeavoring to encourage him.[9] At the suggestion of Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga, a great patron of letters, Poliziano had written the poem in the short space of two days. Carlo Canale was the cardinal's chamberlain. The Orfeo saw the light in 1472. When Gonzaga died, in 1483, Canale went to Rome, where he entered the service of Cardinal Sclafetano, of Parma. As a confidant and dependent of the Gonzaga he retained his connection with this princely house.[10] In his new position he assisted Ludovico Gonzaga, a brother of Francesco when he came to Rome in 1484 to receive the purple on his election as Bishop of Mantua.

Before he arrived in Rome, he had gained some recognition among the humanists of Mantua through his achievements. There is still a letter written by the young poet Angelo Poliziano to Canale about his Orfeo; the manuscript of this piece, which was the first significant attempt in drama marking the renaissance of Italian theater, was with Canale, who was trying to support the timid poet because he appreciated his work.[9] At the suggestion of Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga, a major supporter of the arts, Poliziano wrote the poem in just two days. Carlo Canale was the cardinal's chamberlain. The Orfeo was first published in 1472. When Gonzaga passed away in 1483, Canale moved to Rome, where he began working for Cardinal Sclafetano from Parma. As a trusted associate of the Gonzaga family, he maintained his connection to this noble house.[10] In his new role, he helped Ludovico Gonzaga, Francesco's brother, when he came to Rome in 1484 to be appointed Bishop of Mantua.

Borgia was acquainted with Canale while he was in the service of the Gonzaga, and later he met him in the house of Sclafetano. He selected him to be the husband of his widowed mistress, doubtless because Canale's talents and connections would be useful to him.

Borgia knew Canale while he was working for the Gonzaga, and later he ran into him at Sclafetano's house. He chose him to be the husband of his widowed mistress, likely because Canale's skills and connections would benefit him.

Canale, on the other hand, could have acquiesced in the[Pg 22] suggestion to marry Vannozza only from avarice, and his willingness proves that he had not grown rich in his former places at the courts of cardinals.

Canale, however, may have agreed to the[Pg 22] suggestion of marrying Vannozza purely out of greed, and his willingness shows that he hadn't become wealthy in his previous positions at the courts of cardinals.

The new marriage contract was drawn up June 8, 1486, by the notary of the Borgia house, Camillo Beneimbene, and was witnessed by Francesco Maffei, apostolic secretary and canon of S. Peter's; Lorenzo Barberini de Catellinis; a citizen, Giuliano Gallo, a considerable merchant of Rome; Burcardo Barberini de Carnariis, and other gentlemen. As dowry Vannozza brought her husband, among other things, one thousand gold florins and an appointment as sollicitator bullarum. The contract clearly referred to this as Vannozza's second marriage. Would it not have been set down as the third, or in more general terms as new, if the alleged first marriage with Domenico d'Arignano had really been acknowledged?

The new marriage contract was created on June 8, 1486, by the notary of the Borgia family, Camillo Beneimbene, and was witnessed by Francesco Maffei, apostolic secretary and canon of S. Peter's; Lorenzo Barberini de Catellinis; a citizen, Giuliano Gallo, a significant merchant of Rome; Burcardo Barberini de Carnariis, and other gentlemen. For her dowry, Vannozza brought her husband, among other things, one thousand gold florins and an appointment as sollicitator bullarum. The contract clearly referred to this as Vannozza's second marriage. Would it not have been recorded as the third, or more generally as new, if the supposed first marriage with Domenico d'Arignano had truly been acknowledged?

In this instrument Vannozza's house on the Piazza de Branchis, in the Regola quarter, where the marriage took place, is described as her domicile. The piazza still bears this name, which is derived from the extinct Branca family. After the death of her former husband she must, therefore, have moved from the house on the Piazza Pizzo di Merlo and taken up her abode in the one on the Piazza Branca. This house may have belonged to her, for her second husband seems to have been a man without means, who hoped to make his fortune by his marriage and with the protection of the powerful cardinal.

In this document, Vannozza's house on the Piazza de Branchis, located in the Regola neighborhood, where the marriage happened, is referred to as her home. The piazza still carries this name, which comes from the now-extinct Branca family. After her first husband passed away, she must have moved from the house on Piazza Pizzo di Merlo and settled into the one on Piazza Branca. This house might have belonged to her, as her second husband seems to have been a man with little money, who hoped to improve his situation through marriage and with the support of the influential cardinal.

From a letter of Ludovico Gonzaga, dated February 19, 1488, we learn that this new marriage of Vannozza's was not childless. In this epistle, the Bishop of Mantua asks his agent in Rome to act as godfather in his stead, Carlo Canale having chosen him for this honor. The letter[Pg 23] gives no further particulars, but it can mean nothing else.[11]

From a letter by Ludovico Gonzaga, dated February 19, 1488, we learn that Vannozza's new marriage did not go without children. In this letter, the Bishop of Mantua asks his agent in Rome to act as godfather on his behalf, as Carlo Canale has chosen him for this honor. The letter[Pg 23] doesn’t provide any additional details, but it can only mean one thing.[11]

We do not know at just what time Lucretia, in accordance with the cardinal's provision, left her mother's house and passed under the protection of a woman who exercised great influence upon him and upon the entire Borgia family.

We don't know exactly when Lucretia, following the cardinal's arrangement, left her mother's house and came under the care of a woman who had a strong influence on him and the whole Borgia family.

This woman was Adriana, of the house of Mila, a daughter of Don Pedro, who was a nephew of Calixtus III, and first cousin of Rodrigo. What position he held in Rome we do not know.

This woman was Adriana, from the house of Mila, the daughter of Don Pedro, who was a nephew of Calixtus III and the first cousin of Rodrigo. We don't know what position he held in Rome.

He married his daughter Adriana to Ludovico, a member of the noble house of Orsini, and lord of Bassanello, near Civita Castellana. As the offspring of this union, Orsino Orsini, married in 1489, it is evident that his mother must have entered into wedlock at least sixteen years before. Ludovico Orsini died in 1489 or earlier. As his wife, and later as his widow, Adriana occupied one of the Orsini palaces in Rome, probably the one on Monte Giordano, near the Bridge of S. Angelo, this palace having subsequently been described as part of the estate which her son Orsino inherited.

He married his daughter Adriana to Ludovico, a member of the noble Orsini family and lord of Bassanello, near Civita Castellana. Their son, Orsino Orsini, got married in 1489, so it's clear that his mother must have married at least sixteen years earlier. Ludovico Orsini passed away in 1489 or possibly earlier. As his wife, and later as his widow, Adriana lived in one of the Orsini palaces in Rome, likely the one on Monte Giordano, near the S. Angelo Bridge. This palace was later noted as part of the estate that her son Orsino inherited.

Cardinal Rodrigo maintained the closest relations with Adriana. She was more than his kinswoman; she was the confidant of his sins, of his intrigues and plans, and such she remained until the day of his death.

Cardinal Rodrigo had a very close relationship with Adriana. She was more than just family to him; she was the one he confided in about his sins, schemes, and plans, and she remained that way until the day he died.

To her he entrusted the education of his daughter Lucretia during her childhood, as we learn from a letter written by the Ferrarese ambassador to Rome, Gianandrea[Pg 24] Boccaccio, Bishop of Modena, to the Duke Ercole in 1493, in which he remarks of Madonna Adriana Ursina, "that she had educated Lucretia in her own house."[12] This doubtless was the Orsini palace on Monte Giordano, which was close to Cardinal Borgia's residence.

He entrusted the education of his daughter Lucretia to her during her childhood, as noted in a letter from the Ferrarese ambassador to Rome, Gianandrea[Pg 24] Boccaccio, Bishop of Modena, to Duke Ercole in 1493. In it, he mentions Madonna Adriana Ursina, "that she had educated Lucretia in her own house."[12] This was likely the Orsini palace on Monte Giordano, which was near Cardinal Borgia's residence.

According to the Italian custom, which has survived to the present day, the education of the daughters was entrusted to women in convents, where the young girls were required to pass a few years, afterwards to come forth into the world to be married. If, however, Infessura's picture of the convents of Rome is a faithful one, the cardinal was wise in hesitating to entrust his daughter to these saints. Nevertheless there certainly were convents which were free from immorality, such, for example, as S. Silvestre in Capite, where many of the daughters of the Colonna were educated, and S. Maria Nuova and S. Sisto on the Appian Way. On one occasion during the papacy of Alexander, Lucretia chose the last named convent as an asylum, perhaps because she had there received her early spiritual education.

According to the Italian tradition that still exists today, the education of daughters was overseen by women in convents, where young girls were expected to spend several years before entering the world to marry. However, if Infessura's depiction of the convents in Rome is accurate, the cardinal was wise to hesitate in sending his daughter to these so-called saints. Still, there were definitely convents that were free from immorality, such as S. Silvestre in Capite, where many daughters of the Colonna family were educated, and S. Maria Nuova and S. Sisto on the Appian Way. At one point during Alexander's papacy, Lucretia chose the latter convent as a refuge, possibly because she had received her early spiritual education there.

Religious instruction was always the basis of the education of the women of Italy. It, however, consisted not in the cultivation of heart and soul, but in a strict observance of the forms of religion. Sin made no woman repulsive, and the condition of even the most degraded female did not prevent her from performing all her church duties, and[Pg 25] appearing to be a well-trained Christian. There were no women skeptics or freethinkers; they would have been impossible in the society of that day. The godless tyrant Sigismondo Malatesta of Rimini built a magnificent church, and in it a chapel in honor of his beloved Isotta, who was a regular attendant at church. Vannozza built and embellished a chapel in S. Maria del Popolo. She had a reputation for piety, even during the life of Alexander VI. Her greatest maternal solicitude, like that of Adriana, was to inculcate a Christian deportment in her daughter, and this Lucretia possessed in such perfection that subsequently a Ferrarese ambassador lauded her for her 'saintly demeanor.'

Religious education was always central to the upbringing of women in Italy. However, it wasn't about nurturing their hearts and souls but rather about strictly following religious practices. Sin did not make any woman unworthy, and even the most degraded women could still fulfill all their church obligations and appear to be devoted Christians. There were no women skeptics or free thinkers; such ideas were unthinkable in that society. The godless tyrant Sigismondo Malatesta of Rimini constructed an impressive church and included a chapel dedicated to his beloved Isotta, who regularly attended church. Vannozza built and decorated a chapel in S. Maria del Popolo. She was known for her piety, even during Alexander VI's reign. Her greatest concern as a mother, similar to Adriana’s, was to instill Christian values in her daughter, which Lucretia embodied so well that a Ferrarese ambassador later praised her for her 'saintly demeanor.'

It is wrong to regard this bearing simply as a mask; for that would presuppose an independent consideration of religious questions or a moral process which was altogether foreign to the women of that age, and is still unknown among the women of Italy. There religion was, and still is, a part of education; it consisted in a high respect for form and was of small ethical worth.

It’s a mistake to see this attitude just as a facade; that would imply an independent approach to religious issues or a moral process that was completely alien to the women of that time, and is still unfamiliar among the women of Italy. There, religion was, and still is, part of education; it involved a strong respect for form and had little ethical value.

The daughters of the well-to-do families did not receive instruction in the humanities in the convents, but probably from the same teachers to whom the education of the sons was entrusted. It is no exaggeration to say that the women of the better classes during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were as well educated as are the women of to-day. Their education was not broad; it was limited to a few branches; for then they did not have the almost inexhaustible means of improvement which, thanks to the evolution of the human mind during the last three hundred years, we now enjoy. The education of the women of the Renaissance was based upon classical antiquity, in comparison with which everything which[Pg 26] could then be termed modern was insignificant. They might, therefore, have been described as scholarly. Feminine education is now entirely different, as it is derived wholly from modern sources of culture. It is precisely its many-sidedness to which is due the superficiality of the education of contemporary woman when compared with that of her sister of the Renaissance.

The daughters of wealthy families didn’t get an education in the humanities in convents; instead, they probably learned from the same teachers who taught the sons. It’s not an exaggeration to say that women from upper-class backgrounds in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were as well educated as women today. Their education wasn’t broad; it focused on just a few subjects, since they didn’t have access to the vast resources for learning that we enjoy today due to the development of human thought over the last three hundred years. The education of Renaissance women was rooted in classical antiquity, which dwarfed anything that could then be considered modern. They could therefore be seen as scholarly. Today’s education for women is completely different, as it stems entirely from contemporary cultural sources. It is precisely this diversity that leads to the superficiality of modern women’s education compared to that of their Renaissance counterparts.

The education of women at the present time, generally,—even in Germany, which is famous for its schools,—is without solid foundation, and altogether superficial and of no real worth. It consists usually in acquiring a smattering of two modern tongues and learning to play the piano, to which a wholly unreasonable amount of time is devoted.

The education of women today, even in Germany, known for its schools, lacks a solid foundation and is mostly superficial and of no real value. It typically involves just picking up a bit of two modern languages and learning to play the piano, which takes up an unreasonably large amount of time.

During the Renaissance the piano was unknown, but every educated woman performed upon the lute, which had the advantage that, in the hands of the lady playing it, it presented an agreeable picture to the eyes, while the piano is only a machine which compels the man or the woman who is playing it to go through motions which are always unpleasant and often ridiculous. During the Renaissance the novel showed only its first beginnings; and even to-day Italy is the country which produces and reads the fewest romances. There were stories from the time of Boccaccio, but very few. Vast numbers of poems were written, but half of them in Latin. Printing and the book trade were in their infancy. The theater likewise was in its childhood, and, as a rule, dramatic performances were given only once a year, during the carnival, and then only on private stages. What we now call universal literature or culture consisted at that time in the passionate study of the classics. Latin and Greek held the place then which the study of foreign languages now occupies in the educa[Pg 27]tion of women. The Italians of the Renaissance did not think that an acquaintance with the classics, that scientific knowledge destroyed the charm of womanliness, nor that the education of women should be less advanced than that of men. This opinion, like so many others prevalent in society is of Teutonic origin. The loving dominion of the mother in the family circle has always seemed to the Germanic races to be the realization of the ideal of womanliness. For a long time German women avoided publicity owing to modesty or a feeling of decorum. Their talents remained hidden except in cases where peculiar circumstances—sometimes connected with affairs of court or of state—compelled them to come forth. Until recently the history of German civilization has shown a much smaller number of famous female characters than Italy, the land of strong personalities, produced during the Renaissance. The influence which gifted women in the Italian salons of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and later in those of France, exercised upon the intellectual development of society was completely unknown in England and Germany.

During the Renaissance, the piano didn’t exist, but every educated woman played the lute, which had the benefit of being visually pleasing when a lady played it, while the piano is just a machine that makes the player go through motions that are often awkward and sometimes silly. At that time, the novel was just beginning to emerge; even today, Italy produces and reads the fewest romances. There were stories from the era of Boccaccio, but very few. A lot of poems were written, with about half of them in Latin. Printing and the book trade were still developing. The theater was also in its early stages, and generally, plays were performed only once a year during carnival, and then only on private stages. What we now call universal literature or culture was then focused on the passionate study of the classics. Latin and Greek were as important then as foreign language studies are now in the education of women. The Italians of the Renaissance believed that knowledge of the classics and scientific understanding did not diminish the charm of femininity, nor that women's education should be less advanced than men's. This mindset, like many others in society, has Teutonic roots. The nurturing role of mothers in family life has always represented the ideal of womanhood for the Germanic races. For a long time, German women stayed out of the public eye due to modesty or a sense of propriety. Their talents often went unrecognized unless specific circumstances—sometimes related to court or state matters—drew them out. Until recently, the history of German civilization showcased far fewer famous women than Italy, known for strong personalities, produced during the Renaissance. The impact that talented women had in the Italian salons of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and later in those of France, was completely absent in England and Germany.

Later, however, there was a change in the relative degree of feminine culture in Teutonic and Latin countries. In the former it rose, while in Italy it declined. The Italian woman who, during the Renaissance, occupied a place by man's side, contended with him for intellectual prizes, and took part in every spiritual movement, fell into the background. During the last two hundred years she has taken little or no part in the higher life of the nation, for long ago she became a mere tool in the hands of the priests. The Reformation gave the German woman greater personal freedom. Especially since the beginning of the eighteenth century have Germany and England produced numbers of[Pg 28] highly cultivated and even learned women. The superficiality of the education of woman in general in Germany is not the fault of the Church, but of the fashion, of society, and also of lack of means in our families.

Later, however, there was a shift in the status of women's education in Teutonic and Latin countries. In the former, it improved, while in Italy, it declined. The Italian woman who, during the Renaissance, stood alongside men, competing for intellectual accolades and participating in every spiritual movement, faded into the background. For the last two hundred years, she has had little or no role in the nation's higher life, as she became merely a tool in the hands of the clergy long ago. The Reformation gave German women greater personal freedom. Particularly since the early eighteenth century, both Germany and England have produced many highly educated and even learned women. The superficiality of women's education in Germany is not the fault of the Church, but rather due to societal trends, fashion, and a lack of resources in our families.

A learned woman, whom men are more apt to fear than respect, is called, when she writes books, a blue-stocking. During the Renaissance she was called a virago, a title which was perfectly complimentary. Jacopo da Bergamo constantly uses it as a term of respect in his work, Concerning Celebrated Women, which he wrote in 1496.[13] Rarely do we find this word used by Italians in the sense in which we now employ it,—namely, termigant or amazon. At that time a virago was a woman who, by her courage, understanding, and attainments, raised herself above the masses of her sex. And she was still more admired if in addition to these qualities she possessed beauty and grace. Profound classic learning among the Italians was not opposed to feminine charm; on the contrary, it enhanced it. Jacopo da Bergamo specially praises it in this or that woman, saying that whenever she appeared in public as a poet or an orator, it was above all else her modesty and reserve which charmed her hearers. In this vein he eulogizes Cassandra Fedeli, while he lauds Ginevra Sforza for her elegance of form, her wonderful grace in every motion, her calm and queenly bearing, and her chaste beauty. He discovers the same in the wife of Alfonso of Aragon, Ippolita Sforza, who possessed the highest attainments, the most brilliant eloquence, a rare beauty, and extreme feminine modesty. What was then called modesty (pudor) was the natural grace of a gifted woman increased by education and association. This modesty Lucretia Borgia possessed in a high degree. In woman it[Pg 29] corresponded with that which in man was the mark of the perfect cavalier. It may cause the reader some astonishment to learn that the contemporaries of the infamous Cæsar spoke of his 'moderation' as one of his most characteristic traits. By this term, however, we must understand the cultivation of the personality in which moderation in man and modesty in woman were part and manifestations of a liberal education.

A knowledgeable woman, whom men are more likely to fear than respect, is referred to as a blue-stocking when she writes books. During the Renaissance, she was called a virago, a term that was quite complimentary. Jacopo da Bergamo frequently uses it respectfully in his work, Concerning Celebrated Women, written in 1496.[13] We rarely see this word used by Italians in the way we do today, meaning termagant or amazon. Back then, a virago was a woman who, through her courage, intelligence, and achievements, rose above the crowd of her gender. She was even more admired if, in addition to these qualities, she had beauty and grace. Deep classical knowledge among Italians didn't clash with feminine charm; rather, it enhanced it. Jacopo da Bergamo especially praises this in various women, noting that when they appeared publicly as poets or speakers, it was primarily their modesty and poise that captivated their audiences. He praises Cassandra Fedeli while highlighting Ginevra Sforza for her graceful form, her incredible grace in every movement, her calm and regal demeanor, and her pure beauty. He finds similar qualities in the wife of Alfonso of Aragon, Ippolita Sforza, who had the highest achievements, brilliant eloquence, rare beauty, and great feminine modesty. What was considered modesty (pudor) at that time was the natural grace of a gifted woman enhanced by education and social interactions. Lucretia Borgia exhibited this modesty to a significant degree. In women, it[Pg 29] corresponded with what in men was the hallmark of a perfect gentleman. Readers may be surprised to learn that the contemporaries of the infamous Caesar considered his 'moderation' one of his most defining traits. However, this term should be understood as the cultivation of character where moderation in men and modesty in women were integral parts and reflections of a well-rounded education.

It is true that in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries emancipated women did not sit on the benches of the lecture halls of Bologna, Ferrara, and Padua, as they now do in many universities, to pursue professional studies; but the same humane sciences to which youths and men devoted themselves were a requirement in the higher education of women. Little girls in the Middle Ages were entrusted to the saints of the convents to be made nuns; during the Renaissance parents consecrated gifted children to the Muses. Jacopo da Bergamo, speaking of Trivulzia of Milan, a contemporary of Lucretia, who excited great amazement as an orator when she was only fourteen years of age, says, "When her parents noticed the child's extraordinary gifts they dedicated her to the Muses—this was in her seventh year—for her education."

It’s true that in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, women who were free didn’t sit in the lecture halls of Bologna, Ferrara, and Padua like they do today in many universities to pursue professional studies; however, the same humanities subjects that young men studied were also necessary for women's higher education. In the Middle Ages, little girls were entrusted to the convents to become nuns; during the Renaissance, parents dedicated talented children to the Muses. Jacopo da Bergamo, talking about Trivulzia of Milan, a contemporary of Lucretia who amazed everyone as an orator at just fourteen years old, said, "When her parents noticed the child’s remarkable talents, they dedicated her to the Muses—this was when she was seven years old—for her education."

The course of study followed by women at that time included the classic languages and their literature, oratory, poetry, or the art of versifying, and music. Dilettanteism in the graphic and plastic arts of course followed, and the vast number of paintings and statues produced during the Renaissance inspired every cultivated woman in Italy with a desire to become a connoisseur.

The education pursued by women at that time included classical languages and their literature, public speaking, poetry, and music. Naturally, this led to a casual interest in visual arts, and the numerous paintings and sculptures created during the Renaissance inspired many educated women in Italy to become art enthusiasts.

Even philosophy and theology were cultivated by women. Debates on questions in these fields of inquiry were the order of the day at the courts and in the halls[Pg 30] of the universities, and women endeavored to acquire renown by taking part in them. At the end of the fifteenth century the Venetian, Cassandra Fedeli, the wonder of her age, was as well versed in philosophy and theology as a learned man. She once engaged in a public disputation before the Doge Agostino Barbarigo, and also several times in the audience hall of Padua, and always showed the utmost modesty in spite of the applause of her hearers. The beautiful wife of Alessandro Sforza of Pesaro, Costanza Varano, was a poet, an orator, and a philosopher; she wrote a number of learned dissertations. "The writings of Augustinus, Ambrosius, Jerome, and Gregory, of Seneca, Cicero, and Lactantius were always in her hands." Her daughter, Battista Sforza, the noble spouse of the cultivated Federico of Urbino, was equally learned. So, too, it was related that the celebrated Isotta Nugarola of Verona was thoroughly at home in the writings of the fathers and of the philosophers. Isabella Gonzaga and Elisabetta of Urbino were likewise acquainted with them, as were numerous other celebrated women, such as Vittoria Colonna and Veronica Gambara.

Even philosophy and theology were studied by women. Debates on topics in these areas were common at the courts and in the halls[Pg 30] of universities, and women sought to gain recognition by participating in them. By the end of the fifteenth century, the Venetian Cassandra Fedeli, a remarkable figure of her time, was as knowledgeable in philosophy and theology as any learned man. She once participated in a public debate before the Doge Agostino Barbarigo, and several times in the audience hall of Padua, always demonstrating great modesty despite the applause from her audience. The beautiful wife of Alessandro Sforza of Pesaro, Costanza Varano, was a poet, a speaker, and a philosopher; she produced many scholarly essays. "The writings of Augustine, Ambrose, Jerome, and Gregory, as well as those of Seneca, Cicero, and Lactantius, were always in her hands." Her daughter, Battista Sforza, the noble wife of the cultured Federico of Urbino, was equally knowledgeable. It was also noted that the renowned Isotta Nugarola of Verona was well-versed in the writings of the Church Fathers and philosophers. Isabella Gonzaga and Elisabetta of Urbino were familiar with these texts as well, along with many other distinguished women, such as Vittoria Colonna and Veronica Gambara.

VITTORIA COLONNA.
From an engraving by P. Caronni.

These and other names show to what heights the education of woman during the Renaissance attained, and even if the accomplishments of these women were exceptional, the studies which they so earnestly pursued were part of the curriculum of all the daughters of the best families. These studies were followed only for the purpose of perfecting and beautifying the personality. Conversation in the modern salon is so excessively dull that it is necessary to fill in the emptiness with singing and piano playing. Still the symposiums of Plato were not always the order of the day in the drawing-rooms of the Renaissance, and it must be admitted that their social disputations[Pg 31] would cause us intolerable weariness; however, tastes were different at that time. In a circle of distinguished and gifted persons, to carry on a conversation gracefully and intelligently, and to give it a classic cast by introducing quotations from the ancients, or to engage in a discussion in dialogue on a chosen theme, afforded the keenest enjoyment. It was the conversation of the Renaissance which attained later to such æsthetic perfection in France. Talleyrand called this form of human intercourse man's greatest and most beautiful blessing. The classic dialogue was revived, with only the difference that cultivated women also took part in it. As samples of the refined social intercourse of that age, we have Castiglione's Cortegiano and Bembo's Asolani, which was dedicated to Lucretia Borgia.

These and other names highlight the impressive levels of women's education during the Renaissance. While the achievements of these women were exceptional, the subjects they passionately studied were part of the curriculum for all the daughters of prominent families. These studies were pursued solely to enhance and beautify one's personality. Nowadays, conversations in salons are often so dull that people tend to fill the void with singing and piano playing. Nonetheless, the gatherings of Plato were not always the norm in the drawing rooms of the Renaissance, and it's fair to say that their social debates would likely bore us today; however, preferences were different back then. In a circle of distinguished and talented individuals, engaging in conversation gracefully and thoughtfully, while adding a classic touch through quotes from the ancients or discussing a specific theme in dialogue, was a source of great pleasure. It was this Renaissance conversation that later achieved such aesthetic perfection in France. Talleyrand considered this form of human interaction to be man's greatest and most beautiful blessing. The classic dialogue was revived, with the notable addition of cultured women participating in it. Examples of the refined social interaction of that era include Castiglione's Cortegiano and Bembo's Asolani, which was dedicated to Lucretia Borgia.

Alexander's daughter did not occupy a preeminent place among the Italian women renowned for classical attainments, her own acquirements not being such as to distinguish her from the majority; but, considering the times, her education was thorough. She had received instruction in the languages, in music, and in drawing, and later the people of Ferrara were amazed at the skill and taste which she displayed in embroidering in silk and gold. "She spoke Spanish, Greek, Italian, and French, and a little Latin, very correctly, and she wrote and composed poems in all these tongues," said the biographer Bayard in 1512. Lucretia must have perfected her education later, during the quiet years of her life, under the influence of Bembo and Strozzi, although she doubtless had laid its foundation in Rome. She was both a Spaniard and an Italian, and a perfect master of these two languages. Among her letters to Bembo there are two written in Spanish; the remainder, of which we possess several hundred, are composed in the Italian of that day, and are spontane[Pg 32]ous and graceful in style. The contents of none of them are of importance; they display soul and feeling, but no depth of mind. Her handwriting is not uniform; sometimes it has strong lines which remind us of the striking, energetic writing of her father; at others it is sharp and fine like that of Vittoria Colonna.

Alexander's daughter didn’t stand out among the Italian women famous for their classical skills, as her abilities weren't different enough from most. However, given the era, her education was solid. She learned languages, music, and drawing, and later, the people of Ferrara were impressed by her talent and style in silk and gold embroidery. "She spoke Spanish, Greek, Italian, and French fluently, and knew a bit of Latin, writing and composing poems in all these languages," noted the biographer Bayard in 1512. Lucretia likely enhanced her education later during the quieter years of her life, influenced by Bembo and Strozzi, although she probably started her studies in Rome. She was both Spanish and Italian, fully fluent in both languages. Among her letters to Bembo, there are two written in Spanish; the rest, of which we have several hundred, are written in the Italian of that time, displaying a spontaneous and graceful style. None of them have significant content; they show soul and feeling, but lack deep thought. Her handwriting varies; at times it has bold strokes reminiscent of her father's dynamic writing, while at other times it is sharp and delicate like that of Vittoria Colonna.

None of Lucretia's letters indicate that she fully understood Latin, and her father once stated that she had not mastered that language. She must, however, have been able to read it when written, for otherwise Alexander could not have made her his representative in the Vatican, with authority to open letters received. Nor were her Hellenic studies very profound; still she was not wholly ignorant of Greek. In her childhood, schools for the study of Hellenic literature still flourished in Rome, where they had been established by Chrysoleras and Bessarion. In the city were many Greeks, some of whom were fugitives from their country, while others had come to Italy with Queen Carlotta of Cyprus. Until her death, in 1487, this royal adventuress lived in a palace in the Borgo of the Vatican, where she held court, and where she doubtless gathered about her the cultivated people of Rome, just as the learned Queen Christina of Sweden did later. It was in her house that Cardinal Rodrigo made the acquaintance, besides that of other noble natives of Cyprus, of Ludovico Podocatharo, a highly cultivated man, afterwards his secretary. He it was, probably, who instructed Borgia's children in Greek.

None of Lucretia's letters show that she fully understood Latin, and her father once said that she hadn't mastered the language. However, she must have been able to read it when written, because otherwise, Alexander couldn't have made her his representative in the Vatican, with the authority to open incoming letters. Her studies in Greek weren't particularly deep either, but she wasn't completely ignorant of the language. During her childhood, schools for studying Greek literature were still going strong in Rome, established by Chrysoleras and Bessarion. The city had many Greeks, some of whom were refugees, while others had come to Italy with Queen Carlotta of Cyprus. Until her death in 1487, this royal adventurer lived in a palace in the Borgo of the Vatican, where she held court and likely surrounded herself with the cultured people of Rome, much like the learned Queen Christina of Sweden did later. It was at her home that Cardinal Rodrigo met, alongside other noble Cypriots, Ludovico Podocatharo, a highly educated man who later became his secretary. He was probably the one who taught Borgia's children Greek.

In the cardinal's palace there was also a humanist of German birth, Lorenz Behaim, of Nurenburg, who managed his household for twenty years. As he was a Latinist and a member of the Roman Academy of Pomponius Laetus, he must have exercised some influence on[Pg 33] the education of his master's children. Generally there was no lack of professors of the humane sciences in Rome, where they were in a nourishing condition, and the Academy as well as the University attracted thither many talented men. In the papal city there were numerous teachers who conducted schools, and swarms of young scholars, ambitious academicians, sought their fortune at the courts of the cardinals in the capacity of companions or secretaries, or as preceptors to their illegitimate children. Lucretia, also, received instruction in classic literature from these masters. Among the poets who lived in Rome she found teachers to instruct her in Italian versification and in writing sonnets, an art which was everywhere cultivated by women as well as men. She doubtless learned to compose verses, although the writers on the history of Italian literature, Quadrio and Crescimbeni, do not place her among the poets of the peninsula. Nowhere do Bembo, Aldus, or the Strozzi speak of her as a poet, nor are there any verses by her in existence. It is not certain that even the Spanish canzoni which are found in some of her letters to Bembo were composed by her.[Pg 34]

In the cardinal's palace, there was also a German humanist named Lorenz Behaim from Nuremberg, who managed the household for twenty years. Being a Latin scholar and a member of the Roman Academy of Pomponius Laetus, he likely influenced the education of his master's children. In Rome, there was no shortage of professors in the humanities, which were thriving there, and the Academy and the University attracted many talented individuals. The papal city had numerous teachers running schools, and many eager young scholars sought opportunities at the courts of the cardinals, either as companions or secretaries, or as tutors for their illegitimate children. Lucretia also received lessons in classic literature from these educators. Among the poets living in Rome, she found mentors to teach her Italian poetry and how to write sonnets, an art form pursued by both women and men. She likely learned to write verses, although historians of Italian literature, Quadrio and Crescimbeni, do not list her among the poets of the region. Authors like Bembo, Aldus, and the Strozzi do not mention her as a poet, nor do any of her verses exist. It’s uncertain whether the Spanish canzoni found in some of her letters to Bembo were actually written by her.

CHAPTER V

NEPOTISM—GIULIA FARNESE—LUCRETIA'S BETROTHALS

It is not difficult to imagine what emotions were aroused in Lucretia when she first became aware of the real condition of her family. Her mother's husband was not her father; she discovered that she and her brothers were the children of a cardinal, and the awakening of her conscience was accompanied by a realization of circumstances which—frowned on by the Church—it was necessary to conceal from the world. She herself had always hitherto been treated as a niece of the cardinal, and she now beheld in her father one of the most prominent princes of the Church of Rome, whom she heard mentioned as a future pope.

It’s easy to imagine the emotions Lucretia felt when she first learned the truth about her family. Her mother’s husband wasn’t her real father; she found out that she and her brothers were the children of a cardinal. This awakening of her conscience came with the realization of circumstances that—looked down upon by the Church—had to be kept secret from the outside world. Until now, she had always been treated as the cardinal’s niece, and she was stunned to see her father as one of the most important figures in the Catholic Church, someone who people talked about as a future pope.

The knowledge of the great advantages to be derived from these circumstances certainly must have affected Lucretia's fancy much more actively than the conception of their immorality. The world in which she lived concerned itself but little with moral scruples, and rarely in the history of mankind has there been a time in which the theory that it is proper to obtain the greatest possible profit from existing conditions has been so generally accepted. She soon learned how common were these relations in Rome. She heard that most of the cardinals lived with their mistresses, and provided in a princely way for their children. They told her about those of Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere and those of Piccolomini; she saw with her own eyes[Pg 35] the sons and daughters of Estouteville, and heard of the baronies which their wealthy father had acquired for them in the Alban mountains. She saw the children of Pope Innocent raised to the highest honors; to her were pointed out his son Franceschetto Cibò and his illustrious spouse Maddalena Medici. She knew that the Vatican was the home of other children and grandchildren of the Pope, and she frequently saw his daughter Madonna Teodorina, the consort of the Genoese Uso di Mare, going and coming. She was eight years old when his daughter Donna Peretta was married in the Vatican to the Marchese Alfonso del Carretto with such magnificent pomp that it set all Rome to talking.

The awareness of the significant benefits from these circumstances surely affected Lucretia’s imagination far more than the idea of their immorality. The world she lived in paid little attention to moral dilemmas, and rarely in human history has the belief that it’s acceptable to maximize profit from existing conditions been so widely accepted. She quickly learned how common these relationships were in Rome. She heard that most cardinals lived with their mistresses and provided lavishly for their children. They told her about the children of Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere and Piccolomini; she saw for herself[Pg 35] the sons and daughters of Estouteville and heard about the baronies their wealthy father had secured for them in the Alban mountains. She witnessed the children of Pope Innocent being elevated to the highest honors; she was shown his son Franceschetto Cibò and his distinguished wife Maddalena Medici. She knew that the Vatican was home to other children and grandchildren of the Pope, and she often saw his daughter Madonna Teodorina, wife of the Genoese Uso di Mare, coming and going. She was eight years old when his daughter Donna Peretta was married in the Vatican to Marchese Alfonso del Carretto with such grand celebration that it made all of Rome buzz.

Lucretia first became conscious of the position to which she and her brothers might be called by their birth when she learned that her eldest brother, Don Pedro Luis, was a Spanish duke. We do not know when the young Borgia was raised to this dignity, but it was some time after 1482. The strong ties which existed between the cardinal and the Spanish court doubtless enabled him to have his son created Duke of Gandia in the kingdom of Valencia. As Mariana remarks, he bought this dukedom for his son.

Lucretia first realized the status she and her brothers could achieve because of their birth when she found out that her oldest brother, Don Pedro Luis, was a Spanish duke. We don't know exactly when young Borgia was given this title, but it happened sometime after 1482. The strong connections that the cardinal had with the Spanish court likely helped him get his son named Duke of Gandia in the kingdom of Valencia. As Mariana points out, he purchased this dukedom for his son.

Don Pedro Luis, however, when still a young man, died in Spain, for a document of the year 1491 speaks of him as deceased, and mentions a legacy left by his will to his sister Lucretia. The duchy of Gandia passed to Rodrigo's second son, Don Giovanni, who hastened to Valencia to take possession of it.

Don Pedro Luis, however, died in Spain while still a young man, as a document from 1491 refers to him as deceased and mentions a legacy he left in his will to his sister Lucretia. The duchy of Gandia went to Rodrigo's second son, Don Giovanni, who quickly went to Valencia to claim it.

Meanwhile the fancy of the licentious cardinal had turned to other women. In May, 1489, when Lucretia was nine years old, appears for the first time the most celebrated of his mistresses, Giulia Farnese, a young woman of extraordinary beauty, to whose charms the cardinal[Pg 36] and future pope, who was growing old, yielded with all the ardor of a young man.

Meanwhile, the desires of the indulgent cardinal shifted to other women. In May 1489, when Lucretia was nine years old, the most famous of his mistresses, Giulia Farnese, appeared for the first time. She was an incredibly beautiful young woman, and the cardinal[Pg 36], who would later become pope and was getting old, succumbed to her charms with all the enthusiasm of a young man.

FARNESE PALACE, ROME.

It was the adulterous love of this Giulia which first brought the Farnese house into the history of Rome, and subsequently into that of the world; for Rodrigo Borgia laid the foundation of the greatness of this family when he made Giulia's brother Alessandro a cardinal. In this manner he prepared the way to the papacy for the future Paul III, the founder of the house of Farnese of Parma, a distinguished family which died out in 1758 in the person of Queen Elisabeth, who occupied the throne of Spain.

It was Giulia's affair that first put the Farnese family on the map in Rome and eventually in the world. Rodrigo Borgia set the stage for this family's rise by making Giulia's brother Alessandro a cardinal. This paved the way for the future Pope Paul III, who established the Farnese family in Parma, a notable lineage that ended in 1758 with Queen Elisabeth, who was the queen of Spain.

The Farnese, up to the time of the Borgias, were of no importance in Rome, where two of the most beautiful buildings of the Renaissance have since helped to make their name immortal. They did not even live in Rome, but in Roman Etruria, where they owned a few towns—Farneto, from which, doubtless, their name was derived, Ischia, Capracola, and Capodimonte. Some time later, though just when is not known, they were temporarily in possession of Isola Farnese, an ancient castle in the ruins of Veii, which from the fourteenth century had belonged to the Orsini.

The Farnese, until the time of the Borgias, were not significant in Rome, where two of the most stunning buildings of the Renaissance have since made their name famous. They didn't even reside in Rome but in Roman Etruria, where they owned a few towns—Farneto, which likely inspired their name, as well as Ischia, Capracola, and Capodimonte. At some point later, though it’s unclear when, they briefly owned Isola Farnese, an ancient castle in the ruins of Veii, which had been in the possession of the Orsini since the fourteenth century.

The origin of the Farnese family is uncertain, but the tradition, according to which they were descended from the Lombards or the Franks, appears to be true. It is supported by the fact that the name Ranuccio, which is the Italian form of Rainer, is of frequent occurrence in the family. The Farnese became prominent in Etruria as a small dynasty of robber barons, without, however, being able to attain to the power of their neighbors, the Orsini of Anguillara and Bracciano, and the famous Counts of Vico, who were of German descent and who ruled over the Tus[Pg 37]can prefecture for more than a hundred years, until that country was swallowed up by Eugene IV. While these prefects were the most active Ghibellines and the bitterest enemies of the popes, the Farnese, like the Este, always stood by the Guelphs. From the eleventh century they were consuls and podestas in Orvieto, and they appeared later in various places as captains of the Church in the numerous little wars with the cities and barons in Umbria and in the domain of S. Peter. Ranuccio, Giulia's grandfather, was one of the ablest of the generals of Eugene IV, and he had been a comrade of the great tyrant-conqueror Vitelleschi, and through him his house had won great renown. His son, Pierluigi, married Donna Giovanella of the Gaetani family of Sermoneta. His children were Alessandro, Bartolomeo, Angiolo, Girolama, and Giulia.

The origins of the Farnese family are unclear, but the tradition that they descended from the Lombards or the Franks seems to be true. This is backed up by the fact that the name Ranuccio, which is the Italian version of Rainer, often appears in the family. The Farnese rose to prominence in Etruria as a small dynasty of robber barons, though they never reached the power of their neighbors, the Orsini of Anguillara and Bracciano, or the well-known Counts of Vico, who were of German descent and ruled over the Tus[Pg 37]can prefecture for more than a hundred years, until Eugene IV took control. While these prefects were active Ghibellines and fierce enemies of the popes, the Farnese, like the Este, always sided with the Guelphs. Since the eleventh century, they served as consuls and podestas in Orvieto and later appeared in various roles as captains of the Church in the many small wars against the cities and barons in Umbria and in the territory of St. Peter. Ranuccio, Giulia's grandfather, was one of the most skilled generals of Eugene IV, and he had been a comrade of the notorious conqueror Vitelleschi, which earned his family significant recognition. His son, Pierluigi, married Donna Giovanella of the Gaetani family from Sermoneta. Their children were Alessandro, Bartolomeo, Angiolo, Girolama, and Giulia.

Alessandro Farnese, born February 28, 1468, was a young man of intellect and culture, but notorious for his unbridled passions. He had his own mother committed to prison in 1487 under the gravest charges, whereupon he himself was confined in the castle of S. Angelo by Innocent VIII. He escaped from prison, and the matter was allowed to drop. He was a prothonotary of the Church. His elder sister was married to Puccio Pucci, one of the most illustrious statesmen of Florence, a member of a large family which was on terms of close friendship with the Medici.

Alessandro Farnese, born on February 28, 1468, was an intelligent and cultured young man, but he was also known for his intense passions. In 1487, he had his own mother imprisoned on serious charges, and as a result, he himself was confined in the Castel Sant'Angelo by Pope Innocent VIII. He managed to escape from prison, and the issue was ultimately forgotten. He held the position of prothonotary for the Church. His older sister was married to Puccio Pucci, one of the most prominent statesmen in Florence, from a large family that had a close friendship with the Medici.

On the twentieth of May, 1489, the youthful Giulia Farnese, together with the equally youthful Orsino Orsini, appeared in the "Star Chamber" of the Borgia palace to sign their marriage contract. It is worthy of note that this occurred in the house of Cardinal Rodrigo. His name appears as the first of the witnesses to this document, as if[Pg 38] he had constituted himself the protector of the couple and had brought about their marriage. This union, however, had been arranged when the betrothed were minors, by their parents, Ludovico Orsini, lord of Bassanello, and Pierluigi Farnese, both of whom had died before 1489. In those days little children were often legally betrothed, and the marriage was consummated later, as was the custom in ancient Rome, where frequently boys and girls only thirteen years of age were affianced. Giulia was barely fifteen, May 20, 1489, and she was still under the guardianship of her brothers and her uncles of the house of Gaetani; while the young Orsini was under the control of his mother, Adriana, who was Adriana de Mila, the kinswoman of Cardinal Rodrigo, and Lucretia's governess. This, therefore, sufficiently explains the part, personal and official, which the cardinal took in the ceremony of Giulia's betrothal.

On May 20, 1489, the young Giulia Farnese and the equally young Orsino Orsini appeared in the "Star Chamber" of the Borgia palace to sign their marriage contract. It's worth noting that this took place in the house of Cardinal Rodrigo. His name is the first on the list of witnesses to this document, as if[Pg 38] he had positioned himself as the couple's protector and had facilitated their marriage. This union, however, was arranged when the betrothed were minors by their parents, Ludovico Orsini, lord of Bassanello, and Pierluigi Farnese, both of whom had died before 1489. Back then, young children were often legally betrothed, with the marriage being consummated later, much like in ancient Rome, where boys and girls as young as thirteen were frequently betrothed. Giulia was just fifteen on May 20, 1489, and she was still under the guardianship of her brothers and her uncles from the house of Gaetani, while the young Orsini was under the control of his mother, Adriana, who was Adriana de Mila, a relative of Cardinal Rodrigo and the governess to Lucretia. This explains the personal and official role the cardinal played in Giulia's betrothal ceremony.

The witnesses to the marriage contract, which was drawn up by the notary Beneimbene, were, in addition to the cardinal, Bishop Martini of Segovia, the Spanish Canons Garcetto and Caranza, and a Roman nobleman named Giovanni Astalli. The bride's brothers should have supported her, but only the younger, Angiolo, was present, Alessandro remaining away. His failure to attend such an important family function in the Borgia palace is strange, although it may have been occasioned by some accident. The bride's uncles, the prothonotary Giacomo, and his brother Don Nicola Gaetani were present. Giulia's dowry consisted of three thousand gold florins, a large amount for that time.

The witnesses to the marriage contract, which was prepared by the notary Beneimbene, included the cardinal, Bishop Martini of Segovia, Spanish Canons Garcetto and Caranza, and a Roman nobleman named Giovanni Astalli. The bride's brothers were supposed to support her, but only the younger one, Angiolo, was there, while Alessandro was absent. His choice to skip such an important family event at the Borgia palace is odd, though it might have been due to some unforeseen circumstance. The bride's uncles, prothonotary Giacomo and his brother Don Nicola Gaetani, were present. Giulia's dowry was made up of three thousand gold florins, which was a significant amount for that time.

The civil marriage of the young couple took place the following day, May 21st, in this same palace of the Borgias. Many great nobles were present, among whom were spe[Pg 39]cially mentioned the kinsmen of the groom, Cardinal Gianbattista Orsini and Raynaldo Orsini, Archbishop of Florence. The young couple, as the season was charming, may have gone to Castle Bassanello, or, if not, may have taken up their abode in the Orsini palace on Monte Giordano.

The civil marriage of the young couple happened the next day, May 21st, in the same Borgia palace. Many prominent nobles attended, including the groom's relatives, Cardinal Gianbattista Orsini and Raynaldo Orsini, the Archbishop of Florence. Since it was a lovely time of year, the couple might have gone to Castle Bassanello, or if not, they probably settled into the Orsini palace on Monte Giordano.

Before her marriage Cardinal Rodrigo must have known, and often seen Giulia Farnese in the palace of Madonna Adriana, the mother of the young Orsini. There, likewise, Lucretia, who was several years younger, made her acquaintance. Like Lucretia, Giulia had golden hair, and her beauty won for her the name La Bella. It was in Adriana's house that this tender, lovely child became ensnared in the coils of the libertine Rodrigo. She succumbed to his seductions either shortly before or soon after her marriage to the young Orsini. Perhaps she first aroused the passion of the cardinal, a man at that time fifty-eight years old, when she stood before him in his palace a bride in the full bloom of youth. Be that as it may, it is certain that two years after her marriage Giulia was the cardinal's acknowledged mistress. When Madonna Adriana discovered the liason she winked at it, and was an accessory to the shame of her daughter-in-law. By so doing she became the most powerful and the most influential person in the house of Borgia.

Before her marriage, Cardinal Rodrigo must have known and often seen Giulia Farnese in the palace of Madonna Adriana, the mother of the young Orsini. There, Lucretia, who was several years younger, also met her. Like Lucretia, Giulia had golden hair, and her beauty earned her the nickname La Bella. It was in Adriana's house that this tender, lovely girl got caught up with the libertine Rodrigo. She fell for his charms either shortly before or soon after her marriage to the young Orsini. Perhaps she sparked the passion of the cardinal, a man who was fifty-eight at the time, when she stood before him in his palace as a bride in the prime of her youth. Regardless, it's certain that two years after her marriage, Giulia was the cardinal's recognized mistress. When Madonna Adriana found out about the affair, she turned a blind eye and became complicit in the disgrace of her daughter-in-law. By doing this, she became the most powerful and influential person in the Borgia household.

Two of the three sons of the cardinal, Giovanni and Cæsar, had in the meantime reached manhood. In 1490 neither of them was in Rome; the former was in Spain, and the latter was studying at the University of Perugia, which he later left for Pisa. As early as 1488 Cæsar must have attended one of these institutions, probably the University of Perugia, for in that year Paolo Pompilio dedicated to him his Syllabica, a work on the art of versification. In it he lauded the budding genius of[Pg 40] Cæsar, who was the hope and ornament of the house of Borgia, his progress in the sciences, and his maturity of intellect—astonishing in one so young—and he predicted his future fame.[14]

Two of the three sons of the cardinal, Giovanni and Cæsar, had by now grown up. In 1490, neither of them was in Rome; Giovanni was in Spain, and Cæsar was studying at the University of Perugia, which he later left for Pisa. As early as 1488, Cæsar must have attended one of these institutions, probably the University of Perugia, because in that year, Paolo Pompilio dedicated his Syllabica to him, a work on the art of versification. In it, he praised Cæsar’s emerging talent, who was seen as the hope and pride of the Borgia family, his advancements in the sciences, and his intellectual maturity—remarkable for someone so young—and he predicted his future fame.[Pg 40][14]

His father had intended him for the Church, although Cæsar himself felt for it nothing but aversion. From Innocent VIII he had secured his son's appointment as prothonotary of the Church and even as Bishop of Pamplona. He appears as a prothonotary in a document of February, 1491, and at the same time the youngest of Rodrigo's sons, Giuffrè, a boy of about nine years, was made Canon and Archdeacon of Valencia.

His father planned for him to join the Church, but Cæsar himself felt nothing but dislike for it. He had secured his son's position as prothonotary of the Church and even as Bishop of Pamplona from Innocent VIII. He shows up as a prothonotary in a document from February 1491, and at the same time, Rodrigo's youngest son, Giuffrè, a boy of around nine, was made Canon and Archdeacon of Valencia.

Cæsar went to Pisa, probably in 1491. Its university attracted a great many of the sons of the prominent Italian families, chiefly on account of the fame of its professor of jurisprudence, Philippo Decio of Milan. At the university the young Borgia had two Spanish companions, who were favorites of his father, Francesco Romolini of Ilerda and Juan Vera of Arcilla in the kingdom of Valencia. The latter was master of his household, as Cæsar himself states in a letter written in October, 1492, in which he also calls Romolini his "most faithful comrade."[15] Francesco Romolini was more than thirty years of age in 1491. He was a diligent student of law, and became deeply learned in it. He is the same Romolini who afterwards conducted the prosecution of Savonarola in Florence. In[Pg 41] 1503 Alexander made him a cardinal, to which dignity Vera had been raised in 1500. His father's wealth enabled the youthful Cæsar to live in Pisa in princely style, and his connections brought him into friendly relations with the Medici.

Cæsar went to Pisa, probably in 1491. Its university attracted many sons of prominent Italian families, mainly because of the fame of its law professor, Philippo Decio from Milan. At the university, the young Borgia had two Spanish friends who were favorites of his father: Francesco Romolini from Ilerda and Juan Vera from Arcilla in the kingdom of Valencia. The latter was in charge of his household, as Cæsar himself mentioned in a letter written in October 1492, where he also referred to Romolini as his "most faithful comrade."[15] Francesco Romolini was over thirty years old in 1491. He was a dedicated law student and became very knowledgeable in the subject. He is the same Romolini who later led the prosecution of Savonarola in Florence. In[Pg 41] 1503, Alexander made him a cardinal, a position Vera had been promoted to in 1500. His father's wealth allowed the young Cæsar to live in Pisa like a prince, and his connections helped him develop friendly relations with the Medici.

The cardinal was still making special exertions to further the fortunes of his children in Spain. Even for his daughter Lucretia he could see no future more brilliant than a Spanish marriage; and he must indeed have regarded it as a special act of condescension for the son of an old and noble house to consent to become the husband of the illegitimate daughter of a cardinal. The noble concerned was Don Cherubino Juan de Centelles, lord of Val d'Ayora in the kingdom of Valencia, and brother of the Count of Oliva.

The cardinal was still making extra efforts to improve the fortunes of his children in Spain. Even for his daughter Lucretia, he couldn't imagine a future more promising than a Spanish marriage; he must have seen it as a significant act of favor for the son of an old and noble family to agree to marry the illegitimate daughter of a cardinal. The noble in question was Don Cherubino Juan de Centelles, lord of Val d'Ayora in the kingdom of Valencia, and brother of the Count of Oliva.

The nuptial contract was drawn up in the Valencian dialect in Rome, February 26 and June 16, 1491. The youthful groom was in Valencia, the young bride in Rome, and her father had appointed the Roman nobleman Antonio Porcaro her proxy. In the marriage contract it was specified that Lucretia's portion should be three hundred thousand timbres or sous in Valencian money, which she was to bring Don Cherubino as dowry, part in coin and part in jewels and other valuables. It was specially stated that of this sum eleven thousand timbres should consist of the amount bequeathed by the will of the deceased Don Pedro Luis de Borgia, Duke of Gandia, to his sister for her marriage portion, while eight thousand were given her by her other brothers, Cæsar and Giuffrè, for the same purpose, presumably also from the estate left by the brother. It was provided that Donna Lucretia should be taken to Valencia at the cardinal's expense within one year from the signing of the contract, and that the church ceremony[Pg 42] should be performed within six months after her arrival in Spain.[16]

The marriage contract was written in the Valencian dialect in Rome on February 26 and June 16, 1491. The young groom was in Valencia, the young bride in Rome, and her father had appointed the Roman nobleman Antonio Porcaro as her representative. The marriage contract stated that Lucretia's portion would be three hundred thousand timbres or sous in Valencian currency, which she would bring to Don Cherubino as a dowry, partly in cash and partly in jewels and other valuables. It was specifically noted that of this total, eleven thousand timbres were from the inheritance left by the late Don Pedro Luis de Borgia, Duke of Gandia, to his sister for her marriage, while eight thousand were given to her by her other brothers, Cæsar and Giuffrè, also for this purpose, presumably from their brother's estate. It was stipulated that Donna Lucretia should be taken to Valencia at the cardinal's expense within one year of signing the contract, and that the church ceremony[Pg 42] should be held within six months after her arrival in Spain.[16]

Thus Lucretia, when only a child eleven years of age, found her hand and life happiness subjected to the will of another, and from that time she was no longer the shaper of her own destiny. This was the usual fate of the daughters of the great houses, and even of the lesser ones. Shortly before her father became pope it seemed as if her life was to be spent in Spain, and she would have found no place in the history of the papacy and of Italy if she and Don Cherubino had been married. However, the marriage was never performed. Obstacles of which we are ignorant, or changes in the plans of her father, caused the betrothal of Lucretia to Don Cherubino to be annulled. At the very moment this was being done for her by proxy, her father was planning another alliance for his daughter.

Thus, Lucretia, at just eleven years old, found her fate and happiness controlled by someone else, and from that point on, she was no longer in charge of her own life. This was the common destiny for daughters of prominent families, as well as those from less notable ones. Just before her father became pope, it seemed like her life would be spent in Spain, and she wouldn’t have played a role in the history of the papacy and Italy if she had married Don Cherubino. However, the marriage never took place. There were obstacles we don't know about or changes in her father's plans that led to Lucretia's engagement to Don Cherubino being called off. At the very moment this was being done on her behalf, her father was arranging another marriage for his daughter.

The husband he had selected, Don Gasparo, was also a young Spaniard, son of Don Juan Francesco of Procida, Count of Aversa. This family had probably removed to Naples with the house of Aragon. Don Juan Francesco's mother was Donna Leonora de Procida y Castelleta, Countess of Aversa. Gasparo's father lived in Aversa, but in 1491 the son was in Valencia, where, probably, he was being educated under the care of some of his kinsmen, for he was still a boy of less than fifteen years. In an instrument drawn by the notary Beneimbene, dated November 9, 1492, it is explicitly stated that on the thirtieth of April of the preceding year, 1491, the marriage contract of Lucretia and Gasparo had been executed by proxy with all due form, and that in it Cardinal Rodrigo had bound himself to send his daughter to the city of Valencia at his[Pg 43] expense, where the church ceremony was to be performed. However, since the marriage contract between Lucretia and the young Centelles had been legally executed on the twenty-sixth of February of the same year, 1491, and was recognized as late as the following June, there is room for doubt regarding the correctness of the date; but both the instrument in Beneimbene's protocol-book, and an abstract of the same in the archives of the Hospital Sancta Sanctorum in Rome, give the last of April as the date of the marriage contract of Lucretia and Don Gasparo. In these proceedings her proxies were, not Antonio Porcaro, but Don Giuffrè Borgia, Baron of Villa Longa, the Canon Jacopo Serra of Valencia, and the vicar-general of the same place, Mateo Cucia. Hence follows the curious fact that Lucretia was the betrothed at one and the same time of two young Spaniards.

The husband she chose, Don Gasparo, was also a young Spaniard, the son of Don Juan Francesco of Procida, Count of Aversa. This family likely moved to Naples with the house of Aragon. Don Juan Francesco's mother was Donna Leonora de Procida y Castelleta, Countess of Aversa. Gasparo's father lived in Aversa, but in 1491, the son was in Valencia, where, most likely, he was being educated by some relatives, since he was still under fifteen years old. In a document drawn up by the notary Beneimbene, dated November 9, 1492, it clearly states that on April 30 of the previous year, 1491, the marriage contract between Lucretia and Gasparo had been completed by proxy according to all the proper procedures, and that Cardinal Rodrigo had committed to sending his daughter to the city of Valencia at his[Pg 43] expense, where the church ceremony would take place. However, since the marriage contract between Lucretia and the young Centelles was legally signed on February 26 of the same year, 1491, and was confirmed as late as the following June, there is some doubt about the accuracy of the date; but both the document in Beneimbene's protocol book and an abstract of it in the archives of the Hospital Sancta Sanctorum in Rome state that the end of April was the date of the marriage contract between Lucretia and Don Gasparo. In these proceedings, her representatives were not Antonio Porcaro, but Don Giuffrè Borgia, Baron of Villa Longa, Canon Jacopo Serra of Valencia, and the vicar-general of the same place, Mateo Cucia. This leads to the interesting fact that Lucretia was betrothed at the same time to two young Spaniards.

In spite of the rejection of her first affianced, the Centelles family appears to have remained on good terms with the Borgias, for, later, when Rodrigo became Pope, a certain Gulielmus de Centelles is to be found among his most trusted chamberlains, while Raymondo of the same house was prothonotary and treasurer of Perugia.[Pg 44]

Despite the rejection of her first fiancé, the Centelles family seems to have kept a good relationship with the Borgias. Later, when Rodrigo became Pope, a certain Gulielmus de Centelles was among his most trusted chamberlains, while Raymondo from the same family served as prothonotary and treasurer of Perugia.[Pg 44]

CHAPTER VI

HER FATHER BECOMES POPE—GIOVANNI SFORZA

On July 25, 1492, occurred the event to which the Borgias had long eagerly looked forward, the death of Innocent VIII. Above all the other candidates for the Papacy were four cardinals: Rafael Riario and Giuliano della Rovere—both powerful nephews of Sixtus IV—Ascanio Sforza, and Rodrigo Borgia.

On July 25, 1492, the moment the Borgias had been eagerly anticipating finally arrived: the death of Innocent VIII. Among the various candidates for the Papacy, four cardinals stood out: Rafael Riario and Giuliano della Rovere—both influential nephews of Sixtus IV—Ascanio Sforza, and Rodrigo Borgia.

Before the election was decided there were days of feverish expectation for the cardinal's family. Of his children only Lucretia and Giuffrè were in Rome at the time, and both were living with Madonna Adriana. Vannozza was occupying her own house with her husband, Canale, who for some time had held the office of secretary of the penitentiary court. She was now fifty years old, and there was but one event to which she looked forward, and upon it depended the gratification of her greatest wish; namely, to see her children's father ascend the papal throne. What prayers and vows she and Madonna Adriana, Lucretia, and Giulia Farnese must have made to the saints for the fulfilment of that wish!

Before the election was decided, there were days of intense anticipation for the cardinal's family. At that time, only Lucretia and Giuffrè were in Rome, both living with Madonna Adriana. Vannozza was in her own house with her husband, Canale, who had been serving as the secretary of the penitentiary court for some time. She was now fifty years old, and there was only one thing she looked forward to, which determined the fulfillment of her greatest wish: to see the father of her children ascend to the papal throne. What prayers and vows she, along with Madonna Adriana, Lucretia, and Giulia Farnese, must have made to the saints for that wish to come true!

Early on the morning of August 11th breathless messengers brought these women the news from the Vatican—Rodrigo Borgia had won the great prize. To him, the highest bidder, the papacy had been sold. In the election, Cardinal Ascanio Sforza had turned the scale, and for his reward he received the city of Nepi; the office of vice-[Pg 45]chancellor, and the Borgia palace, which ever since has borne the name Sforza-Cesarini.

Early in the morning on August 11th, breathless messengers delivered the news from the Vatican to these women—Rodrigo Borgia had snatched the big prize. The papacy had been sold to him, the highest bidder. During the election, Cardinal Ascanio Sforza tipped the balance, and as his reward, he received the city of Nepi, the position of vice-[Pg 45]chancellor, and the Borgia palace, which has since been known as Sforza-Cesarini.

ALEXANDER VI.
From an engraving published in 1580.

On the morning of this momentous day, when Alexander VI was carried from the conclave hall to S. Peter's there to receive the first expressions of homage, his joyful glance discovered many of his kinsmen in the dense crowd, for thither they had hastened to celebrate his great triumph. It was a long time since Rome had beheld a pope of such majesty, of such beauty of person. His conduct was notorious throughout the city, and no one knew him better in that hour than that woman, Vannozza Catanei, who was kneeling in S. Peter's during the mass, her soul filled with the memories of a sinful past.

On the morning of this significant day, when Alexander VI was taken from the conclave hall to St. Peter's to receive the first signs of respect, his happy gaze found many of his relatives in the large crowd, who had rushed there to celebrate his huge victory. It had been a long time since Rome had seen a pope of such greatness and such personal beauty. His behavior was well known throughout the city, and no one understood him better at that moment than Vannozza Catanei, who was kneeling in St. Peter's during the mass, her mind filled with memories of a troubled past.

Borgia's election did not cause all the Powers anxiety. In Milan, Ludovico il Moro celebrated the event with public festivals; he now hoped to become, through the influence of his brother Ascanio, a "half pope." While the Medici expected much from Alexander, the Aragonese of Naples looked for little. Bitterly did Venice express herself. Her ambassador in Milan publicly declared in August that the papacy had been sold by simony and a thousand deceptions, and that the signory of Venice was convinced that France and Spain would refuse to obey the Pope when they learned of these enormities.[17]

Borgia's election didn't worry all the Powers. In Milan, Ludovico il Moro celebrated the event with public festivals; he now hoped to become, through the influence of his brother Ascanio, a "half pope." While the Medici had high hopes for Alexander, the Aragonese from Naples expected very little. Venice expressed her dissatisfaction strongly. Her ambassador in Milan publicly declared in August that the papacy had been sold through simony and countless deceptions, and that the government of Venice was convinced that France and Spain would refuse to obey the Pope once they learned of these outrages.[17]

In the meantime, Alexander VI had received the professions of loyalty of all the Italian States, together with their profuse expressions of homage. The festival of his coronation was celebrated with unparalleled pomp, August 26th. The Borgia arms, a grazing steer, was displayed so[Pg 46] generally in the decorations, and was the subject of so many epigrams, that a satirist remarked that Rome was celebrating the discovery of the Sacred Apis. Subsequently the Borgia bull was frequently the object of the keenest satire; but at the beginning of Alexander's reign it was, naïvely enough, the pictorial embodiment of the Pope's magnificence. To-day such symbolism would excite only derision and mirth, but the plastic taste of the Italian of that day was not offended by it.

In the meantime, Alexander VI had received loyalty pledges from all the Italian States, along with their extravagant displays of respect. His coronation festival took place with unmatched grandeur on August 26th. The Borgia emblem, a grazing bull, was featured prominently in the decorations and inspired numerous humorous poems, leading a satirist to joke that Rome was celebrating the discovery of the Sacred Apis. Later, the Borgia bull became a target of sharp satire; however, at the start of Alexander's reign, it was, rather innocently, seen as a representation of the Pope's grandeur. Nowadays, such symbolism would likely provoke laughter and mockery, but the artistic sensibilities of the Italians of that time were not offended by it.

When Alexander, on his triumphal journey to the Lateran, passed the palace of his fanatical adherents, the Porcari, one of the boys of the family declaimed with much pathos some stanzas which concluded with the verses:

When Alexander, on his victorious journey to the Lateran, passed the palace of his zealous supporters, the Porcari, one of the boys from the family recited with a lot of emotion some verses that ended with the lines:

Vive diu bos, vive diu celebrande per annos,
Inter Pontificum gloria prima choros.[18]

Live long, Bull, and may you be celebrated for many years to come,
Among the glory of the first group of Pontiffs.

The statements of Michele Ferno and of Hieronymus Porcius regarding the coronation festivities and the professions of loyalty of the ambassadors from the various Italian Powers must be read to see to what extremes flattery was carried in those days. It is difficult for us to imagine how imposing was the entrance of this brilliant pope upon the spectacular stage of Rome at the time when the[Pg 47] papacy was at the zenith of its power—a height it had attained, not through love of the Church, nor by devotion to religion, which had long been debased, but by dazzling the luxury-loving people of the age and by modern politics; in addition to this, the Church had preserved since the Middle Ages a traditional and mystic character which held the respect of the faithful.

The comments from Michele Ferno and Hieronymus Porcius about the coronation celebrations and the loyalty displays from ambassadors of various Italian powers highlight how far flattery went back then. It's hard for us to picture how grand the entrance of this remarkable pope was on the dramatic stage of Rome when the[Pg 47] papacy was at the peak of its influence—a peak reached not out of love for the Church or devotion to religion, which had long been undermined, but by captivating the luxury-loving people of the time and through modern politics. Moreover, the Church had maintained a traditional and mystical aura since the Middle Ages that earned the respect of the faithful.

Ferno remarks that the history of the world offered nothing to compare with the grandeur of the Pope's appearance and the charm of his person,—and this author was not a bigoted papist, but a diligent student of Pomponius Laetus. Like all the romanticists of the classic revival, however, he was highly susceptible to theatrical effects. Words failed him when he tried to describe the passage of Alexander to S. Maria del Popolo: "These holiday swarms of richly clad people, the seven hundred priests and cardinals with their retinues, these knights and grandees of Rome in dazzling cavalcades, these troops of archers and Turkish horsemen, the palace guards with long lances and glittering shields, the twelve riderless white horses with golden bridles, which were led along, and all the other pomp and parade!" Weeks would be required for arranging a pageant like this at the present time; but the Pope could improvise it in the twinkling of an eye, for the actors and their costumes were always ready. He set it in motion for the sole purpose of showing himself to the Romans, and in order that his majesty might lend additional brilliancy to a popular holiday.

Ferno notes that nothing in history could match the grandeur of the Pope's appearance and the charm of his presence—and this author wasn’t an extreme papist but a dedicated scholar of Pomponius Laetus. Like all the romanticists of the classic revival, he was very influenced by theatrical effects. He struggled to find words to describe Alexander's entrance to S. Maria del Popolo: "These festive crowds of elegantly dressed people, the seven hundred priests and cardinals with their entourages, the knights and nobles of Rome in stunning processions, the squads of archers and Turkish cavalry, the palace guards with long lances and shining shields, the twelve riderless white horses with golden bridles being led, and all the other splendor and spectacle!" Today, weeks would be needed to organize a pageant like this; however, the Pope could create it in the blink of an eye since the performers and their costumes were always ready. He initiated it solely to present himself to the Romans and to add a touch of grandeur to a public holiday.

Ferno depicted the Pope himself as a demi-god coming forth to his people. "Upon a snow-white horse he sat, serene of countenance and of surpassing dignity; thus he showed himself to the people, and blessed them; thus he was seen of all. His glance fell upon them and filled every[Pg 48] heart with joy. And so his appearance was of good augury for everyone. How wonderful is his tranquil bearing! And how noble his faultless face! His glance, how frank! How greatly does the honor which we feel for him increase when we behold his beauty and vigor of body!" Alexander the Great would have been described in just such terms by Ferno. This was the idolatry which was always accorded the papacy, and no one asked what was the inner and personal life of the glittering idol.

Ferno portrayed the Pope as a demi-god coming to his people. "He sat on a snow-white horse, calm and dignified; this is how he presented himself to the crowd and blessed them; this is how everyone saw him. His gaze fell on them and filled every[Pg 48] heart with joy. His appearance was a good sign for all. How wonderful is his calm demeanor! And how noble his flawless face! His gaze, so open! How much our respect for him grows when we see his beauty and strength!" Alexander the Great would have been described in just such a way by Ferno. This was the kind of admiration always given to the papacy, and no one questioned what the personal life was like of the dazzling idol.

On the occasion of his coronation Alexander appointed his son Cæsar, a youth of sixteen, Bishop of Valencia. This he did without being sure of the sanction of Ferdinand the Catholic, who, in fact, for a long time did endeavor to withhold it; but he finally yielded, and the Borgias consequently got the first bishopric in Spain into their hereditary possession. Cæsar was not in Rome at the time his father received the tiara. On the twenty-second of August, eleven days after Alexander's election, Manfredi, ambassador from Ferrara to Florence, wrote the Duchess Eleonora d'Este: "The Pope's son, the Bishop of Pamplona, who has been attending the University of Pisa, left there by the Pope's orders yesterday morning, and has gone to the castle of Spoleto."

On the day of his coronation, Alexander appointed his son Cæsar, a sixteen-year-old, as Bishop of Valencia. He did this without being certain of Ferdinand the Catholic's approval, who actually tried for a long time to block it; however, he eventually gave in, and the Borgias thus secured the first bishopric in Spain as part of their hereditary possessions. Cæsar was not in Rome when his father took the papal tiara. On August 22, eleven days after Alexander's election, Manfredi, the ambassador from Ferrara to Florence, wrote to Duchess Eleonora d'Este: "The Pope's son, the Bishop of Pamplona, who has been attending the University of Pisa, left there on the Pope's orders yesterday morning and has gone to the castle of Spoleto."

The fifth of October Cæsar was still there, for on that date he wrote a letter to Piero de' Medici from that place. This epistle to Lorenzo's son, the brother of Cardinal Giovanni, shows that the greatest confidence existed between him and Cæsar, who says in it that, on account of his sudden departure from Pisa, he had been unable to communicate orally with him, and that his preceptor, Juan Vera, would have to represent him. He recommended his trusted familiar, Francesco Romolini, to Piero for appointment as professor of canon law in Pisa. The letter is[Pg 49] signed, "Your brother, Cesar de Borja, Elector of Valencia."[19]

On October 5th, Caesar was still there, as he wrote a letter to Piero de' Medici from that location on that date. This letter to Lorenzo's son, the brother of Cardinal Giovanni, shows that there was a lot of trust between him and Caesar. In it, he mentions that due to his unexpected departure from Pisa, he couldn't talk to him in person, and that his teacher, Juan Vera, would have to speak for him. He recommended his close associate, Francesco Romolini, to Piero for the position of professor of canon law in Pisa. The letter is[Pg 49] signed, "Your brother, Cesar de Borja, Elector of Valencia."[19]

By not allowing his son to come to Rome immediately, Alexander wished to give public proof of what he had declared at the time of his election; namely, that he would hold himself above all nepotism. Perhaps there was a moment when the warning afforded by the examples of Calixtus, Sixtus, and Innocent caused him to hesitate, and to resolve to moderate his love for his offspring. However, the nomination of his son to a bishopric on the day of his coronation shows that his resolution was not very earnest. In October Cæsar appeared in the Vatican, where the Borgias now occupied the place which the pitiable Cibòs had left.

By not letting his son come to Rome right away, Alexander wanted to publicly show what he had claimed during his election; that he would rise above all forms of nepotism. There might have been a moment when the warnings from the examples of Calixtus, Sixtus, and Innocent made him reconsider, and he decided to tone down his affection for his children. However, naming his son to a bishopric on the day of his coronation indicates that his resolve wasn’t very strong. In October, Cæsar showed up in the Vatican, where the Borgias had taken the place left vacant by the unfortunate Cibòs.

On September 1st the Pope made the elder Giovanni Borgia, who was Bishop of Monreale, a cardinal; he was the son of Alexander's sister Giovanna. The Vatican was filled with Spaniards, kinsmen, or friends of the now all-powerful house, who had eagerly hurried thither in quest of fortune and honors. "Ten papacies would not be sufficient to satisfy this swarm of relatives," wrote Gianandrea Boccaccio in November, 1492, to the Duke of Ferrara. Of the close friends of Alexander, Juan Lopez was made his chancellor; Pedro Caranza and Juan Marades his privy chamberlains; Rodrigo Borgia, a nephew of the Pope, was made captain of the palace guard, which hitherto had been commanded by a Doria.

On September 1st, the Pope appointed the elder Giovanni Borgia, who was the Bishop of Monreale, as a cardinal; he was the son of Alexander's sister Giovanna. The Vatican was filled with Spaniards, relatives, or friends of the now all-powerful family, who had eagerly rushed there in search of wealth and prestige. "Ten papacies wouldn’t be enough to satisfy this swarm of relatives," Gianandrea Boccaccio wrote in November 1492 to the Duke of Ferrara. Among Alexander's close friends, Juan Lopez became his chancellor; Pedro Caranza and Juan Marades were appointed as his privy chamberlains; Rodrigo Borgia, the Pope's nephew, was made captain of the palace guard, which had previously been led by a Doria.

Alexander immediately began to lay the plans for a more brilliant future for his daughter. He would no longer listen to her marrying a Spanish nobleman; noth[Pg 50]ing less than a prince should receive her hand. Ludovico and Ascanio suggested their kinsman, Giovanni Sforza. The Pope accepted him as son-in-law, for, although he was only Count of Cotognola and vicar of Pesaro, he was an independent sovereign, and he belonged to the illustrious house of Sforza. Alexander had entered early into such close relations with the Sforza that Cardinal Ascanio became all-powerful in Rome. Giovanni, an illegitimate son of Costanzo of Pesaro, and only by the indulgence of Sixtus IV and Innocent VIII his hereditary heir, was a man of twenty-six, well formed and carefully educated, like most of the lesser Italian despots. He had married Maddalena, the beautiful sister of Elisabetta Gonzaga, in 1489, on the very day upon which the latter was joined in wedlock to Duke Guidobaldo of Urbino. He had, however, been a widower since August 8, 1490, on which date his wife died in childbirth.

Alexander quickly started making plans for a brighter future for his daughter. He wouldn’t entertain the idea of her marrying a Spanish nobleman; only a prince would be worthy of her hand. Ludovico and Ascanio proposed their relative, Giovanni Sforza. The Pope agreed to him as son-in-law because, although he was just the Count of Cotognola and vicar of Pesaro, he was an independent ruler and came from the distinguished Sforza family. Alexander had developed such close ties with the Sforza that Cardinal Ascanio gained immense power in Rome. Giovanni, an illegitimate son of Costanzo of Pesaro, was recognized as the hereditary heir only by the tolerance of Sixtus IV and Innocent VIII. He was twenty-six years old, well-built, and well-educated, like most of the lesser Italian rulers. He had married Maddalena, the beautiful sister of Elisabetta Gonzaga, in 1489, on the same day that Elisabetta married Duke Guidobaldo of Urbino. However, he had been a widower since August 8, 1490, when his wife died during childbirth.

Sforza hastened to accept the offered hand of the young Lucretia before any of her other numerous suitors could win it. On leaving Pesaro he first went to the castle of Nepi, which Alexander VI had given to Cardinal Ascanio. There he remained a few days and then came quietly to Rome, October 31, 1492. Here he took up his residence in the cardinal's palace of S. Clement, erected by Domenico della Rovere in the Borgo. It is still standing, and in good preservation, opposite the Palazzo Giraud. The Ferrarese ambassador announced Sforza's arrival to his master, remarking, "He will be a great man as long as this pope rules." He explained the retirement in which Sforza lived by stating that the man to whom Lucretia had been legally betrothed was also in Rome.[Pg 51][20]

Sforza quickly accepted the hand of the young Lucretia before any of her other many suitors could claim it. After leaving Pesaro, he first went to the castle of Nepi, which Alexander VI had given to Cardinal Ascanio. He stayed there for a few days and then quietly made his way to Rome on October 31, 1492. Here, he took up residence in the cardinal's palace of S. Clement, built by Domenico della Rovere in the Borgo. It still stands and is well-preserved, opposite the Palazzo Giraud. The Ferrarese ambassador informed his master of Sforza's arrival, noting, "He will be a great man as long as this pope is in power." He explained Sforza's low profile by mentioning that the man to whom Lucretia had been legally betrothed was also in Rome.[Pg 51][20]

The young Count Gasparo had come to Rome with his father to make good his claim to Lucretia, through whom he hoped to obtain great favor. Here he found another suitor of whom he had hitherto heard nothing, but whose presence had become known, and he fell into a rage when the Pope demanded from him a formal renunciation. Lucretia, at that time a child of only twelve and a half years, thus became the innocent cause of a contest between two suitors, and likewise the subject of public gossip for the first time. November 5th the plenipotentiary of Ferrara wrote his master, "There is much gossip about Pesaro's marriage; the first bridegroom is still here, raising a great hue and cry, as a Catalan, saying he will protest to all the princes and potentates of Christendom; but will he, will he, he will have to submit." On the ninth of November the same ambassador wrote, "Heaven prevent this marriage of Pesaro from bringing calamities. It seems that the King (of Naples) is angry on account of it, judging by what Giacomo, Pontano's nephew told the Pope the day before yesterday. The matter is still undecided. Both the suitors are given fair words; both are here. However, it is believed that Pesaro will carry the day, especially as Cardinal Ascanio, who is powerful in deeds as well as in words, is looking after his interests."

The young Count Gasparo had come to Rome with his father to secure his claim to Lucretia, hoping it would earn him significant favor. Here, he encountered another suitor he had never heard of before, whose presence had become known, and he became furious when the Pope demanded a formal renunciation from him. Lucretia, who was just twelve and a half at the time, thus became the unwitting cause of a rivalry between two suitors and the subject of public gossip for the first time. On November 5th, the plenipotentiary of Ferrara wrote to his master, "There's a lot of talk about Pesaro's marriage; the first groom is still here, making a huge fuss like a Catalan, claiming he will protest to all the princes and rulers of Christendom; but will he, will he? He will have to submit." On November 9th, the same ambassador wrote, "Heaven forbid this marriage of Pesaro brings misfortune. It seems the King (of Naples) is angry about it, judging by what Giacomo, Pontano's nephew, told the Pope the day before yesterday. The matter is still undecided. Both suitors are being treated politely; both are here. However, it is believed that Pesaro will win out, especially since Cardinal Ascanio, who is influential both in action and in words, is looking out for his interests."

In the meantime, November 8th, the marriage contract between Don Gasparo and Lucretia was formally dissolved. The groom and his father merely expressed the hope that the new alliance would reach a favorable consummation, and Gasparo bound himself not to marry within one year. Giovanni Sforza, however, was not yet certain of his victory; December 9th the Mantuan agent Fioravante Bro[Pg 52]gnolo, wrote the Marchese Gonzaga, "The affairs of the illustrious nobleman, Giovanni of Pesaro, are still undecided; it looks to me as if the Spanish nobleman to whom his Highness's niece was promised would not give her up. He has a great following in Spain, consequently the Pope is inclined to let things take their own course for a time, and not force them to a conclusion."[21] Even as late as February, 1493, there was talk of a marriage of Lucretia with the Spanish Conde de Prada, and not until this project was relinquished was she betrothed to Giovanni Sforza.[22]

In the meantime, on November 8th, the marriage contract between Don Gasparo and Lucretia was officially ended. The groom and his father simply hoped that the new alliance would have a successful outcome, and Gasparo agreed not to marry for one year. However, Giovanni Sforza was still unsure of his victory; on December 9th, the Mantuan agent Fioravante Bro[Pg 52]gnolo wrote to Marchese Gonzaga, "The situation of the distinguished nobleman, Giovanni of Pesaro, is still undecided; it seems to me that the Spanish nobleman to whom his Highness's niece was promised will not release her. He has a strong following in Spain, so the Pope seems to be letting things unfold for a while and not pushing for a resolution." Even as late as February 1493, there were discussions about Lucretia marrying the Spanish Conde de Prada, and it wasn't until this plan was abandoned that she became engaged to Giovanni Sforza.

In the meantime Sforza had returned to Pesaro, whence he sent his proxy, Nicolo de Savano, to Rome to conclude the marriage contract. The Count of Aversa surrendered his advantage and suffered his grief to be assuaged by the payment to him of three thousand ducats. Thereupon, February 2, 1493, the betrothal of Sforza and Lucretia was formally ratified in the Vatican, in the presence of the Milanese ambassador and the intimate friends and servants of Alexander, Juan Lopez, Juan Casanova, Pedro Caranza, and Juan Marades. The Pope's daughter, who was to be taken home by her husband within one year, received a dowry of thirty-one thousand ducats.

In the meantime, Sforza had returned to Pesaro, from where he sent his representative, Nicolo de Savano, to Rome to finalize the marriage contract. The Count of Aversa gave up his advantage and eased his sorrow with a payment of three thousand ducats. Then, on February 2, 1493, the betrothal of Sforza and Lucretia was officially confirmed in the Vatican, in the presence of the Milanese ambassador and close friends and servants of Alexander: Juan Lopez, Juan Casanova, Pedro Caranza, and Juan Marades. The Pope's daughter, who was to be taken home by her husband within a year, received a dowry of thirty-one thousand ducats.

When the news of this event reached Pesaro, the fortunate Sforza gave a grand celebration in his palace. "They danced in the great hall, and the couples, hand in hand, issued from the castle, led by Monsignor Scaltes, the Pope's plenipotentiary, and the people in their joy joined in and danced away the hours in the streets of the city."[Pg 53][23]

When the news of this event reached Pesaro, the lucky Sforza threw a big celebration in his palace. "They danced in the grand hall, and the couples, hand in hand, left the castle, led by Monsignor Scaltes, the Pope's representative, and the joyful people joined in, dancing the hours away in the streets of the city." [Pg 53][23]

CHAPTER VII

LUCRETIA'S FIRST MARRIAGE

Alexander had a residence furnished for Lucretia close to the Vatican; it was a house which Cardinal Battista Zeno had built in 1483, and was known after his church as the Palace of S. Maria in Portico. It was on the left side of the steps of S. Peter's, almost opposite the Palace of the Inquisition. The building of Bernini's Colonnade has, however, changed the appearance of the neighborhood so that it is no longer recognizable.

Alexander had a place set up for Lucretia near the Vatican; it was a house that Cardinal Battista Zeno built in 1483, known as the Palace of S. Maria in Portico after his church. It was located on the left side of the steps of S. Peter's, almost across from the Palace of the Inquisition. However, the construction of Bernini's Colonnade has transformed the area so much that it’s no longer recognizable.

The youthful Lucretia held court in her own palace, which was under the management of her maid of honor and governess, Adriana Orsini. Alexander had induced this kinswoman of his to leave the Orsini palace and to take up her abode with Lucretia in the palace of S. Maria in Portico, where we shall frequently see them and another woman who was only too close to the Pope.

The young Lucretia hosted gatherings in her own palace, which was run by her maid of honor and governess, Adriana Orsini. Alexander had convinced this relative of his to leave the Orsini palace and move in with Lucretia at the palace of S. Maria in Portico, where we will often see them along with another woman who was uncomfortably close to the Pope.

Vannozza remained in her own house in the Regola quarter. Her husband had been made commandant or captain of the Torre di Nona, of which Alexander shortly made him warden, a position of great trust, and Canale gave himself up eagerly to his important and profitable duties. From this time Vannozza and her children saw each other but little, although they were not completely separated. They continued to communicate with each other, but the mother profited only indirectly by the good fortune and greatness of her offspring. Vannozza never[Pg 54] allowed herself, nor did Alexander permit her, to have any influence in the Vatican, and her name seldom appears in the records of the time.

Vannozza stayed in her own house in the Regola district. Her husband had been appointed as the commander or captain of the Torre di Nona, and Alexander soon made him the warden, a role of significant trust. Canale eagerly took on his important and lucrative responsibilities. From that point on, Vannozza and her children saw each other infrequently, although they weren't entirely apart. They kept in touch, but the mother only benefited indirectly from the success and prominence of her children. Vannozza never[Pg 54] exerted influence in the Vatican, nor did Alexander allow her to, and her name rarely appears in the records from that time.

Donna Lucretia was now beginning to maintain the state of a great princess. She received the numerous connections of her house, as well as the friends and flatterers of the now all-powerful Borgia. Strange it is that the very man who, after the stormy period of her life, was to take her to a haven of rest should appear there about the time of her betrothal to Sforza, and while the contract was being contested by Don Gasparo.

Donna Lucretia was now starting to live like a great princess. She welcomed the many relatives of her family, along with the friends and admirers of the now all-powerful Borgia. It’s odd that the very man who would eventually take her to a place of peace after the tumultuous period of her life would show up around the time of her engagement to Sforza, while Don Gasparo was disputing the contract.

Among the Italian princes who at that period either sent ambassadors or came in person to Rome to render homage to the new Pope was the hereditary prince of Ferrara. In all Italy there was no other court so brilliant as that of Ercole d'Este and his spouse Eleonora of Aragon, a daughter of King Ferdinand of Naples. She, however, died about this time; namely, October 11, 1493. One of her children, Beatrice, had been married in December, 1490, to Ludovico il Moro, the brilliant monster who was Regent of Milan in place of his nephew Giangaleazzo; her other daughter, Isabella, one of the most beautiful and magnificent women of her day, was married in 1490, when she was only sixteen years of age, to the Marchese Francesco Gonzaga of Mantua. Alfonso was heir to the title, and on February 12, 1491, when he was only fifteen years old, he married Anna Sforza, a sister of the same Giangaleazzo.

Among the Italian princes who during that time either sent ambassadors or came personally to Rome to pay their respects to the new Pope was the heir of Ferrara. No other court in Italy was as splendid as that of Ercole d'Este and his wife Eleonora of Aragon, a daughter of King Ferdinand of Naples. However, she died around this time; specifically, on October 11, 1493. One of their children, Beatrice, had been married in December 1490 to Ludovico il Moro, the brilliant but treacherous ruler who was acting as Regent of Milan instead of his nephew Giangaleazzo; their other daughter, Isabella, one of the most beautiful and impressive women of her time, married the Marchese Francesco Gonzaga of Mantua in 1490 when she was just sixteen years old. Alfonso was the heir to the title, and on February 12, 1491, at just fifteen years old, he married Anna Sforza, a sister of the same Giangaleazzo.

In November, 1492, his father sent him to Rome to recommend his state to the favor of the Pope, who received the youthful scion of the house of Sforza,—into which his own daughter was to marry,—with the highest honors. Don Alfonso lived in the Vatican, and during his visit, which[Pg 55] lasted for several weeks, he not only had an opportunity, but it was his duty to call on Donna Lucretia. He was filled with amazement when he first beheld the beautiful child with her golden hair and intelligent blue eyes, and nothing was farther from his mind than the idea that the Sforza's betrothed would enter the castle of the Este family at Ferrara, as his own wife, nine years later.

In November 1492, his father sent him to Rome to seek the Pope's favor. The Pope received the young member of the Sforza family—into which his daughter was set to marry—with the utmost respect. Don Alfonso stayed in the Vatican, and during his visit, which[Pg 55] lasted several weeks, he was both required and eager to meet Donna Lucretia. He was amazed when he first saw the beautiful girl with her golden hair and bright blue eyes, and the thought that the Sforza's future bride would become his own wife in the Este family castle in Ferrara nine years later was far from his mind.

The letter of thanks which the prince's father wrote to the Pope shows how great were the honors with which the son had been received. The duke says:

The thank-you letter that the prince's father wrote to the Pope demonstrates how significant the honors were that the son had received. The duke says:

Most Holy Father and Lord, my Honored Master: I kiss your Holiness's feet and commend myself to you in all humility. What honor and praise was due your Holiness I have long known, and now the letters of the Bishop of Modena, my ambassador, and also of others, not alone those of my dearly beloved first born, Alfonso, but of all the members of his suite, show how much I owe you. They tell me how your Highness included us all, me and mine, within the measure of your love, and overwhelmed all with presents, favors, mercy, and benevolence on my son's arrival in Rome and during his stay there. Therefore I acknowledge that I have for a long time been indebted to your Holiness, and now am still more so on account of this. My obligation is more than I can ever repay, and I promise that my gratitude shall be eternal and measureless like the world. As your most dutiful servant I shall always be ready to perform anything which may be acceptable to your Holiness, to whom I recommend myself and mine in all humility. Your Holiness's son and servant,

Most Holy Father and Lord, my Respected Master: I kiss your Holiness's feet and completely submit myself to you. I have long recognized the honor and respect you deserve, and now the letters from the Bishop of Modena, my ambassador, as well as others, not just from my dearly beloved firstborn, Alfonso, but also from all his companions, show how much I owe to you. They inform me of how your Highness embraced us all, me and my family, with your love and showered us with gifts, kindness, mercy, and support during my son's arrival in Rome and throughout his time there. Therefore, I acknowledge that I've been indebted to your Holiness for a long time, and now I am even more so because of this. My gratitude is beyond what I could ever repay, and I promise that it will be endless and immeasurable, like the world itself. As your most devoted servant, I will always be ready to do anything that your Holiness finds acceptable, to whom I humbly commend myself and my family. Your Holiness's son and servant,

Ercole,
Duke of Ferrara.

Hercules,
Duke of Ferrara.

[Ferrara, January 3, 1493.]

The letter shows how great was the duke's anxiety to remain on good terms with the Pope.

The letter shows how important it was for the duke to stay on good terms with the Pope.

He was a vassal in Ferrara of the Roman Church, which[Pg 56] was endeavoring to transform itself into a monarchy. The princes, as well as the republicans of Italy,—at least those whose possessions were close to the sphere of action of the Holy See or were its vassals,—studied every new pope with suspicion and fear, and also with curiosity to see in what direction nepotism would develop under him. How easily Alexander VI might have again taken up the plans of the house of Borgia where they had been interrupted by the death of his uncle Calixtus, and have followed in the footsteps of Sixtus IV!

He was a vassal in Ferrara of the Roman Church, which[Pg 56] was trying to turn itself into a monarchy. The princes, as well as the republicans of Italy—at least those whose lands were near the influence of the Holy See or were its vassals—watched every new pope with suspicion and fear, along with curiosity about how nepotism would evolve under him. How easily Alexander VI could have picked up the plans of the Borgia family from where they were left off by his uncle Calixtus's death, and followed in Sixtus IV's footsteps!

Moreover, it was only ten years since the last named pope had, in conjunction with Venice, waged war on Ferrara.

Moreover, it had only been ten years since the last named pope had, along with Venice, gone to war against Ferrara.

Ercole had maintained friendly relations with Alexander VI when he was only a cardinal; Rodrigo Borgia had even been godfather to his son Alfonso when he was baptized. For his other son, Ippolito, the duke, through his ambassador in Rome, Gianandrea Boccaccio, endeavored to secure a cardinal's cap. The ambassador applied to the most influential of Alexander's confidants, Ascanio Sforza, the chamberlain Marades, and Madonna Adriana. The Pope desired to make his son Cæsar a cardinal, and Boccaccio hoped that the youthful Ippolito would be his companion in good fortune. The ambassador gave Marades to understand that the two young men, one of whom was Archbishop of Valencia, the other of Gran, would make a good pair. "Their ages are about the same; I believe that Valencia is not more than sixteen years old, while our Strigonia (Gran) is near that age." Marades replied that this was not quite correct, as Ippolito was not yet fourteen, and the Archbishop of Valencia was in his eighteenth year.[Pg 57][24]

Ercole had kept friendly ties with Alexander VI when he was just a cardinal; Rodrigo Borgia had even been the godfather to his son Alfonso at his baptism. For his other son, Ippolito, the duke, through his ambassador in Rome, Gianandrea Boccaccio, tried to secure a cardinal's hat. The ambassador reached out to the most powerful of Alexander's allies, Ascanio Sforza, the chamberlain Marades, and Madonna Adriana. The Pope wanted to make his son Cæsar a cardinal, and Boccaccio hoped that young Ippolito would also find favor. The ambassador hinted to Marades that the two young men, one of whom was the Archbishop of Valencia and the other of Gran, would make a great pair. "They are about the same age; I believe Valencia is no more than sixteen years old, while our Strigonia (Gran) is around that age." Marades corrected him, saying that was not entirely accurate, as Ippolito was not yet fourteen, and the Archbishop of Valencia was eighteen.[Pg 57][24]

The youthful Cæsar was stirred by other desires than those for spiritual honors. He assumed the hated garb of the priest only on his father's command. Although he was an archbishop he had only the first tonsure. His life was wholly worldly. It was even said that the King of Naples wanted him to marry one of his natural daughters and that if he did so he would relinquish the priesthood. The Ferrarese ambassador called upon him March 17, 1493, in his house in Trastevere, by which was probably meant the Borgo. The picture which Boccaccio on this occasion gave Duke Ercole of this young man of seventeen years is an important and significant portrait, and the first we have of him.

The young Cæsar was motivated by desires that went beyond spiritual recognition. He wore the disliked priestly attire only because his father ordered him to. Even though he held the position of archbishop, he had only received the first tonsure. His life was entirely focused on worldly matters. It was rumored that the King of Naples wanted him to marry one of his illegitimate daughters, and if he agreed, he would step away from the priesthood. The Ferrarese ambassador visited him on March 17, 1493, at his home in Trastevere, likely referring to the Borgo. The description Boccaccio provided Duke Ercole of this seventeen-year-old is a significant and important portrait, marking the first we have of him.

"I met Cæsar yesterday in the house in Trastevere; he was just on his way to the chase, dressed in a costume altogether worldly; that is, in silk,—and armed. He had only a little tonsure like a simple priest. I conversed with him for a while as we rode along. I am on intimate terms with him. He possesses marked genius and a charming personality; he bears himself like a great prince; he is especially lively and merry, and fond of society. Being very modest, he presents a much better and more distinguished appearance than his brother, the Duke of Gandia, although the latter is also highly endowed. The archbishop never had any inclination for the priesthood. His benefices, however, bring him in more than sixteen thousand ducats annually. If the projected marriage takes place, his benefices will fall to another brother (Giuffrè), who is about thirteen years old."[Pg 58][25]

"I met Caesar yesterday at the house in Trastevere; he was just on his way to the hunt, dressed in a totally worldly outfit, meaning he was in silk—and armed. He only had a small tonsure like a simple priest. I talked to him for a while as we rode along. I have a close relationship with him. He has a notable talent and a charming personality; he carries himself like a great prince; he is especially lively and cheerful, and enjoys being around people. Being very modest, he has a much better and more refined appearance than his brother, the Duke of Gandia, although the latter is also quite gifted. The archbishop never had any interest in the priesthood. However, his benefices bring him over sixteen thousand ducats each year. If the planned marriage goes ahead, his benefices will go to another brother (Giuffrè), who is about thirteen years old."[Pg 58][25]

It will be seen that the ambassador specially mentions Cæsar's buoyant nature. This was one of Alexander's most characteristic traits, and both Cæsar and Lucretia who was noted for it later, had inherited it from him. So far as his prudence was concerned, it was proclaimed six years later by a no less distinguished man than Giuliano della Rovere, who afterwards became pope under the name of Julius II.

It will be noted that the ambassador specifically highlights Cæsar's cheerful personality. This was one of Alexander's most defining traits, and both Cæsar and Lucretia, who was also recognized for this later on, inherited it from him. As for his caution, it was recognized six years later by a prominent figure, Giuliano della Rovere, who later became pope and took the name Julius II.

CHURCH OF ARA CŒLI, ROME.

The Duke of Gandia was in Rome at this time, but it was his intention to set out for Spain to see his spouse immediately after the celebration of the marriage of Sforza and Lucretia. Lucretia's wedding was to take place on S. George's day, but was postponed, as it was found impossible for the bridegroom to arrive in time. Alexander took the greatest pleasure in making the arrangements for setting up his daughter's establishment. Her happiness—or, what to him was the same thing, her greatness—meant much to him. He loved her passionately, superlatively, as the Ferrarese ambassador wrote his master.[26] On the ambassador's suggestion the Duke of Ferrara sent as a wedding gift a pair of large silver hand basins with the accompanying vessels, all of the finest workmanship. Two residences were proposed for the young pair; the palace of S. Maria in Portico and the one near the castle of S. Angelo, which had belonged to the Cardinal Domenicus Porta of Aleria, who died February 4, 1493. The former, in which Lucretia was already living, was chosen.

The Duke of Gandia was in Rome at that time, but he planned to head to Spain to see his wife right after Sforza and Lucretia's wedding. Lucretia's wedding was scheduled for St. George's Day, but it got postponed because the groom couldn't arrive in time. Alexander was really excited about making arrangements for his daughter's new household. Her happiness—or, what mattered to him just as much, her status—was very important to him. He loved her deeply, as the Ferrarese ambassador wrote to his master. On the ambassador's suggestion, the Duke of Ferrara sent a wedding gift of two large silver wash basins with matching vessels, all beautifully crafted. Two residences were offered to the young couple: the palace of S. Maria in Portico and the one near the castle of S. Angelo, which had belonged to Cardinal Domenicus Porta of Aleria, who died on February 4, 1493. The former, where Lucretia was already living, was chosen.

At last Sforza arrived. June 9th he made his entry by way of the Porta del Popolo, and was received by the whole[Pg 59] senate, his brothers-in-law, and the ambassadors of the Powers. Lucretia, attended by several maids of honor, had taken a position in a loggia of her palace to see her bridegroom and his suite on their way to the Vatican. As he rode by, Sforza greeted her right gallantly, and his bride returned his salutation. He was most graciously received by his father-in-law.

At last, Sforza arrived. On June 9th, he entered through the Porta del Popolo and was welcomed by the entire[Pg 59] senate, his brothers-in-law, and the ambassadors of the Powers. Lucretia, accompanied by several maids of honor, had taken a position in a loggia of her palace to see her fiancé and his entourage on their way to the Vatican. As he rode by, Sforza greeted her very gallantly, and his bride returned his greeting. He was warmly welcomed by his father-in-law.

Sforza was a man of attractive appearance, as we may readily discover from a medal which he had struck ten years later, which represents him with long, flowing locks and a full beard. The mouth is sensitive, the under lip slightly drawn; the nose is somewhat aquiline; the forehead smooth and lofty. The proportions of his features are noble, but lacking in character.

Sforza was a good-looking man, as we can easily see from a medal he had made ten years later, which shows him with long, flowing hair and a full beard. His mouth is delicate, the lower lip slightly pulled; his nose is a bit hooked; his forehead is smooth and high. The proportions of his features are noble but lack distinctiveness.

Three days after his arrival, that is, June 12th, the nuptials were celebrated in the Vatican with ostentatious publicity. Alexander had invited the nobility, the officials of Rome, and the foreign ambassadors to be present. There was a banquet, followed by a licentious comedy, which is described by Infessura.

Three days after he arrived, on June 12th, the wedding was celebrated in the Vatican with a lot of fanfare. Alexander had invited the nobility, the officials of Rome, and foreign ambassadors to attend. There was a banquet, followed by a raunchy comedy, as described by Infessura.

To corroborate the short account given by this Roman, and at the same time to render the picture more complete, we reproduce, word for word, the description which the Ferrarese ambassador, Boccaccio, sent his master in a communication dated June 13th:

To support the brief account provided by this Roman and to make the picture more complete, we are including, exactly as it is, the description that the Ferrarese ambassador, Boccaccio, sent to his master in a message dated June 13th:

Yesterday, the twelfth of the present month, the union was publicly celebrated in the palace, with the greatest pomp and extravagance. All the Roman matrons were invited, also the most influential citizens, and many cardinals, twelve in number, stood near her, the Pope occupying the throne in their midst. The palace and all the apartments were filled with people, who were overcome with amazement. The lord of Pesaro celebrated his betrothal to his wife, and the Bishop of Concordia delivered[Pg 60] a sermon. The only ambassadors present, however, were the Venetian, the Milanese and myself, and one from the King of France.

Yesterday, the twelfth of this month, the union was publicly celebrated in the palace with great pomp and extravagance. All the Roman matrons were invited, along with the most influential citizens, and many cardinals—twelve in total—stood near her, with the Pope on the throne among them. The palace and all the rooms were packed with people, who were filled with astonishment. The lord of Pesaro celebrated his engagement to his wife, and the Bishop of Concordia delivered[Pg 60] a sermon. The only ambassadors present were the Venetian, the Milanese, myself, and one from the King of France.

Cardinal Ascanio thought that I ought to present the gift during the ceremony, so I had some one ask the Pope, to whom I remarked that I did not think it proper, and that it seemed better to me to wait a little while. All agreed with me, whereupon the Pope called to me and said, "It seems to me to be best as you say"; consequently it was arranged that I should bring the present to the palace late in the evening. His Holiness gave a small dinner in honor of the bride and groom, and there were present the Cardinals Ascanio, S. Anastasia, and Colonna; the bride and groom, and next to him the Count of Pitigliano, captain of the Church; Giuliano Orsini; Madonna Giulia Farnese, of whom there is so much talk (de qua est tantus sermo); Madonna Teodorina and her daughter, the Marchesa of Gerazo; a daughter of the above named captain, wife of Angelo Farnese, Madonna Giulia's brother. Then came a younger brother of Cardinal Colonna and Madonna Adriana Ursina. The last is mother-in-law of the above mentioned Madonna Giulia. She had the bride educated in her own home, where she was treated as a niece of the Pope. Adriana is the daughter of the Pope's cousin, Pedro de Mila, deceased, with whom your Excellency was acquainted.

Cardinal Ascanio believed I should give the gift during the ceremony, so I asked someone to check with the Pope. I mentioned that I didn’t think it was appropriate and felt it would be better to wait a bit. Everyone agreed with me, and then the Pope called me over and said, "I think it’s best as you say." So, we arranged for me to bring the gift to the palace later that evening. His Holiness hosted a small dinner in honor of the bride and groom, with Cardinals Ascanio, S. Anastasia, and Colonna in attendance, along with the bride and groom, the Count of Pitigliano, who is the captain of the Church, Giuliano Orsini, Madonna Giulia Farnese—who is quite the talk of the town—Madonna Teodorina, and her daughter, the Marchesa of Gerazo. A daughter of the aforementioned captain, who is married to Angelo Farnese, Madonna Giulia's brother, was also there. Then there was a younger brother of Cardinal Colonna and Madonna Adriana Ursina. The latter is the mother-in-law of Madonna Giulia. She raised the bride at her home, where she was treated like a niece of the Pope. Adriana is the daughter of the Pope's cousin, Pedro de Mila, who has passed away, and with whom your Excellency was familiar.

When the table was cleared, which was between three and four o'clock in the morning, the bride was presented with the gift sent by the illustrious Duke of Milan; it consisted of five different pieces of gold brocade and two rings, a diamond and a ruby, the whole worth a thousand ducats. Thereupon I presented your Highness's gift with suitable words of congratulation on the marriage and good wishes for the future, together with the offer of your services. The present greatly pleased the Pope. To the thanks of the bride and groom he added his own expressions of unbounded gratitude. Then Ascanio offered his present, which consisted of a complete drinking service of silver washed with gold, worth about a thousand ducats. Cardinal Monreale gave two rings, a sapphire and a diamond—very beautiful—and worth three thousand ducats; the prothonotary Cesarini gave a bowl and cup worth eight hundred ducats; the Duke of Gandia a vessel worth seventy[Pg 61] ducats; the prothonotary Lunate a vase of a certain composition like jasper, ornamented with silver, gilded, which was worth seventy to eighty ducats. These were all the gifts presented at this time; the other cardinals, ambassadors, etc., will bring their presents when the marriage is celebrated, and I will do whatever is necessary. It will, I think, be performed next Sunday, but this is not certain.

When the table was cleared, which was between three and four in the morning, the bride was given a gift from the famous Duke of Milan; it included five different pieces of gold brocade and two rings, one diamond and one ruby, all worth a thousand ducats. Then I presented your Highness's gift with appropriate words of congratulations on the marriage and best wishes for the future, along with the offer of your support. The Pope was very pleased with the gift. Besides the gratitude of the bride and groom, he added his own expressions of endless thanks. Then Ascanio presented his gift, which was a complete silver drinking set washed in gold, worth about a thousand ducats. Cardinal Monreale gave two rings, a sapphire and a diamond—both very beautiful—and worth three thousand ducats; the prothonotary Cesarini gave a bowl and cup worth eight hundred ducats; the Duke of Gandia gave a vessel worth seventy[Pg 61] ducats; and the prothonotary Lunate gave a vase made of a certain material resembling jasper, decorated with silver and gilded, worth seventy to eighty ducats. These were all the gifts presented at this time; the other cardinals, ambassadors, etc., will bring their gifts when the marriage is celebrated, and I will do whatever is necessary. I think it will take place next Sunday, but that's not certain.

In conclusion, the women danced, and, as an interlude, a good comedy was given, with songs and music. The Pope and all the others were present. What shall I add? There would be no end to my letter. Thus we passed the whole night, and whether it was good or bad your Highness may decide.

In conclusion, the women danced, and as a break, there was a great comedy performed, complete with songs and music. The Pope and everyone else were there. What else can I say? I could go on forever in this letter. So we spent the entire night, and whether it was good or bad, that's up to your Highness to decide.

[Pg 62]

CHAPTER VIII

FAMILY AFFAIRS

Lucretia's marriage with Giovanni Sforza confirmed the political alliance which Alexander VI had made with Ludovico il Moro. The Regent of Milan wanted to invite Charles VIII of France into Italy to make war upon King Ferdinand of Naples, so that he himself might ultimately gain possession of the duchy, for he was consumed with ambition and impatience to drive his sickly nephew, Giangaleazzo, from the throne. The latter, however, was the consort of Isabella of Aragon, a daughter of Alfonso of Calabria and the grandson of Ferdinand himself.

Lucretia's marriage to Giovanni Sforza solidified the political alliance that Alexander VI had formed with Ludovico il Moro. The Regent of Milan wanted to invite Charles VIII of France into Italy to wage war against King Ferdinand of Naples, hoping to eventually take control of the duchy himself, as he was driven by ambition and impatience to oust his sickly nephew, Giangaleazzo, from the throne. However, Giangaleazzo was married to Isabella of Aragon, the daughter of Alfonso of Calabria and the grandson of Ferdinand himself.

The alliance of Venice, Ludovico, the Pope, and some of the other Italian nobles had become known in Rome as early as April 25th. This league, clearly, was opposed to Naples; and its court, therefore, was thrown into the greatest consternation.

The alliance of Venice, Ludovico, the Pope, and a few other Italian nobles became known in Rome as early as April 25th. This league was clearly against Naples, which caused great alarm at its court.

Nevertheless, King Ferdinand congratulated the Lord of Pesaro upon his marriage. He looked upon him as a kinsman, and Sforza had likewise been accepted by the house of Aragon. June 15, 1493, the king wrote to him from Capua as follows:

Nevertheless, King Ferdinand congratulated the Lord of Pesaro on his marriage. He regarded him as family, and Sforza had also been welcomed by the house of Aragon. On June 15, 1493, the king wrote to him from Capua as follows:

Illustrious Cousin and Our Dearest Friend: We have received your letter of the twenty-second of last month, in which you inform us of your marriage with the illustrious Donna Lucretia, the niece of his Holiness our Master. We are much pleased, both because we always[Pg 63] have and still do feel the greatest love for yourself and your house, and also because we believe that nothing could be of greater advantage to you than this marriage. Therefore we wish you the best of fortune, and we pray God, with you, that this alliance may increase your own power and fame and that of your State.[27]

Dear Cousin and Our Cherished Friend: We received your letter from the 22nd of last month, where you shared the news of your marriage to the esteemed Donna Lucretia, the niece of our Holy Master. We are very happy for you because we have always loved you and your family deeply, and we believe this marriage will greatly benefit you. So, we wish you all the best, and we pray to God alongside you that this union enhances your own power and reputation as well as that of your State.[27]

Eight days earlier the same king had sent his ambassador to Spain a letter, in which he asked the protection of Ferdinand and Isabella against the machinations of the Pope, whose ways he described as "loathsome"; in this he was referring, not to his political actions, but to his personal conduct. Giulia Farnese, whom Infessura noticed among the wedding guests and described as "the Pope's concubine," caused endless gossip about herself and his Holiness. This young woman surrendered herself to an old man of sixty-two whom she was also compelled to honor as the head of the Church. There is no doubt whatever about her years of adultery, but we can not understand the cause of her passion; for however powerful the demoniac nature of Alexander VI may have been, it must by this time have lost much of its magnetic strength. Perhaps this young and empty-headed creature, after she had once transgressed and the feeling of shame had passed, was fascinated by the spectacle of the sacred master of the world, before whom all men prostrated themselves, lying at her feet—the feet of a weak child.

Eight days earlier, the same king had sent his ambassador to Spain with a letter in which he requested the protection of Ferdinand and Isabella against the schemes of the Pope, describing his actions as "disgusting." He was referring not to the Pope's political maneuvers but to his personal behavior. Giulia Farnese, whom Infessura noticed among the wedding guests and referred to as "the Pope's mistress," sparked endless gossip about herself and his Holiness. This young woman gave herself to an old man of sixty-two, whom she was also expected to respect as the head of the Church. There’s no doubt about her years of infidelity, but we can’t understand the reason for her passion; for however strong Alexander VI's demonic nature may have been, it must have lost much of its allure by this point. Perhaps this young and shallow girl, after having crossed the line and with the feeling of shame faded, was captivated by the sight of the revered leader of the world, who made everyone bow down to him, lying at her feet—the feet of a frail child.

There is also the suspicion that the cupidity of the Farnese was the cause of the criminal relations, for Giulia's sins were rewarded by nothing less than the bestowal of the cardinal's purple on her brother Alessandro. The Pope had already designated him, among others, for the honor, but the nomination was delayed by the opposition of the[Pg 64] Sacred College, over which Giuliano della Rovere presided. King Ferdinand also encouraged this opposition, and on the very day on which Lucretia's marriage to Pesaro was celebrated he placed his army at the disposal of the cardinals who refused to sanction the appointment.

There’s also the suspicion that the greed of the Farnese was behind the shady dealings, as Giulia’s wrongdoings were rewarded with nothing less than the cardinal's purple being given to her brother Alessandro. The Pope had already chosen him, among others, for the honor, but the nomination was held up by the resistance of the[Pg 64] Sacred College, which was led by Giuliano della Rovere. King Ferdinand also supported this resistance, and on the same day Lucretia's marriage to Pesaro was celebrated, he offered his army to the cardinals who opposed the appointment.

Her consort, Sforza, was now a great man in Rome, and intimate with all the Borgias. June 16th he was seen by the side of the Duke of Gandia, decked in costly robes glittering with precious stones, as if "they were two kings," riding out to meet the Spanish ambassador. Gandia was preparing for his journey to Spain. He had been betrothed to Doña Maria Enriquez, a beautiful lady of Valencia, shortly before his father ascended the papal throne; there is a brief of Alexander's dated October 6, 1492, in which he grants his son and his spouse the right to obtain absolution from any confessor whatsoever. The high birth of Doña Maria shows what brilliant connections the bastard Giovanni Borgia was able to make as a grandee of Spain, for she was the daughter of Don Enrigo Enriquez, High-Treasurer of Leon, and Doña Maria de Luna, who was closely connected with the royal house of Aragon. Don Giovanni left Rome, August 4, 1493, to board a Spanish galley in Civitavecchia. According to the report of the Ferrarese agent, he took with him an incredible number of trinkets, with whose manufacture the goldsmiths of Rome had busied themselves for months.

Her partner, Sforza, was now a prominent figure in Rome and close with all the Borgias. On June 16th, he was seen next to the Duke of Gandia, dressed in expensive robes sparkling with jewels, as if "they were two kings," riding out to greet the Spanish ambassador. Gandia was getting ready for his trip to Spain. He had been engaged to Doña Maria Enriquez, a beautiful woman from Valencia, just before his father became pope; there’s a brief from Alexander dated October 6, 1492, in which he grants his son and his fiancée the right to receive absolution from any confessor. The noble lineage of Doña Maria shows what impressive connections the illegitimate Giovanni Borgia was able to make as a grandee of Spain, as she was the daughter of Don Enrigo Enriquez, High Treasurer of León, and Doña Maria de Luna, who was closely linked with the royal house of Aragon. Don Giovanni left Rome on August 4, 1493, to board a Spanish galley in Civitavecchia. According to a report from the Ferrarese agent, he took with him an astonishing amount of trinkets that the goldsmiths of Rome had been crafting for months.

Of Alexander's sons there now remained in Rome, Cæsar, who was to be made a cardinal, and Giuffrè, who was destined to be a prince in Naples, for the quarrel between the Pope and King Ferdinand had been settled through the intermediation of Spain. She caused Alexander to break with France, and to sever his connection with Ludovico il Moro. This surprising change was im[Pg 65]mediately confirmed by the marriage of Don Giuffrè, a boy of scarcely thirteen, and Donna Sancia, a natural daughter of Duke Alfonso of Calabria. August 16, 1493, the marriage was performed by proxy in the Vatican, and the wedding took place later in Naples.

Of Alexander's sons, only Cæsar, who was set to become a cardinal, and Giuffrè, who was meant to be a prince in Naples, were left in Rome. The dispute between the Pope and King Ferdinand had been resolved with Spain's help. This led Alexander to break away from France and cut ties with Ludovico il Moro. This unexpected shift was immediately confirmed by the marriage of Don Giuffrè, a boy of just thirteen, and Donna Sancia, a natural daughter of Duke Alfonso of Calabria. On August 16, 1493, the marriage was performed by proxy in the Vatican, and the actual wedding took place later in Naples.

Cæsar himself became cardinal, September 20, 1493, the stain of his birth having been removed by the Cardinals Pallavicini and Orsini, who had been charged with legitimating him. February 25, 1493, Gianandrea Boccaccio wrote to Ferrara regarding the legitimating of Cæsar, ironically saying, "They wish to remove the blot of being a natural son, and very rightly; because he is legitimate, having been born in the house while the woman's husband was living. This much is certain: the husband was sometimes in the city and at others traveling about in the territory of the Church and in her interest." The ambassador, however, never mentions the name of this man, which, however, Infessura says was Domenico d'Arignano.

César himself became a cardinal on September 20, 1493, with the stain of his birth erased by Cardinals Pallavicini and Orsini, who were tasked with legitimizing him. On February 25, 1493, Gianandrea Boccaccio wrote to Ferrara about César's legitimization, ironically stating, "They want to erase the mark of being a natural son, and rightly so; because he is legitimate, having been born in the house while the woman’s husband was still alive. This much is clear: the husband was sometimes in the city and at other times traveling in the territory of the Church and for her benefit." However, the ambassador never mentions this man's name, which Infessura states was Domenico d'Arignano.

Ippolito d'Este and Alessandro Farnese were made cardinals the same day. To his sister's adultery this young libertine owed his advancement in the Church, a fact so notorious that the wits of the Roman populace called him the "petticoat cardinal." The jubilant kinsmen of Giulia Farnese saw in her only the instrument of their advancement. Girolama Farnese, Giulia 's sister, wrote to her husband, Puccio, from Casignano, October 21, 1493, "You will have received letters from Florence before mine reaches you and have learned what benefices have fallen to Lorenzo, and all that Giulia has secured for him, and you will be greatly pleased."[28]

Ippolito d'Este and Alessandro Farnese became cardinals on the same day. This young free spirit owed his rise in the Church to his sister's affair, a fact so well-known that the clever people of Rome called him the "petticoat cardinal." The thrilled relatives of Giulia Farnese viewed her solely as a means to elevate their status. Girolama Farnese, Giulia's sister, wrote to her husband, Puccio, from Casignano on October 21, 1493, "You will have received letters from Florence before mine gets to you and will have learned about the benefices that have come to Lorenzo, and everything that Giulia has secured for him, and you will be very pleased."[28]

Even the Republic of Florence sought to profit by Alexander's relations with Giulia; for Puccio, her brother-in-[Pg 66]law, was sent to Rome as plenipotentiary. The Florentines had despatched this famous jurist to the papal city immediately after Alexander's accession to the throne, to swear allegiance, and later he was her agent for a year in Faenza, where he conducted the government for Astorre Manfredi, who was a minor. At the beginning of the year 1494 he went as ambassador to Rome, where he died in August.[29]

Even the Republic of Florence tried to benefit from Alexander's connections with Giulia; her brother-in-law, Puccio, was sent to Rome as a representative. The Florentines had dispatched this renowned lawyer to the papal city right after Alexander took the throne to pledge loyalty, and later he acted as her agent for a year in Faenza, where he governed on behalf of Astorre Manfredi, who was still a minor. At the start of 1494, he went to Rome as an ambassador, where he passed away in August.[29]

His brother, Lorenzo Pucci, subsequently attained to eminence in the Church under Leo X, becoming a powerful cardinal.

His brother, Lorenzo Pucci, later rose to prominence in the Church under Leo X, becoming a powerful cardinal.

The Farnese and their numerous kin were now in high favor with the Pope and all the Borgias. In October, 1493, they invited Alexander and Cæsar to a family reunion at the castle of Capodimonte, where Madonna Giovanella, Giulia's mother, was to prepare a banquet. Whether or not this really took place we are ignorant, although we do know that Alexander was in Viterbo the last of October.

The Farnese family and their many relatives were now enjoying favorable relations with the Pope and the Borgias. In October 1493, they invited Alexander and Cæsar to a family gathering at the castle of Capodimonte, where Madonna Giovanella, Giulia's mother, was set to host a banquet. We don't know for sure if this actually happened, although we do know that Alexander was in Viterbo at the end of October.

In 1492 Giulia gave birth to a daughter, who was named Laura. The child officially passed as that of her husband, Orsini, although in reality the Pope was its father. The Farnese and the Pucci knew the secret and shamelessly endeavored to profit by it. Giulia cared so little for the world's opinion that she occupied the palace of S. Maria in Portico, as if she were a blood relation of Lucretia. Alexander himself had put her there as a lady of honor to his daughter. Her husband, Orsini, preferred, or was compelled, to live in his castle of Bassanello, or to stay on one of the estates which the Pope had presented to him, the husband of Madonna Giulia, "Christ's bride," as the[Pg 67] satirists called her, instead of remaining in Rome to be a troublesome witness of his shame.

In 1492, Giulia gave birth to a daughter named Laura. Officially, the child was considered to be the daughter of her husband, Orsini, but in reality, the Pope was her father. The Farnese and the Pucci knew this secret and shamelessly tried to take advantage of it. Giulia was so unconcerned about what others thought that she lived in the palace of S. Maria in Portico, as if she were a relative of Lucretia. Alexander himself had placed her there as a lady of honor to his daughter. Her husband, Orsini, chose, or was forced, to live in his castle at Bassanello or stay on one of the estates that the Pope had given him, the husband of Madonna Giulia, “Christ’s bride,” as the[Pg 67] satirists called her, instead of staying in Rome to be a constant reminder of his disgrace.

A remarkable letter of Lorenzo Pucci to his brother Giannozzo, written the 23d and 24th of December, 1493, from Rome, discloses these and other family secrets. He shows us the most private scenes in Lucretia's palace. Lorenzo had been invited by Cardinal Farnese to go with him to Rome to witness the Christmas festivities. He accompanied him from Viterbo to Rignano, where the barons of the Savelli house, kinsmen of the cardinal, formally received them, after which they continued their journey on horseback to Rome. Lorenzo repeated to his brother the confidential conversation which he had enjoyed with the cardinal on the way. Even as early as this there was talk of finding a suitable husband for Giulia's little daughter. The cardinal unfolded his idea to Lorenzo. Piero de' Medici wished to give his own daughter to the youthful Astorre Manfredi of Faenza, but Farnese desired to bring about an alliance between Astorre and Giulia's daughter. He hoped to be able to convince Piero that this union would be advantageous for both himself and the Republic of Florence, and would strengthen his relations with the Holy See. The affair would be handled so that it would appear that it was entirely due to the wishes of the Pope and of Piero. In this the cardinal counted on the consent of both Alexander and Giulia, and on the influence of Madonna Adriana.

A remarkable letter from Lorenzo Pucci to his brother Giannozzo, written on December 23rd and 24th, 1493, from Rome, reveals these and other family secrets. He shares the most private moments in Lucretia's palace. Lorenzo was invited by Cardinal Farnese to join him in Rome to experience the Christmas celebrations. They traveled together from Viterbo to Rignano, where the barons of the Savelli family, relatives of the cardinal, formally welcomed them. After that, they continued their journey on horseback to Rome. Lorenzo relayed to his brother the private conversation he had with the cardinal during the trip. Even back then, there was discussion about finding a suitable husband for Giulia's young daughter. The cardinal shared his plan with Lorenzo. Piero de' Medici wanted to marry his own daughter to the young Astorre Manfredi of Faenza, but Farnese aimed to create a connection between Astorre and Giulia's daughter. He hoped to persuade Piero that this marriage would benefit both him and the Republic of Florence, while also strengthening his ties with the Holy See. The situation would be managed in such a way that it would seem entirely driven by the wishes of the Pope and Piero. In this, the cardinal was counting on the agreement of both Alexander and Giulia, as well as the influence of Madonna Adriana.

Lorenzo Pucci replied to the cardinal's confidence as follows: "Monsignor, I certainly think that our Master (the Pope) will give a daughter to this gentleman (Astorre), for I believe that this child is the Pope's daughter, just as Lucretia is, and your Highness's niece."[30] In his[Pg 68] letter Lorenzo does not say whether the cardinal made any reply to this audacious statement, which would have brought a blush to the face of any honorable man. Probably it only caused Alessandro Farnese a little smile of assent. The bold Pucci repeated his opinion in the same letter, saying, "She is the child of the Pope, the niece of the cardinal, and the putative daughter of Signor Orsini, to whom our Master intends to give three or four more castles near Bassanello. In addition, the cardinal says that in case his brother Angelo remains without heir, this child will inherit his property, as she is very dear to him, and he is already thinking of this; and by this means the illustrious Piero will obtain the support of the cardinal, who will be under everlasting obligations to him." Lorenzo did not overlook himself in these schemes; he openly expressed the wish that his brother Puccio would come to Rome—as ambassador of the Republic, which he did—and that he might secure through the influence of Madonna Adriana and Giulia a number of good places.

Lorenzo Pucci responded to the cardinal's confidence like this: "Monsignor, I really believe that our Master (the Pope) will give a daughter to this gentleman (Astorre), because I think this child is the Pope's daughter, just like Lucretia is, and your Highness's niece." [30] In his[Pg 68] letter, Lorenzo doesn’t mention whether the cardinal replied to this bold claim, which would have made any honorable man blush. Most likely, it just made Alessandro Farnese smile a little in agreement. The daring Pucci reiterated his view in the same letter, saying, "She is the child of the Pope, the niece of the cardinal, and the supposed daughter of Signor Orsini, to whom our Master plans to give three or four more castles near Bassanello. Additionally, the cardinal mentions that if his brother Angelo remains without an heir, this child will inherit his property, as she is very dear to him, and he’s already considering this; and through this, the distinguished Piero will gain the cardinal’s support, which will bind him to him forever." Lorenzo didn't forget himself in these plans; he openly expressed the hope that his brother Puccio would come to Rome—as ambassador of the Republic, which he did—and that he might secure some good positions through the influence of Madonna Adriana and Giulia.

Lorenzo continued his letter December 24th, describing a scene in Lucretia's palace, and his narrative shows her, and especially Giulia, as plainly as if they stood before us.

Lorenzo continued his letter on December 24th, describing a scene in Lucretia's palace, and his story depicts her, and especially Giulia, as clearly as if they were right in front of us.

Giannozzo Mine: Yesterday evening I wrote you as above. To-day, which is Easter evening, I rode with Monsignor Farnese to the papal palace to vespers, and before his Eminence entered the chapel I called at the house S. Maria in Portico to see Madonna Giulia. She had just finished washing her hair when I entered; she was sitting by[Pg 69] the fire with Madonna Lucretia, the daughter of our Master, and Madonna Adriana, and they all received me with great cordiality. Madonna Giulia asked me to sit by her side; she thanked me for having taken Jeronima (Girolama) home, and said to me that I must, by all means, bring her there again to please her. Madonna Adriana asked, 'Is it true that she is not allowed to come here any more than she was permitted to go to Capodimonte and Marta?' I replied that I knew nothing about that, and it was enough for me if I had made Madonna Giulia happy by taking her home, for in her letters she had requested me to do so, and now they could do as they pleased. I wanted to leave it to Madonna Giulia, who was alive to all her opportunities, to meet her as she saw fit, as she wanted her to see her magnificence just as much as Jeronima (Girolama) herself wanted to see it. Thereupon Madonna Giulia thanked me warmly and said I had made her very happy. I then reminded her how greatly I was beholden to her Highness by what she had done for me, and that I could not show my gratitude better than by taking Madonna Jeronima (Girolama) home. She answered that such a trifle deserved no thanks. She hopes to be of still greater help to me, and says I shall find her so at the right time. Madonna Adriana joined in saying I might be certain that it was through neither the chancellor, Messer Antonio, nor his deputy, but owing to the favor of Madonna Giulia herself, that I had obtained the benefices.

Giannozzo Mine: Last night I wrote you as mentioned above. Today, which is Easter evening, I rode with Monsignor Farnese to the papal palace for vespers, and before he entered the chapel, I stopped by S. Maria in Portico to see Madonna Giulia. She had just finished washing her hair when I arrived; she was sitting by[Pg 69] the fire with Madonna Lucretia, our Master's daughter, and Madonna Adriana, and they all welcomed me warmly. Madonna Giulia asked me to sit beside her; she thanked me for bringing Jeronima (Girolama) home and insisted that I must definitely bring her back to please her. Madonna Adriana asked, 'Is it true that she’s not allowed to come here any more than she was to go to Capodimonte and Marta?' I replied that I didn’t know anything about that, and all I cared about was making Madonna Giulia happy by taking her home, as she had asked in her letters, and now they could do as they pleased. I wanted to leave it to Madonna Giulia, who was quick to seize her opportunities, to meet her as she wished, just as much as Jeronima (Girolama) wanted to see her magnificence. Thereupon, Madonna Giulia thanked me sincerely and said I had made her very happy. I then reminded her how much I owed her Highness for what she had done for me and that I couldn’t show my gratitude better than by taking Madonna Jeronima (Girolama) home. She replied that it was such a small thing that it didn’t deserve thanks. She hopes to be even more helpful to me, saying I will find her so at the right time. Madonna Adriana added that I could be sure it was neither the chancellor, Messer Antonio, nor his deputy, but rather the favor of Madonna Giulia herself that had helped me obtain the benefices.

In order not to contradict, I replied that I knew that, and I again thanked her Highness. Thereupon Madonna Giulia asked with much interest after Messer Puccio and said, "We will see to it that some day he will come here as ambassador; and although, when he was here, we, in spite of all our endeavors, were unable to effect it, we could now accomplish it without any difficulty." She assured me also that the cardinal had mentioned to her the previous evening the matter we had discussed on the road, and she urged me to write; she thought if the affair were handled by yourself, the illustrious Piero would be favorably disposed toward it. Thus far has the matter progressed. Giulia also wanted me to see the child; she is now well grown, and, it seems to me, resembles the Pope, adeo ut vere ex ejus semine orta dici possit. Madonna Giulia has grown somewhat stouter and is a most beautiful crea[Pg 70]ture. She let down her hair before me and had it dressed; it reached down to her feet; never have I seen anything like it; she has the most beautiful hair. She wore a head-dress of fine linen, and over it a sort of net, light as air, with gold threads interwoven in it. In truth it shone like the sun! I would have given a great deal if you could have been present to have informed yourself concerning that which you have often wanted to know. She wore a lined robe in the Neapolitan fashion, as did also Madonna Lucretia, who, after a little while, went out to remove it. She returned shortly in a gown almost entirely of violet velvet. When vespers were over and the cardinals were departing, I left them.

To avoid any contradiction, I replied that I was aware of that, and I thanked her Highness again. Then Madonna Giulia asked with great interest about Messer Puccio and said, "We’ll make sure that he comes here as an ambassador someday; even though we couldn’t make it happen when he was here before, we can easily do it now." She also assured me that the cardinal had mentioned to her the previous evening what we had talked about on the way, and she encouraged me to write; she believed that if you handled it, the distinguished Piero would be supportive. That’s how far the matter has come. Giulia also wanted me to see the child; she has grown up well and, to me, looks like the Pope, adeo ut vere ex ejus semine orta dici possit. Madonna Giulia has become a bit fuller and is a truly beautiful person. She let down her hair for me and styled it; it reached all the way to her feet; I’ve never seen anything like it; her hair is stunning. She wore a fine linen headpiece and over it a light, airy net with woven gold threads. Honestly, it sparkled like the sun! I would have given a lot for you to be there to learn about what you’ve often been curious about. She wore a lined robe in the Neapolitan style, just like Madonna Lucretia, who soon went out to take it off. She came back shortly after in a gown made almost entirely of violet velvet. When vespers were done and the cardinals were leaving, I took my leave.

The close association with Giulia, to whose adulterous relations with her father Lucretia was the daily witness, if not a school of vice for her, at least must have kept her constantly in contact with it. Could a young creature of only fourteen years remain pure in such an atmosphere? Must not the immorality in the midst of which she was forced to live have poisoned her senses, dulled her ideas of morality and virtue, and finally have penetrated her own character?[Pg 71]

The close relationship with Giulia, whose affair with her father Lucretia witnessed every day, may not have directly taught her vice, but it certainly kept her surrounded by it. Could a young girl of just fourteen stay innocent in such an environment? Didn’t the immorality she had to live with poison her senses, dull her understanding of right and wrong, and ultimately shape her character?[Pg 71]

CHAPTER IX

LUCRETIA LEAVES ROME

By the end of the year 1493 Alexander had amply provided for all his children. Cæsar was a cardinal, Giovanni was a duke in Spain, and Giuffrè was soon to become a Neapolitan prince. The last, the Pope's youngest son, was united in marriage, May 7, 1494, in Naples, to Donna Sancia the same day on which his father-in-law, Alfonso, ascending the throne as the successor of King Ferdinand, was crowned by the papal legate, Giovanni Borgia. Don Giuffrè remained in Naples and became Prince of Squillace. Giovanni also received great fiefs in that kingdom, where he called himself Duke of Suessa and Prince of Teano.

By the end of 1493, Alexander had taken care of all his children. Cæsar was a cardinal, Giovanni was a duke in Spain, and Giuffrè was about to become a Neapolitan prince. The youngest son of the Pope, Giuffrè, got married on May 7, 1494, in Naples to Donna Sancia, the same day his father-in-law, Alfonso, took the throne as the successor to King Ferdinand and was crowned by the papal legate, Giovanni Borgia. Don Giuffrè stayed in Naples and became Prince of Squillace. Giovanni also received significant estates in that kingdom, where he referred to himself as Duke of Suessa and Prince of Teano.

For some time longer Lucretia's spouse remained in Rome, where the Pope had taken him into his pay in accordance with an agreement with Ludovico il Moro under whom Sforza served. His position at Alexander's court, however, soon became ambiguous. His uncles had married him to Lucretia to make the Pope a confederate and accomplice in their schemes which were directed toward the overthrow of the reigning family of Naples. Alexander, however, clung closely to the Aragonese dynasty; he invested King Alfonso with the title to the kingdom of Naples, and declared himself opposed to the expedition of Charles VIII.

For a while longer, Lucretia's husband stayed in Rome, where the Pope had hired him based on an agreement with Ludovico il Moro, under whom Sforza served. However, his role at Alexander's court soon became unclear. His uncles had married him to Lucretia to make the Pope an ally and accomplice in their plans aimed at toppling the ruling family of Naples. Alexander, however, remained loyal to the Aragonese dynasty; he granted King Alfonso the title to the kingdom of Naples and declared himself against Charles VIII's expedition.

Sforza thereby was thrown into no slight perplexity, and early in April, 1494, he informed his uncle Ludovico of his dubious position in the following letter:

[Pg 72]

Sforza was thrown into quite a dilemma, and in early April 1494, he informed his uncle Ludovico about his uncertain situation in the following letter:

[Pg 72]

Yesterday his Holiness said to me in the presence of Monsignor (Cardinal Ascanio), "Well, Giovanni Sforza! What have you to say to me?" I answered, "Holy Father, every one in Rome believes that your Holiness has entered into an agreement with the King of Naples, who is an enemy of the State of Milan. If this is so, I am in an awkward position, as I am in the pay of your Holiness and also in that of the State I have named. If things continue as they are, I do not know how I can serve one party without falling out with the other, and at the same time I do not wish to offend. I ask that your Holiness may be pleased to define my position so that I may not become an enemy of my own blood, and not act contrary to the obligations into which I have entered by virtue of my agreement with your Holiness and the illustrious State of Milan." He replied, saying that I took too much interest in his affairs, and that I should choose in whose pay I would remain according to my contract. And then he commanded the above-named monsignor to write to your Excellency what you will learn from his lordship's letter. My lord, if I had foreseen in what a position I was to be placed I would sooner have eaten the straw under my body than have entered into such an agreement. I cast myself in your arms. I beg your Excellency not to desert me, but to give me help, favor, and advice how to resolve the difficulty in which I am placed, so that I may remain a good servant of your Excellency. Preserve for me the position and the little nest which, thanks to the mercy of Milan, my ancestors left me, and I and my men of war will ever remain at the service of your Excellency.

Yesterday, His Holiness said to me in front of Monsignor (Cardinal Ascanio), "Well, Giovanni Sforza! What do you have to say to me?" I replied, "Holy Father, everyone in Rome believes that you have reached an agreement with the King of Naples, who is an enemy of the State of Milan. If that’s true, I’m in a tough spot because I’m being paid by both you and the State I mentioned. If things keep going like this, I don’t know how I can serve one without upsetting the other, and I really don’t want to offend anyone. I kindly ask that you clarify my position so that I don’t end up being an enemy of my own people and go against the commitments I’ve made to you and the esteemed State of Milan." He replied that I was too invested in his affairs and that I should decide whose pay I wanted to stay under based on my contract. Then he instructed the aforementioned monsignor to inform your Excellency about what you'll learn from his lordship's letter. My lord, if I had known what kind of situation I’d be in, I would have rather eaten straw than entered into such an agreement. I turn to you for support. I ask your Excellency not to abandon me but to provide help, favor, and guidance on how to overcome this difficulty so I can remain a loyal servant to you. Please protect my position and the little haven that, thanks to the mercy of Milan, my ancestors passed down to me, and I and my soldiers will always be at your Excellency's service.

Giovanni Sforza.

Rome, April, 1494.

Rome, April 1494.

The letter plainly discloses other and deeper concerns of the writer; such, for example, as the future possession of his domain of Pesaro. The Pope's plans to destroy all the little tyrannies and fiefs in the States of the Church had already been clearly revealed.[31]

The letter clearly reveals other, deeper concerns of the writer; for instance, his future ownership of his territory in Pesaro. The Pope's intentions to eliminate all the small tyrannies and fiefs within the Church's territories had already been made evident.[31]

Shortly after this, April 23d, Cardinal della Rovere[Pg 73] slipped away from Ostia and into France to urge Charles VIII to invade Italy, not to attack Naples, but to bring this simoniacal pope before a council and depose him.

Shortly after this, April 23rd, Cardinal della Rovere[Pg 73] left Ostia and went to France to persuade Charles VIII to invade Italy, not to attack Naples, but to bring this corrupt pope before a council and remove him from power.

At the beginning of July Ascanio Sforza, now openly at strife with Alexander, also left the city. He went to Genazzano and joined the Colonna, who were in the pay of France. Charles VIII was already preparing to invade Italy. The Pope and King Alfonso met at Vicovaro near Tivoli, July 14th.

At the beginning of July, Ascanio Sforza, now openly in conflict with Alexander, also left the city. He went to Genazzano and joined the Colonna, who were on France's payroll. Charles VIII was already getting ready to invade Italy. The Pope and King Alfonso met at Vicovaro near Tivoli on July 14th.

In the meantime important changes had taken place in Lucretia's palace. Her husband had hurriedly left Rome, as he could do as a captain of the Church, in which capacity he had to join the Neapolitan army, now being formed in Romagna under the command of the Duke Ferrante of Calabria. By his nuptial contract he was bound to take his bride with him to Pesaro. She was accompanied by her mother, Vannozza, Giulia Farnese, and Madonna Adriana. Alexander himself, through fear of the plague, which had appeared, commanded them to depart. The Mantuan ambassador in Rome reported this to the Marchese Gonzaga, May 6th, and also wrote him on the fifteenth as follows: "The illustrious Lord Giovanni will certainly set out Monday or Tuesday accompanied by all three ladies, who, by the Pope's order, will remain in Pesaro until August, when they will return."[32]

In the meantime, significant changes had occurred in Lucretia's palace. Her husband had quickly left Rome, as he could do as a captain of the Church, to join the Neapolitan army now being formed in Romagna under Duke Ferrante of Calabria. According to their marriage contract, he was required to take his bride with him to Pesaro. She was joined by her mother, Vannozza, Giulia Farnese, and Madonna Adriana. Alexander himself, fearing the outbreak of the plague, ordered them to leave. The Mantuan ambassador in Rome informed Marchese Gonzaga about this on May 6th and also wrote to him on the fifteenth, stating: "The illustrious Lord Giovanni will certainly set out Monday or Tuesday, accompanied by all three ladies, who, by the Pope's order, will remain in Pesaro until August, when they will return."[32]

Sforza's departure must have taken place early in June, for on the eleventh of that month a letter from Ascanio was sent to his brother in Milan informing him that the lord of Pesaro with his wife and Madonna Giulia, the Pope's mistress, together with the mother of the Duke of Gandia, and Giuffrè, had set out from Rome for Pesaro, and[Pg 74] that his Holiness had begged Madonna Giulia to come back soon.[33]

Sforza must have left early in June because on the eleventh of that month, a letter from Ascanio was sent to his brother in Milan. It informed him that the lord of Pesaro, with his wife and Madonna Giulia, the Pope's mistress, along with the mother of the Duke of Gandia and Giuffrè, had left Rome for Pesaro, and that His Holiness had asked Madonna Giulia to return soon.[Pg 74][33]

Alexander had returned to Rome from Vicovaro, July 18th, and on the 24th he wrote his daughter the following letter:

Alexander had come back to Rome from Vicovaro on July 18th, and on the 24th, he wrote his daughter this letter:

Alexander VI, Pope; by his own hand.

Donna Lucretia, Dearest Daughter: For several days we have had no letter from you. Your neglect to write us often and tell us how you and Don Giovanni, our beloved son, are, causes us great surprise. In future be more heedful and more diligent. Madonna Adriana and Giulia have reached Capodimonte, where they found the latter's brother dead. His death caused the cardinal and Giulia such distress that both fell sick of the fever. We have sent Pietro Caranza to look after them, and have provided physicians and everything necessary. We pray to God and the glorious Madonna that they will soon be restored. Of a truth Don Giovanni and yourself have displayed very little thought for me in this departure of Madonna Adriana and Giulia, since you allowed them to leave without our permission; for you should have remembered—it was your duty—that such a sudden departure without our knowledge would cause us the greatest displeasure. And if you say that they did so because Cardinal Farnese commanded it, you ought to have asked yourself whether it would please the Pope. However, it is done; but another time we will be more careful, and will look about to see where our interest lies. We are, thanks to God and the glorious Virgin, very well. We have had an interview with the illustrious King Alfonso, who showed us no less love and obedience than he would have shown had he been our own son. I cannot tell you with what satisfaction and contentment we took leave of each other. You may be certain that his Majesty stands ready to place his own person and every thing he has in the world at our service.[Pg 75]

Donna Lucretia, Beloved Daughter: We haven't received a letter from you in several days. Your failure to write and update us on how you and Don Giovanni, our beloved son, are doing surprises us. Please be more attentive and diligent moving forward. Madonna Adriana and Giulia have arrived in Capodimonte, where they found Giulia's brother deceased. His death caused both the cardinal and Giulia such distress that they both fell ill with fever. We've sent Pietro Caranza to care for them and have arranged for doctors and everything necessary. We pray to God and the glorious Madonna for their swift recovery. Honestly, Don Giovanni and you have shown very little regard for me with the departure of Madonna Adriana and Giulia, as you allowed them to leave without our permission; you should have remembered—it was your responsibility—that a sudden departure without informing us would greatly upset us. And if you argue that they left because Cardinal Farnese commanded it, you should have considered whether it would please the Pope. Still, it's done; but next time we’ll be more cautious and will pay attention to where our interest lies. We are, thanks to God and the glorious Virgin, in good health. We have met with the illustrious King Alfonso, who treated us with as much love and respect as he would have shown his own mother. I can't express the satisfaction and happiness we felt saying goodbye to each other. You can be sure that His Majesty is ready to put himself and everything he has in the world at our service.[Pg 75]

We hope that all differences and quarrels in regard to the Colonna will be completely laid aside in three or four days. At present I have nothing more to say than to warn you to be careful of your health and constantly to pray to the Madonna. Given in Rome in S. Peter's, July 24, 1494.[34]

We hope that all disagreements and arguments about the Colonna will be completely set aside in three or four days. Right now, I have nothing more to say except to remind you to take care of your health and to continually pray to the Madonna. Given in Rome at St. Peter's, July 24, 1494.[34]

This letter is the first of the few extant written by Alexander to his daughter. His reproof was due to the sudden departure of his mistress—contrary to his original instructions—from Pesaro before August. From there Giulia went to Capodimonte to look after her sick brother Angiolo. According to a Venetian letter written by Marino Sanuto, she had left Rome chiefly for the purpose of attending the wedding of one of her kinsmen, and the writer describes her in this place as "the Pope's favorite, a young woman of great beauty and understanding, gracious and gentle."

This letter is one of the few that survive, written by Alexander to his daughter. His criticism came after his mistress left Pesaro unexpectedly, going against his original instructions, before August. From there, Giulia headed to Capodimonte to care for her sick brother, Angiolo. According to a Venetian letter by Marino Sanuto, she had primarily left Rome to attend the wedding of a relative, and the writer describes her as "the Pope's favorite, a young woman of great beauty and intelligence, charming and kind."

Alexander's letter shows us that his mistress remained in communication with him after her departure from Rome.[Pg 76]

Alexander's letter reveals that his mistress kept in touch with him after she left Rome.[Pg 76]

CHAPTER X

HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF PESARO

The storm which suddenly broke upon Alexander did not disturb Lucretia, for on the eighth of June, 1494, she and her spouse entered Pesaro. In a pouring rain, which interrupted the reception festivities, she took possession of the palace of the Sforza, which was now to be her home.

The storm that suddenly hit Alexander didn't bother Lucretia, because on June 8, 1494, she and her husband arrived in Pesaro. In heavy rain, which disrupted the welcome celebrations, she took over the Sforza palace, which was now going to be her home.

The history of Pesaro up to that time is briefly as follows:

The history of Pesaro up to that point is briefly as follows:

Ancient Pisaurum, which was founded by the Siculi, received its name from the river which empties into the sea not far from the city, and which is now known as the Foglia. In the year 570 of Rome the city became a Roman colony. From the time of Augustus it belonged to the fourth department of Italy, and from the time of Constantine to the province of Flaminia. After the fall of the Roman Empire it suffered the fate of all the Italian cities, especially in the great war of the Goths with the Eastern emperor. Vitiges destroyed it; Belisarius restored it.

Ancient Pisaurum, founded by the Siculi, got its name from the river that flows into the sea not far from the city, now known as the Foglia. In 570 AD, the city became a Roman colony. From the time of Augustus, it was part of the fourth district of Italy, and from the time of Constantine, it belonged to the province of Flaminia. After the fall of the Roman Empire, it faced the same fate as many Italian cities, especially during the great war between the Goths and the Eastern emperor. Vitiges destroyed it, and Belisarius restored it.

After the fall of the Gothic power, Pesaro was incorporated in the Exarchate, and together with four other cities on the Adriatic—Ancona, Fano, Sinigaglia, and Rimini—constituted the Pentapolis. When Ravenna fell into the hands of the Lombard King Aistulf, Pesaro also became Lombard; but later, by the deed of Pipin and Charles, it passed into the possession of the Pope.[Pg 77]

After the Gothic power collapsed, Pesaro became part of the Exarchate, joining four other cities on the Adriatic—Ancona, Fano, Sinigaglia, and Rimini—to form the Pentapolis. When Ravenna was taken by the Lombard King Aistulf, Pesaro also came under Lombard control; however, later on, through the actions of Pipin and Charles, it came into the possession of the Pope.[Pg 77]

The subsequent history of the city is interwoven with that of the Empire, the Church and the March of Ancona. For a long time imperial counts resided there. Innocent III invested its title in Azzo d'Este, the Lord of the March. During the struggles of the Hohenstaufen with the papacy it first was in the possession of the emperor and later in that of the Pope, who held it until the end of the thirteenth century, when the Malatesta became podestas, and subsequently lords of the city. This famous Guelph family from the castle of Verrucchio, which lies between Rimini and S. Marino, fell heir to the fortress of Gradara, in the territory of Pesaro, and by degrees extended its power in the direction of Ancona. In 1285 Gianciotto Malatesta became lord of Pesaro, and on his death, in 1304, his brother Pandolfo inherited his domain.

The following history of the city is closely linked with that of the Empire, the Church, and the March of Ancona. For a long time, imperial counts lived there. Innocent III gave its title to Azzo d'Este, the Lord of the March. During the conflicts between the Hohenstaufen and the papacy, it was first owned by the emperor and later by the Pope, who held it until the end of the thirteenth century, when the Malatesta became podestas and then lords of the city. This well-known Guelph family from the castle of Verrucchio, located between Rimini and San Marino, inherited the fortress of Gradara, in the area of Pesaro, and gradually expanded its influence toward Ancona. In 1285, Gianciotto Malatesta became the lord of Pesaro, and after he died in 1304, his brother Pandolfo inherited his territory.

From that time the Malatesta, lords of nearby Rimini, controlled not only Pesaro, but a large part of the March which they appropriated to themselves when the papacy was removed to Avignon. They secured themselves in the possession of Rimini, Pesaro, Fano, and Fossombrone by an agreement made during the life of the famous Gil d'Albornoz, confirming them in their position there as vicars of the Church. A branch of this house resided in Pesaro until the time of Galeazzo Malatesta. Threatened by his kinsman Sigismondo, the tyrant of Rimini, and unable to hold Pesaro against his attack, he sold the city in 1445 for twenty thousand gold florins to Count Francesco Sforza, and the latter gave it as a fief to his brother Alessandro, the husband of a niece of Galeazzo. Sforza was the great condottiere who, after the departure of the Visconti, ascended the throne of Milan as the first duke of his house. While he was there establishing the ducal line[Pg 78] of Sforza, his brother Alessandro became the founder of the ruling house of Pesaro.

From that time, the Malatesta, lords of nearby Rimini, controlled not only Pesaro but also a large part of the Marche, which they claimed when the papacy moved to Avignon. They secured their hold on Rimini, Pesaro, Fano, and Fossombrone through an agreement made during the life of the famous Gil d'Albornoz, confirming them as vicars of the Church. A branch of this family lived in Pesaro until the time of Galeazzo Malatesta. Facing threats from his relative Sigismondo, the tyrant of Rimini, and unable to defend Pesaro against his attacks, he sold the city in 1445 for twenty thousand gold florins to Count Francesco Sforza. Sforza then granted it as a fief to his brother Alessandro, who was married to Galeazzo's niece. Sforza was the great condottiere who, after the Visconti left, became the first duke of Milan from his family. While he was busy establishing the ducal line[Pg 78] of Sforza, his brother Alessandro became the founder of the ruling house of Pesaro.

This brave captain took possession of Pesaro in March, 1445; two years later he received the papal investiture of the fief. He was married to Costanza Varano, one of the most beautiful and intellectual women of the Italian Renaissance.

This brave captain took control of Pesaro in March 1445; two years later, he was granted the papal investiture of the fief. He was married to Costanza Varano, one of the most beautiful and intelligent women of the Italian Renaissance.

To him she bore Costanzo and also a daughter, Battista, who later, as the wife of Federico of Urbino, won universal admiration by her virtues and talents. The neighboring courts of Pesaro and Urbino were connected by marriage, and they vied with each other in fostering the arts and sciences. Another illegitimate daughter of Alessandro's was Ginevra Sforza—a woman no less admired in her day—celebrated, first as the wife of Sante and then as that of Giovanni Bentivoglio, Lord of Bologna.

To him, she gave birth to Costanzo and also a daughter, Battista, who later earned widespread admiration for her virtues and talents as the wife of Federico of Urbino. The nearby courts of Pesaro and Urbino were linked by marriage and competed with each other to promote the arts and sciences. Another illegitimate daughter of Alessandro's was Ginevra Sforza—a woman equally admired in her time—first celebrated as the wife of Sante and then as that of Giovanni Bentivoglio, Lord of Bologna.

After the death of his wife, Alessandro Sforza married Sveva Montefeltre, a daughter of Guidantonio of Urbino. After a happy reign he died April 3, 1473, leaving his possessions to his son.

After his wife's death, Alessandro Sforza married Sveva Montefeltre, the daughter of Guidantonio of Urbino. Following a joyful reign, he died on April 3, 1473, leaving his estate to his son.

A year later Costanzo Sforza married Camilla Marzana d'Aragona, a beautiful and spirituelle princess of the royal house of Naples. He himself was brilliant and liberal. He died in 1483, when only thirty-six, leaving no legitimate heirs, his sons Giovanni and Galeazzo being natural children. His widow Camilla thenceforth conducted the government of Pesaro for herself and her stepson Giovanni until November, 1489, when she compelled him to assume entire control of it.

A year later, Costanzo Sforza married Camilla Marzana d'Aragona, a beautiful and lively princess from the royal house of Naples. He was intelligent and generous. He died in 1483 at just thirty-six, leaving no legitimate heirs; his sons Giovanni and Galeazzo were illegitimate. His widow Camilla then took charge of the government of Pesaro for herself and her stepson Giovanni until November 1489, when she pressured him to take full control.

Such was the history of the Sforza family of Pesaro, into which Lucretia now entered as the wife of this same Giovanni.[Pg 79]

Such was the history of the Sforza family of Pesaro, into which Lucretia now became a part as the wife of this same Giovanni.[Pg 79]

The domain of the Sforza at that time embraced the city of Pesaro and a number of smaller possessions, called castles or villas; for example, S. Angelo in Lizzola, Candelara, Montebaroccio, Tomba di Pesaro, Montelabbate, Gradara, Monte S. Maria, Novilara, Fiorenzuola, Castel di Mezzo, Ginestreto, Gabicce, Monteciccardo, and Monte Gaudio. In addition, Fossombrone was taken by the Sforzas from the Malatesta.

The Sforza territory at that time included the city of Pesaro and several smaller holdings, known as castles or villas; for example, S. Angelo in Lizzola, Candelara, Montebaroccio, Tomba di Pesaro, Montelabbate, Gradara, Monte S. Maria, Novilara, Fiorenzuola, Castel di Mezzo, Ginestreto, Gabicce, Monteciccardo, and Monte Gaudio. Additionally, Fossombrone was seized by the Sforzas from the Malatesta.

The principality belonged, as we have seen, for a long time to the Church, then to the Malatesta, and later to the Sforza, who, under the title of vicars, held it as a hereditary fief, paying the Church annually seven hundred and fifty gold ducats. The daughter of a Roman pontiff must, therefore, have been the most acceptable consort the tyrant of Pesaro could have secured under the existing circumstances, especially as the popes were striving to destroy all the illegitimate powers in the States of the Church. When Lucretia saw how small and unimportant was her little kingdom, she must have felt that she did not rank with the women of Urbino, Ferrara, and Mantua, or with those of Milan and Bologna; but she, by the authority of the Pope, her own father, had become an independent princess, and, although her territory embraced only a few square miles, to Italy it was a costly bit of ground.

The principality, as we have seen, belonged for a long time to the Church, then to the Malatesta, and later to the Sforza, who held it as a hereditary fief under the title of vicars, paying the Church seven hundred and fifty gold ducats each year. The daughter of a Roman pope must have been the best match the tyrant of Pesaro could find given the situation, especially since the popes were trying to eliminate all the illegitimate powers in the States of the Church. When Lucretia realized how small and insignificant her little kingdom was, she must have felt she didn't measure up to the women of Urbino, Ferrara, and Mantua, or those from Milan and Bologna; but, with the authority of her father, the Pope, she had become an independent princess, and even though her territory only covered a few square miles, it was a valuable piece of land in Italy.

Pesaro lies free and exposed in a wide valley. A chain of green hills sweeps half around it like the seats in a theater, and the sea forms the stage. At the ends of the semicircle are two mountains, Monte Accio and Ardizio. The Foglia River flows through the valley. On its right bank lies the hospitable little city with its towers and walls, and its fortress on the white seashore. Northward, in the direction of Rimini, the mountains approach nearer the water, while to the south the shore is broader, and[Pg 80] there, rising out of the mists of the sea, are the towers of Fano. A little farther Cape Ancona is visible.

Pesaro sits open and exposed in a broad valley. A chain of green hills curves around it like theater seats, with the sea as the backdrop. At either end of the semicircle are two mountains, Monte Accio and Ardizio. The Foglia River flows through the valley. On its right bank is the welcoming little city with its towers and walls, along with its fortress on the white beach. To the north, toward Rimini, the mountains get closer to the water, while to the south, the shore is wider, and[Pg 80] there, emerging from the sea's mist, are the towers of Fano. A little further on, you can see Cape Ancona.

The sunny hills and their smiling valley under the blue canopy of heaven, and near the shimmering sea, form a picture of entrancing loveliness. It is the most peaceful spot on the Adriatic. It seems as if the breezes from sea and land wafted a lyric harmony over the valley, expanding the heart and filling the soul with visions of beauty and happiness. Pesaro is the birthplace of Rosini, and also of Terenzio Mamiani, the brilliant poet and statesman who devoted his great talents to the regeneration of Italy.

The sunny hills and their cheerful valley beneath the blue sky, close to the sparkling sea, create a scene of captivating beauty. It is the most tranquil place on the Adriatic. It feels like the breezes from the sea and land carry a melodic harmony over the valley, uplifting the heart and filling the soul with images of beauty and joy. Pesaro is the birthplace of Rossini, as well as Terenzio Mamiani, the talented poet and statesman who dedicated his remarkable skills to the revitalization of Italy.

The passions of the tyrants of this city were less ferocious than were those of the other dynasties of that age, perhaps because their domain was too small a stage for the dark deeds inspired by inordinate ambition—although the human spirit does not always develop in harmony with the influences of nature. One of the most hideous of evil doers was Sigismondo Malatesta of mild and beautiful Rimini. The Sforzas of Pesaro, however, seem generous and humane rulers in comparison with their cousins of Milan. Their court was adorned by a number of noble women whom Lucretia may have felt it her duty to imitate.

The passions of the tyrants in this city were not as extreme as those of other dynasties of that time, possibly because their territory was too small for the dark acts driven by excessive ambition—though the human spirit doesn't always grow in harmony with nature's influences. One of the most notorious villains was Sigismondo Malatesta from lovely Rimini. In contrast, the Sforzas of Pesaro seem like kind and compassionate leaders compared to their relatives in Milan. Their court was graced by several noble women that Lucretia might have felt compelled to emulate.

If, when Lucretia entered Pesaro, her soul—young as she was—was not already dead to all agreeable sensations, she must have enjoyed for the first time the blessed sense of freedom. To her, gloomy Rome, with the dismal Vatican and its passions and crimes, must have seemed like a prison from which she had escaped. It is true everything about her in Pesaro was small when compared with the greatness of Rome, but here she was removed from the direct influence of her father and brother,[Pg 81] from whom she was separated by the Apennines and a distance which, in that age, was great.

If, when Lucretia arrived in Pesaro, her spirit—young as she was—wasn't already numb to all pleasant feelings, she must have experienced, for the first time, the wonderful feeling of freedom. To her, the gloomy atmosphere of Rome, with its dreary Vatican and all its passions and crimes, must have felt like a prison from which she had finally escaped. It’s true that everything around her in Pesaro seemed small compared to the grandeur of Rome, but here she was away from the direct control of her father and brother,[Pg 81] separated from them by the Apennines and a distance that, in that time, was significant.

The city of Pesaro, which now has more than twelve thousand, and with its adjacent territory over twenty thousand inhabitants had then about half as many. It had streets and squares with substantial specimens of Gothic architecture, interspersed, however, even then, with numerous palaces in the style of the Renaissance. A number of cloisters and churches, whose ancient portals are still preserved, such as S. Domenico, S. Francesco, S. Agostino, and S. Giovanni, rendered the city imposing if not beautiful.

The city of Pesaro, which now has over twelve thousand residents and more than twenty thousand when you include the surrounding area, had about half that number back then. It featured streets and squares with impressive examples of Gothic architecture, but even then, there were many palaces in the Renaissance style. Several cloisters and churches, like S. Domenico, S. Francesco, S. Agostino, and S. Giovanni, still have their ancient doorways, making the city feel impressive, if not beautiful.

Pesaro's most important structures were the monuments of the ruling dynasty, the stronghold on the seashore and the palace facing the public square. The last was begun by Costanzo Sforza in 1474 and was completed by his son Giovanni. Even to-day his name may be seen on the marble tablet over the entrance. The castle with its four low, round towers or bastions, all in ruin, and surrounded by a moat, stands at the end of the city wall near the sea, and whatever strength it had was due to its environment; in spite of its situation it appears so insignificant that one wonders how, even in those days when the science of gunnery was in its infancy, it could have had any value as a fortress.

Pesaro's most important buildings were the monuments of the ruling dynasty, the fortress by the sea, and the palace facing the town square. The last was started by Costanzo Sforza in 1474 and finished by his son Giovanni. Even today, his name can be seen on the marble tablet above the entrance. The castle, with its four low, round towers or bastions, now in ruins and surrounded by a moat, is located at the end of the city wall near the sea. Despite its location, it looks so minor that one wonders how, even back when the art of artillery was just beginning, it could have been considered a valuable fortress.

The Sforza palace is still standing on the little public square of which it occupies one whole side. It is an attractive, but not imposing structure with two large courts. The Della Rovere, successors of the Sforza in Pesaro, beautified it during the sixteenth century; they built the noble façade which rests upon a series of six round arches. The Sforza arms have disappeared from the palace, but in many places over the portals and on the ceilings the[Pg 82] inscription of Guidobaldus II, duke, and the Della Rovere arms may be seen. Even in Lucretia's day the magnificent banquet hall—the most beautiful room in the palace—was in existence, and its size made it worthy of a great monarch. The lack of decorations on the walls and of marble casings to the doors, like those in the castle of Urbino, which fill the beholder with wonder, show how limited were the means of the ruling dynasty of Pesaro. The rich ceiling of the salon, made of gilded and painted woodwork, dates from the reign of Duke Guidobaldo. All mementos of the time when Lucretia occupied the palace have disappeared; it is animated by other memories—of the subsequent court life of the Della Rovere family, when Bembo, Castiglione, and Tasso frequently were guests there. Lucretia and the suite that accompanied her could not have filled the wide rooms of the palace; her mother, Madonna Adriana, and Giulia Farnese remained with her only a short time. A young Spanish woman in her retinue, Doña Lucretia Lopez, a niece of Juan Lopez, chancellor and afterward cardinal, was married in Pesaro to Gianfrancesco Ardizio, the physician and confidant of Giovanni Sforza.

The Sforza palace still stands on the small public square that it occupies on one whole side. It's an attractive, but not overly grand structure with two large courtyards. The Della Rovere, who succeeded the Sforza in Pesaro, enhanced it in the sixteenth century; they added the elegant façade supported by a series of six round arches. The Sforza coat of arms is no longer on the palace, but in many places above the entrances and on the ceilings, you can see the inscription of Guidobaldus II, duke, along with the arms of the Della Rovere. Even in Lucretia's time, the magnificent banquet hall—the most stunning room in the palace—was already there, and its size made it fit for a great monarch. The lack of decorations on the walls and the absence of marble trim on the doors, like those in the castle of Urbino that leave a lasting impression, indicate how limited the resources of the ruling family of Pesaro were. The lavish ceiling of the hall, made of gilded and painted wood, dates back to Duke Guidobaldo's reign. All traces of the time when Lucretia lived in the palace have vanished; it's now filled with memories from the later court life of the Della Rovere family, when Bembo, Castiglione, and Tasso frequently visited. Lucretia and her entourage could not have filled the spacious rooms of the palace; her mother, Madonna Adriana, and Giulia Farnese stayed with her only for a short while. A young Spanish woman in her retinue, Doña Lucretia Lopez, a niece of Juan Lopez, who was chancellor and later became a cardinal, got married in Pesaro to Gianfrancesco Ardizio, the physician and confidant of Giovanni Sforza.

In the palace there were few kinsmen of her husband besides his younger brother Galeazzo, for the dynasty was not fruitful and was dying out. Even Camilla d'Aragona, Giovanni's stepmother, was not there, for she had left Pesaro for good in 1489, taking up her residence in a castle near Parma.

In the palace, there were only a few relatives of her husband besides his younger brother Galeazzo, as the dynasty was not thriving and was coming to an end. Even Camilla d'Aragona, Giovanni's stepmother, was absent because she had permanently left Pesaro in 1489 to live in a castle near Parma.

In summer the beautiful landscape must have afforded the young princess much delight. She doubtless visited the neighboring castle of Urbino, where Guidobaldo di Montefetre and his spouse Elisabetta resided, and which the accomplished Federico had made an asylum for the[Pg 83] cultivated. At that time Raphael, a boy of twelve, was living in Urbino, a diligent pupil in his father's school.

In summer, the stunning landscape must have brought the young princess a lot of joy. She probably visited the nearby castle of Urbino, where Guidobaldo di Montefetre and his wife Elisabetta lived, and which the talented Federico had turned into a haven for the[Pg 83]cultivated. At that time, Raphael, a twelve-year-old boy, was living in Urbino, working hard as a student in his father's school.

TASSO.
From an engraving by Raffaelle Morghen.

In summer Lucretia removed to one of the beautiful villas on a neighboring hill. Her husband's favorite abode was Gradara, a lofty castle overlooking the road to Rimini, whose red walls and towers are still standing in good preservation. The most magnificent country place, however, was the Villa Imperiale, which is a half hour's journey from Pesaro, on Monte Accio, whence it looks down far over the land and sea. It is a splendid summer palace worthy of a great lord and of people of leisure, capable of enjoying the amenities of life. It was built by Alessandro Sforza in the year 1464, its corner-stone having been laid by the Emperor Frederic III when he was returning from his coronation as Emperor of Rome; hence it received the name Villa Imperiale. It was enlarged later by Eleonora Gonzaga, the wife of Francesco Maria della Rovere, the heir of Urbino, and Giovanni Sforza's successor in the dominion of Pesaro. Famous painters decorated it with allegoric and historical pictures; Bembo and Bernardo Tasso sang of it in melodious numbers, and there, in the presence of the Della Rovere court, Torquato read his pastoral Aminta. This villa is now in a deplorable state of decay. Pesaro offered but little in the way of entertainment for a young woman accustomed to the society of Rome. The city had no nobility of importance. The houses of Brizi, of Ondedei, of Giontini, Magistri, Lana, and Ardizi, in their patriarchal existence, could offer Lucretia no compensation for the inspiring intercourse with the grandees of Rome. It is true the wave of culture which, thanks to the humanists, was sweeping over Italy did reach Pesaro. The manufacture of majolica, which, in its perfection, was not an[Pg 84] unworthy successor of the pottery of Greece and Etruria, flourished there and in the neighboring cities on the Adriatic, and as far as Umbria. It had reached a considerable development in the time of the Sforza. One of the oldest pieces of majolica in the Correro Museum in Venice, Solomon worshiping the idol, bears the date 1482. As early as the fourteenth century this art was cultivated in Pesaro, and it was in a very nourishing condition during the reign of Camilla d'Aragona. There are still some remains of the productions of the old craftsmen of the city in the State-house of Pesaro.

In summer, Lucretia moved to one of the beautiful villas on a nearby hill. Her husband's favorite place was Gradara, a tall castle overlooking the road to Rimini, whose red walls and towers are still well-preserved. However, the most impressive estate was the Villa Imperiale, which is a half-hour's journey from Pesaro on Monte Accio, where it looks down over the land and sea. It's a splendid summer palace fit for a great lord and for people who enjoy the luxuries of life. It was built by Alessandro Sforza in 1464, with the corner-stone laid by Emperor Frederic III while returning from his coronation as Emperor of Rome, which is why it got the name Villa Imperiale. It was later expanded by Eleonora Gonzaga, the wife of Francesco Maria della Rovere, the heir of Urbino, and Giovanni Sforza's successor in ruling Pesaro. Famous painters decorated it with allegorical and historical paintings; Bembo and Bernardo Tasso sang about it in beautiful verses, and there, in front of the Della Rovere court, Torquato read his pastoral play Aminta. This villa is now in a sad state of decay. Pesaro offered very little in terms of entertainment for a young woman used to the social life of Rome. The city had no significant nobility. The families of Brizi, Ondedei, Giontini, Magistri, Lana, and Ardizi, in their traditional ways of life, could not offer Lucretia anything comparable to the inspiring interactions with the elite of Rome. It's true that the wave of culture brought by the humanists did reach Pesaro. The production of majolica, which, at its best, was a worthy successor to the pottery of Greece and Etruria, thrived there and in the nearby Adriatic cities, as well as in Umbria. It had made considerable progress during the time of the Sforza. One of the oldest pieces of majolica in the Correro Museum in Venice, depicting Solomon worshiping the idol, dates back to 1482. This art had been cultivated in Pesaro as early as the fourteenth century and was in strong condition during the reign of Camilla d'Aragona. There are still some remnants of the works of the old craftsmen from the city in the State-house of Pesaro.

There, too, the intellectual movement manifested itself in other fields, fostered by the Sforza or their wives, in emulation of Urbino and Rimini, where Sigismondo Malatesta gathered about him poets and scholars whom he pensioned during their lives, and for whom, when dead, he built sarcophagi about the outer wall of the church. Camilla interested herself especially in the cultivation of the sciences. In 1489 she invited a noble Greek, Giorgio Diplovatazio, of Corfu, a kinsman of the Laskaris and the Vatazes, who, fleeing from the Turks, had come to Italy, and taken up his abode in Pesaro, where were living other Greek exiles of the Angeli, Komnenen, and Paleologue families. Diplovatazio had studied in Padua. Giovanni Sforza made him state's advocate of Pesaro in 1492, and he enjoyed a brilliant reputation as a jurisprudent until his death in 1541.[35]

There, too, the intellectual movement showed up in other areas, supported by the Sforza family or their wives, following the examples set by Urbino and Rimini, where Sigismondo Malatesta surrounded himself with poets and scholars whom he financially supported during their lifetimes, and for whom, after they died, he built tombs along the outer wall of the church. Camilla was particularly interested in promoting the sciences. In 1489, she invited a noble Greek, Giorgio Diplovatazio, from Corfu, a relative of the Laskaris and the Vatazes, who had fled from the Turks and settled in Italy, specifically in Pesaro, where other Greek exiles from the Angeli, Komnenen, and Paleologue families were living. Diplovatazio had studied in Padua. Giovanni Sforza appointed him as the state advocate of Pesaro in 1492, and he earned a stellar reputation as a legal expert until his death in 1541.[35]

Lucretia, consequently, found this illustrious man in Pesaro and might have continued her studies under him and other natives of Greece if she was so disposed. A library, which the Sforzas had collected, provided her with[Pg 85] the means for this end. Another scholar, however, no less famous, Pandolfo Collenuccio, a poet, orator, and philologist, best known by his history of Naples, had left Pesaro before Lucretia took up her abode there. He had served the house of Sforza as secretary and in a diplomatic capacity, and to his eloquence Lucretia's husband, Costanzo's bastard, owed his investiture of the fief of Pesaro by Sixtus IV and Innocent VIII. Collenuccio, however, fell under his displeasure and was cast into prison in 1488 and subsequently banished, when he went to Ferrara, where he devoted his services to the reigning family. He accompanied Cardinal Ippolito to Rome, and here we find him in 1494 when Lucretia was about to take up her residence in Pesaro. In Rome she may have made the acquaintance of this scholar.[36]

Lucretia then found this distinguished man in Pesaro and could have continued her studies with him and other local scholars from Greece if she had wanted to. A library that the Sforzas had gathered gave her the resources to do this. However, another prominent scholar, Pandolfo Collenuccio, a poet, speaker, and linguist known mainly for his history of Naples, had left Pesaro before Lucretia settled there. He worked for the Sforza family as a secretary and in a diplomatic role, and it was thanks to his eloquence that Lucretia's husband, a bastard of Costanzo, received the fief of Pesaro from Sixtus IV and Innocent VIII. Collenuccio, however, fell out of favor and was imprisoned in 1488, then exiled, after which he moved to Ferrara to serve the ruling family there. He accompanied Cardinal Ippolito to Rome, where he was in 1494, just as Lucretia was about to move to Pesaro. It's possible that she met this scholar while in Rome.[Pg 85]

Nor was the young poet Guido Posthumus Silvester in Pesaro during her time, for he was then a student in Padua. Lucretia must have regretted the absence from her court of this soulful and aspiring poet, and her charming personality might have served him for an inspiration for verses quite different from those which he later addressed to the Borgias.

Nor was the young poet Guido Posthumus Silvester in Pesaro during her time, as he was a student in Padua. Lucretia must have regretted the absence of this soulful and aspiring poet from her court, and her charming personality might have inspired him to write verses quite different from those he later addressed to the Borgias.

Sforza's beautiful consort was received with open arms in Pesaro, where she immediately made many friends. She was in the first charm of her youthful bloom, and fate had not yet brought the trouble into her life which subsequently made her the object either of horror or of pity. If she enjoyed any real love in her married life with Sforza she would have passed her days in Pesaro as happily as the queen of a pastoral comedy. But this was denied her. The dark shadows of the Vatican reached[Pg 86] even to the Villa Imperiale on Monte Accio. Any day a despatch from her father might summon her back to Rome. Her stay in Pesaro may also have become too monotonous, too empty for her; perhaps, also, her husband's position as condottiere in the papal army and in that of Venice compelled him often to be away from his court.

Sforza's beautiful wife was welcomed warmly in Pesaro, where she quickly made many friends. She was in the prime of her youth, and fate had yet to bring the troubles into her life that would later make her the subject of either horror or pity. If she had experienced any real love in her marriage to Sforza, she would have spent her days in Pesaro as happily as the queen of a pastoral play. But that was not to be. The dark influence of the Vatican extended[Pg 86] all the way to the Villa Imperiale on Monte Accio. Any day a message from her father could call her back to Rome. Her time in Pesaro may also have grown too dull, too empty for her; perhaps her husband's role as a commander in the papal and Venetian armies often kept him away from his court.

Events which in the meantime had convulsed Italy took Lucretia back to Rome, she having spent but a single year in Pesaro.[Pg 87]

Events that had shaken Italy in the meantime brought Lucretia back to Rome, having spent only a year in Pesaro.[Pg 87]

CHAPTER XI

THE INVASION OF ITALY—THE PROFLIGATE WORLD

Early in September, 1494, Charles VIII marched into Piedmont, and the affairs of all Italy suffered an immediate change. The Pope and his allies Alfonso and Piero de' Medici found themselves almost defenseless in a short time. As early as November 17th the King entered Florence. Alexander was anxious to meet him with his own and the Neapolitan troops at Viterbo, where Cardinal Farnese was legate; but the French overran the Patrimonium without hindrance, and even the Pope's mistress, her sister Girolama, and Madonna Adriana, who were Alexander's "heart and eyes," fell into the hands of a body of French scouts.

Early in September 1494, Charles VIII marched into Piedmont, and the situation in Italy changed drastically. The Pope along with his allies Alfonso and Piero de' Medici found themselves nearly defenseless in no time. By November 17th, the King entered Florence. Alexander was eager to confront him with his own troops and the Neapolitan forces at Viterbo, where Cardinal Farnese was the legate; however, the French swept through the Patrimonium without any resistance, and even the Pope's mistress, her sister Girolama, and Madonna Adriana, who were Alexander's "heart and eyes," ended up in the hands of a group of French scouts.

The Mantuan agent, Brognolo, informed his master of this event in a despatch dated November 29, 1494: "A calamity has happened which is also a great insult to the Pope. Day before yesterday Madonna Hadriana and Madonna Giulia and her sister set out from their castle of Capodimonte to go to their brother the cardinal, in Viterbo, and, when about a mile from that place, they met a troop of French cavalry by whom they were taken prisoners, and led to Montefiascone, together with their suite of twenty-five or thirty persons."

The Mantuan agent, Brognolo, informed his master of this event in a message dated November 29, 1494: "A disaster has occurred that is also a huge insult to the Pope. Day before yesterday, Madonna Hadriana, Madonna Giulia, and her sister left their castle in Capodimonte to visit their brother the cardinal in Viterbo. When they were about a mile away from that location, they encountered a group of French cavalry who captured them and took them to Montefiascone, along with their entourage of twenty-five or thirty people."

The French captain who made this precious capture was Monseigneur d'Allegre, perhaps the same Ivo who subsequently entered the service of Cæsar. "When he[Pg 88] learned who the beautiful women were he placed their ransom at three thousand ducats, and in a letter informed King Charles whom he had captured, but the latter refused to see them. Madonna Giulia wrote to Rome saying they were well treated, and asking that their ransom be sent."[37]

The French captain who made this valuable capture was Monseigneur d'Allegre, possibly the same Ivo who later served Caesar. "When he[Pg 88] found out who the beautiful women were, he set their ransom at three thousand ducats and wrote a letter to King Charles informing him of the capture, but the king refused to see them. Madonna Giulia wrote to Rome saying they were well treated and requested that their ransom be sent."[37]

CHARLES VIII.
From an engraving by Pannier.

The knowledge of this catastrophe caused Alexander the greatest dismay. He immediately despatched a chamberlain to Marino, where Cardinal Ascanio was to be found in the headquarters of the Colonna, and who, on his urgent request, had returned November 2d, and had had an interview with King Charles. He complained to the cardinal of the indignity which had been put upon him, and asked his cooperation to secure the release of the prisoners. He also wrote to Galeazzo of Sanseverino, who was accompanying the king to Siena, and who, wishing to please the Pope, urged Charles VIII to release the ladies. Accompanied by an escort of four hundred of the French, they were led to the gates of Rome, where they were received December 1st by Juan Marades, the Pope's chamberlain.[38]

The news of this disaster hit Alexander hard. He quickly sent a chamberlain to Marino, where Cardinal Ascanio was at the Colonna headquarters. The cardinal had returned on November 2nd at Alexander's urgent request and had spoken with King Charles. He told the cardinal about the disrespect he had faced and asked for help in getting the prisoners released. He also reached out to Galeazzo of Sanseverino, who was traveling with the king to Siena and was eager to please the Pope by pushing Charles VIII to release the ladies. Accompanied by an escort of four hundred French soldiers, they were taken to the gates of Rome, where Juan Marades, the Pope's chamberlain, received them on December 1st.[38]

This romantic adventure caused a sensation throughout all Italy. The people, instead of sympathizing with the Pope, ridiculed him mercilessly. A letter from Trotti, the Ferrarese ambassador at the court of Milan, to[Pg 89] Duke Ercole, quotes the words which Ludovico il Moro, the usurper of the throne of his nephew, whom he had poisoned, uttered on this occasion concerning the Pope.

This romantic adventure created a huge stir all over Italy. Instead of feeling sorry for the Pope, people mocked him relentlessly. A letter from Trotti, the Ferrarese ambassador at the Milan court, to[Pg 89] Duke Ercole, quotes the words that Ludovico il Moro, who had taken his nephew's throne after poisoning him, said about the Pope during this incident.

"He (Ludovico) gravely reproved Monsignor Ascanio and Cardinal Sanseverino for surrendering Madonna Giulia, Madonna Adriana, and Hieronyma to his Holiness; for, since these ladies were the 'heart and eyes' of the Pope, they would have been the best whip for compelling him to do everything which was wanted of him, for he could not live without them. The French, who captured them, received only three thousand ducats as ransom, although the Pope would gladly have paid fifty thousand or more simply to have them back again. The same duke received news from Rome, and also from Angelo in Florence, that when the ladies entered, his Holiness went to meet them arrayed in a black doublet bordered with gold brocade, with a beautiful belt in the Spanish fashion, and with sword and dagger. He wore Spanish boots and a velvet biretta, all very gallant. The duke asked me, laughing, what I thought of it, and I told him that, were I the Duke of Milan, like him, I would endeavor, with the aid of the King of France and in every other way—and on the pretext of establishing peace—to entrap his Holiness, and with fair words, such as he himself was in the habit of using, to take him and the cardinals prisoners, which would be very easy. He who has the servant, as we say at home, has also the wagon and the oxen; and I reminded him of the verse of Catullus: 'Tu quoque fac simile: ars deluditur arte.'"[39]

"He (Ludovico) seriously criticized Monsignor Ascanio and Cardinal Sanseverino for handing over Madonna Giulia, Madonna Adriana, and Hieronyma to the Pope; since these ladies were the 'heart and eyes' of His Holiness, they would have been the best way to pressure him into doing everything that was needed, as he couldn't live without them. The French, who captured them, only received three thousand ducats as ransom, even though the Pope would have willingly paid fifty thousand or more just to get them back. The duke also received news from Rome and from Angelo in Florence that when the ladies arrived, the Pope went out to greet them dressed in a black doublet trimmed with gold brocade, with a beautiful belt styled in the Spanish fashion, along with a sword and dagger. He wore Spanish boots and a velvet biretta, all looking very dashing. The duke jokingly asked me what I thought about it, and I told him that if I were the Duke of Milan, like him, I would try, with the support of the King of France and in every other way—and under the guise of establishing peace—to capture the Pope, and with flattering words, which he himself often used, to take him and the cardinals prisoner, which would be quite easy. As we say back home, whoever has the servant also has the wagon and the oxen; and I reminded him of the line from Catullus: 'Tu quoque fac simile: ars deluditur arte.'"[39]

Ludovico, the worthy contemporary of the Borgias, once an intimate friend of Alexander VI, hated the Pope when[Pg 90] he turned his face away from him and France, and he was especially embittered by the treacherous capture of his brother Ascanio. December 28th the same ambassador wrote to Ercole, "The Duke Ludovico told me that he was hourly expecting the arrival of Messer Bartolomeo da Calco with a courier bringing the news that the Pope was taken and beheaded."[40] I leave it to the reader to decide whether Ludovico, simply owing to his hatred of the Pope, was slandering him and indulging in extravagances concerning him when he had this conversation with Trotti, and also when he publicly stated to his senate that "the Pope had allowed three women to come to him; one of them being a nun of Valencia, the other a Castilian, the third a very beautiful girl from Venice, fifteen or sixteen years of age." "Here in Milan," continued Trotti in his despatch, "the same scandalous things are related of the Pope as are told in Ferrara of the Torta."[41]

Ludovico, a notable contemporary of the Borgias and once a close friend of Alexander VI, grew to hate the Pope when he turned his back on him and France. He was particularly angry about the treacherous capture of his brother Ascanio. On December 28th, the same ambassador wrote to Ercole, "Duke Ludovico told me he was expecting the arrival of Messer Bartolomeo da Calco with news that the Pope had been captured and executed." I leave it up to the reader to determine whether Ludovico, driven by his hatred for the Pope, was slandering him and making wild claims during his conversation with Trotti. He also publicly stated to his senate that "the Pope had allowed three women to visit him; one being a nun from Valencia, another a Castilian, and the third a very beautiful girl from Venice, aged fifteen or sixteen." "Here in Milan," Trotti continued in his dispatch, "the same scandalous tales are being told about the Pope as those circulating in Ferrara about the Torta."

Elsewhere we may read how Charles VIII, victorious without the trouble of winning battles, penetrated as far as Rome and Naples. His march through Italy is the most humiliating of all the invasions which the peninsula suffered; but it shows that when states and peoples are ready for destruction, the strength of a weak-headed boy is sufficient to bring about their ruin. The Pope outwitted the French monarch, who, instead of having him deposed by a council, fell on his knees before him, acknowledged him to be Christ's vicar, and concluded a treaty with him.

Elsewhere, we read about how Charles VIII, who gained victories without fighting hard battles, made his way to Rome and Naples. His march through Italy was the most humiliating of all the invasions the peninsula faced; it illustrates that when states and people are poised for ruin, even the strength of a foolish young man is enough to lead to their downfall. The Pope outsmarted the French king, who, rather than having him removed by a council, knelt before him, recognized him as Christ's representative, and formed a treaty with him.

After this he set out for Naples, which shortly fell into his hands. Italy rose, a league against Charles VIII[Pg 91] was formed, and he was compelled to return. Alexander fled before him, first in the direction of Orvieto, and then toward Perugia. While there he summoned Giovanni Sforza, who arrived with his wife, June 16, 1495, remained four days, and then went back to Pesaro.[42] The King of France succeeded in breaking his way through the League's army at the battle of the Taro, and thus honorably escaped death or capture.

After this, he headed to Naples, which quickly fell into his control. Italy united against Charles VIII[Pg 91], and he was forced to retreat. Alexander fled from him, first toward Orvieto and then toward Perugia. While there, he called for Giovanni Sforza, who arrived with his wife on June 16, 1495, stayed for four days, and then returned to Pesaro.[42] The King of France managed to break through the League's army at the battle of the Taro, allowing him to escape death or capture honorably.

Having returned to Rome, Alexander established himself still more firmly in the holy chair, about which he gathered his ambitious bastards, while the Borgias pushed themselves forward all the more audaciously because the confusion occasioned in the affairs of Italy by the invasion of Charles VIII made it all the easier for them to carry out their intentions.

Having returned to Rome, Alexander solidified his position even more in the papacy, surrounding himself with his ambitious illegitimate children, while the Borgias boldly advanced their own interests, taking advantage of the chaos in Italy caused by Charles VIII's invasion to further their goals.

Lucretia remained a little longer in Pesaro with her husband, whom Venice had engaged in the interests of the League. Giovanni Sforza, however, does not appear to have been present either at the battle of the Taro or at the siege of Novara. When peace was declared in October, 1495, between France and the Duke of Milan, whereby the war came to an end in Northern Italy, Sforza was able to take his wife back to Rome. Marino Sanuto speaks of her as having been in that city at the end of October, and Burchard gives us a picture of Lucretia at the Christmas festivities.

Lucretia stayed a little longer in Pesaro with her husband, who Venice had involved in the League's affairs. Giovanni Sforza, however, doesn’t seem to have been present at either the battle of the Taro or at the siege of Novara. When peace was declared in October 1495 between France and the Duke of Milan, effectively ending the war in Northern Italy, Sforza was able to bring his wife back to Rome. Marino Sanuto mentions her being in that city at the end of October, and Burchard gives us a glimpse of Lucretia during the Christmas celebrations.

While in the service of the League Sforza commanded three hundred foot soldiers and one hundred heavy horse. With these troops he set out for Naples in the spring of the following year, when the united forces lent the young King Ferrante II great assistance in the conflicts with the[Pg 92] French troops under Montpensier. Even the Captain-general of Venice, the Marchese of Mantua, was there, and he entered Rome, March 26, 1496. Sforza with his mercenaries arrived in Rome, April 15th, only to leave the city again April 28th. His wife remained behind. May 4th he reached Fundi.[43]

While serving in the League, Sforza led three hundred infantry and one hundred cavalry. With these troops, he headed for Naples in the spring of the following year, when the united forces greatly assisted the young King Ferrante II in his conflicts with the French troops under Montpensier. Even the Captain-General of Venice, the Marchese of Mantua, was present, and he entered Rome on March 26, 1496. Sforza and his mercenaries arrived in Rome on April 15 but left the city again on April 28. His wife stayed behind. He reached Fundi on May 4.

Alexander's two sons, Don Giovanni and Don Giuffrè, were still away from Rome. One, the Duke of Gandia, was also in the pay of Venice, and was expected from Spain to take command of four hundred men which his lieutenant, Alovisio Bacheto, had enlisted for him. The other, Don Giuffrè, had, as we have seen, gone to Naples in 1494, where he had married Donna Sancia and had been made Prince of Squillace. As a member of the house of Aragon he shared the dangers of the declining dynasty in the hope of inducing the Pope not to abandon it. He accompanied King Ferrante on his flight, and also followed his standard when, after the retreat of Charles VIII, he, with the help of Spain, Venice, and the Pope, again secured possession of his kingdom, entering Naples in the summer of 1495.

Alexander's two sons, Don Giovanni and Don Giuffrè, were still away from Rome. One, the Duke of Gandia, was also on Venice's payroll and was expected to return from Spain to take command of four hundred men that his lieutenant, Alovisio Bacheto, had recruited for him. The other, Don Giuffrè, had, as we've seen, gone to Naples in 1494, where he married Donna Sancia and became Prince of Squillace. As a member of the house of Aragon, he faced the dangers of the declining dynasty, hoping to persuade the Pope not to abandon it. He accompanied King Ferrante during his flight and also supported him when, after Charles VIII's retreat, Ferrante regained his kingdom with the help of Spain, Venice, and the Pope, entering Naples in the summer of 1495.

Not until the following year did Don Giuffrè and his wife come to Rome. In royal state they entered the Eternal City, May 20, 1496. The ambassadors, cardinals, officers of the city, and numerous nobles went to meet them at the Lateran gate. Lucretia also was there with her suite. The young couple were escorted to the Vatican. The Pope on his throne, surrounded by eleven cardinals, received his son and daughter-in-law. On his right hand he had Lucretia and on his left Sancia, sitting on cushions. It was Whitsuntide, and the two princesses and their suites boldly occupied the priests' benches in S. Peter's,[Pg 93] and, according to Burchard, the populace was greatly shocked.

Not until the next year did Don Giuffrè and his wife arrive in Rome. They entered the Eternal City in grand style on May 20, 1496. Ambassadors, cardinals, city officials, and many nobles came to greet them at the Lateran gate. Lucretia was also there with her entourage. The young couple was escorted to the Vatican. The Pope, seated on his throne and surrounded by eleven cardinals, welcomed his son and daughter-in-law. Lucretia sat on his right and Sancia on his left, resting on cushions. It was Whitsuntide, and both princesses and their entourages confidently took up the priests' benches in S. Peter's,[Pg 93] which caused great shock among the people, according to Burchard.

Three months later, August 10, 1496, Alexander's eldest son, Don Giovanni, Duke of Gandia, entered Rome, where he remained, his father having determined to make him a great prince.[44] It is not related whether he brought his wife, Donna Maria, with him.

Three months later, on August 10, 1496, Alexander's oldest son, Don Giovanni, Duke of Gandia, arrived in Rome, where he stayed, as his father had decided to make him a powerful prince.[44] It’s unclear if he brought his wife, Donna Maria, with him.

For the first time Alexander had all his children about him, and in the Borgo of the Vatican there were no less than three nepot-courts. Giovanni resided in the Vatican, Lucretia in the palace of S. Maria in Portico, Giuffrè in the house of the Cardinal of Aleria near the Bridge of S. Angelo, and Cæsar in the same Borgo.

For the first time, Alexander had all his children with him, and in the Vatican district, there were at least three courts of his family. Giovanni lived in the Vatican, Lucretia in the S. Maria in Portico palace, Giuffrè in the house of the Cardinal of Aleria near the S. Angelo Bridge, and Cæsar in the same district.

They all were pleasure-loving upstarts who were consumed with a desire for honors and power; all were young and beautiful; except Lucretia, all were vicious, graceful, seductive scoundrels, and, as such, among the most charming and attractive figures in the society of old Rome. For only the narrowest observer, blind to everything but their infamous deeds, can paint the Borgias simply as savage and cruel brutes, tiger-cubs by nature. They were privileged malefactors, like many other princes and potentates of that age. They mercilessly availed themselves of poison and poignard, removing every obstacle to their ambition, and smiled when the object was attained.

They were all pleasure-seeking upstarts who were driven by a desire for fame and power; all were young and attractive; except for Lucretia, all were ruthless, charming, seductive scoundrels, making them some of the most captivating figures in old Rome. Only the most narrow-minded observer, blind to everything but their notorious actions, can describe the Borgias as simply savage and cruel brutes, like tiger cubs by nature. They were privileged wrongdoers, similar to many other princes and leaders of that time. They ruthlessly used poison and daggers to eliminate any obstacles to their ambitions, smiling when they achieved their goals.

If we could see the life which these unrestrained bastards led in the Vatican, where their father, conscious now of his security and greatness, was enthroned, we should indeed behold strange things. It was a singular drama[Pg 94] which was being enacted in the domain of S. Peter, where two young and beautiful women held a dazzling court, which was always animated by swarms of Spanish and Italian lords and ladies and the elegant world of Rome. Nobles and monsignori crowded around to pay homage to these women, one of whom, Lucretia, was just sixteen, and the other, Sancia, a little more than seventeen years of age.

If we could see the life that these wild bastards were living in the Vatican, where their father, now aware of his security and power, was in charge, we would witness some truly bizarre scenes. It was a unique drama[Pg 94] playing out in the realm of St. Peter, where two young and beautiful women held a dazzling court, constantly filled with crowds of Spanish and Italian lords and ladies, along with the stylish elite of Rome. Nobles and monsignors gathered around to pay their respects to these women, one of whom, Lucretia, was just sixteen, and the other, Sancia, just over seventeen.

We may imagine what love intrigues took place in the palace of these young women, and how jealousy and ambition there carried on their intricate game, for no one will believe that these princesses, full of the passion and exuberance of youth, led the life of nuns or saints in the shadows of S. Peter's. Their palace resounded with music and the dance, and the noise of revels and of masquerades. The populace saw these women accompanied by splendid cavalcades riding through the streets of Rome to the Vatican; they knew that the Pope was in daily intercourse with them, visiting them in person and taking part in their festivities, and also receiving them, now privately, and now with ceremonious pomp, as befitted princesses of his house. Alexander himself, much as he was addicted to the pleasures of the senses, cared nothing for elaborate banquets. Concerning the Pope, the Ferrarese ambassador wrote to his master in 1495 as follows:

We can only imagine the love affairs that happened in the palace of these young women, and how jealousy and ambition played out in their complex games, because no one would believe that these princesses, full of youthful passion and energy, lived like nuns or saints in the shadows of St. Peter's. Their palace was alive with music and dancing, filled with the sounds of celebrations and masquerades. The public saw these women riding through the streets of Rome in grand processions on their way to the Vatican; they were aware that the Pope interacted with them daily, visiting them and joining in their festivities, and also receiving them, sometimes privately and sometimes with all the formalities that suited princesses of his household. Alexander himself, despite his love for sensory pleasures, did not care for lavish feasts. Regarding the Pope, the Ferrarese ambassador wrote to his master in 1495 as follows:

He partakes of but a single dish, though this must be a rich one. It is, consequently, a bore to dine with him. Ascanio and others, especially Cardinal Monreale, who formerly were his Holiness's table companions, and Valenza too, broke off this companionship because his parsimony displeased them, and avoided it whenever and however they could.[45]

He only eats one dish, but it has to be a fancy one. So, dining with him is pretty dull. Ascanio and others, especially Cardinal Monreale, who used to share meals with the Pope, as well as Valenza, stopped being his dining companions because they were bothered by his stinginess and tried to avoid it whenever they could.[45]

The doings in the Vatican furnished ground for endless gossip, which had long been current in Rome. It was re[Pg 95]lated in Venice, in October, 1496, that the Duke of Gandia had brought a Spanish woman to his father, with whom he lived, and an account was given of a crime which is almost incredible, although it was related by the Venetian ambassador and other persons.[46]

The happenings in the Vatican provided fuel for endless gossip that had been buzzing in Rome for a long time. It was reported in Venice in October 1496 that the Duke of Gandia had brought a Spanish woman to his father, with whom he was living, and there were details shared about a crime that seems almost unbelievable, even though it was told by the Venetian ambassador and others.[46]

SAVONAROLA.
From a painting by Fra Bartolommeo

It was not long before Donna Sancia caused herself to be freely gossiped about. She was beautiful and thoughtless; she appreciated her position as the daughter of a king. From the most vicious of courts she was transplanted into the depravity of Rome as the wife of an immature boy. It was said that her brothers-in-law Gandia and Cæsar quarreled over her and possessed her in turn, and that young nobles and cardinals like Ippolito d'Este could boast of having enjoyed her favors.

It didn't take long for Donna Sancia to become the talk of the town. She was beautiful and carefree; she enjoyed her status as the daughter of a king. From a cruel court, she was moved to the corruption of Rome as the wife of an immature young man. It was rumored that her brothers-in-law, Gandia and Cæsar, fought over her and took turns with her, and that young nobles and cardinals like Ippolito d'Este claimed to have had her affection.

Savonarola may have had these nepot-courts in mind when, from the pulpit of S. Marco in Florence, he declaimed in burning words against the Roman Sodom.

Savonarola may have had these nepot-courts in mind when, from the pulpit of S. Marco in Florence, he passionately spoke out against the Roman Sodom.

Even if the voice of the great preacher, whose words were filling all Italy, did not reach Lucretia's ears, from her own experience she must have known how profligate was the world in which she lived. About her she saw vice shamelessly displayed or cloaked in sacerdotal robes; she was conscious of the ambition and avarice which hesitated[Pg 96] at no crime; she beheld a religion more pagan than paganism itself, and a church service in which the sacred actors,—with whose conduct behind the scenes she was perfectly familiar,—were the priests, the cardinals, her brother Cæsar, and her own father. All this Lucretia beheld, but they are wrong who believe that she or others like her saw and regarded it as we do now, or as a few pure-minded persons of that age did; for familiarity always dulls the average person's perception of the truth. In that age the conceptions of religion, of decency, and of morality were entirely different from those of to-day. When the rupture between the Middle Ages and its ascetic Church and the Renaissance was complete, human passions threw off every restraint. All that had hitherto been regarded as sacred was now derided. The freethinkers of Italy created a literature never equaled for bold cynicism. From the Hermaphroditus of Beccadeli to the works of Berni and Pietro Aretino, a foul stream of novelle, epigrams, and comedies, from which the serious Dante would have turned his eyes in disgust, overflowed the land.

Even if the voice of the great preacher, whose words were echoing throughout Italy, didn't reach Lucretia's ears, she must have understood from her own experience just how corrupt the world around her was. She saw vice displayed openly or hidden under priestly robes; she was aware of the ambition and greed that stopped at nothing; she witnessed a religion that was more pagan than paganism itself, and a church service where the sacred figures—whose off-stage behavior she knew all too well—were the priests, the cardinals, her brother Cæsar, and her own father. Lucretia saw all of this, but it's a misconception to think that she or others like her perceived it the way we do now, or as a few pure-minded people of that era did; because familiarity always dulls the average person’s perception of the truth. In that time, the ideas of religion, decency, and morality were completely different from those of today. When the divide between the Middle Ages and its ascetic Church and the Renaissance became final, human passions broke free from every constraint. Everything that had previously been considered sacred was now mocked. The free thinkers of Italy produced a literature unmatched in its bold cynicism. From the Hermaphroditus of Beccadeli to the works of Berni and Pietro Aretino, a foul stream of novellas, epigrams, and comedies, which the serious Dante would have turned away from in disgust, flooded the land.

Even in the less sensual novelle, the first of which was Piccolomini's Euryalus, and the less obscene comedies, adultery and derision of marriage are the leading motives. The harlots were the Muses of belles-lettres during the Renaissance. They boldly took their place by the side of the saints of the Church, and contended with them for fame's laurels. There is a manuscript collection of poems of the time of Alexander VI which contains a series of epigrams beginning with a number in praise of the Holy Virgin and the Saints, and then, without word or warning, are several glorifying the famous cyprians of the day; following a stanza on S. Pauline is an epigram on Meretricis Nichine, a well-known courtesan of Siena, with several[Pg 97] more of the same sort. The saints of heaven and the priestesses of Venus are placed side by side, without comment, as equally admirable women.[47]

Even in the less sensual novellas, the first of which was Piccolomini's Euryalus, and the less risqué comedies, adultery and mockery of marriage are the main themes. The prostitutes were the Muses of literature during the Renaissance. They confidently stood alongside the saints of the Church, competing with them for fame's accolades. There's a manuscript collection of poems from the time of Alexander VI that features a series of epigrams starting with several praising the Holy Virgin and the Saints, and then, without any transition, several celebrating the famous courtesans of the time; following a stanza about St. Pauline is an epigram about Meretricis Nichine, a well-known courtesan from Siena, along with several more like it. The saints of heaven and the priestesses of Venus are placed side by side, without any commentary, as equally admirable women.[Pg 97]

No self-respecting woman would now attend the performance of a comedy of the Renaissance, whose characters frequently represented the popes, the princes, and the noble women of the day; and their presentation, even before audiences composed entirely of men, would now be prohibited by the censor of the theater in every land.

No self-respecting woman today would go to a Renaissance comedy, where the characters often depicted popes, princes, and the noblewomen of the time; their performances, even before audiences made up entirely of men, would now be banned by theater censors everywhere.

The naturalness with which women of the South even now discuss subjects which people in the North are careful to conceal excites astonishment; but what was tolerated by the taste or morals of the Renaissance is absolutely incredible. We must remember, however, that this obscene literature was by no means so diffused as novels are at the present time, and also that Southern familiarity with whatever is natural also served to protect women. Much was external, and was so treated that it had no effect whatever upon the imagination. In the midst of the vices of the society of the cities there were noble women who kept themselves pure.

The way women in the South openly discuss topics that people in the North are careful to hide is surprising; but what was accepted back in the Renaissance is truly hard to believe. We should remember, though, that this scandalous literature wasn’t as widespread as novels are today, and the Southern openness about what is natural also helped to protect women. Much of it was superficial and was handled in a way that didn’t impact the imagination at all. Amidst the vices of urban society, there were noble women who remained pure.

To form an idea of the morals of the great, and especially of the courts of that day, we must read the history of the Visconti, the Sforza, the Malatesta of Rimini, the Baglione of Perugia, and the Borgias of Rome. They were not more immoral than the members of the courts of Louis XIV and XV and of August of Saxony, but their murders rendered them more terrible. Human life was held to be of little value, but criminal egotism often was qualified by greatness of mind (magnanimitas), so that a bloody[Pg 98] deed prompted by avarice and ambition was often condoned.

To get a sense of the morals of the powerful, especially those in the courts of that time, we need to look at the history of the Visconti, the Sforza, the Malatesta of Rimini, the Baglione of Perugia, and the Borgias of Rome. They were no more immoral than the members of the courts of Louis XIV and XV and Augustus of Saxony, but their murders made them seem more terrifying. Human life was considered to have little value, yet criminal selfishness was often excused when paired with greatness of mind (magnanimitas), so a bloody[Pg 98] act driven by greed and ambition was frequently overlooked.

Egotism and the selfish use of conditions and men for the profit of the individual were never so universal as in the country of Macchiavelli, where unfortunately they still are frequently in evidence. Free from the pedantic opinions of the Germans and the reverence for condition, rank, and birth which they have inherited from the Middle Ages, the Italians, on the other hand, always recognized the force of personality—no matter whether it was that of a bastard or not—but they, nevertheless, were just as likely to become the slaves of the successful. Macchiavelli maintains that the Church and the priests were responsible for the moral ruin of the peninsula—but were not the Church and these priests themselves products of Italy? He should have said that characteristics which were inherent in the Germanic races were foreign to the Italians. Luther could never have appeared among them.

Egotism and the selfish use of circumstances and people for individual gain have never been more widespread than in the country of Machiavelli, where, unfortunately, they are still often apparent. Free from the strict views of the Germans and the reverence for social status and birth that they inherited from the Middle Ages, Italians have always valued personal strength—regardless of whether someone was born into it—but they were just as likely to become the followers of the successful. Machiavelli claims that the Church and its priests are to blame for the moral decay of the peninsula—but weren’t the Church and these priests products of Italy themselves? He should have pointed out that traits inherent in the Germanic races were foreign to the Italians. Luther could never have emerged among them.

While our opinion of Alexander VI and Cæsar is governed by ethical considerations, this was not the case with Guicciardini, and less still with Macchiavelli. They examined not the moral but the political man, not his motives but his acts. The terrible was not terrible when it was the deed of a strong will, nor was crime disgraceful when it excited astonishment as a work of art. The terrible way in which Ferdinand of Naples handled the conspiracy of the nobles of his kingdom made him, in the eyes of Italy, not horrible but great; and Macchiavelli speaks of the trick with which Cæsar Borgia outwitted his treacherous condottieri at Sinigaglia as a "masterstroke," while the Bishop Paolo Giovio called it "the most beautiful piece of deception." In that world of egotism where there was no tribunal of public opinion, man could preserve himself[Pg 99] only by overpowering power and by outwitting cunning with craft. While the French regarded, and still regard, "ridiculous" as the worst of epithets, the Italian dreaded none more than that of "simpleton."

While our view of Alexander VI and Cæsar is shaped by ethical concerns, that wasn’t the case for Guicciardini, and even less so for Machiavelli. They focused not on the moral character but on the political player, not on his intentions but on his actions. What was horrifying didn’t seem terrible when it was the result of a strong will, nor did crime seem shameful when it amazed like a work of art. The brutal way Ferdinand of Naples dealt with the noble conspiracy in his kingdom made him, in the eyes of Italy, not heinous but impressive; and Machiavelli referred to the tactic with which Cæsar Borgia tricked his treacherous mercenaries at Sinigaglia as a "masterstroke," while Bishop Paolo Giovio called it "the most beautiful piece of deception." In that selfish world, where no public opinion tribunal existed, one could only survive by overpowering strength and outmaneuvering cunning with cleverness. While the French viewed, and still view, "ridiculous" as the worst insult, the Italians feared none more than being called a "simpleton."

Macchiavelli, in a well-known passage in his Discorsi (i. 27), explains his theory with terrible frankness, and his words are the exact keynote of the ethics of his age. He relates how Julius II ventured into Perugia, although Giampolo Baglione had gathered a large number of troops there, and how the latter, overawed by the Pope, surrendered the city to him. His comment is verbatim as follows: "People of judgment who were with the Pope wondered at his foolhardiness, and at Giampolo's cowardice; they could not understand why the latter did not, to his everlasting fame, crush his enemy with one blow and enrich himself with the plunder, for the Pope was accompanied by all his cardinals with their jewels. They could not believe that he refrained on account of any goodness or any conscientious scruples, for the heart of a wicked man, who committed incest with his sister, and destroyed his cousins and nephews so he might rule, could not be accessible to any feelings of respect. So they came to the conclusion that there are men who can neither be honorably bad nor yet perfectly good, who do not know how to go about committing a crime, great in itself or possessing a certain splendor. This was the case with Giampolo; he who thought nothing of incest and the murder of his kinsmen did not know how, or rather did not dare, in spite of the propitious moment, to perform a deed which would have caused every one to admire his courage, and would have won for him an immortal name. For he would first have shown the priests how small men are in reality who live and rule as they do, and he would have been the first[Pg 100] to accomplish a deed whose greatness would have dazzled every one, and would have removed every danger which might have arisen from it."

Machiavelli, in a famous section of his Discorsi (i. 27), lays out his theory with brutal honesty, and his words perfectly capture the ethics of his time. He tells how Julius II went to Perugia, even though Giampolo Baglione had gathered a large force there, and how Giampolo, intimidated by the Pope, gave up the city to him. His exact comment is: "People of judgment who were with the Pope were astonished at his recklessness and at Giampolo's cowardice; they couldn't understand why Giampolo didn't, to his everlasting glory, defeat his enemy in one strike and benefit from the spoils, since the Pope was accompanied by all his cardinals with their jewels. They couldn't believe he held back out of any goodness or moral scruples, for the heart of a wicked man, who committed incest with his sister and killed his cousins and nephews just to gain power, wouldn't be capable of any feelings of respect. So, they concluded that there are people who can’t be honorably bad nor perfectly good, who don’t know how to commit a crime, whether it be grand or splendid. This was true for Giampolo; he, who thought nothing of incest and the murder of his relatives, didn't know how, or rather didn't dare, despite the favorable circumstances, to carry out an act that would have made everyone admire his bravery and would have won him an everlasting reputation. For he would have demonstrated to the priests how insignificant their power really is, and he would have been the first[Pg 100] to achieve a deed so great that it would have dazzled everyone and eliminated any dangers that might have arisen from it."

NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI.
From an engraving by G. Marri.

Is it any wonder that in view of such a prostitution of morals to the conception of success, fame, and magnificence, as Macchiavelli here and in Il Principe advocates, men like the Borgias found the widest field for their bold crimes? They well knew that the greatness of a crime concealed the shame of it. The celebrated poet Strozzi in Ferrara placed Cæsar Borgia, after his fall, among the heroes of Olympus; and the famous Bembo, one of the first men of the age, endeavors to console Lucretia Borgia on the death of the "miserable little" Alexander VI, whom he at the same time calls her "great" father.

Is it any surprise that, given the way morals have been twisted to fit the ideas of success, fame, and grandeur, as Machiavelli advocates here and in Il Principe, people like the Borgias found ample opportunity for their audacious crimes? They understood well that the magnitude of a crime could overshadow its shame. The renowned poet Strozzi in Ferrara placed Cæsar Borgia, after his downfall, among the heroes of Olympus; and the well-known Bembo, one of the leading figures of the time, tries to comfort Lucretia Borgia on the death of the "miserable little" Alexander VI, whom he simultaneously refers to as her "great" father.

No upright man, conscious of his own worth, would now enter the service of a prince stained by such crimes as were the Borgias, if it were possible for such a one now to exist, which is wholly unlikely. But then the best and most upright of men sought, without any scruples whatever, the presence and favors of the Borgias. Pinturicchio and Perugino painted for Alexander VI, and the most wonderful genius of the century, Leonardo da Vinci, did not hesitate to enter the service of Cæsar Borgia as his engineer, to erect fortresses for him in the same Romagna which he had appropriated by such devilish means.

No honorable person, aware of their own value, would now serve a prince tainted by the same crimes as the Borgias, if such a person could even exist today, which is highly unlikely. However, back then, the best and most honorable men eagerly sought the company and favors of the Borgias. Pinturicchio and Perugino painted for Alexander VI, and the greatest genius of the century, Leonardo da Vinci, didn't hesitate to work for Cæsar Borgia as his engineer, building fortresses in Romagna, which Borgia had seized through such wicked methods.

The men of the Renaissance were in a high degree energetic and creative; they shaped the world with a revolutionary energy and a feverish activity, in comparison with which the modern processes of civilization almost vanish. Their instincts were rougher and more powerful, and their nerves stronger than those of the present race. It will always appear strange that the tenderest blossoms of art, the most ideal creations of the painter, put forth in the[Pg 101] midst of a society whose moral perversity and inward brutality are to us moderns altogether loathsome. If we could take a man such as our civilization now produces and transfer him into the Renaissance, the daily brutality which made no impression whatever on the men of that age would shatter his nervous system and probably upset his reason.

The men of the Renaissance were extremely energetic and creative; they transformed the world with a revolutionary drive and intense activity that makes today’s processes of civilization seem insignificant. Their instincts were rougher and more powerful, and their nerves were stronger than those of people today. It always seems strange that the most delicate expressions of art, the most ideal creations from painters, emerged in a society whose moral corruption and inner brutality are utterly repugnant to us moderns. If we could take a person shaped by our current civilization and place them in the Renaissance, the everyday brutality that didn't faze the men of that time would likely shatter their nerves and probably drive them insane.

Lucretia Borgia lived in Rome surrounded by these passions, and she was neither better nor worse than the women of her time. She was thoughtless and was filled with the joy of living. We do not know that she ever went through any moral struggles or whether she ever found herself in conscious conflict with the actualities of her life and of her environment. Her father maintained an elaborate household for her, and she was in daily intercourse with her brothers' courts. She was their companion and the ornament of their banquets; she was entrusted with the secret of all the Vatican intrigues which had any connection with the future of the Borgias, and all her vital interests were soon to be concentrated there.

Lucretia Borgia lived in Rome surrounded by these intense emotions, and she was neither better nor worse than the women of her era. She was carefree and embraced the joy of life. We don’t know if she ever faced moral dilemmas or found herself in conscious conflict with the realities of her life and surroundings. Her father supported an elaborate household for her, and she interacted daily with her brothers' courts. She was their companion and the highlight of their banquets; she was trusted with the secrets of all the Vatican intrigues connected to the future of the Borgias, and soon all her vital interests would focus there.

Never, even in the later years of her life, does she appear as a woman of unusual genius; she had none of the characteristics of the viragos Catarina Sforza and Ginevra Bentivoglio; nor did she possess the deceitful soul of an Isotta da Rimini, or the spirituelle genius of Isabella Gonzaga. If she had not been the daughter of Alexander VI and the sister of Cæsar Borgia, she would have been unnoticed by the historians of her age or, at most, would have been mentioned only as one of the many charming women who constituted the society of Rome. In the hands of her father and her brother, however, she became the tool and also the victim of their political machinations, against which she had not the strength to make any resistance.[Pg 102]

Never, even in her later years, does she seem like a woman of exceptional talent; she lacked the traits of the fierce women like Catarina Sforza and Ginevra Bentivoglio; nor did she have the cunning nature of an Isotta da Rimini, or the artistic brilliance of Isabella Gonzaga. If she had not been the daughter of Alexander VI and the sister of Cæsar Borgia, historians of her time would likely have overlooked her, or at most, mentioned her as just one of the many charming women in Roman society. Under the influence of her father and brother, however, she became both a pawn and a victim of their political schemes, against which she had no power to resist.[Pg 102]

CHAPTER XII

THE DIVORCE AND SECOND MARRIAGE

After the surrender of the remnant of the French forces in the fall of 1496, Giovanni Sforza returned from Naples. There is no doubt that he went to Rome for the purpose of taking Lucretia home with him to Pesaro, where we find him about the close of the year, and where he spent the winter. The chroniclers of Pesaro, however, state that he left the city in disguise, January 15, 1497, and that Lucretia followed him a few days later for the purpose of going to Rome.[48] Both were present at the Easter festivities in the papal city.

After the French forces surrendered in the fall of 1496, Giovanni Sforza returned from Naples. It's clear he went to Rome to take Lucretia back with him to Pesaro, where we find him toward the end of the year, spending the winter. However, the historians from Pesaro say he left the city in disguise on January 15, 1497, and that Lucretia followed him a few days later to go to Rome.[48] Both were there for the Easter celebrations in the papal city.

Sforza was now a worn-out plaything which Alexander was preparing to cast away, for his daughter's marriage to the tyrant of Pesaro promised him nothing more, the house of Sforza having lost all its influence; moreover, the times were propitious for establishing connections which would be of greater advantage to the Borgias. The Pope was unwilling to give his son-in-law a command in the war against the Orsini, which he had begun immediately after the return of his son Don Giovanni from Spain, for whom he wanted to confiscate the property of these mighty lords. He secured the services of Duke Guidobaldo of Urbino, who likewise had served in the allied armies of Naples, and whom the Venetians released[Pg 103] in order that he might assume supreme command of the papal troops.

Sforza was now a worn-out plaything that Alexander was getting ready to toss aside, as his daughter's marriage to the tyrant of Pesaro promised him nothing more. The Sforza family had lost all its power; besides, the times were right for making alliances that would benefit the Borgias more. The Pope was not willing to give his son-in-law a command in the war against the Orsini, which he had started right after his son Don Giovanni returned from Spain, for whom he wanted to seize the estates of these powerful lords. He secured the help of Duke Guidobaldo of Urbino, who had also served in the allied forces of Naples, and whom the Venetians released[Pg 103] so that he could take command of the papal troops.

This noble man was the last of the house of Montefeltre, and the Borgias already had their eyes on his possessions. His sister Giovanna was married in 1478 to the municipal prefect, Giovanni della Rovere, a brother of Cardinal Giuliano, and in 1490 she bore him a daughter, Francesca Maria, a child who was looked upon as heir of Urbino. Guidobaldo did not disdain to serve as a condottiere for pay and in the hope of winning honors; he was also a vassal of the Church. Fear of the Borgias led him to seek their friendship although he hated them.

This noble man was the last of the House of Montefeltre, and the Borgias were already eyeing his assets. His sister Giovanna married Giovanni della Rovere, the city prefect, in 1478; he was the brother of Cardinal Giuliano. In 1490, she gave birth to a daughter, Francesca Maria, who was considered the heir to Urbino. Guidobaldo didn’t hesitate to work as a mercenary for pay, hoping to earn honors; he was also a vassal of the Church. His fear of the Borgias pushed him to seek their friendship, even though he despised them.

In the war against the Orsini the young Duke of Gandia was next in command under Guidobaldo, and Alexander made him the standard-bearer of the Church and Rector of Viterbo, and of the entire Patrimonium after he had removed Alessandro Farnese from that position. This appears to have been due to a dislike he felt for Giulia's brother. September 17, 1496, the Mantuan agent in Rome, John Carolus, wrote to the Marchioness Gonzaga: "Cardinal Farnese is shut up in his residence in the Patrimonium, and will lose it unless he is saved by the prompt return of Giulia."

In the war against the Orsini, the young Duke of Gandia was the next in command under Guidobaldo, and Alexander made him the standard-bearer of the Church and Rector of Viterbo, as well as the entire Patrimonium after he removed Alessandro Farnese from that role. This seems to have been because of a dislike he had for Giulia's brother. On September 17, 1496, the Mantuan agent in Rome, John Carolus, wrote to the Marchioness Gonzaga: "Cardinal Farnese is confined to his residence in the Patrimonium, and will lose it unless he is rescued by Giulia's swift return."

The same ambassador reported to his sovereign as follows: "Although every effort is made to conceal the fact that these sons of the Pope are consumed with envy of each other, the life of the Cardinal of S. Giorgio (Rafael Riario) is in danger; should he die, Cæsar would be given the office of chancellor and the palace of the dead Cardinal of Mantua, which is the most beautiful in Rome, and also his most lucrative benefices. Your Excellency may guess how this plot will terminate."[Pg 104][49]

The same ambassador reported back to his leader: "Even though everyone is trying to hide it, these sons of the Pope are full of jealousy towards each other. The life of Cardinal S. Giorgio (Rafael Riario) is at risk; if he dies, Cæsar will take over as chancellor and inherit the residence of the deceased Cardinal of Mantua, which is the most stunning in Rome, along with his most profitable positions. Your Excellency can imagine how this scheme will end."[Pg 104][49]

The war against the Orsini ended with the ignominious defeat of the papal forces at Soriano, January 23, 1497, whence Don Giovanni, wounded, fled to Rome, and where Guidobaldo was taken prisoner. The victors immediately forced a peace on most advantageous terms.

The war against the Orsini ended with the shameful defeat of the papal forces at Soriano on January 23, 1497, where Don Giovanni, wounded, fled to Rome, and where Guidobaldo was taken prisoner. The victors quickly imposed a peace deal with very favorable terms.

Not until the conclusion of the war did Lucretia's husband return to Rome. We shall see him again there, for the last time, at the Easter festivities of 1497, when, as Alexander's son-in-law, he assumed his official place during the celebration in S. Peter's, and, standing near Cæsar and Gandia, received the Easter palm from the Pope's hand. His position in the Vatican had, however, become untenable; Alexander was anxious to dissolve his marriage with Lucretia. Sforza was asked to give her up of his own free will, and, when he refused, was threatened with extreme measures.

Not until the end of the war did Lucretia's husband come back to Rome. We'll see him there one last time during the Easter celebrations of 1497, when, as Alexander’s son-in-law, he took his official spot at the festivities in S. Peter's. Standing close to Cæsar and Gandia, he received the Easter palm from the Pope. However, his position in the Vatican had become untenable; Alexander wanted to end his marriage with Lucretia. Sforza was asked to let her go willingly, and when he refused, he was threatened with severe consequences.

Flight alone saved him from the dagger or poison of his brothers-in-law. According to statements of the chroniclers of Pesaro, it was Lucretia herself who helped her husband to flee and thus caused the suspicion that she was also a participant in the conspiracy. It is related that, one evening when Jacomino, Lord Giovanni's chamberlain, was in Madonna's room, her brother Cæsar entered, and on her command the chamberlain concealed himself behind a screen. Cæsar talked freely with his sister, and among other things said that the order had been given to kill Sforza. When he had departed, Lucretia said to Jacomino: "Did you hear what was said? Go and tell him." This the chamberlain immediately did, and Giovanni Sforza threw himself on a Turkish horse and rode in twenty-four hours to Pesaro, where the beast dropped dead.[Pg 105][50]

Flight was the only thing that saved him from the dagger or poison of his brothers-in-law. According to the chroniclers from Pesaro, it was Lucretia herself who helped her husband escape, which sparked suspicion that she was also involved in the conspiracy. It’s said that one evening, when Jacomino, Lord Giovanni's chamberlain, was in Madonna's room, her brother Cæsar came in, and at her request, the chamberlain hid behind a screen. Cæsar spoke freely with his sister, mentioning that the order to kill Sforza had been given. After he left, Lucretia told Jacomino, "Did you hear what was said? Go and tell him." The chamberlain did as she asked immediately, and Giovanni Sforza jumped on a Turkish horse and rode to Pesaro in twenty-four hours, where the horse collapsed dead.[Pg 105][50]

According to letters of the Venetian envoy in Rome, Sforza fled in March, in Holy Week. Under some pretext he went to the Church of S. Onofrio, where he found the horse waiting for him.[51]

According to letters from the Venetian envoy in Rome, Sforza escaped in March during Holy Week. He used some excuse to go to the Church of S. Onofrio, where a horse was waiting for him.[51]

The request for the divorce was probably not made by Lucretia, but by her father and brothers, who wished her to be free to enter into a marriage which would advance their plans. We are ignorant of what was now taking place in the Vatican, and we do not know that Lucretia made any resistance; but if she did, it certainly was not of long duration, for she does not appear to have loved her husband. Pesaro's escape did not please the Borgias. They would have preferred to have silenced this man forever; but now that he had gotten away and raised an objection, it would be necessary to dissolve the marriage by process of law, which would cause a great scandal.

The request for the divorce likely came not from Lucretia herself, but from her father and brothers, who wanted her to be free to marry someone who would help their ambitions. We don’t know what was happening in the Vatican at the time, and we can't say for sure if Lucretia resisted; however, if she did, it clearly didn’t last long because she didn’t seem to have loved her husband. Pesaro's escape didn’t sit well with the Borgias. They would have preferred to silence him for good, but now that he had escaped and raised objections, they would need to legally dissolve the marriage, which would create a major scandal.

Shortly after Sforza's flight a terrible tragedy occurred in the house of Borgia—the mysterious murder of the Duke of Gandia. On the failure of Alexander's scheme to confiscate the estates of the Orsini and bestow them on his dearly beloved son, he thought to provide for him in another manner. He made him Duke of Benevento, thereby hoping to prepare the way for him to reach the throne of Naples. A few days later, June 14th, Vannozza invited him and Cæsar, together with a few of their kinsmen, to a supper in her vineyard near S. Pietro in Vinculo. Don Giovanni, returning from this family feast, disappeared in the night, without leaving a trace, and three days later the body of the murdered man was found in the Tiber.

Shortly after Sforza's escape, a terrible tragedy struck the Borgia household—the mysterious murder of the Duke of Gandia. After Alexander's plan to seize the Orsini estates and give them to his beloved son fell through, he tried to secure his future in another way. He made him Duke of Benevento, hoping this would pave the way for him to ascend to the throne of Naples. A few days later, on June 14th, Vannozza invited him and Cæsar, along with a few family members, to dinner at her vineyard near S. Pietro in Vinculo. Don Giovanni, returning from this family gathering, vanished into the night without a trace, and three days later, his body was discovered in the Tiber.

[Pg 106]

According to the general opinion of the day, which in all probability was correct, Cæsar was the murderer of his brother. From the moment Alexander VI knew this crime had been committed, and assumed responsibility for its motives and consequences, and pardoned the murderer, he became morally accessory after the fact, and fell himself under the power of his terrible son. From that time on, every act of his was intended to further Cæsar's fiendish ambition.

According to the general opinion of the time, which was likely true, Caesar was his brother's killer. From the moment Alexander VI became aware of this crime, took responsibility for its motives and consequences, and pardoned the murderer, he became morally complicit and fell under the influence of his ruthless son. From then on, every action he took was meant to support Caesar’s wicked ambition.

None of the records of the day say that Don Giovanni's consort was in Rome when this tragedy occurred. We are therefore forced to assume that she was not there when her husband was murdered. It is much more likely that she had not left Spain, and that she was living with her two little children in Gandia or Valencia, where she received the dreadful news in a letter written by Alexander to his sister Doña Beatrice Boria y Arenos. This is rendered probable by the court records of Valencia. September 27, 1497, Doña Maria Enriquez appeared before the tribunal of the governor of the kingdom of Valencia, Don Luis de Cabaineles, and claimed the estate, including the duchy of Gandia and the Neapolitan fiefs of Suessa, Teano, Carinola, and Montefoscolo, for Don Giovanni's eldest son, a child of three years. The duke's death was proved by legal documents, among which was this letter written by Alexander, and the tribunal accordingly recognized Gandia's son as his legal heir.[52]

None of the records from that day indicate that Don Giovanni's wife was in Rome when this tragedy happened. So, we have to conclude that she was not there when her husband was killed. It's more likely that she hadn't left Spain and was living with her two young children in Gandia or Valencia, where she received the terrible news in a letter from Alexander to his sister Doña Beatrice Boria y Arenos. This is supported by court records from Valencia. On September 27, 1497, Doña Maria Enriquez appeared before the local governor of Valencia, Don Luis de Cabaineles, and claimed the estate, which included the duchy of Gandia and the Neapolitan fiefs of Suessa, Teano, Carinola, and Montefoscolo, for Don Giovanni's eldest son, who was just three years old. The duke's death was confirmed by legal documents, including this letter from Alexander, and the tribunal recognized Gandia's son as his legal heir.[52]

Doña Maria also claimed her husband's personal property in his house in Rome, which was valued at thirty thousand ducats, and which on the death of Don Giovanni, had been transferred by Alexander VI, to the fratricide[Pg 107] Cæsar to administer for his nephew, as appears from an official document of the Roman notary Beneimbene, dated December 19, 1498.

Doña Maria also claimed her husband's personal property in his house in Rome, which was valued at thirty thousand ducats, and which, upon Don Giovanni's death, had been transferred by Alexander VI to the fratricide[Pg 107] Cæsar to manage for his nephew, as shown in an official document from the Roman notary Beneimbene, dated December 19, 1498.

At this time Lucretia was not in her palace in the Vatican. June 4th she had gone to the convent of S. Sisto on the Appian Way, thereby causing a great sensation in Rome. Her flight doubtless was in some way connected with the forced annulment of her marriage. While her father himself may not have banished her to S. Sisto, she, probably excited by Pesaro's departure, and perhaps angry with the Pope, had doubtless sought this place as an asylum. That she was angry with him is shown by a letter written by Donato Aretino from Rome, June 19th, to Cardinal Ippolito d'Este: "Madonna Lucretia has left the palace insalutato hospite and gone to a convent known as that of S. Sisto; where she now is. Some say she will turn nun, while others make different statements which I can not entrust to a letter."[53]

At this time, Lucretia was not at her palace in the Vatican. On June 4th, she went to the convent of S. Sisto on the Appian Way, which caused quite a stir in Rome. Her departure was likely related to the forced annulment of her marriage. While her father may not have directly sent her to S. Sisto, she was probably stirred by Pesaro's departure and possibly upset with the Pope, seeking this place as a refuge. Her anger towards him is indicated by a letter written by Donato Aretino from Rome on June 19th to Cardinal Ippolito d'Este: "Madonna Lucretia has left the palace insalutato hospite and gone to a convent known as S. Sisto, where she is currently. Some say she will become a nun, while others have different stories that I can't share in a letter."[53]

We know not what prayers and what confessions Lucretia made at the altar, but this was one of the most momentous periods of her life. While in the convent she learned of the terrible death of one of her brothers, and shuddered at the crime of the other. For she, like her father and all the Borgias, firmly believed that Cæsar was a fratricide. She clearly discerned the marks of his inordinate ambition; she knew that he was planning to lay aside the cardinal's robe and become a secular prince; she must have known too that they were scheming in the Vatican to make Don Giuffrè a cardinal in Cæsar's place and to marry the latter to the former's wife, Donna Sancia, with whom, it was generally known, he was on most intimate terms.[Pg 108]

We don’t know what prayers and confessions Lucretia made at the altar, but this was one of the most significant moments of her life. While at the convent, she heard about the terrible death of one of her brothers and recoiled at the crime of the other. Like her father and all the Borgias, she firmly believed that Cæsar was a fratricide. She clearly saw the signs of his excessive ambition; she knew he planned to set aside the cardinal's robe and become a secular prince. She must have also realized that they were scheming in the Vatican to make Don Giuffrè a cardinal in Cæsar's place and to marry Cæsar to Don Giuffrè's wife, Donna Sancia, with whom, it was widely known, he was very close.[Pg 108]

Alexander commanded Giuffrè and his young wife to leave Rome and take up their abode in his princely seat in Squillace, and he set out on August 7th for that place. It is stated the Pope did not want his children and nepots about him any longer, and that he also wished to banish his daughter Lucretia to Valencia.[54]

Alexander ordered Giuffrè and his young wife to leave Rome and move to his royal residence in Squillace, and he departed on August 7th for that location. It's been said that the Pope no longer wanted his children and nephews around him, and that he also intended to send his daughter Lucretia to Valencia.[54]

In the meantime, in July, Cæsar had gone to Capua as papal legate, where he crowned Don Federico, the last of the Aragonese, as King of Naples. September 4th he returned to Rome.

In July, Cæsar went to Capua as the papal legate, where he crowned Don Federico, the last of the Aragonese, as King of Naples. He returned to Rome on September 4th.

Alexander had appointed a commission under the direction of two cardinals for the purpose of divorcing Lucretia from Giovanni Sforza. These judges showed that Sforza had never consummated the marriage, and that his spouse was still a virgin, which, according to her contemporary Matarazzo of Perugia, set all Italy to laughing. Lucretia herself stated she was willing to swear to this.

Alexander had set up a commission led by two cardinals to get Lucretia divorced from Giovanni Sforza. These judges found that Sforza had never actually completed the marriage, and that his wife was still a virgin, which, according to the historian Matarazzo of Perugia, made everyone in Italy laugh. Lucretia herself said she was ready to swear to this.

During these proceedings her spouse was in Pesaro. Thence he subsequently went in disguise to Milan to ask the protection of Duke Ludovico and to get him to use his influence to have his wife, who had been taken away, restored to him. This was in June. He protested against the decision which had been pronounced in Rome, and which had been purchased, and Ludovico il Moro made the naive suggestion that he subject himself to a test of his capacity in the presence of trustworthy witnesses, and of the papal legate in Milan, which, however, Sforza declined to do.[55] Ludovico and his brother Ascanio finally induced[Pg 109] their kinsman to yield, and Sforza, intimidated, declared in writing that he had never consummated his marriage with Lucretia.[56]

During these proceedings, her husband was in Pesaro. After that, he disguised himself and went to Milan to seek the protection of Duke Ludovico and to persuade him to use his influence to have his wife, who had been taken away, returned to him. This was in June. He protested against the decision that had been made in Rome, which he claimed was bought. Ludovico il Moro made the naive suggestion that he submit to a capacity test in front of reliable witnesses, including the papal legate in Milan, which Sforza, however, refused to do.[55] Ludovico and his brother Ascanio eventually persuaded their relative to give in, and Sforza, intimidated, officially stated that he had never consummated his marriage with Lucretia.[56]

The formal divorce, therefore, took place December 20, 1497, and Sforza surrendered his wife's dowry of thirty-one thousand ducats.

The official divorce happened on December 20, 1497, and Sforza gave up his wife's dowry of thirty-one thousand ducats.

Although we may assume that Alexander compelled his daughter to consent to this separation, it does not render our opinion of Lucretia's part in the scandalous proceedings any less severe; she shows herself to have had as little will as she had character, and she also perjured herself. Her punishment was not long delayed, for the divorce proceedings made her notorious and started terrible rumors regarding her private life. These reports began to circulate at the time of the murder of Gandia and of her divorce from Sforza; the cause of both these events was stated to have been an unmentionable crime. According to a reliable witness of the day it was the lord of Pesaro himself, injured and exasperated, who first—and to the Duke of Milan—had openly uttered the suspicion which was being whispered about Rome. By permitting himself to do this, he showed that he had never loved Lucretia.[57]

Although we might think that Alexander forced his daughter to agree to this separation, it doesn’t change our view of Lucretia’s role in the scandalous events; she reveals that she had as little will as she did character, and she also committed perjury. Her punishment didn't take long to arrive, as the divorce proceedings made her infamous and sparked terrible rumors about her private life. These rumors started circulating around the time of Gandia's murder and her divorce from Sforza; both events were said to have been caused by an unspeakable crime. According to a credible witness of the time, it was the lord of Pesaro himself, hurt and frustrated, who first—and to the Duke of Milan—voiced the suspicion that was being whispered throughout Rome. By doing this, he showed that he had never truly loved Lucretia.[57]

[Pg 110]

Alexander had dissolved his daughter's marriage for political reasons. It was his purpose to marry Lucretia and Cæsar into the royal house of Naples. This dynasty had reestablished itself there after the expulsion of the French, but its position had been so profoundly shaken that its fall was imminent; and it was this very fact that made Alexander hope to be able to place his son Cæsar on the throne of Naples. The most terrible of the Borgias now appropriated the place left vacant by the Duke of Gandia, to which he had long aspired, and only for the sake of appearances did he postpone casting aside the cardinal's robe. The Pope, however, was already scheming for his son's marriage; for him he asked King Federico for the hand of his daughter Carlotta, who had been educated at the court of France as a princess of the house of Savoy. The king, an upright man, firmly refused, and the young princess in horror rejected the Pope's insulting offer. Federico, in his anxiety, made one sacrifice to the monster in the Vatican; he consented to the betrothal of Don Alfonso, Prince of Salerno, younger brother of Donna Sancia and natural son of Alfonso II, to Lucretia. Alexander desired this marriage for no other reason than for the purpose of finally inducing the king to agree to the marriage of his daughter and Cæsar.

Alexander had ended his daughter's marriage for political reasons. He aimed to marry Lucretia and Cæsar into the royal house of Naples. This dynasty had reestablished itself there after the French were expelled, but its position was so shaky that its fall seemed imminent; it was this very fact that made Alexander hopeful he could place his son Cæsar on the throne of Naples. The most notorious of the Borgias now took the position left vacant by the Duke of Gandia, which he had long desired, and he only delayed shedding the cardinal's robe for the sake of appearances. The Pope, meanwhile, was already plotting for his son’s marriage; he asked King Federico for the hand of his daughter Carlotta, who had been raised at the French court as a princess of the house of Savoy. The king, a decent man, firmly refused, and the young princess in horror rejected the Pope's insulting proposal. Federico, anxious, made one concession to the monster in the Vatican; he agreed to the betrothal of Don Alfonso, Prince of Salerno, younger brother of Donna Sancia and illegitimate son of Alfonso II, to Lucretia. Alexander wanted this marriage solely to finally persuade the king to agree to the union of his daughter and Cæsar.

Even before Lucretia's new betrothal was settled upon it was rumored in Rome that her former affianced, Don Gasparo, was again pressing his suit and that there was a prospect of his being accepted. Although the young Spaniard failed to accomplish his purpose, Alexander now recognized the fact that Lucretia's betrothal to him had been dissolved illegally.

Even before Lucretia's new engagement was finalized, it was rumored in Rome that her former fiancé, Don Gasparo, was once again pursuing her and that there was a chance she might accept him. Although the young Spaniard didn't succeed in his attempt, Alexander now acknowledged that Lucretia's engagement to him had been ended unlawfully.

In a brief dated June 10, 1498, he speaks of the way his daughter was treated—without special dispensation for[Pg 111] breaking the engagement, in order that she might marry Giovanni of Pesaro, which was a great mistake—as illegal. He says in the same letter that Gasparo of Procida, Count of Almenara, had subsequently married and had children, but not until 1498 did Lucretia petition to have her betrothal to him formally declared null and void. The Pope, therefore, absolved her of the perjury she had committed by marrying Giovanni Sforza in spite of her engagement to Don Gasparo, and while he now, for the first time, declared her formal betrothal to the Count of Procida to have been dissolved, he gave her permission to marry any man whom she might select.[58] Thus did a pope play fast and loose with one of the holiest of the sacraments of the Church.

In a letter dated June 10, 1498, he discusses how his daughter was treated—without any special allowance for[Pg 111] breaking her engagement, so she could marry Giovanni of Pesaro, which he considered a major mistake—as illegal. He mentions in the same letter that Gasparo of Procida, the Count of Almenara, had later married and had children, but it wasn't until 1498 that Lucretia requested to have her engagement to him officially declared null. The Pope then relieved her of the perjury she committed by marrying Giovanni Sforza despite being engaged to Don Gasparo. While he declared her formal engagement to the Count of Procida dissolved for the first time, he allowed her to marry any man she chose.[58] This is how a pope manipulated one of the holiest sacraments of the Church.

When Lucretia had in this way been protected against the demands of all pretenders to her hand, she was free to enter into a new alliance, which she did June 20, 1498, in the Vatican. If we were not familiar with the character of the public men of that age we should be surprised to learn that King Federico's proxy on this occasion was none other than Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, who had been instrumental in bringing about the marriage of his nephew and Lucretia, and who had consented in Sforza's name to the disgraceful divorce. Thus were he and his brother Ludovico determined to retain the friendship of the Borgias at any price.

When Lucretia was protected from all the suitors trying to win her hand, she was free to make a new alliance, which she did on June 20, 1498, at the Vatican. If we weren't familiar with the personalities of the public figures of that time, we might be surprised to find out that King Federico's representative on this occasion was none other than Cardinal Ascanio Sforza. He had played a key role in arranging the marriage between his nephew and Lucretia and had agreed, on Sforza's behalf, to the scandalous divorce. This showed how determined he and his brother Ludovico were to maintain the friendship of the Borgias at any cost.

Lucretia received a dowry of forty thousand ducats, and the King of Naples bound himself to make over the cities of Quadrata and Biselli to his nephew for his dukedom.[Pg 112][59]

Lucretia got a dowry of forty thousand ducats, and the King of Naples committed to transferring the cities of Quadrata and Biselli to his nephew for his dukedom.[Pg 112][59]

The young Alfonso accordingly came to Rome in July to become the husband of a woman whom he must have regarded at least as unscrupulous and utterly fickle. He doubtless looked upon himself as a sacrifice presented by his father at the altar of Rome. Quietly and sorrowfully, welcomed by no festivities, almost secretly, came this unhappy youth to the papal city. He went at once to his betrothed in the palace of S. Maria in Portico. In the Vatican, July 21st, the marriage was blessed by the Church. Among the witnesses to the transaction were the Cardinals Ascanio, Juan Lopez, and Giovanni Borgia. In obedience to an old custom a naked sword was held over the pair by a knight, a ceremony which in this instance was performed by Giovanni Cervillon, captain of the papal guard.[Pg 113]

The young Alfonso arrived in Rome in July to marry a woman he must have seen as at least unscrupulous and completely unreliable. He likely viewed himself as a sacrifice offered by his father at the altar of Rome. Quietly and sadly, without any celebrations and almost in secret, this unhappy young man entered the papal city. He went straight to his fiancée at the palace of S. Maria in Portico. In the Vatican on July 21st, the Church blessed their marriage. The witnesses to this event included Cardinals Ascanio, Juan Lopez, and Giovanni Borgia. Following an old tradition, a naked sword was held over the couple by a knight, a ceremony conducted in this case by Giovanni Cervillon, captain of the papal guard.[Pg 113]

CHAPTER XIII

A REGENT AND A MOTHER

Lucretia, now Duchess of Biselli, had been living since July, 1498, with a new husband, a youth of seventeen, she herself having just completed her eighteenth year. She and her consort did not go to Naples, but remained in Rome; for, as the Mantuan agent reported to his master, it was expressly agreed that Don Alfonso should live in Rome a year, and that Lucretia should not be required to take up her abode in the kingdom of Naples during her father's lifetime.[60]

Lucretia, now the Duchess of Biselli, had been living since July 1498 with a new husband, a seventeen-year-old, while she had just turned eighteen. They didn’t go to Naples but stayed in Rome; as the Mantuan agent reported to his master, it was specifically agreed that Don Alfonso would live in Rome for a year, and that Lucretia wouldn’t have to move to the kingdom of Naples during her father’s lifetime.[60]

The youthful Alfonso was fair and amiable. Talini, a Roman chronicler of that day, pronounced him the handsomest young man ever seen in the Imperial City. According to a statement made by the Mantuan agent in August, Lucretia was really fond of him. A sudden change in affairs, however, deprived her of the calm joys of domestic life.

The young Alfonso was good-looking and friendly. Talini, a Roman historian of that time, declared him the most handsome young man ever seen in the Imperial City. According to a report from the Mantuan agent in August, Lucretia genuinely adored him. However, a sudden shift in circumstances took away her peaceful domestic life.

The moving principle in the Vatican was the measureless ambition of Cæsar, who was consuming with impatience to become a ruling sovereign. August 13, 1498, he flung aside the cardinal's robes and prepared to set out for France; Louis XII, who in April had succeeded Charles VIII, having promised him the title of Duke of Valentinois and the hand of a French princess. Alexander provided for his son's retinue with regal extravagance.[Pg 114]

The driving force in the Vatican was the endless ambition of Cæsar, who was eager to become a ruling sovereign. On August 13, 1498, he discarded the cardinal's robes and got ready to leave for France; Louis XII, who had taken over from Charles VIII in April, promised him the title of Duke of Valentinois and the hand of a French princess. Alexander outfitted his son's entourage with royal extravagance.[Pg 114]

It happened one day that a train of mules laden with silks and cloth of gold on the way to Cæsar in Rome was plundered by the people of Cardinal Farnese and of his cousin Pier Paolo in the forest of Bolsena, whereupon the Pope addressed some vigorous communications to the cardinal, in whose territory, he stated, the robbery had been committed.[61]

One day, a group of mules carrying silks and golden fabric meant for Caesar in Rome was robbed by the followers of Cardinal Farnese and his cousin Pier Paolo in the Bolsena forest. In response, the Pope sent strong messages to the cardinal, pointing out that the robbery took place in his territory.[61]

In the service of the Farnese were numerous Corsicans, some as mercenaries and bullies, some as field laborers, and these people, who were universally feared, probably were the guilty ones, for it is difficult to believe that Cardinal Alessandro would have undertaken such a venture on his own account. It seems, however, that the relations of the Borgias and the Farnese were somewhat strained during this period. The cardinal spent most of his time on his family estates, and at this juncture little was heard of his sister Giulia. It is not even known whether or not she was living in Rome and continuing her relations with the Pope, although, from subsequent revelations, it appears that she was. April 2, 1499, we find the cardinal and his sister again in Rome, where a nuptial contract was concluded in the Farnese palace between Laura Orsini, Giulia's seven-year-old daughter, and Federico Farnese, the twelve-year-old son of the deceased condottiere Raimondo Farnese, a nephew of Pier Paolo. Laura's putative father, Orsino Orsini, was present at the ceremony.[62]

In the service of the Farnese were many Corsicans, some working as mercenaries and enforcers, and others as field laborers. These people, who were feared by many, were likely the ones responsible for certain actions, as it’s hard to believe that Cardinal Alessandro would have taken such a risk on his own. However, it seems the relationship between the Borgias and the Farnese was somewhat tense during this time. The cardinal spent most of his time on his family estates, and during this period, there wasn’t much news about his sister Giulia. It’s not clear whether she was living in Rome and still involved with the Pope, although later information suggests that she was. On April 2, 1499, we find the cardinal and his sister back in Rome, where a marriage contract was signed in the Farnese palace between Laura Orsini, Giulia's seven-year-old daughter, and Federico Farnese, the twelve-year-old son of the late soldier Raimondo Farnese, who was a nephew of Pier Paolo. Laura's alleged father, Orsino Orsini, was present at the ceremony.[62]

It was probably Adriana and Giulia who were endeavoring to bring about a reconciliation between the house of Orsini and the Borgias. In the spring of 1498 these barons, having issued victorious from their war with[Pg 115] the Pope, began a bitter contest with their hereditary foes, the Colonna, which, however, ended in their own defeat. These houses made peace with each other in July, a fact which caused Alexander no little anxiety, for upon the hostility of these, the two mightiest families of Rome, depended the Pope's dominion over the city; his greatest danger lay in their mutual friendship. He therefore endeavored again to set them at loggerheads, and he succeeded in attaching the Orsini to himself,—which they subsequently had reason to regret. He accomplished his purpose so well that they intermarried with the Borgias; Paolo Orsini, Giambattista's brother, uniting his son Fabio with Girolama, a sister of Cardinal Giovanni Borgia the younger, September 8, 1498. The marriage contract was concluded in the presence of the Pope and a brilliant gathering in the Vatican, and one of the official witnesses was Don Alfonso of Biselli, who held the sword over the young couple.[63]

It was likely Adriana and Giulia who were trying to arrange a reconciliation between the Orsini family and the Borgias. In the spring of 1498, these barons, having emerged victorious from their conflict with[Pg 115] the Pope, began a fierce struggle with their long-time rivals, the Colonna, which ultimately ended in their defeat. The two houses made peace with each other in July, which caused Alexander quite a bit of anxiety because the Pope's control over the city relied on the hostility between these two powerful families; his biggest threat was their newfound friendship. He therefore tried again to pit them against each other, successfully aligning the Orsini with himself — a decision they would later come to regret. He achieved his goal so effectively that they intermarried with the Borgias; Paolo Orsini, brother of Giambattista, arranged for his son Fabio to marry Girolama, a sister of Cardinal Giovanni Borgia the younger, on September 8, 1498. The marriage contract was finalized in the presence of the Pope and a glamorous gathering in the Vatican, with Don Alfonso of Biselli as one of the official witnesses, holding the sword over the young couple.[63]

Shortly afterwards, October first, Cæsar Borgia set sail for France, where he was made Duke of Valentinois, and where, in May, 1499, he married Charlotte d'Albret, sister of the King of Navarre. At this court he met two men who were destined later to exercise great influence upon his career—George of Amboise, Archbishop of Rouen, to whom he had brought the cardinal's hat, and Giuliano della Rovere. The latter, hitherto Alexander's bitterest enemy, now suffered himself, by the intermediation of the King of France, to be won over to the cause of the Borgias; he permitted himself even to become Cæsar's stepping-stone to greatness.

Shortly after, on October 1st, Cæsar Borgia set sail for France, where he was made Duke of Valentinois. In May 1499, he married Charlotte d'Albret, the sister of the King of Navarre. At this court, he met two men who would later have a significant impact on his career—George of Amboise, Archbishop of Rouen, who had received the cardinal's hat from him, and Giuliano della Rovere. The latter, who had previously been one of Alexander's fiercest enemies, was now persuaded, through the King of France's influence, to support the Borgias; he even allowed himself to be Cæsar's pathway to power.

The reconciliation was sealed by a marriage between the two families; the city prefect, Giovanni della Rovere,[Pg 116] Giuliano's brother, betrothing his eighteen-year-old son Francesco Maria to Angela Borgia, September 2, 1500.

The reconciliation was finalized with a marriage between the two families; the city prefect, Giovanni della Rovere,[Pg 116] Giuliano's brother, arranged for his eighteen-year-old son Francesco Maria to marry Angela Borgia on September 2, 1500.

Angela's father, Giuffrè, was a son of Giovanni, sister of Alexander VI, and of Guglielmo Lanzol. Giovanni Borgia the younger, Cardinal Ludovico, and Rodrigo, captain of the papal guard, were her brothers. Her sister Girolama, as above stated, was married to Fabio Orsini. The ceremony of Angela's betrothal took place in the Vatican in the presence of the ambassador of France.

Angela's father, Giuffrè, was the son of Giovanni, the sister of Alexander VI, and Guglielmo Lanzol. Her brothers included Giovanni Borgia the Younger, Cardinal Ludovico, and Rodrigo, who was the captain of the papal guard. Her sister Girolama, as mentioned earlier, was married to Fabio Orsini. Angela's engagement ceremony took place in the Vatican in front of the ambassador of France.

For the purpose of driving Ludovico il Moro from Milan, Louis XII had concluded an alliance with Venice, which the Pope also joined on the condition that France would help his son to acquire Romagna.

To drive Ludovico il Moro out of Milan, Louis XII formed an alliance with Venice, which the Pope also joined on the condition that France would assist his son in taking control of Romagna.

Ascanio Sforza, who was unable to prevent the loss of Milan, and who knew that his own life was in danger in Rome, fled July 13, 1499, to Genazzano and subsequently to Genoa.

Ascanio Sforza, who couldn't stop the fall of Milan and realized that his life was in danger in Rome, fled to Genazzano on July 13, 1499, and then to Genoa.

His example was followed by Lucretia's youthful consort. We do not know what occurred in the Vatican to cause Don Alfonso quietly to leave Rome, where he had spent but a single year with Lucretia. We can only say that his decision must have been brought about by some turn which the Pope's politics had taken. The object of the expedition of Louis XII was not only the overthrow of the Sforza dynasty in Milan, but also the seizure of Naples; it was intended to be a sequel to the attempt of Charles VIII, which was defeated by the great League. The young prince was aware of the Pope's intention to destroy his uncle Federico, who had deeply offended him by refusing to grant Cæsar the hand of his daughter Carlotta. After this occurrence the relations of Lucretia's husband with the Pope had altogether changed.

His example was followed by Lucretia's young partner. We don't know what happened in the Vatican that made Don Alfonso quietly leave Rome, where he had only spent a year with Lucretia. We can only say that his decision must have been influenced by some shift in the Pope's politics. Louis XII's campaign aimed not just to topple the Sforza dynasty in Milan but also to take Naples; it was meant to follow up on Charles VIII's attempt, which had been thwarted by the Great League. The young prince knew about the Pope's plan to eliminate his uncle Federico, who had seriously offended him by refusing to let Cæsar marry his daughter Carlotta. After this incident, Lucretia's husband's relationship with the Pope completely changed.

Ascanio was the only friend the unfortunate prince[Pg 117] had in Rome, and it was probably he who advised him to save himself from certain death by flight, as Lucretia's other husband had done. Alfonso slipped away August 2, 1499. The Pope sent some troopers after him, but they failed to catch him. It is uncertain whether Lucretia knew of his intended flight. A letter written in Rome by a Venetian, August 4th, merely says: "The Duke of Biseglia, Madonna Lucretia's husband, has secretly fled and gone to the Colonna in Genazzano; he deserted his wife, who has been with child for six months, and she is constantly in tears."[64]

Ascanio was the only friend the unfortunate prince[Pg 117] had in Rome, and he likely advised him to escape certain death by fleeing, just like Lucretia's other husband had done. Alfonso slipped away on August 2, 1499. The Pope sent some soldiers after him, but they couldn’t catch him. It’s unclear whether Lucretia knew about his plan to flee. A letter from a Venetian in Rome on August 4th simply states: "The Duke of Biseglia, Madonna Lucretia's husband, has secretly fled to the Colonna in Genazzano; he abandoned his wife, who has been pregnant for six months, and she is always in tears."[64]

She was in the power of her father, who, highly incensed by the prince's flight, banished Alfonso's sister Donna Sancia to Naples.

She was in her father's control, who, very angry about the prince's escape, sent Alfonso's sister Donna Sancia into exile in Naples.

Lucretia's position, owing to these circumstances, became exceedingly trying. Her tears show that she possessed a heart. She loved, and perhaps for the first time. Alfonso wrote her from Genazzano, urgently imploring her to follow him, and his letters fell into the hands of the Pope, who compelled her to write her husband and ask him to return. It was doubtless his daughter's complaining that induced Alexander to send her away from Rome. August 8th he made her Regent of Spoleto. Hitherto papal legates, usually cardinals, had governed this city and the surrounding territory; but now the Pope entrusted its administration to a young woman of nineteen, his own daughter, and thither she repaired.

Lucretia's situation, due to these circumstances, became extremely difficult. Her tears showed that she had feelings. She loved, and maybe for the first time. Alfonso wrote to her from Genazzano, urgently asking her to join him, and his letters were intercepted by the Pope, who forced her to write to her husband, asking him to come back. It was likely his daughter's complaints that led Alexander to send her away from Rome. On August 8th, he made her Regent of Spoleto. Until then, papal legates, usually cardinals, had governed this city and the surrounding area; but now the Pope handed over its administration to a nineteen-year-old woman, his own daughter, and she went there.

He gave her a letter to the priors of Spoleto which was as follows:

He gave her a letter to the heads of Spoleto that said this:

Dear Sons: Greeting and the Apostolic Blessing! We have entrusted to our beloved daughter in Christ, the noble lady, Lucretia de Borgia, Duchess of Biseglia, the office of[Pg 118] keeper of the castle, as well as the government of our cities of Spoleto and Foligno, and of the county and district about them. Having perfect confidence in the intelligence, the fidelity, and probity of the Duchess, which We have dwelt upon in previous letters, and likewise in your unfailing obedience to Us and to the Holy See, We trust that you will receive the Duchess Lucretia, as is your duty, with all due honor as your regent, and show her submission in all things. As We wish her to be received and accepted by you with special honor and respect, so do We command you in this epistle—as you value Our favor and wish to avoid Our displeasure—to obey the Duchess Lucretia, your regent, in all things collectively and severally, in so far as law and custom dictate in the government of the city, and whatever she may think proper to exact of you, even as you would obey Ourselves, and to execute her commands with all diligence and promptness, so that your devotion may receive due approbation. Given in Rome, in St. Peter's, under the papal seal, August 8, 1499.

Dear Sons,: Greetings and the Apostolic Blessing! We have entrusted our beloved daughter in Christ, the noble lady, Lucretia de Borgia, Duchess of Biseglia, with the role of[Pg 118] keeper of the castle, as well as the governance of our cities of Spoleto and Foligno, and the surrounding county and district. With full confidence in the intelligence, loyalty, and integrity of the Duchess, which We have mentioned in previous letters, and in your unwavering obedience to Us and to the Holy See, We expect that you will welcome Duchess Lucretia, as is your duty, with all due honor as your regent, and show her respect in all matters. Just as We want her to be received and treated with special honor and respect, We command you in this letter—as you value Our favor and wish to avoid Our displeasure—to obey Duchess Lucretia, your regent, in everything collectively and individually, as dictated by law and custom in the governance of the city, and to carry out her commands with all diligence and promptness, so that your loyalty may receive appropriate recognition. Given in Rome, in St. Peter's, under the papal seal, August 8, 1499.

Hadrianus (Secretary).[65]

Lucretia left Rome for her new home the same day. She set out with a large retinue, and accompanied by her brother Don Giuffrè; Fabio Orsini, now the consort of Girolama Borgia, her kinswoman; and a company of archers. She left the Vatican mounted on horseback, the governor of the city, the Neapolitan ambassador, and a number of other gentlemen forming an escort to act as a guard of honor, while her father took a position in a loggia over the portal of the palace of the Vatican to watch his departing daughter and her cavalcade. For the first time he found himself in Rome deprived of all his children.

Lucretia left Rome for her new home that same day. She set out with a large group, accompanied by her brother Don Giuffrè, Fabio Orsini—now the partner of her relative Girolama Borgia—and a team of archers. She rode out of the Vatican on horseback, with the governor of the city, the Neapolitan ambassador, and several other gentlemen forming an escort as a guard of honor, while her father stood in a loggia above the entrance of the Vatican palace to watch his departing daughter and her procession. For the first time, he found himself in Rome without any of his children.

Lucretia made the journey partly on horseback and partly in a litter, and the trip from Rome to Spoleto required not less than six days. At Porcaria, in Umbria, she found a deputation of citizens of Spoleto[Pg 119] waiting to greet her, and to accompany her to the city, which had been famous since the time of Hannibal, and which had been the seat of the mighty Lombard dukes. The castle of Spoleto is very ancient, its earliest portions dating from the Dukes Faroald and Grimoald. In the fourteenth century it was restored by the great Gil d'Albornoz, the contemporary of Cola di Rienzi, and it was completed shortly afterwards by Nicholas V. It is a magnificent piece of Renaissance architecture, overlooking the old city and the deep ravine which separates it from Monte Luco. From its high windows one may look out over the valley of the Clitunno and that of the Tiber, the fertile Umbrian plain, and, on the east, to the Apennines.

Lucretia traveled partway on horseback and partway in a carriage, and the journey from Rome to Spoleto took at least six days. In Porcaria, in Umbria, she found a group of Spoleto citizens waiting to greet her and accompany her to the city, which had been famous since Hannibal's time and was the seat of the powerful Lombard dukes. The castle of Spoleto is very old, with its earliest sections dating back to the Dukes Faroald and Grimoald. In the fourteenth century, it was restored by the notable Gil d'Albornoz, who was a contemporary of Cola di Rienzi, and it was completed shortly after by Nicholas V. It is a stunning example of Renaissance architecture, overlooking the old city and the deep ravine that separates it from Monte Luco. From its high windows, you can gaze over the valley of the Clitunno and the Tiber, the fertile Umbrian plain, and, to the east, the Apennines.

August 15th Lucretia Borgia received the priors of the city, to whom she presented her papal appointment, whereupon they swore allegiance to her. Later the commune gave a banquet in her honor.

August 15th, Lucretia Borgia met with the city officials, to whom she showed her papal appointment, and they pledged their loyalty to her. Later, the community hosted a banquet in her honor.

Lucretia's stay in Spoleto was short. Her regency there was merely intended to signify the actual taking possession of the territory which Alexander desired to bestow upon his daughter.

Lucretia's time in Spoleto was brief. Her rule there was simply meant to mark the official claiming of the territory that Alexander wanted to give to his daughter.

In the meantime her husband Alfonso had decided, unfortunately for himself, to obey Alexander's command and return to his wife—perhaps because he really loved her. The Pope ordered him to go to Spoleto by way of Foligno, and then to come with his spouse to Nepi, where he himself intended to be. The purpose of this meeting was to establish his daughter as sovereign there also.

In the meantime, her husband Alfonso had unfortunately decided to follow Alexander's orders and return to his wife—maybe because he truly loved her. The Pope instructed him to go to Spoleto via Foligno, and then to come with his wife to Nepi, where he planned to be. The goal of this meeting was to establish his daughter as the ruler there as well.

Nepi had never been a baronial fief, although the prefects of Vico and the Orsini had held the place at different times. The Church through its deputies governed the town and surrounding country. When Alexander was a cardinal his uncle Calixtus had made him governor of[Pg 120] the city, and such he remained until he was raised to the papal throne, when he conferred Nepi upon Cardinal Ascanio Sforza. The neatly written parchment containing the municipal statute confirming Ascanio's appointment, which is dated January 1, 1495, is still preserved in the archives of the city. At the beginning of the year 1499, however, Alexander again assumed control of Nepi by compelling the castellan, who commanded the fortress for the truant Ascanio, to surrender it to him. He now invested his daughter with the castle, the city, and the domain of Nepi.[66] September 4, 1499, Francesco Borgia, the Pope's treasurer, who was also Bishop of Teano, took possession of the city in her name.

Nepi had never been a noble fief, even though the prefects of Vico and the Orsini had controlled it at different times. The Church managed the town and the surrounding area through its representatives. When Alexander was a cardinal, his uncle Calixtus appointed him governor of[Pg 120] the city, and he kept that position until he became pope, at which point he gave Nepi to Cardinal Ascanio Sforza. The neatly written document that includes the municipal statute confirming Ascanio's appointment, dated January 1, 1495, is still kept in the city's archives. However, at the start of 1499, Alexander took control of Nepi again by forcing the castellan, who was in charge of the fortress for the absent Ascanio, to hand it over. He then granted his daughter the castle, the city, and the territory of Nepi.[66] On September 4, 1499, Francesco Borgia, the Pope's treasurer and Bishop of Teano, took possession of the city on her behalf.

September 25th Alexander himself, accompanied by four cardinals, went to Nepi. In the castle, which he had restored, he met Lucretia and her husband, and also her brother Don Giuffrè. He returned to Rome almost immediately—October 1st. On the tenth he addressed a brief from there to the city of Nepi, in which he commanded the municipality thenceforth to obey Lucretia, Duchess of Biselli, as their true sovereign. On the twelfth he sent his daughter a communication in which he empowered her to remit certain taxes to which the citizens of Nepi had hitherto been subject.[67]

September 25th, Alexander himself, accompanied by four cardinals, traveled to Nepi. At the castle, which he had restored, he met Lucretia and her husband, as well as her brother Don Giuffrè. He returned to Rome almost immediately—October 1st. On the tenth, he sent a letter from there to the city of Nepi, in which he ordered the municipality to henceforth obey Lucretia, Duchess of Biselli, as their true sovereign. On the twelfth, he sent his daughter a message empowering her to waive certain taxes that the citizens of Nepi had previously been subject to.[67]

Lucretia, therefore, had become the mistress of two large domains—a fact which clearly shows that she stood in high favor with her father. She did not again return to Spoleto, but entrusted its government to a lieutenant. Although Alexander made Cardinal Gurk legate for[Pg 121] Perugia and Todi early in October, he reserved Spoleto for his daughter. Later, August 10, 1500, he made Ludovico Borgia—who was Archbishop of Valencia—governor of this city, without, however, impairing his daughter's rights to the large revenue which the territory yielded.

Lucretia had become the ruler of two large regions—a clear sign that she was favored by her father. She didn't return to Spoleto, instead leaving its management to a lieutenant. Although Alexander appointed Cardinal Gurk as legate for[Pg 121] Perugia and Todi in early October, he kept Spoleto for his daughter. Later, on August 10, 1500, he made Ludovico Borgia—who was the Archbishop of Valencia—the governor of this city, but this did not take away his daughter's rights to the significant income that the territory generated.

As early as October 14th Lucretia returned to Rome. November 1, 1499, she gave birth to a son, who was named, in honor of the Pope, Rodrigo. Her firstborn was baptized with great pomp November 11th in the Sistine Chapel—not the chapel now known by that name, but the one which Sixtus IV had built in S. Peter's. Giovanni Cervillon held the child in his arms, and near by were the Governor of Rome and a representative of the Emperor Maximilian. All the cardinals, the ambassadors of England, Venice, Naples, Savoy, Siena, and the Republic of Florence were present at the ceremony. The governor of the city held the child over the font. The godfathers were Podocatharo, Bishop of Caputaqua, and Ferrari, Bishop of Modena.

As early as October 14, Lucretia returned to Rome. On November 1, 1499, she gave birth to a son, whom she named Rodrigo in honor of the Pope. Her firstborn was baptized with great ceremony on November 11 in the Sistine Chapel—not the one we know today, but the one Sixtus IV built in S. Peter's. Giovanni Cervillon held the child in his arms, and nearby were the Governor of Rome and a representative of Emperor Maximilian. All the cardinals and ambassadors from England, Venice, Naples, Savoy, Siena, and the Republic of Florence attended the ceremony. The governor of the city held the child over the baptismal font. The godfathers were Podocatharo, Bishop of Caputaqua, and Ferrari, Bishop of Modena.

In the meantime, October 6th, Louis XII had taken possession of Milan, Ludovico Sforza having fled, on the approach of the French forces, to the Emperor Maximilian. In accordance with his agreement with Alexander, the king now lent troops to Cæsar Borgia to enable him to seize the Romagna, where it was proclaimed that the vassals of the Church, the Malatesta of Rimini, the Sforza of Pesaro, the Riario of Imola and Forli, the Varano of Camerino, and the Manfredi of Faenza had forfeited their fiefs to the Pope.

In the meantime, on October 6th, Louis XII took control of Milan after Ludovico Sforza fled to Emperor Maximilian when the French forces approached. According to his agreement with Alexander, the king lent troops to Cæsar Borgia so he could take over Romagna, where it was announced that the Church's vassals, the Malatesta of Rimini, the Sforza of Pesaro, the Riario of Imola and Forli, the Varano of Camerino, and the Manfredi of Faenza had lost their fiefs to the Pope.

Cæsar went to Rome, November 18, 1499. He stayed in the Vatican three days and then set forth again to join his army, which was besieging Imola. It was his intention first to take this city and then attack Forli, in the[Pg 122] castle of which the mistress of the two cities, Catarina Sforza, had established herself for the purpose of resisting him.

Cæsar went to Rome on November 18, 1499. He stayed in the Vatican for three days and then set out again to join his army, which was besieging Imola. He intended to capture this city first and then attack Forli, where Catarina Sforza, the ruler of the two cities, had taken refuge in the[Pg 122] castle to resist him.

While he was engaged in his campaigns in Romagna, his father was endeavoring to seize the hereditary possessions of the Roman barons. He first attacked the Gaetani. From the end of the thirteenth century this ancient family had held large landed estates in the Campagna and Maritima. It had divided into several branches, one of which was settled in the vicinity of Naples. There the Gaetani were Dukes of Traetto, Counts of Fundi and Caserta, and likewise vassals and favorites of the crown of Naples.

While he was busy with his campaigns in Romagna, his father was trying to take control of the hereditary lands of the Roman barons. He started by attacking the Gaetani. Since the late thirteenth century, this old family had owned large estates in the Campagna and Maritima. It had split into several branches, one of which settled near Naples. There, the Gaetani were Dukes of Traetto, Counts of Fundi and Caserta, and also vassals and favorites of the crown of Naples.

Sermoneta, the center of the domain of the Gaetani family in the Roman Campagna, was an ancient city with a feudal castle, situated in the foothills of the Volscian mountains. Above it and to one side were the ruins of the great castle of Norba; below were the beautiful remains of Nymsa; while at its foot, extending to the sea, lay the Pontine marshes. The greater part of this territory, which was traversed by the Appian Way, including the Cape of Circello, was the property of the Gaetani, to whom it still belongs.

Sermoneta, the heart of the Gaetani family's estate in the Roman countryside, was an ancient city with a feudal castle, located at the base of the Volscian mountains. Above it, on one side, were the ruins of the impressive castle of Norba; below were the stunning remnants of Nymsa; and at its base, stretching to the sea, lay the Pontine marshes. Most of this land, crossed by the Appian Way and including the Cape of Circello, belonged to the Gaetani family, who still own it today.

At the time of which we are speaking it was ruled by the sons of Honoratus II, a powerful personality, who had raised his house from ruin. He died in the year 1490, leaving a widow, Catarina Orsini, and three sons—Nicola the prothonotary; Giacomo, and Guglielmo. His daughter Giovanella was the wife of Pierluigi Farnese and mother of Giulia. Nicola, who had married Eleonora Orsini, died in the year 1494; consequently, next to the prothonotary Giacomo, Guglielmo Gaetani was head of the house of Sermoneta.

At the time we're discussing, it was ruled by the sons of Honoratus II, a strong figure who had rebuilt his family's legacy. He passed away in 1490, leaving behind a widow, Catarina Orsini, and three sons—Nicola the prothonotary; Giacomo; and Guglielmo. His daughter Giovanella was married to Pierluigi Farnese and was the mother of Giulia. Nicola, who had married Eleonora Orsini, died in 1494; therefore, next in line after the prothonotary Giacomo, Guglielmo Gaetani became the head of the house of Sermoneta.

Alexander lured the prothonotary to Rome and, having[Pg 123] confined him in the castle of S. Angelo, began a process against him. Guglielmo succeeded in escaping to Mantua, but Nicola's little son Bernardino was murdered by the Borgia hirelings. Sermoneta was besieged, and its inhabitants surrendered without resistance.

Alexander lured the prothonotary to Rome and, having[Pg 123] locked him in the castle of S. Angelo, started a trial against him. Guglielmo managed to escape to Mantua, but Nicola's young son Bernardino was killed by the Borgia hired guns. Sermoneta was besieged, and its residents surrendered without a fight.

As early as March 9, 1499, Alexander compelled the apostolic chamber to sell his daughter the possessions of the Gaetani for eighty thousand ducats. He stated in a document, which was signed by eighteen cardinals, that the magnitude of the expenditures which he had recently made in the interests of the Holy See compelled him to increase the Church property; and for this purpose there were Sermoneta, Bassiano, Ninfa and Norma, Tivera, Cisterna, San Felice (the Cape of Circello), and San Donato, which, owing to the rebellion of the Gaetani, might be confiscated. This transaction was concluded in February, 1500, and Lucretia, who was already mistress of Spoleto and Nepi, thus became ruler of Sermoneta.[68] In vain did the unfortunate Giacomo Gaetani protest from his prison; July 5, 1500, he was poisoned. His mother and sisters buried him in S. Bartolomeo, which stands on an island in the Tiber, where the Gaetani had owned a palace for a great many years.

As early as March 9, 1499, Alexander forced the apostolic chamber to sell his daughter the Gaetani properties for eighty thousand ducats. He noted in a document, signed by eighteen cardinals, that the large expenses he had recently incurred for the Holy See required him to increase Church property; for this reason, there were Sermoneta, Bassiano, Ninfa and Norma, Tivera, Cisterna, San Felice (the Cape of Circello), and San Donato, which could be confiscated due to the rebellion of the Gaetani. This deal was finalized in February 1500, and Lucretia, who was already the ruler of Spoleto and Nepi, became the leader of Sermoneta.[68] Unfortunately, Giacomo Gaetani protested from his prison in vain; on July 5, 1500, he was poisoned. His mother and sisters buried him in S. Bartolomeo, which is located on an island in the Tiber, where the Gaetani had owned a palace for many years.

Giulia Farnese, therefore, was unable to save her own uncle. She was reminded that Giacomo and Nicola had stood beside her when she was married to the youthful Orsini in 1489 in the Borgia palace. We do not know whether Giulia was living in Rome at this time. We occasionally find her name in the epigrams of the day, and it appears in a satire, Dialogue between Death and the Pope, sick of a Fever, in which he called upon Giulia to[Pg 124] save him, whereupon Death replied that his mistress had borne him three or four children. As the satire was written in the summer of 1500, when Alexander was suffering from the fever, it is probable that his relations with Giulia still continued.

Giulia Farnese, therefore, couldn’t save her uncle. She remembered that Giacomo and Nicola had stood by her when she married the young Orsini in 1489 at the Borgia palace. We don’t know if Giulia was living in Rome at that time. We occasionally see her name in the epigrams of the day, and it appears in a satire, Dialogue between Death and the Pope, sick of a Fever, where Death called on Giulia to[Pg 124] save him, to which Death responded that his mistress had given him three or four children. Since this satire was written in the summer of 1500, when Alexander was suffering from fever, it’s likely that his relationship with Giulia was still ongoing.

Cæsar, who had taken Imola, December 1, 1499, was far from pleased when he saw the great estates of the Gaetani, whose revenues he himself could use to good advantage, bestowed upon his sister; and, as he himself wished absolutely to control the will of his father, her growing influence in the Vatican caused him no little annoyance. He had sinister plans for whose execution the time was soon to prove propitious.[Pg 125]

Cæsar, who had taken Imola on December 1, 1499, was not at all happy when he saw the vast estates of the Gaetani, whose income he could have used to his advantage, granted to his sister. Additionally, since he wanted total control over his father’s will, her rising influence in the Vatican frustrated him quite a bit. He had dark plans that the timing would soon make favorable.[Pg 125]

CHAPTER XIV

SOCIAL LIFE OF THE BORGIAS

Lucretia certainly must have been pleased by her brother's long absence; the Vatican was less turbulent. Besides herself only Don Giuffrè and Donna Sancia, who had effected her return, maintained a court there.

Lucretia must have been happy about her brother's long absence; the Vatican was quieter. Apart from her, only Don Giuffrè and Donna Sancia, who had arranged her return, kept a presence there.

We might avail ourselves of this period of quiet to depict Lucretia's private life, her court, and the people about her; but it is impossible to do this, none of her contemporaries having left any description of it. Even Burchard shows us Lucretia but rarely, and when he does it is always in connection with affairs in the Vatican. Only once does he give us a fleeting view of her palace—on February 27, 1496—when Giovanni Borgia, Juan de Castro, and the recently created Cardinal Martinus of Segovia were calling upon her.

We could use this quiet time to describe Lucretia's private life, her court, and the people around her; however, it's impossible to do so since none of her contemporaries left any description of it. Even Burchard rarely mentions Lucretia, and when he does, it's always in relation to events at the Vatican. He only gives us a brief glimpse of her palace once—on February 27, 1496—when Giovanni Borgia, Juan de Castro, and the newly appointed Cardinal Martinus of Segovia visited her.

None of the foreign diplomatists of that time, so far as we may learn from their despatches, made any reports regarding Lucretia's private life. We have only a few letters written by her during her residence in Rome, and there is not a single poem dedicated to her or which mentions her; therefore it is due to the malicious epigrams of Sannazzaro and Pontanus that she has been branded as the most depraved of courtesans. If there ever was a young woman, however, likely to excite the imagination of the poet, Lucretia Borgia in the bloom of her youth and beauty was that woman. Her connection with the Vatican, the mystery which surrounded her, and the fate[Pg 126] she suffered, make her one of the most fascinating women of her age. Doubtless there are buried in various libraries numerous verses dedicated to her by the Roman poets who must have swarmed at the court of the Pope's daughter to render homage to her beauty and to seek her patronage.

None of the foreign diplomats from that time, as far as we can tell from their reports, commented on Lucretia's private life. We have only a few letters she wrote while living in Rome, and there isn't a single poem dedicated to or mentioning her; consequently, it is because of the spiteful verses of Sannazzaro and Pontanus that she has been labeled the most corrupt of courtesans. If there was ever a young woman likely to inspire a poet's imagination, it was Lucretia Borgia in the prime of her youth and beauty. Her connection to the Vatican, the mystery that surrounded her, and the fate[Pg 126] she experienced make her one of the most intriguing women of her time. Undoubtedly, there are countless verses hidden in various libraries dedicated to her by the Roman poets who must have crowded the court of the Pope's daughter to pay tribute to her beauty and seek her support.

In Rome, Lucretia had an opportunity to enjoy, if she were so disposed, the society of many brilliant men, for even during the sovereignty of the Borgias the Muses were banished neither from the Vatican nor from Rome. It can not be denied, however, that the daughters of princely houses were allowed to devote themselves to the cultivation of the intellect more freely at the secular courts of Italy than they were at the papal court. Not until Lucretia went to Ferrara to live was she able to endeavor to emulate the example of the princesses of Mantua and Urbino. While living in Rome she was too young and her environment too narrow for her to have had any influence upon the literary and æsthetic circles of that city, although, owing to her position, she must have been acquainted with them.

In Rome, Lucretia had the chance to enjoy, if she wanted to, the company of many brilliant men since even during the Borgias' reign, the Muses were not excluded from the Vatican or from Rome. It can't be denied, however, that the daughters of noble families had more freedom to develop their intellect at the secular courts of Italy than they did at the papal court. It wasn't until Lucretia moved to Ferrara that she could try to follow in the footsteps of the princesses of Mantua and Urbino. While living in Rome, she was too young and her surroundings were too limiting for her to have any impact on the literary and artistic circles of that city, although, due to her status, she must have been familiar with them.

Her father was not incapable of intellectual pleasures; he had his court minstrels and poets. The famous Aurelio Brandolini, who died in 1497, was wont to improvise to the strains of the lute during banquets in the Vatican and in Lucretia's palace. Cæsar's favorite, Serafino of Aquila, the Petrarch of his age, who died in Rome in the year 1500, still a young man, aspired to the same honor.

Her father was not lacking in intellectual enjoyment; he had his court musicians and poets. The famous Aurelio Brandolini, who died in 1497, was known to improvise to the sounds of the lute during banquets at the Vatican and in Lucretia's palace. Cæsar's favorite, Serafino of Aquila, the Petrarch of his time, who died in Rome in 1500 while still a young man, sought the same recognition.

Cæsar himself was interested in poetry and the arts, just as were all the cultivated men and tyrants of the Renaissance. His court poet was Francesco Sperulo, who served under his standard, and who sang his campaigns in Romagna and in the neighborhood of Camerino.[69] A num[Pg 127]ber of Roman poets who subsequently became famous recited their verses in the presence of Lucretia, among them Emilio Voccabella and Evangelista Fausto Maddaleni. Even at that time the three brothers Mario, Girolamo, and Celso Mellini enjoyed great renown as poets and orators, while the brothers of the house of Porcaro—Camillo, Valerio, and Antonio—were equally famous. We have already noted that Antonio was one of the witnesses at the marriage of Girolama Borgia in the year 1482, and that he subsequently was Lucretia's proxy when she was betrothed to Centelles in 1491. These facts show how closely and how long the Porcaro were allied to the Borgias.

César was into poetry and the arts, just like all the educated men and rulers of the Renaissance. His court poet was Francesco Sperulo, who fought under his banner and celebrated his campaigns in Romagna and around Camerino.[69] A num[Pg 127]ber of Roman poets who later became famous performed their poems in front of Lucretia, including Emilio Voccabella and Evangelista Fausto Maddaleni. Even then, the three brothers Mario, Girolamo, and Celso Mellini were already well-known as poets and speakers, while the Porcaro brothers—Camillo, Valerio, and Antonio—were just as celebrated. We’ve already mentioned that Antonio was one of the witnesses at Girolama Borgia's wedding in 1482, and later he represented Lucretia when she was engaged to Centelles in 1491. These details highlight how closely and for how long the Porcaro family was connected to the Borgias.

This Roman family had been made famous in the history of the city by the fate of Stefano, Cola di Rienzi's successor. The Porcaro claimed descent from the Catos, and for this reason many of them adopted the name Porcius. Enjoying friendly relations with the Borgias, they claimed them as kinsmen, stating that Isabella, the mother of Alexander VI, was descended from the Roman Porcaro, who somehow had passed to Spain. The similarity of sound in the Latin names Borgius and Porcius gave some appearance of truth to this pretension.

This Roman family became famous in the city's history because of Stefano, who succeeded Cola di Rienzi. The Porcaro family claimed to be descended from the Catos, which led many of them to adopt the name Porcius. They maintained friendly relations with the Borgias and claimed they were related, saying that Isabella, the mother of Alexander VI, came from the Roman Porcaro, who somehow moved to Spain. The similarity in sound between the Latin names Borgius and Porcius lent some credence to this claim.

Next to Antonio, Hieronymus Porcius was one of the most brilliant retainers of the house of Borgia. Alexander, upon his election to the papal throne, made him auditor of the Ruota (the Papal Court of Appeals). He was the author of a work printed in Rome in September, 1493, under the title Commentarius Porcius, which was dedicated to the King and Queen of Spain. In it he describes the election and coronation of Alexander VI, and quotes portions of the declarations of loyalty which the Italian envoys addressed to the Pope. Court flattery could not be carried further than it was in this case by Hieronymus,[Pg 128] an affected pedant, an empty-headed braggart, a fanatical papist. Alexander made him Bishop of Andria and Governor of the Romagna. In 1497 Hieronymus, then in Cesena, composed a dialogue on Savonarola and his "heresy concerning the power of the Pope." The kernel of the whole thing was the fundamental doctrine of the infallibilists; namely, that only those who blindly obey the Pope are good Christians.[70]

Next to Antonio, Hieronymus Porcius was one of the brightest members of the Borgia family. When Alexander was elected to the papal throne, he appointed him as auditor of the Ruota (the Papal Court of Appeals). He wrote a book published in Rome in September 1493 called Commentarius Porcius, which was dedicated to the King and Queen of Spain. In it, he discusses the election and coronation of Alexander VI and includes parts of the loyalty declarations made by Italian envoys to the Pope. Hieronymus took court flattery to an extreme; he was a pretentious know-it-all, a shallow braggart, and a zealous papist. Alexander made him Bishop of Andria and Governor of the Romagna. In 1497, while in Cesena, Hieronymus wrote a dialogue about Savonarola and his "heresy regarding the Pope's power." The core message was the fundamental belief of the infallibilists, which is that only those who blindly obey the Pope can be considered true Christians.[Pg 128][70]

Porcius also essayed poetry, celebrating the magnificence of the Pope and Cardinal Cæsar, whom, in his verses on the Borgia Steer, he described as his greatest benefactor. Apparently he was also the author of the elegy on the death of the Duke of Gandia, which is still preserved.

Porcius also tried his hand at poetry, honoring the greatness of the Pope and Cardinal Cæsar, whom he referred to as his greatest supporter in his verses about the Borgia Steer. He was seemingly the author of the elegy for the death of the Duke of Gandia, which is still kept today.

Phædra Inghirami, the famous student of Cicero, whom Erasmus admired and whom Raphael rendered immortal by his portrait, doubtless made the acquaintance of the Borgias and of Lucretia through the Porcaro. Even as early as this he was attracting the attention of Rome. Inghirami delivered an oration at the mass which the Spanish ambassador had said for the Infante Don Juan, January 16, 1498, in S. Jacopo in Navona, which was greatly admired. He also made a reputation as an actor in Cardinal Rafael Riario's theater.

Phædra Inghirami, the renowned student of Cicero, whom Erasmus admired and Raphael made famous with his portrait, undoubtedly met the Borgias and Lucretia through the Porcaro. Even at this early stage, he was capturing the attention of Rome. Inghirami delivered a speech at the mass that the Spanish ambassador held for Infante Don Juan on January 16, 1498, in S. Jacopo in Navona, which was highly praised. He also gained recognition as an actor in Cardinal Rafael Riario's theater.

The drama was then putting forth its first fruits, not only at the courts of the Este and Gonzaga families, but also in Rome. Alexander himself, owing to his sensuous nature, was especially fond of it, and had comedies and ballets performed at all the family festivities in the Vatican. The actors were young students from the Academy of Pomponius Laetus, and we have every reason to believe that Inghirami, the Mellini, and the Porcaro took part in[Pg 129] these performances whenever the opportunity was offered. Carlo Canale, Vannozza's consort, must also have lent valuable assistance, for he had been familiar with the stage in Mantua; and no less important was the aid of Pandolfo Collenuccio, who had repeatedly been Ferrara's ambassador in Rome, where he enjoyed daily intercourse with the Borgias.

The drama was then showcasing its first successes, not just at the courts of the Este and Gonzaga families, but also in Rome. Alexander himself, due to his indulgent nature, was especially fond of it and had comedies and ballets performed at all the family celebrations in the Vatican. The actors were young students from the Academy of Pomponius Laetus, and we have good reason to believe that Inghirami, the Mellini, and the Porcaro participated in[Pg 129] these performances whenever they had the chance. Carlo Canale, Vannozza's partner, must have also provided valuable help, as he was experienced on stage in Mantua; and equally important was the support of Pandolfo Collenuccio, who had often been Ferrara's ambassador in Rome, where he had daily contact with the Borgias.

The celebrated Pomponius, to whom Rome was indebted for the revival of the theater, spent his last years, during the reign of Alexander, in the enjoyment of the highest popular esteem. Alexander himself may have been one of his pupils, as Cardinal Farnese certainly was. Pomponius died June 6, 1498, and the same pope who had sent Savonarola to the stake had his court attend the obsequies of the great representative of classic paganism, which were held in the Church of Aracoeli, a fact which lends additional support to the belief that he was personally known to the Borgias. Moreover, one of his most devoted pupils, Michele Ferno, had for a long time been a firm adherent of Alexander. Although the Pope in 1501 issued the first edict of censorship, he was not an enemy of the sciences. He fostered the University of Rome, several of whose chairs were at that time held by men of note; for example, Petrus Sabinus and John Argyropulos. One of the greatest geniuses—one whose light has blessed all mankind—was for a year an ornament of this university and of the reign of Alexander; Copernicus came to Rome from far away Prussia in the jubilee year 1500, and lectured on mathematics and astronomy.

The renowned Pomponius, who brought the theater back to life in Rome, spent his final years during Alexander's reign enjoying immense popularity. Alexander himself may have been one of his students, as Cardinal Farnese definitely was. Pomponius passed away on June 6, 1498, and the same pope who had sent Savonarola to his death had his court attend the funeral of this great figure of classic paganism, which took place in the Church of Aracoeli. This fact further supports the idea that he was personally known to the Borgias. Additionally, one of his most dedicated students, Michele Ferno, had long been a strong supporter of Alexander. Although the Pope issued the first censorship edict in 1501, he was not against the sciences. He supported the University of Rome, which at that time had several notable professors, including Petrus Sabinus and John Argyropulos. One of the greatest minds—one whose brilliance has benefited all humanity—was part of this university and the reign of Alexander for a year; Copernicus traveled to Rome from far-off Prussia during the jubilee year 1500 and taught mathematics and astronomy.

Among Alexander's courtiers there were many brilliant men whose society Lucretia must have had an opportunity to enjoy. Burchard, the master of ceremonies, laid down the rules for all the functions in which the[Pg 130] Pope's daughter took part. He must have called upon her frequently, but she could scarcely have foreseen that, centuries later, this Alsatian's notes would constitute the mirror in which posterity would see the reflections of the Borgias. His diary, however, gives no details concerning Lucretia's private life—this did not come within his duties.

Among Alexander's courtiers, there were many brilliant individuals whose company Lucretia must have enjoyed. Burchard, the master of ceremonies, established the rules for all the events that the[Pg 130] Pope's daughter attended. He must have called on her often, but she could hardly have imagined that, centuries later, this Alsatian's notes would serve as the mirror in which future generations would see reflections of the Borgias. However, his diary provides no details about Lucretia's private life—this was not part of his responsibilities.

Never did any other chronicler describe the things about him so clearly and so concisely, so dryly, and with so little feeling—things which were worthy of the pen of a Tacitus. That Burchard was not friendly to the Borgias is proved by the way his diary is written; it, however, is absolutely truthful. This man well knew how to conceal his feelings—if the dull routine of his office had left him any. He went through the daily ceremonial of the Vatican mechanically, and kept his place there under five popes. Burchard must have seemed to the Borgias a harmless pedant; for if not, would they have permitted him to behold and describe their doings and yet live? Even the little which he did write in his diary concerning events of the day would have cost him his head had it come to the knowledge of Alexander or Cæsar. It appears, however, that the diaries of the masters of ceremony were not subjected to official censorship. Cæsar would have spared him no more than he did his father's favorite, Pedro Calderon Perotto, whom he stabbed, and Cervillon, whom he had killed—both of whom frequently performed important parts in the ceremonies in the Vatican.

Never did any other chronicler describe things about him so clearly, concisely, and without emotion—things that deserved the attention of a Tacitus. Burchard's lack of friendliness towards the Borgias is evident in the way he wrote his diary; however, it is completely truthful. This man knew how to hide his feelings—if the monotonous routine of his job had left him any. He went through the daily rituals of the Vatican on autopilot, serving under five popes. To the Borgias, Burchard must have seemed like an innocent scholar; otherwise, why would they have let him witness and write about their actions without harming him? Even the little he documented in his diary about daily events could have cost him his life if Alexander or Cæsar had found out. It seems, however, that the diaries of the masters of ceremony weren't subject to official censorship. Cæsar wouldn't have shown him any mercy, any more than he did his father's favorite, Pedro Calderon Perotto, whom he stabbed, or Cervillon, whom he killed—both of whom often played significant roles in the Vatican ceremonies.

Nor did he spare the private secretary, Francesco Troche, whom Alexander VI had often employed in diplomatic affairs. Troche, according to a Venetian report a Spaniard, was, like Canale, a cultivated humanist, and like him, he was also on friendly terms with the house of Gonzaga. There are still in existence letters of his to the[Pg 131] Marchioness Gonzaga, in which he asks her to send him certain sonnets she had composed. She likewise writes to him regarding family matters, and also asks him to find her an antique cupid in Rome. There is no doubt but that he was one of Lucretia's most intimate acquaintances. In June, 1503, Cæsar had also this favorite of his father strangled.

Nor did he hold back from targeting the private secretary, Francesco Troche, whom Alexander VI had frequently used for diplomatic matters. Troche, described in a Venetian report as a Spaniard, was, like Canale, a well-educated humanist, and he maintained a friendly relationship with the Gonzaga family. Letters still exist from him to the[Pg 131] Marchioness Gonzaga, in which he requests that she send him some sonnets she had written. She also writes to him about family issues and asks him to find her an antique cupid in Rome. It's clear that he was one of Lucretia's closest acquaintances. In June 1503, Cæsar had this favorite of his father murdered.

Besides Burchard and Lorenz Behaim, there was another German who was familiar with the family affairs of the Borgias, Goritz of Luxemburg, who subsequently, during the reigns of Julius II and Leo X, became famous as an academician. Even in Alexander's time the cultivated world of Rome was in the habit of meeting at Goritz's house in Trajan's Forum for the purpose of engaging in academic discussions. All the Germans who came to Rome sought him out, and he must have received Reuchlin, who visited that city in 1498, and subsequently Copernicus, Erasmus, and Ulrich von Hutten, who remembered him with gratitude; it is also probable that Luther visited his hospitable home. Goritz was supplicant referent, and as such he must have known Lucretia personally, because the influential daughter of the Pope was the constant recipient of petitions of various sorts. He had ample opportunity to observe events in the Vatican, but of his experiences he recorded nothing; or, if he did, his diary was destroyed in the sack of Rome in 1527, when he lost all his belongings.

Besides Burchard and Lorenz Behaim, there was another German who was familiar with the Borgia family's affairs, Goritz of Luxemburg, who later became well-known as an academic during the reigns of Julius II and Leo X. Even during Alexander's time, the cultured society of Rome would gather at Goritz's house in Trajan's Forum to engage in academic discussions. All the Germans who came to Rome sought him out; he must have welcomed Reuchlin, who visited the city in 1498, as well as Copernicus, Erasmus, and Ulrich von Hutten, who remembered him fondly. It’s also likely that Luther stopped by his hospitable home. Goritz was supplicant referent, and therefore, he must have personally known Lucretia, as the Pope's influential daughter was frequently the recipient of various petitions. He had plenty of chances to observe events in the Vatican, but he recorded nothing of his experiences; or, if he did, his diary was lost in the sack of Rome in 1527, when he lost all his belongings.

Among Lucretia's personal acquaintances was still another man, one who was in a better position than any one else to write the history of the Borgias. This was the Nestor of Roman notaries, old Camillo Beneimbene, the trusted legal adviser of Alexander and of most of the cardinals and grandees of Rome. He knew the Borgias in[Pg 132] their private as well as in their public character; he had been acquainted with Lucretia from her childhood; he drew up all her marriage contracts. His office was on the Lombard Piazza, now known as S. Luigi dei Francesi. Here he worked, drawing up legal documents until the year 1505, as is shown by instruments in his handwriting.[71] A man who had been the official witness and legal adviser in the most important family affairs of the Borgias for so long a time, and who, therefore, was familiar with all their secrets, must have occupied, so far as their house, and especially Lucretia, were concerned, the position of a close friend. Beneimbene records none of his personal experiences, but his protocol-book is still preserved in the archives of the notary of the Capitol.

Among Lucretia's personal acquaintances was another man, one who was in a better position than anyone else to write the history of the Borgias. This was the top Roman notary, old Camillo Beneimbene, the trusted legal advisor of Alexander and most of the cardinals and nobles of Rome. He knew the Borgias both in their private and public lives; he had known Lucretia since she was a child and was the one who drafted all her marriage contracts. His office was located on the Lombard Piazza, now known as S. Luigi dei Francesi. Here he worked, creating legal documents until the year 1505, as evidenced by various instruments in his handwriting. A man who had been the official witness and legal advisor in the Borgias’ most important family matters for such a long time, and who, therefore, was familiar with all their secrets, must have held a position of close friendship regarding their household, especially with Lucretia. Beneimbene records none of his personal experiences, but his protocol book is still preserved in the archives of the notary of the Capitol.

Adriano Castelli of Corneto, a highly cultivated humanist, and privy-secretary to Alexander, who subsequently made him a cardinal, was very close to the Borgias. As the Pope's secretary he must have frequently come in contact with Lucretia. Among her intimate acquaintances were also the famous Latinist, Cortesi; the youthful Sardoleto, the familiar of Cardinal Cibò; young Aldo Manuzio; the intellectual brothers Rafael and Mario Maffei of Volterra; and Egidio of Viterbo, who subsequently became famous as a pulpit orator and was made a cardinal. The last maintained his connection with Lucretia while she was Duchess of Ferrara. He exercised a deep influence upon the religious turn which her nature took during this the second period of her life.

Adriano Castelli of Corneto, a well-educated humanist and private secretary to Alexander, who later made him a cardinal, was very close to the Borgias. As the Pope's secretary, he probably interacted with Lucretia quite often. Among her close friends were the renowned Latinist Cortesi, the young Sardoleto, who was associated with Cardinal Cibò, the young Aldo Manuzio, the intellectual brothers Rafael and Mario Maffei from Volterra, and Egidio of Viterbo, who later became well-known as a pulpit orator and was made a cardinal. The last one maintained his connection with Lucretia while she was the Duchess of Ferrara and significantly influenced the religious development she experienced during this second phase of her life.

The youthful Duchess of Biselli certainly enjoyed the[Pg 133] lively society of the cultured and gallant ecclesiastics about her—Cardinals Medici, Riario, Orsini, Cesarini, and Farnese—not to mention the Borgias and the Spanish prelates. We may look for her, too, at the banquets in the palaces of Rome's great families, the Massimi and Orsini, the Santa Croce, Altieri, and Valle, and in the homes of the wealthy bankers Altoviti, Spanocchi, and Mariano Chigi, whose sons Lorenzo and Agostino—the latter eventually became famous—enjoyed the confidence of the Borgias.

The young Duchess of Biselli certainly enjoyed the[Pg 133] lively company of the cultured and charming clergy around her—Cardinals Medici, Riario, Orsini, Cesarini, and Farnese—along with the Borgias and the Spanish bishops. You could also find her at the banquets hosted by Rome's prominent families, including the Massimi and Orsini, the Santa Croce, Altieri, and Valle, as well as in the homes of wealthy bankers Altoviti, Spanocchi, and Mariano Chigi, whose sons Lorenzo and Agostino—the latter of whom eventually became well-known—had the trust of the Borgias.

Lucretia was able in Rome to gratify a taste for the fine arts. Alexander found employment for the great artists of the day in the Vatican, where Perugino executed some paintings for him, and where, under the picture of the holy Virgin, Pinturicchio, who was his court artist, painted the portrait of the adulteress, Giulia Farnese. He also painted portraits of several members of the Borgia family in the castle of S. Angelo.

Lucretia was able to indulge her love for the fine arts in Rome. Alexander hired the top artists of the time to work in the Vatican, where Perugino created some paintings for him. Underneath the image of the holy Virgin, Pinturicchio, his court artist, painted a portrait of the adulteress, Giulia Farnese. He also painted portraits of several members of the Borgia family in the castle of S. Angelo.

"In the castle of S. Angelo," says Vasari, "he painted many of the rooms a grotesche; but in the tower below, in the garden, he depicted scenes from the life of Alexander VI. There he painted the Catholic Queen Isabella; Niccolò Orsini, Count of Pitigliano; Giangiacomo Trivulzio; and many other kinsmen and friends of the Pope, and especially Cæsar Borgia and his brother and sisters, as well as numerous great men of the age." Lorenz Behaim copied the epigrams which were placed under six of these paintings in the "castle of S. Angelo, below in the papal gardens." All represented scenes from the critical period of the invasion of Italy by Charles VIII, and they were painted in such a way as to make Alexander appear as having been victorious. One showed the king prostrating himself at the Pope's feet in this same garden of the castle of S. Angelo; another represented Charles declar[Pg 134]ing his loyalty before the consistory; another, Philip of Sens and Guillaume of S. Malo receiving the cardinal's hat; another, the mass in S. Peter's at which Charles VIII assisted; the subject of another was the passage to S. Paul's, with the king holding the Pope's stirrup; and, lastly, a scene depicting the departure of Charles for Naples, accompanied by Cæsar Borgia and the Sultan Djem.[72]

"In the Castle of S. Angelo," Vasari says, "he painted many of the rooms a grotesche; but in the tower below, in the garden, he depicted scenes from the life of Alexander VI. There, he painted the Catholic Queen Isabella; Niccolò Orsini, Count of Pitigliano; Giangiacomo Trivulzio; and many other relatives and friends of the Pope, especially Cæsar Borgia and his brother and sisters, along with numerous notable figures of the time." Lorenz Behaim copied the epigrams that were placed under six of these paintings in the "Castle of S. Angelo, below in the papal gardens." All depicted scenes from the critical period of the invasion of Italy by Charles VIII, and they were painted to make Alexander appear victorious. One showed the king bowing down at the Pope's feet in the same garden of the Castle of S. Angelo; another depicted Charles declaring his loyalty before the consistory; another featured Philip of Sens and Guillaume of S. Malo receiving the cardinal's hat; another showed the mass in S. Peter's at which Charles VIII was present; one was about the passage to S. Paul's, with the king holding the Pope's stirrup; and finally, a scene illustrated Charles's departure for Naples, accompanied by Cæsar Borgia and Sultan Djem.[72]

These paintings are now lost, and with them the portraits of the members of the Borgia family. Pinturicchio doubtless painted several likenesses of the beautiful Lucretia. Probably many of the figures in the paintings of this master resemble the Borgias, but of this we are not certain. In the collections of antiquaries, and among the innumerable old portraits which may be seen hanging in rows on the discolored walls in the palaces of Rome and in the castles in Romagna, there doubtless are likenesses of Lucretia, of Cæsar, and of his brothers, which the beholder never suspects as such. It is well known that there was a faithful portrait of Alexander VI and his children above the altar of S. Lucia in the Church of S. Maria del Popolo, the work of Pinturicchio. Later, when Alexander restored this church, the painting was removed to the court of the cloister, and eventually it was lost.[73]

These paintings are now gone, taking with them the portraits of the Borgia family members. Pinturicchio likely created several depictions of the beautiful Lucretia. Many figures in this artist's works probably resemble the Borgias, but we can't be sure. Among the collections of antiquarians and the countless old portraits hanging in rows on the faded walls of the palaces in Rome and the castles in Romagna, there are likely likenesses of Lucretia, Caesar, and his brothers that viewers don’t recognize as such. It's well-known that there was a faithful portrait of Alexander VI and his children above the altar of S. Lucia in the Church of S. Maria del Popolo, created by Pinturicchio. Later, when Alexander renovated this church, the painting was moved to the cloister courtyard and eventually was lost.[73]

Of the famous artists of the day, Lucretia must likewise have known Antonio di Sangallo, her father's architect, and also Antonio Pollajuolo, the most renowned sculptor of the Florentine school in Rome during the last decades of the fifteenth century. He died there in 1498.

Of the famous artists of her time, Lucretia must have also known Antonio di Sangallo, her father's architect, as well as Antonio Pollaiuolo, the most famous sculptor from the Florentine school in Rome during the last decades of the 15th century. He passed away there in 1498.

But the most famous of all the artists then in Rome[Pg 135] was Michael Angelo. He appeared there first in 1498, an ambitious young man of three and twenty. At that time the city of Rome was an enchanting environment for an artistic nature. The boundless immorality of her great past, speaking so eloquently from innumerable monuments of the pagan and Christian worlds; her majesty and holy calm; the sudden breaking loose of furious passions—all this is beyond the imaginative power of modern men, just as is the wickedly secular nature of the papacy and the spirit of the Renaissance which swept over these ruins. We are unable to comprehend in their entirety the soul-activities of this great race, which was both creative and destructive. For to the same feeling which impelled men to commit great crimes do we owe the great works of art of the Renaissance. In those days evil, as well as good, was in the grand style. Alexander VI displayed himself to the world, for whose opinion he had supreme contempt, as shamelessly and fearlessly as did Nero.

But the most famous artist in Rome at that time[Pg 135] was Michelangelo. He first arrived in 1498, an ambitious young man of just twenty-three. Back then, the city of Rome was a captivating place for an artist. The endless immorality of its glorious past, expressed so vividly through countless monuments from both the pagan and Christian worlds; its grandeur and serene holiness; the sudden eruption of intense passions—all of this is beyond the imagination of modern people, much like the wickedly secular nature of the papacy and the spirit of the Renaissance that swept over these ruins. We can't fully grasp the intense drives of this remarkable civilization, which was both creative and destructive. Because it was the same impulses that led people to commit great crimes that also inspired the incredible works of Renaissance art. In those times, both good and evil exhibited the grand style. Alexander VI presented himself to the world, whose judgment he completely disregarded, as openly and boldly as Nero did.

The Renaissance, owing to the violent contrasts which it presents, now naïvely and now in full consciousness of their incongruity, and also on account of the fiendish traits by which it is characterized, will always constitute one of the greatest psychologic problems in the history of civilization.

The Renaissance, with its stark contrasts—sometimes naive and sometimes fully aware of their inconsistencies—and its devilish qualities, will always be one of the most significant psychological challenges in the history of civilization.

All virtues, all crimes, all forces were set in motion by a feverish yearning for immaterial pleasures, beauty, power, and immortality. The Renaissance has been called an intellectual bacchanalia, and when we examine the features of the bacchantes they become distorted like those of the suitors in Homer, who anticipated their fall; for this society, this Church, these cities and states—in fine, this culture in its entirety—toppled over into the abyss which was yawning for it. The reflection that men like Copernicus, Michael Angelo, and Bramante, Alexander VI and Cæsar[Pg 136] Borgia could live in Rome at one and the same time is well nigh overpowering.

All virtues, all crimes, all forces were driven by a passionate desire for immaterial pleasures, beauty, power, and immortality. The Renaissance has been described as an intellectual party, and when we look at the features of those indulging, they become twisted like those of the suitors in Homer, who foresaw their downfall; because this society, this Church, these cities and states—in short, this entire culture—fell into the abyss that was waiting for it. The thought that people like Copernicus, Michelangelo, Bramante, Alexander VI, and Caesar[Pg 136] Borgia could all live in Rome at the same time is almost overwhelming.

Did Lucretia ever see the youthful artist, subsequently the friend of the noble lady, Vittoria Colonna, whose portrait he painted? We know not; but there is no reason to doubt that she did. The curiosity of the artist and of the man would have induced Michael Angelo to endeavor to gain a glimpse of the most charming woman in Rome. Although only a beginner, he was already recognized as an artist of great talent. As he had just been taken up by Gallo the Roman and Cardinal La Grolaye, it is altogether probable that he would have been the subject also of Lucretia's curiosity.

Did Lucretia ever meet the young artist who later became friends with the noble lady, Vittoria Colonna, whose portrait he painted? We don't know for sure, but there's no reason to think she didn't. The curiosity of both the artist and the man would have driven Michelangelo to try to catch a glimpse of the most charming woman in Rome. Even as a beginner, he was already recognized as a talented artist. Since he had just gained the attention of Gallo the Roman and Cardinal La Grolaye, it's likely that he would have also piqued Lucretia's interest.

Affected by the recent tragedies in the house of Borgia—for example, the murder of the Duke of Gandia—Michael Angelo was engaged upon the great work which was the first to attract the attention of the city, the Pietà, which Cardinal La Grolaye had commissioned him to paint. This work he completed in 1499, about the time the great Bramante came to Rome. The group should be studied with the epoch of the Borgias for background; the Pietà rises supreme in ethical significance, and in the moral darkness about her she seems a pure sacrificial fire lighted by a great and earnest spirit in the dishonored realm of the Church. Lucretia stood before the Pietà, and the masterpiece must have affected this unhappy daughter of a sinful pope more powerfully than the words of her confessor or than the admonitions of the abbesses of S. Sisto.[Pg 137]

Affected by the recent tragedies in the Borgia family—like the murder of the Duke of Gandia—Michelangelo was working on the masterpiece that first caught the city's attention, the Pietà, which Cardinal La Grolaye had commissioned him to create. He completed this work in 1499, around the time the great Bramante arrived in Rome. The piece should be viewed in the context of the Borgia era; the Pietà stands out for its ethical significance, and amidst the moral darkness surrounding it, she appears as a pure sacrificial flame lit by a noble and earnest spirit in the tarnished realm of the Church. Lucretia stood before the Pietà, and the masterpiece must have impacted this unfortunate daughter of a sinful pope more deeply than the words of her confessor or the admonitions of the abbesses of S. Sisto.[Pg 137]

CHAPTER XV

MISFORTUNES OF CATARINA SFORZA

The jubilee year 1500 was a fortunate one for Cæsar, but an unhappy one for Lucretia. She began it January 1st with a formal passage to the Lateran, whither she went to make the prescribed pilgrimage to the Roman churches. She rode upon a richly caparisoned jennet, her escort consisting of two hundred mounted nobles, men and women. On her left was her consort, Don Alfonso; on her right one of the ladies of her court; and behind them came the captain of the papal guard, Rodrigo Borgia. While she and her retinue were crossing over the Bridge of S. Angelo, her father stood in a loggia of the castle, feasting his eyes upon his beloved daughter.

The jubilee year 1500 was a lucky one for Cæsar, but an unfortunate one for Lucretia. She started it on January 1st with a formal trip to the Lateran, where she went to make the mandatory pilgrimage to the Roman churches. She rode on a beautifully decorated horse, and her escort included two hundred mounted nobles, both men and women. On her left was her partner, Don Alfonso; on her right was one of the ladies from her court; and behind them was the captain of the papal guard, Rodrigo Borgia. As she and her entourage crossed the Bridge of S. Angelo, her father stood in a loggia of the castle, admiring his beloved daughter.

The new year brought Alexander only good news—if we except that of the death of the Cardinal-legate Giovanni Borgia, Bishop of Melfi and Archbishop of Capua, who was known as the "younger," to distinguish him from another cardinal of the same name. He died in Urbino, January 8, 1500, of a fever, according to a statement made by Elisabetta, consort of Guidobaldo, to her brother Gonzaga, in a letter written from Fossombrone on the same day.[74]

The new year brought Alexander only good news—except for the death of Cardinal-legate Giovanni Borgia, the Bishop of Melfi and Archbishop of Capua, who was referred to as "the younger" to differentiate him from another cardinal with the same name. He passed away in Urbino on January 8, 1500, from a fever, according to a statement made by Elisabetta, the wife of Guidobaldo, to her brother Gonzaga in a letter written from Fossombrone on the same day.[74]

Cæsar was in Forli when he received the news of the cardinal's death, the very morning—January 12th—on which the stronghold surrendered to him. He at once conveyed the information to the Duke of Ferrara in a letter, in which he said that Giovanni Borgia had been called[Pg 138] to Rome by the Pope, and having set out from Forli, had died suddenly in Urbino of a flux. The fact that he had been in Cæsar's camp, and that, according to Elisabetta's letter, he had been taken sick in Urbino, lent some probability to the suspicion that he had been poisoned.

Cæsar was in Forli when he got the news about the cardinal's death, the very morning—January 12th—when the stronghold surrendered to him. He immediately passed the information on to the Duke of Ferrara in a letter, stating that Giovanni Borgia had been called[Pg 138] to Rome by the Pope and had set out from Forli, but suddenly died in Urbino from a disease. The fact that he had been in Cæsar's camp and that, according to Elisabetta's letter, he had fallen ill in Urbino added some weight to the suspicion that he had been poisoned.

It is worthy of note that Cæsar, in his letter to the duke, speaks of the deceased as his brother;[75] and Ercole, in offering him his condolences, January 18th, on the death of the cardinal, also called him Cæsar's brother. Are we thereby warranted in concluding that the younger Giovanni Borgia was a son of Alexander VI? Further, the Ferrarese chronicler Zambotto, speaking of the cardinal's death, uses the expression, "son of Pope Alexander."[76] If this was the case, the number of Alexander's children must be increased, for Ludovico Borgia was also his son. This Borgia, who succeeded to Giovanni's benefices, was Archbishop of Valencia and subsequently cardinal. He reported his promotion to the Marchioness Gonzaga in a letter in which he everywhere speaks of the deceased as "his brother," just as Cæsar had done.[77]

It’s worth noting that Cæsar, in his letter to the duke, refers to the deceased as his brother;[75] and Ercole, in offering his condolences on January 18th regarding the cardinal's death, also called him Cæsar's brother. Are we justified in concluding that the younger Giovanni Borgia was a son of Alexander VI? Additionally, the Ferrarese chronicler Zambotto, when discussing the cardinal's death, uses the phrase, "son of Pope Alexander."[76] If this is true, then the number of Alexander's children must be increased, since Ludovico Borgia was also his son. This Borgia, who took over Giovanni's positions, was Archbishop of Valencia and later became a cardinal. He informed Marchioness Gonzaga of his promotion in a letter where he consistently refers to the deceased as "his brother," just like Cæsar did.[77]

These statements, however, do not refute the hitherto generally accepted opinion regarding the descent of Giovanni Borgia, "the younger," and Zambotta certainly was in error—the word fratre, which he uses in his letter means merely "dear cousin," fratello cugino.[Pg 139][78]

These statements, however, do not contradict the previously accepted view about the lineage of Giovanni Borgia, "the younger," and Zambotta was definitely mistaken—the word fratre, which he uses in his letter, simply means "dear cousin," fratello cugino.[Pg 139][78]

January 14th news reached the Vatican that Cæsar had taken the castle of Forli. After a brave resistance Catarina Sforza Riario, together with her two brothers, was compelled to surrender. The grandchild of the great Francesco Sforza of Milan, the natural daughter of Galeazzo Maria and the illegitimate sister of Blanca, wife of Emperor Maximilian, was the ideal of the heroic women of Italy, who were found not only in Bojardo's and Ariosto's poems, but also in real life. Her nature exceeded the feminine and verged on caricature. To understand the evolution of such personalities, in whom beauty and culture, courage and reason, sensuality and cruelty combined to produce a strange organism, we must be familiar with the conditions from which they sprang. Catarina Sforza's experiences made her the amazon that she was.

January 14th, news arrived at the Vatican that Cæsar had captured the castle of Forli. After a brave defense, Catarina Sforza Riario, along with her two brothers, had no choice but to surrender. The granddaughter of the great Francesco Sforza of Milan, the illegitimate daughter of Galeazzo Maria, and the half-sister of Blanca, the wife of Emperor Maximilian, epitomized the heroic women of Italy, who were found not only in Bojardo's and Ariosto's poems but also in real life. Her character transcended traditional femininity and approached caricature. To grasp the development of such figures, in whom beauty and culture, bravery and wit, sensuality and ruthlessness merged to create a unique being, we must understand the circumstances from which they emerged. Catarina Sforza's experiences shaped her into the amazon she was.

At an early age she was married to the rude nephew of Sixtus IV, Girolamo Riario, Count of Forli. Shortly afterwards her terrible father met a tyrant's death in Milan. Then her husband fell beneath the daggers of the conspirators, who flung his naked body from a window of the stronghold of Forli. Catarina, however, with determined courage, succeeded in keeping the castle for her children, and she avenged her husband's death with ferocious cruelty. Subsequently she was known—to quote Marino Sanuto's words—as "a courageous woman and cruel virago."[79] Six years later she saw her brother Giangaleazzo die of poison administered by Ludovico il Moro, while before her very eyes her second, but not openly recognized, husband, Giacomo Feo of Savona, was slain in Forli by conspirators. She immediately mounted her charger, and at the head of her guard pursued the murderers to their quarter, where[Pg 140] she had every living being—men, women, and children—hacked to pieces. She buried a third lover, Giovanni Medici, in 1497.

At a young age, she married the rude nephew of Sixtus IV, Girolamo Riario, Count of Forli. Soon after, her terrible father was killed in Milan. Then her husband was murdered by conspirators, who tossed his naked body from a window of the fortress in Forli. However, Catarina, with determined courage, managed to hold the castle for her children and took brutal revenge for her husband's death. Later, she was known—as Marino Sanuto described her—as "a courageous woman and cruel virago."[79] Six years later, she watched her brother Giangaleazzo die from poison given to him by Ludovico il Moro, while right in front of her, her second, but unrecognized, husband, Giacomo Feo of Savona, was killed by conspirators in Forli. She immediately mounted her horse and, at the head of her guard, chased down the murderers to their hideout, where[Pg 140] she had every living being—men, women, and children—slaughtered. She buried a third lover, Giovanni Medici, in 1497.

With cunning and force this amazon ruled her little domain until she herself finally fell into Cæsar's hands. Few lamented her fate. When the news reached Milan that she was in the duke's power, and consequently also in that of Pope Alexander, the celebrated General Giangiacomo Trivulzio made a jesting remark which clearly shows how little her fate grieved the people. According to the stories of the day, Cæsar led her to Rome in golden chains, like another Queen of Palmyra. He entered the city in triumph, February 26th, and the Pope assigned the Belvedere to the captive for her abode.

With cleverness and strength, this warrior woman controlled her small territory until she ultimately fell into Caesar's grasp. Very few mourned her fate. When the news reached Milan that she was now under the duke's control, and therefore also under Pope Alexander's, the famous General Giangiacomo Trivulzio made a joking comment that clearly showed how little her downfall affected the people. According to the stories of the time, Caesar brought her to Rome in gold chains, like another Queen of Palmyra. He entered the city in triumph on February 26th, and the Pope designated the Belvedere as the place where the captive would live.

The city was filled at that time with the faithful, who had come to receive absolution for their sins, this the jubilee year,—and from a Borgia. Among the number was Elisabetta Gonzaga, consort of Guidobaldo of Urbino. The pilgrimage of this famous woman was a dangerous experiment, the Pope having secretly placed Urbino on the list of proscribed cities included in the Church fiefs. Cæsar already looked upon it as his property. The thought of meeting this Borgia in Rome must have been exceedingly painful to her. How easily might he have found a pretext for keeping her prisoner! Her brother, Francesco Gonzaga, warned her against her decision, but on her way to Rome she wrote him a letter so remarkable and so amiable that we quote it at length:

The city was packed at that time with the faithful, who had come to seek forgiveness for their sins during this jubilee year—and from a Borgia. Among them was Elisabetta Gonzaga, wife of Guidobaldo of Urbino. The pilgrimage of this renowned woman was a risky endeavor, as the Pope had secretly listed Urbino among the cities banned from Church lands. Cæsar already considered it his own property. The idea of meeting this Borgia in Rome must have been incredibly distressing for her. He could have easily found an excuse to imprison her! Her brother, Francesco Gonzaga, cautioned her against that decision, but on her journey to Rome, she wrote him a letter that was so remarkable and so kind that we quote it in full:

Illustrious Prince and Lord, Honored Brother: I have left Urbino and set out for Rome for the purpose of receiving absolution, this the jubilee year. Several days ago I informed your Excellency of my prospective journey. Only to-day, in Assisi, did I receive your letter; I under[Pg 141]stand from what you write that you wish me to abandon this journey—perhaps thinking that I have not yet set out—which grieves me greatly, and causes me unspeakable pain, because I wish in this as in all other things to do your Majesty's will, having always looked upon you as my most honored father, and never having had any thought or purpose but to follow your wishes. However, as I have said, I am now on the way and am out of the country. With the help of Fabritius (Colonna) and Madonna Agnesina, my honored sister-in-law and sister, I have made arrangements for a residence in Rome, and for whatever may be necessary for my comfort. I have also informed them that I would be in Marino four days hence, and consequently Fabritius has gone to the trouble of securing an escort for me; further, my departure and journey have been noised about; therefore, I see no way to abandon this pilgrimage without affecting my honor and that of my husband—since the thing has gone so far—the more so as the journey was undertaken with the full knowledge and consent of my lord, and all and everything carefully considered. Your Majesty must not be distressed or annoyed by this, my journey, and in order that you may know everything, I will tell you that I am first going to Marino, and thence, accompanied by Madonna Agnesina, and incognito, shall go to Rome for the purpose of receiving absolution at this the holy jubilee of the Church. I need not see any one there, for during my stay in Rome I shall live in the palace of the deceased Cardinal Savelli. The house is a good one, and is exactly what I want, and it is within reach of the Colonna. It is my intention to return soon to Marino, there to spend the greater part of the time. Your Majesty, therefore, need have no further anxiety about my journey, and must not be displeased by it. Although these reasons are sufficient to induce me not only to continue the journey, but to begin it, if I had not already set out I would relinquish it, not on account of any fear of anything unpleasant that might attend my pilgrimage, but simply to comply with the wish expressed in your Majesty's letter, as I desire to do always. But as I am now here, and as your Excellency will soon receive this letter, I am sure you will approve of my course. I earnestly beg you to do so, and to assure me by letter, addressed to Rome, that you are not displeased, so that I may[Pg 142] receive absolution in greater peace and tranquillity. If you do not I shall suffer great anxiety and grief. I commend myself to your Excellency's merciful benevolence as your Majesty's youngest sister,

Esteemed Prince and Lord, Respected Brother: I have left Urbino and am on my way to Rome to receive absolution during this jubilee year. I informed you a few days ago about my planned journey. Today, in Assisi, I got your letter; from what you wrote, it seems you want me to cancel this trip—perhaps thinking I haven't left yet—which deeply saddens me and causes me considerable pain, as I want to do your Majesty's will in everything, having always regarded you as my most respected father and never intending to act against your wishes. However, as I mentioned, I’m already en route and out of the country. With the help of Fabritius (Colonna) and Madonna Agnesina, my esteemed sister-in-law and sister, I’ve arranged for a place to stay in Rome and anything else I might need for my comfort. I’ve also let them know I’ll be in Marino in four days, and because of this, Fabritius has kindly arranged for an escort for me; moreover, news of my departure and journey has spread, so I see no way to cancel this pilgrimage without harming my reputation and that of my husband—since it has progressed this far—especially since this trip was planned with the full knowledge and consent of my lord, after careful consideration. Your Majesty should not worry about this journey, and to keep you informed, I’m first going to Marino, and then, along with Madonna Agnesina and incognito, I will head to Rome to get absolution during this holy jubilee of the Church. I don’t need to see anyone there, as I’ll be staying at the palace of the late Cardinal Savelli. The house is suitable and exactly what I need, and it’s close to the Colonna. I plan to return to Marino soon, where I will spend most of my time. Therefore, Your Majesty shouldn’t have any more concerns about my journey and should not be dissatisfied with it. While those reasons are enough for me to continue and even start the trip, if I hadn't already left, I would cancel it—not out of fear of anything unpleasant during my pilgrimage, but simply to comply with the request in your Majesty's letter, as I always aim to do. But since I’m already on my way, and your Excellency will be receiving this letter soon, I trust you will understand my decision. I earnestly ask for your approval and to reassure me in a letter addressed to Rome that you are not upset, so I can receive absolution with greater peace and tranquility. If not, I will be very anxious and troubled. I commend myself to your Excellency's kind consideration as your Majesty's youngest sister,

Elisabetta.

Assisi, March 21, 1500.

Assisi, March 21, 1500.

Agnesina di Montefeltre mentioned in the letter, Guidobaldo's soulful sister, was married to Fabritius Colonna, who subsequently became one of Italy's greatest captains. She was then twenty-eight years of age. She and her husband lived at the castle of Marino in the Alban mountains, where, in 1490, she bore him Vittoria Colonna, the future ornament of her house. Elisabetta found this beautiful child already betrothed to Ferrante d'Avalos, son of Marquis Alfonso of Pescara; Ferdinand II of Naples having brought about the betrothal of the two children as early as 1495 for the purpose of winning over the Colonna, the retainers of the house of Aragon.

Agnesina di Montefeltre mentioned in the letter, Guidobaldo's devoted sister, was married to Fabritius Colonna, who later became one of Italy's greatest military leaders. She was twenty-eight at the time. She and her husband lived at the castle of Marino in the Alban mountains, where, in 1490, she gave birth to Vittoria Colonna, the future pride of her family. Elisabetta found this beautiful child already engaged to Ferrante d'Avalos, son of Marquis Alfonso of Pescara; Ferdinand II of Naples had arranged the engagement between the two children as early as 1495 to win over the Colonna, who were supporters of the house of Aragon.

The Duchess of Urbino actually went to Rome for the purpose of protecting her noble kinswoman, whom she kept incognito. She remained there until Easter. On her way to S. Peter's she directed anxious glances toward the Belvedere, where the bravest woman of Italy, a prisoner, was grieving her life away, Catarina Sforza having been confined there since Cæsar's return, February 26th, as is attested by a letter of that date written by the Venetian ambassador in Rome to his Signory. Elisabetta's feelings must have been rendered still more painful by the fact that her own husband, as well as her brother Gonzaga, both of whom were in the service of France, had given the princess up for lost.

The Duchess of Urbino actually went to Rome to protect her noble relative, whom she kept hidden. She stayed there until Easter. On her way to St. Peter's, she cast worried glances toward the Belvedere, where the bravest woman in Italy, a prisoner, was mourning her life away. Catarina Sforza had been locked up there since Caesar's return on February 26th, as confirmed by a letter from that date written by the Venetian ambassador in Rome to his Signory. Elisabetta's feelings must have been even more painful knowing that her own husband and her brother Gonzaga, both serving France, had given up hope for the princess's survival.

She had scarcely left Rome when Catarina received news that her uncles Ludovico and Ascanio had fallen[Pg 143] into the hands of the King of France. Having, with the aid of Swiss troops, again secured possession of Milan in 1500, they were ignominiously betrayed by the mercenaries at Novara, April 10th. Ludovico was carried away to France, where he died in misery, having spent ten years a prisoner in the tower of Loches; the once powerful cardinal was likewise taken a captive to France. A great tragedy had occurred in the house of Sforza. What must have been Catarina's distress when she, in her prison, learned that fate had overthrown all her race! Could one transport himself to that environment he would breathe the oppressive atmosphere with which Shakespeare enveloped his characters.

She had hardly left Rome when Catarina got the news that her uncles Ludovico and Ascanio had fallen[Pg 143] into the hands of the King of France. After securing Milan again in 1500 with the help of Swiss troops, they were shamefully betrayed by the mercenaries at Novara on April 10th. Ludovico was taken to France, where he died in misery after spending ten years imprisoned in the tower of Loches; the once-powerful cardinal was also captured and taken to France. A great tragedy had struck the house of Sforza. What must have been Catarina's distress when she, in her prison, learned that fate had brought ruin to her entire family! If one could step into that situation, they would feel the heavy atmosphere that Shakespeare created for his characters.

Catarina's jailers were the two most dreaded men of the age—the Pope and his son. The very thought of what surrounded her must have filled her with terror. In the Belvedere she was in constant dread of Cæsar's poison, and it is indeed a wonder that she did escape it. She made an unsuccessful attempt at flight, whereupon Alexander had her removed to the castle of S. Angelo. However, certain French gentlemen in the service of the one who was bent on her destruction—especially Ivo d'Allegre—interceded for her; and the Pope, after she had spent a year and a half in captivity, allowed her to choose Florence for her asylum. He himself commended her to the Signory in the following letter:

Catarina's captors were the two most feared men of the time—the Pope and his son. Just the thought of what she was facing must have terrified her. While at the Belvedere, she lived in constant fear of Cæsar's poison, and it's truly surprising that she managed to avoid it. She made a failed attempt to escape, after which Alexander moved her to the castle of S. Angelo. However, some French gentlemen in the service of the one who wanted her dead—especially Ivo d'Allegre—pleaded on her behalf; and the Pope, after she spent a year and a half in captivity, allowed her to choose Florence as her refuge. He personally recommended her to the Signory in the following letter:

Unto my Beloved Sons: Greeting and the Apostolic Blessing. Our beloved daughter in Christ, the noble lady Catarina Sforza, is on her way to you. She, as you are aware, having for good reasons been held a prisoner by Us for a time, has again become the object of Our mercy. We, according to Our custom and to Our pastoral duties, have not only exercised mercy with regard to this Catarina, but also, so far as We with God's help were able, have looked[Pg 144] with paternal solicitude after her welfare; therefore We deem it proper to write you for the purpose of commending this Catarina to your protection, so that she, having full confidence in Our good will towards you, and returning, so to speak, into her own country, may not be deluded in her expectations and by Our recommendation. We, therefore, shall be glad to learn that she has been well received and treated by you, in gratitude to her for having chosen your city for her abode, and owing to your feelings toward Us. Given at Rome, in S. Peter's, under the Apostolic seal, July 13, 1501. In the ninth year of our pontificate.

To My Dear Sons: Greetings and the Apostolic Blessing. Our beloved daughter in Christ, the noble lady Catarina Sforza, is on her way to you. As you know, she was held as a prisoner by us for some time for good reasons, but she has again become the focus of our mercy. Following our tradition and pastoral responsibilities, we have not only shown mercy towards Catarina but have also done our best to look after her welfare with a fatherly concern. Therefore, we believe it's appropriate to write to you to commend Catarina to your protection, so that she, trusting in our goodwill towards you and returning, so to speak, to her own country, may not be disappointed in her expectations based on our recommendation. We would be pleased to hear that she has been warmly received and treated well by you, in appreciation for choosing your city as her home, and due to your regard for us. Given at Rome, in S. Peter's, under the Apostolic seal, July 13, 1501. In the ninth year of our pontificate.

Hadrianus.

Hadrian.

Catarina Sforza died in a convent in Florence in 1509. In her fatherland she left a son of the same mettle as herself, Giovanni Medici, the last of the great condottieri of the country, who became famous as leader of the Black Bands. There is a seated figure in marble of this captain, of herculean strength, with the neck of a centaur, near the church of S. Lorenzo in Florence.[Pg 145]

Catarina Sforza passed away in a convent in Florence in 1509. In her homeland, she left behind a son just like her, Giovanni Medici, the last of the great mercenary leaders in the country, who became renowned as the leader of the Black Bands. There is a marble statue of this strong captain, with the physique of a centaur, located near the church of S. Lorenzo in Florence.[Pg 145]

CHAPTER XVI

MURDER OF ALFONSO OF ARAGON

After the fall of the Riario, of Imola, and Forli, all the tyrants in the domain of the Church trembled before Cæsar; and greater princes, like those of the Gonzaga and Este families, who were either entirely independent or were semi-independent vassals of the Church, courted the friendship of the Pope and his dreaded son. Cæsar, as an ally of France, had secured for himself the services of these princes, and since 1499 they had helped him in his schemes in the Romagna. He engaged in a lively correspondence with Ercole d'Este, whom he treated as his equal, as his brother and friend, although he was a young and immature man. To him he reported his successes, and in return received congratulations, equally confidential in tone, all of which consisted of diplomatic lies inspired by fear. The correspondence between Cæsar and Ercole, which is very voluminous, is still preserved in the Este archives in Modena. It began August 30, 1498, when Cæsar was still a cardinal. In this letter, which is written in Latin, he announces to the duke that he is about to set out for France, and asks him for a saddle horse.

After the fall of the Riario, of Imola, and Forli, all the tyrants in the Church's territory were scared of Cæsar; and bigger princes, like the Gonzaga and Este families, who were either fully independent or semi-independent vassals of the Church, sought the friendship of the Pope and his feared son. Cæsar, allied with France, had secured the support of these princes, and since 1499, they had aided him in his plans in the Romagna. He maintained a lively correspondence with Ercole d'Este, whom he treated as an equal, almost like a brother and friend, even though he was young and inexperienced. He shared his successes with him, and in return, received equally intimate congratulations, all of which were just diplomatic lies fueled by fear. The correspondence between Cæsar and Ercole, which is quite extensive, is still kept in the Este archives in Modena. It began on August 30, 1498, when Cæsar was still a cardinal. In this letter, written in Latin, he tells the duke that he is about to head to France and asks him for a saddle horse.

Cæsar engaged in an equally confidential correspondence with Francesco Gonzaga, with whom he entered into intimate relations which endured until his death. In the archives of the Gonzaga family in Mantua there are preserved forty-one letters written by Cæsar to the marquis[Pg 146] and his consort Isabella. The first is dated October 31, 1498, from Avignon; the second, January 12, 1500, from Forli; the third is as follows:

Cæsar was involved in a close correspondence with Francesco Gonzaga, and they developed a strong relationship that lasted until Cæsar's death. The Gonzaga family archives in Mantua contain forty-one letters written by Cæsar to the marquis[Pg 146] and his wife Isabella. The first letter is dated October 31, 1498, from Avignon; the second, January 12, 1500, from Forli; the third is as follows:

Illustrious Sir and Honored Brother: From your Excellency's letter we have learned of the birth of your illustrious son, which has occasioned us no less joy than we would have felt on the birth of an heir to ourselves. As we, owing to our sincere and brotherly goodwill for you, wish you all increase and fortune, we willingly consent to be godfather, and will appoint for our proxy anyone whom your Excellency may choose. May he in our stead watch over the child from the moment of his baptism. We earnestly pray to God to preserve the same to you.

Dear Sir and Honored Brother: From your Excellency's letter, we've learned about the birth of your distinguished son, which brings us as much joy as if he were our own heir. Because we genuinely care for you and wish you great happiness and success, we are happy to agree to be godfather and will appoint anyone your Excellency chooses as our representative. May he, in our place, watch over the child from the moment of his baptism. We sincerely pray to God to keep him safe for you.

Your Majesty will not fail to congratulate your illustrious consort in our name. She will, we hope, through this son prepare the way for a numerous posterity to perpetuate the fame of their illustrious parents. Rome, in the Apostolic Palace, May 24, 1500.

Your Majesty will definitely want to congratulate your esteemed partner on our behalf. We hope that she will, through this son, pave the way for a large family to carry on the legacy of their remarkable parents. Rome, in the Apostolic Palace, May 24, 1500.

Cæsar Borgia of France, Duke of Valentinois,
Gonfallonier, and Captain-General
of the Holy Roman Church.

Caesar Borgia of France, Duke of Valentinois,
Gonfalonier, and Captain-General
of the Holy Roman Church.

This son of the Marquis of Mantua was the hereditary Prince Federico, born May 17, 1500. Two years later, when Cæsar was at the zenith of his power, Gonzaga requested the honor of the betrothal of this son and the duke's little daughter Luisa.

This son of the Marquis of Mantua was the heir, Prince Federico, born on May 17, 1500. Two years later, when Cæsar was at the height of his power, Gonzaga requested the privilege of betrothing his son to the duke's young daughter, Luisa.

Cæsar remained in Rome several months to secure funds for carrying out his plans in Romagna. All his projects would have been wrecked in a moment if his father had not escaped, almost unharmed, when the walls of a room in the Vatican collapsed, June 27, 1500. He was extricated from the rubbish only slightly hurt. He would allow no one but his daughter to care for him. When the Venetian ambassador called, July 3d, he found Madonna Lucretia, Sancia, the latter's husband, Giuffrè, and one of[Pg 147] Lucretia's ladies-in-waiting, who was the Pope's "favorite," with him. Alexander was then seventy years of age. He ascribed his escape to the Virgin Mary, just as Pius IX did his own when the house near S. Agnese tumbled down. July 5th Alexander held a service in her honor, and on his recovery he had himself borne in a procession to S. Maria del Popolo, where he offered the Virgin a goblet containing three hundred ducats. Cardinal Piccolomini ostentatiously scattered the gold pieces over the altar before all the people.

Cæsar stayed in Rome for several months to secure funds for his plans in Romagna. All his ambitions would have been shattered in an instant if his father hadn't escaped, almost unharmed, when a room in the Vatican collapsed on June 27, 1500. He was pulled from the debris with only minor injuries. He would let no one but his daughter take care of him. When the Venetian ambassador visited on July 3rd, he found Madonna Lucretia, Sancia, Sancia's husband, Giuffrè, and one of Lucretia's ladies-in-waiting, who was the Pope's "favorite," with him. Alexander was seventy at the time. He credited his survival to the Virgin Mary, just as Pius IX did for his own when the house near S. Agnese fell down. On July 5th, Alexander held a service in her honor, and after he recovered, he had himself carried in a procession to S. Maria del Popolo, where he presented the Virgin with a goblet containing three hundred ducats. Cardinal Piccolomini dramatically scattered the gold coins over the altar in front of everyone.

The saints had saved a great sinner from the falling walls in the Vatican, but they refrained from interfering eighteen days later to prevent a hideous crime—the attempted murder of a guiltless person. In vain had the youthful Alfonso of Biselli been warned by his own premonitions and by his friends during the past year to seek safety in flight. He had followed his wife to Rome like a lamb to the slaughter, only to fall under the daggers of the assassins from whom she was powerless to save him. Cæsar hated him, as he did the entire house of Aragon, and in his opinion his sister's marriage to a Neapolitan prince had become as useless as had been her union with Sforza of Pesaro; moreover, it interfered with the plans of Cæsar, who had a matrimonial alliance in mind for his sister which would be more advantageous to himself. As her marriage with the Duke of Biselli had not been childless, and, consequently, could not be set aside, he determined upon a radical separation of the couple.

The saints had saved a great sinner from the crumbling walls in the Vatican, but they chose not to intervene eighteen days later to stop a terrible crime—the attempted murder of an innocent person. Despite repeated warnings from his own instincts and his friends over the past year to escape, the young Alfonso of Biselli had followed his wife to Rome like a lamb to the slaughter, only to fall victim to the assassins from whom she was powerless to protect him. Cæsar despised him, as he did the whole house of Aragon, and he believed that his sister's marriage to a Neapolitan prince was as pointless as her previous union with Sforza of Pesaro; furthermore, it disrupted Cæsar's plans for a more beneficial marriage alliance for his sister. Since her marriage to the Duke of Biselli had not produced children and, therefore, could not be annulled, he decided on a drastic separation for the couple.

July 15, 1500, about eleven o'clock at night, Alfonso was on his way from his palace to the Vatican to see his consort; near the steps leading to S. Peter's a number of masked men fell upon him with daggers. Severely wounded in the head, arm, and thigh, the prince succeeded[Pg 148] in reaching the Pope's chamber. At the sight of her spouse covered with blood, Lucretia sank to the floor in a swoon.

July 15, 1500, around eleven o'clock at night, Alfonso was heading from his palace to the Vatican to see his partner; near the steps leading to S. Peter's, a group of masked men attacked him with daggers. Severely injured in the head, arm, and thigh, the prince managed[Pg 148] to reach the Pope's chamber. When Lucretia saw her husband covered in blood, she collapsed to the floor in a faint.

Alfonso was carried to another room in the Vatican, and a cardinal administered the extreme unction; his youth, however, triumphed, and he recovered. Although Lucretia, owing to her fright, fell sick of a fever, she and his sister Sancia took care of him; they cooked his food, while the Pope himself placed a guard over him. In Rome there was endless gossip about the crime and its perpetrators. July 19th the Venetian ambassador wrote to his Signory: "It is not known who wounded the duke, but it is said that it was the same person who killed the Duke of Gandia and threw him into the Tiber. Monsignor of Valentinois has issued an edict that no one shall be found with arms between the castle of S. Angelo and S. Peter's, on pain of death."

Alfonso was taken to another room in the Vatican, where a cardinal administered the last rites; however, his youth prevailed, and he recovered. Although Lucretia became ill with a fever due to her panic, she and his sister Sancia cared for him, cooking his meals while the Pope himself provided security. In Rome, there was endless chatter about the crime and its culprits. On July 19th, the Venetian ambassador wrote to his leaders: "It isn't known who injured the duke, but it's rumored to be the same person who killed the Duke of Gandia and tossed him into the Tiber. Monsignor of Valentinois has issued an order that no one shall be found armed between the castle of S. Angelo and S. Peter's, under threat of death."

Cæsar remarked to the ambassador, "I did not wound the duke, but if I had, it would have been nothing more than he deserved." His hatred of his brother-in-law must have been inspired also by personal reasons of which we are ignorant. He even ventured to call upon the wounded man, remarking on leaving, "What is not accomplished at noon may be done at night."

Cæsar said to the ambassador, "I didn't hurt the duke, but if I had, it would have been nothing more than he deserved." His hatred for his brother-in-law must have been driven by personal reasons we don't know about. He even took the chance to visit the wounded man, commenting as he left, "What isn't done by noon can still be achieved at night."

The days passed slowly; finally the murderer lost patience. At nine o'clock in the evening of August 18th, he came again; Lucretia and Sancia drove him from the room, whereupon he called his captain, Micheletto, who strangled the duke. There was no noise, not a sound; it was like a pantomime; amid a terrible silence the dead prince was borne away to S. Peter's.

The days dragged on; eventually, the murderer ran out of patience. At nine o'clock in the evening on August 18th, he returned; Lucretia and Sancia forced him out of the room, so he called his captain, Micheletto, who strangled the duke. There was no noise, not a sound; it was like a performance without words; in the midst of a dreadful silence, the dead prince was taken away to S. Peter's.

The affair was no longer a secret. Cæsar openly stated that he had destroyed the duke because the latter was seeking his life, and he claimed that by Alfonso's orders some[Pg 149] archers had shot at him when he was strolling in the Vatican gardens.

The affair was no longer a secret. Cæsar openly stated that he had killed the duke because the duke was trying to take his life, and he claimed that by Alfonso's orders, some[Pg 149] archers had shot at him while he was walking in the Vatican gardens.

CÆSAR BORGIA.
From a painting by Giorgione.

Nothing so clearly discloses the terrible influence which Cæsar exercised over his wicked father as this deed, and the way in which the Pope regarded it. From the Venetian ambassador's report it appears that it was contrary to Alexander's wishes, and that he had even attempted to save the unfortunate prince's life. After the crime had been committed, however, the Pope dismissed it from his mind, both because he did not dare to bring Cæsar—whom he had forgiven for the murder of his brother—to a reckoning, and because the murder would result in offering him opportunities which he desired. He spared himself the trouble of directing useless reproaches to his son, for Cæsar would only have laughed at them. Was the care with which Alexander had his unfortunate son-in-law watched merely a bit of deceit? There are no grounds for believing that the Pope either planned the murder himself or that he consented to it.

Nothing reveals the terrible influence Cæsar had over his wicked father quite like this act and how the Pope viewed it. According to the Venetian ambassador's report, it was against Alexander's wishes, and he even tried to save the unfortunate prince's life. However, after the crime was committed, the Pope pushed it out of his mind, both because he didn’t dare to hold Cæsar—whom he had forgiven for murdering his brother—accountable and because the murder would create opportunities that he wanted. He spared himself the trouble of directing meaningless accusations at his son since Cæsar would just laugh them off. Was the care with which Alexander monitored his unfortunate son-in-law just a feint? There’s no evidence to suggest that the Pope either plotted the murder himself or agreed to it.

Never was bloody deed so soon forgotten. The murder of a prince of the royal house of Naples made no more impression than the death of a Vatican stable boy would have done. No one avoided Cæsar; none of the priests refused him admission to the Church, and all the cardinals continued to show him the deepest reverence and respect. Prelates vied with each other to receive the red hat from the hand of the all-powerful murderer, who offered the dignity to the highest bidders. He needed money for carrying out his schemes of confiscation in the Romagna. His condottieri, Paolo Orsini, Giuliano Orsini, Vitellozzo Vitelli, and Ercole Bentivoglio were with him during these autumn days. His father had equipped seven hundred heavy men at arms for him, and, August 18th, the Venetian ambas[Pg 150]sador reported to the signory that he had been requested by the Pope to ask the Doge to withdraw their protection from Rimini and Faenza. Negotiations were in progress with France to secure her active support for Cæsar. August 24th the French ambassador, Louis de Villeneuve, made his entry into Rome; near S. Spirito a masked man rode up and embraced him. The man was Cæsar. However openly he committed his crimes, he frequently went about Rome in disguise.

Never was a bloody deed so quickly forgotten. The murder of a prince from the royal house of Naples made no bigger impact than the death of a Vatican stable boy would have. No one shied away from Cæsar; none of the priests denied him entry to the Church, and all the cardinals continued to show him the utmost reverence and respect. Prelates competed with each other to receive the red hat from the hand of the all-powerful murderer, who offered the honor to the highest bidders. He needed money to carry out his plans for confiscation in the Romagna. His condottieri, Paolo Orsini, Giuliano Orsini, Vitellozzo Vitelli, and Ercole Bentivoglio were with him during those autumn days. His father had equipped seven hundred heavy soldiers for him, and on August 18th, the Venetian ambas[Pg 150]dador reported to the signory that the Pope had asked him to request the Doge to withdraw their protection from Rimini and Faenza. Negotiations were underway with France to secure her active support for Cæsar. On August 24th, the French ambassador, Louis de Villeneuve, entered Rome; near S. Spirito, a masked man rode up and embraced him. The man was Cæsar. No matter how openly he committed his crimes, he often wandered around Rome in disguise.

The murder of the youthful Alfonso of Aragon was by far the most tragic deed committed by the Borgias, and his fate was more terrible than even that of Astorre Manfredi. If Lucretia really loved her husband, as there is every reason to suppose she did, his end must have caused her the greatest anguish; and, even if she had no affection for him, all her feelings must have been aroused against the murderer to whose fiendish ambition the tragedy was due. She must also have rebelled against her father, who regarded the crime with such indifference.

The murder of young Alfonso of Aragon was by far the most tragic thing the Borgias ever did, and his fate was even worse than that of Astorre Manfredi. If Lucretia truly loved her husband, which there’s every reason to believe she did, his death must have caused her immense pain; and even if she didn’t care for him, all her emotions would have been stirred up against the killer driven by such evil ambition that led to this tragedy. She must have also felt resentment towards her father, who seemed so indifferent to the crime.

None of the reports of the day describe the circumstances in which she found herself immediately after the murder, nor events in the Vatican just preceding it. Although Lucretia was suffering from a fever, she did not die of grief, nor did she rise to avenge her husband's murder, or to flee from the terrible Vatican.

None of the reports from that day describe the situation she was in right after the murder, nor the events in the Vatican just before it. Even though Lucretia was dealing with a fever, she didn't die from grief, nor did she seek revenge for her husband's murder, or escape from the dreadful Vatican.

She was in a position similar to that of her sister-in-law, Doña Maria Enriquez, after Gandia's death; but while the latter and her sons had found safety in Spain, Lucretia had no retreat to which she could retire without the consent of her father and brother.

She was in a situation like that of her sister-in-law, Doña Maria Enriquez, after Gandia's death; but while the latter and her sons had found safety in Spain, Lucretia had no place to go that she could retreat to without the approval of her father and brother.

It would be wrong to blame the unfortunate woman because at this fateful moment of her life she did not make herself the subject of a tragedy. Of a truth, she appears[Pg 151] very weak and characterless. We must not look for great qualities of soul in Lucretia, for she possessed them not. We are endeavoring to represent her only as she actually was, and, if we judge rightly, she was merely a woman differentiated from the great mass of women, not by the strength, but by the graciousness, of her nature. This young woman, regarded by posterity as a Medea or as a loathsomely passionate creature, probably never experienced any real feeling. During the years she lived in Rome she was always subject to the will of others, for her destiny was controlled, first, by her father, and subsequently by her brother. We know not how much of an effort, in view of the circumstances by which she was trammeled, she could make to maintain the dignity of woman. If Lucretia, however, ever did possess the courage to assert her individuality and rights before those who injured her, she certainly would have done so when her husband was murdered. Perhaps she did assail her sinister brother with recriminations and her father with tears. She was troublesome to Cæsar, who wished her away from the Vatican, consequently Alexander banished her for a time; and apparently she herself was not unwilling to go. The Venetian ambassador Paolo Capello refers to some quarrel between Lucretia and her father. He departed from Rome, September 16, 1500, and on his return to Venice made a report to his government on the condition of affairs, in which he says: "Madonna Lucretia, who is gracious and generous, formerly was in high favor with the Pope, but she is so no longer."

It would be unfair to blame the unfortunate woman because, at this pivotal moment in her life, she didn’t choose to become a tragic figure. In reality, she seems[Pg 151] very weak and lacking in character. We shouldn’t expect great qualities from Lucretia, as she didn’t have them. We're trying to represent her as she truly was, and, if we're being honest, she was just a woman set apart from the many others, not by strength, but by the charm of her nature. This young woman, viewed by history as a Medea or a disgustingly passionate person, likely never felt anything deeply. During her years in Rome, she was always under the control of others, first by her father and later by her brother. We can only speculate how much effort, given her constrained circumstances, she could put into maintaining her dignity as a woman. If Lucretia ever had the bravery to stand up for herself and her rights against those who wronged her, it surely would have been after her husband was killed. Maybe she did confront her malicious brother with accusations and her father with tears. She was a nuisance to Cæsar, who wanted her out of the Vatican, leading Alexander to banish her for a time; and it seems she wasn’t against leaving. The Venetian ambassador Paolo Capello mentions some disagreement between Lucretia and her father. He left Rome on September 16, 1500, and upon returning to Venice, he reported to his government on the state of affairs, saying: "Madonna Lucretia, who is charming and kind, used to be in high favor with the Pope, but she is no longer."

August 30th, Lucretia, accompanied by a retinue of six hundred riders, set out from Rome for Nepi, of which city she was mistress. There, according to Burchard, she hoped to recover from the perturbation which the death of the Duke of Biselli had caused her.[Pg 152]

August 30th, Lucretia, with a group of six hundred riders, left Rome for Nepi, the city she ruled. There, according to Burchard, she hoped to regain her composure after the distress caused by the death of the Duke of Biselli.[Pg 152]

CHAPTER XVII

LUCRETIA AT NEPI

Travelers from Rome to Nepi, then as now, followed the Via Cassia, passing Isola Farnese, Baccano, and Monterosi. The road consisted in part of the ancient highway, but it was in the worst possible condition. Near Monterosi the traveler turned into the Via Amerina, much of the pavement of which is still preserved, even up to the walls of Nepi.

Travelers from Rome to Nepi, just like today, took the Via Cassia, passing Isola Farnese, Baccano, and Monterosi. The road included parts of the old highway, but it was in really bad shape. Near Monterosi, travelers would turn onto the Via Amerina, much of which still has its original pavement preserved, all the way up to the walls of Nepi.

Like most of the cities of Etruria, Nepi (Nepe or Nepete) was situated on a high plain bordered by deep ravines, through which flowed small streams, called rii. The bare cliffs of tuff constituted a natural means of defense, and where they were low, walls were built.

Like many cities in Etruria, Nepi (Nepe or Nepete) was located on a high plateau surrounded by deep ravines, where small streams, known as rii, ran through. The exposed tuff cliffs provided a natural defense, and where they were lower, walls were constructed.

The southern side of the city of Nepi, where the Falisco River flows and empties into a deep chasm, was in ancient times fortified with high walls built of long, square blocks of tuff laid upon each other without mortar, like the walls of neighboring Falerii. Some remains of Nepi's walls may still be seen near the Porta Romana, although much of the material has been used in constructing the castle and for the high arches of the Farnese aqueduct.

The southern side of the city of Nepi, where the Falisco River flows into a deep gorge, was once protected by tall walls made of long, square tuff blocks stacked on top of each other without mortar, similar to the walls of nearby Falerii. Some remnants of Nepi's walls can still be seen near the Porta Romana, although much of the material has been repurposed for building the castle and the tall arches of the Farnese aqueduct.

The castle defended the weakest side of Nepi, where, in the old days, stood the city fortress. In the eighth century it was the seat of a powerful duke, Toto, who made a name for himself also in the history of Rome. Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia gave it the form it now has, rebuilding the castle and enlarging the two great towers inside the walls, the[Pg 153] larger of which is round and the smaller square. Later the castle was restored and furnished with bastions by Paul III and his son, Pierluigi Farnese, the first Duke of Castro and Nepi.[80]

The castle protected the most vulnerable side of Nepi, where the city fortress once stood in ancient times. In the eighth century, it was the residence of a powerful duke named Toto, who also made his mark in the history of Rome. Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia reshaped it into what it is today, renovating the castle and expanding the two large towers within the walls, with the larger one being round and the smaller one square. Later, Paul III and his son, Pierluigi Farnese, the first Duke of Castro and Nepi, restored the castle and added bastions.[Pg 153][80]

In 1500 this castle was as strong as that of Civitacastellana, which Alexander VI rebuilt. Unfortunately, it is now in ruins. The remains of the castle-palace and all the outer walls are covered with thick ivy. Time has spared nothing but the two great towers.

In 1500, this castle was as strong as the one in Civitacastellana, which Alexander VI rebuilt. Unfortunately, it’s now in ruins. The remnants of the castle-palace and all the outer walls are covered with thick ivy. Time has spared nothing except for the two great towers.

On the side toward the city the ruined stronghold is entered through a gateway above which is inscribed in the fair characters of the Renaissance, YSV VNICVS CVSTOS. PROCVL HINC TIMORES. YSV. This leads into a rectangular court surrounded by walls now in ruins. The beholder is confronted by the façade of the castle, a two-storied structure in the style of the Renaissance, with windows whose casements are made of peperino (cement). The inscription P. LOISIVS FAR DVX PRIMVS CASTRI on the door frame shows that this was also the work of the Farnese.

On the side facing the city, the ruined fortress is accessed through a gateway, above which is inscribed in elegant Renaissance lettering, YSV VNICVS CVSTOS. PROCVL HINC TIMORES. YSV. This leads into a rectangular courtyard surrounded by crumbling walls. Visitors are faced with the castle's façade, a two-story structure in the Renaissance style, featuring windows with frames made of peperino (cement). The inscription P. LOISIVS FAR DVX PRIMVS CASTRI on the door frame indicates that this was also a project of the Farnese.

The interior is a mass of ruins, all the walls having fallen in. This notable monument of the past has been suffered to go to decay; it was only eighty years ago that the walls of the last remaining salon fell in. The only room left is an upper chamber, reached by climbing a ladder. The place where the hearth was is still discernible, as is also the paneled ceiling found in so many of the buildings of the early Renaissance. The ends of the rafters are sup[Pg 154]ported by beautifully carved consoles. All the woodwork is stained dark brown, and here and there on the ceiling are wooden shields, on which are painted the Borgia arms in colors.

The interior is a jumble of ruins, with all the walls caved in. This remarkable relic from the past has been left to fall apart; it was only eighty years ago that the walls of the last remaining living room collapsed. The only room still standing is an upper chamber, accessed by climbing a ladder. The spot where the hearth was is still noticeable, as is the paneled ceiling found in many early Renaissance buildings. The ends of the rafters are supported by beautifully carved brackets. All the woodwork is stained a deep brown, and here and there on the ceiling, there are wooden shields painted with the Borgia coat of arms in vivid colors.

In various places in the interior, and also without, on the towers of the stronghold, the same arms may be seen carved in stone. There are also two stones, with the arms very carefully chiseled, set in the walls of the entrance hall of the town house of Nepi, which were originally in the castle where they had been placed by Lucretia's orders. The Borgia arms and those of the house of Aragon, which Lucretia, as Duchess of Biselli, had adopted, are united under a ducal crown.

In different areas inside and outside the stronghold, you can see the same coat of arms carved in stone. There are also two stones with the arms meticulously carved, placed in the walls of the entrance hall of the town house of Nepi, which were originally in the castle put there by Lucretia's orders. The Borgia coat of arms and the arms of the house of Aragon, which Lucretia, as Duchess of Biselli, had adopted, are combined under a ducal crown.

Lonely Nepi, which now has only 2,500 inhabitants, had but few more in the year 1500. It was a little town in Campagna, whose streets were bordered by Gothic buildings, with a few old palaces and towers belonging to the nobles, among the most important of whom were the Celsi. There is a small public square, formerly the forum, on which the town hall faces, and also an old church, originally built upon the ruins of the temple of Jupiter. There were a few other ancient churches and cloisters, such as S. Vito and S. Eleuterio, and other remains of antiquity, which have now disappeared. There are only two ancient statues left—the figures of two of Nepi's citizens whose names are now unknown—they are on the façade of the palace, a beautiful building dating from the late Renaissance. Owing to the topography of the region and the general decadence peculiar to all Etruria, the country about Nepi is forbidding and melancholy. The dark and rugged chasms, with their huge blocks of stone and steep walls of black and dark red tuff, with rushing torrents in their depths, cause an impression of grandeur,[Pg 155] but also of sadness, with which the broad and peaceful highlands and the idyllic pastures, where one constantly hears the melancholy bleating of the sheep, and the sad notes of the shepherds' flutes are in perfect accord.

Lonely Nepi, now home to only 2,500 residents, had only a few more in 1500. It was a small town in the Campagna, with streets lined by Gothic buildings, alongside a few old palaces and towers belonging to the nobility, notably the Celsi family. There is a small public square, once the forum, facing the town hall, as well as an old church built on the ruins of the Temple of Jupiter. There were a few other ancient churches and cloisters, like S. Vito and S. Eleuterio, along with other remnants of antiquity that have since faded away. Only two ancient statues remain—the figures of two citizens of Nepi, whose names are now lost—positioned on the façade of a beautiful palace from the late Renaissance. Due to the area's landscape and the general decline typical of all Etruria, the countryside around Nepi feels forbidding and melancholic. The dark, rugged chasms, with their massive stone blocks and steep walls of black and dark red tuff, along with torrents rushing in their depths, create a sense of grandeur,[Pg 155] but also a feeling of sadness, perfectly harmonizing with the broad, peaceful highlands and the idyllic pastures, where the melancholic bleating of sheep and the sorrowful tunes of shepherds' flutes can always be heard.

Here and there dark oak forests may still be seen, but four hundred years ago, in the neighborhood of Nepi, they were more numerous and denser than they are to-day; in the direction of Sutri and Civitacastellana they are well cleared up; but there are still many fine groves. From the top of the castle may be seen a magnificent panorama, which is even more extensive than that which greets the eye from the castle of Spoleto. There on the horizon are the dark volcano of Bracciano and Monte di Rocca Romana, and here the mountains of Viterbo, on whose wide slopes the town of Caprarola, which belonged to the Farnese, is visible. On the other side rises Soracte. Towards the north the plateau slopes gently down to the valley of the Tiber, across which, in the misty distance, the blue chain of the Sabine mountains stands out boldly, with numerous fortresses scattered about the declivities.

Here and there, you can still spot dark oak forests, but four hundred years ago, around Nepi, they were more plentiful and denser than they are today. In the direction of Sutri and Civitacastellana, the forests have been largely cleared, but there are still many beautiful groves. From the top of the castle, you can see a breathtaking view, even broader than the one from the castle of Spoleto. On the horizon, you can make out the dark volcano of Bracciano and Monte di Rocca Romana, and here are the mountains of Viterbo, on whose wide slopes you can see the town of Caprarola, which belonged to the Farnese family. On the other side rises Soracte. To the north, the plateau gently descends to the valley of the Tiber, where, in the misty distance, the blue range of the Sabine mountains stands out prominently, dotted with numerous fortresses along the slopes.

August 31st Alfonso's young widow went to the castle of Nepi, taking with her part of her court and her child Rodrigo. These knights and ladies, all generally so merry, were now either oppressed by a real sorrow or were required by court etiquette to renounce all pleasures. In this lonely stronghold Lucretia could lament, undisturbed, the taking-off of the handsome youth who had been her husband for two years, and together with whom she had dwelt in this same castle scarcely a twelve-month before. There was nothing to disturb her melancholy brooding; but, instead, castle, city, and landscape all harmonized with it.

August 31st, Alfonso's young widow went to the castle of Nepi, bringing along part of her court and her child Rodrigo. The knights and ladies, who were usually so cheerful, were now either weighed down by genuine sorrow or were obliged by court rules to give up all enjoyment. In this lonely fortress, Lucretia could mourn in peace for the loss of the handsome young man who had been her husband for two years and with whom she had lived in this same castle just a year before. There was nothing to interrupt her sad thoughts; instead, the castle, the city, and the landscape all matched her mood.

Some of Lucretia's letters written during her stay at[Pg 156] the castle of Nepi are still in existence, and they are especially valuable, being the only ones we have which date from what is known as the Roman period of the life of the famous woman. Lucretia addressed them to her trusted servant in Rome, Vincenzo Giordano; some are in her own handwriting, and others in that of her secretary, Cristoforo. She signs herself "the most unhappy Princess of Salerno," although she herself afterwards struck out the words, principessa de Salerno, and left only the words, La infelicissima. In only a single letter—and this one has no date—did she allow the whole signature to stand.

Some of Lucretia's letters written during her time at[Pg 156] the castle of Nepi still exist, and they are particularly valuable as they are the only ones we have from what is referred to as the Roman period of this famous woman’s life. Lucretia addressed these letters to her trusted servant in Rome, Vincenzo Giordano; some are in her own handwriting, while others are penned by her secretary, Cristoforo. She signs herself "the most unhappy Princess of Salerno," although she later crossed out the words, principessa de Salerno, and left only La infelicissima. In just one letter—and this one is undated—did she allow the full signature to remain.

The first letters, dated September 15th and October 24, 1500, "in our city of Nepi," are devoted to domestic affairs, especially clothes, of which she was in need. Two days later she states that she had written to the Cardinal of Lisbon, her godfather, in the interest of the bearer of the letter, Giovanni of Prato. October 28th she directs Vincenzo to have certain clothes made for the little Rodrigo and to send them to her immediately by a courier. She also orders him to have prayers said for her in all the convents "on account of this, my new sorrow." October 30th she wrote as follows:

The first letters, dated September 15 and October 24, 1500, "in our city of Nepi," focus on personal matters, especially clothing, which she needed. Two days later, she mentions that she had written to her godfather, the Cardinal of Lisbon, on behalf of the letter's bearer, Giovanni of Prato. On October 28, she tells Vincenzo to have some clothes made for little Rodrigo and to send them to her right away through a courier. She also instructs him to have prayers offered for her in all the convents "because of this, my new sorrow." On October 30, she wrote the following:

Vincenzo: As we have decided that the memorial service for the soul of his Lordship, the duke, my husband—may the glory of the saints be his—shall be held, you will, with this end in view, go to his Eminence the Lord Cardinal of Colenzo, whom we have charged with this office, and will do whatever his Eminence commands you, both in regard to paying for the mass and also for performing whatever his Majesty directs; and you will keep account of what you spend of the five hundred which you have, for I will see that you are reimbursed, so it will be necessary. From the castle of Nepi, next to the last day of October, 1500.

Vince: Since we've decided to hold a memorial service for my husband, the duke—may he be in the glory of the saints—you will go to the Lord Cardinal of Colenzo, who we've appointed for this task, and follow whatever he instructs you to do regarding the payment for the mass and any other directions from his Majesty. Make sure to keep track of what you spend from the five hundred you have, as I will ensure you get reimbursed when necessary. From the castle of Nepi, on the day before the last day of October, 1500.

The Unhappy Princess of Salerno.

[Pg 157]

There is an undated letter written by Lucretia which, apparently, belongs to the same period, because it is written in a melancholy tone, and in it she asks Heaven to watch over her bed. The last dated letters, which are of October 31st and November 2d, are devoted to unimportant domestic affairs; they show that Lucretia was in Nepi as late as November. Another undated letter to the same Vincenzo Giordano refers to her return to Rome; it purposely contains obscurities which it is now impossible to decipher and fictitious names which had been agreed upon with her servant. Even the signature is a conventional sign. The epistle is word for word as follows: "I am so filled with misgivings and anxiety on account of my returning to Rome that I can scarcely write—I can only weep. And all this time when I found that Farina neither answered nor wrote to me I was able neither to eat nor sleep, and wept continually. God forgive Farina, who could have made everything turn out better and did not do so. I will see whether I can send him Roble before I set out—for I wish to send him. No more for the present. Again look well to that matter, and on no account let Rexa see this letter."

There's an undated letter from Lucretia that seems to be from the same time frame because it has a sad tone, and in it, she asks Heaven to watch over her bed. The last dated letters, from October 31st and November 2nd, deal with trivial household matters; they indicate that Lucretia was in Nepi as recently as November. Another undated letter to the same Vincenzo Giordano talks about her return to Rome; it intentionally includes ambiguities that are now impossible to decipher and fake names that she had agreed upon with her servant. Even the signature is a standard mark. The letter reads: "I’m so filled with doubts and anxiety about going back to Rome that I can barely write—I can only cry. And all this time, when I found that Farina neither answered nor wrote to me, I couldn't eat or sleep, and I cried constantly. God forgive Farina, who could have made everything turn out better but didn't. I’ll see if I can send him Roble before I leave—because I do want to send it to him. That’s all for now. Again, pay close attention to that matter, and under no circumstances let Rexa see this letter."

Lucretia, it appears, wished to leave Nepi and return to Rome, for which her father at first might refuse his permission. Perhaps Rexa in this letter means Alexander, and the name Farina may signify Cardinal Farnese, upon whose intermediation she counted. Vincenzo finally wrote her that he had spoken to the Pope himself, and Lucretia, in an undated letter, showed her servant how pleased she was because everything had turned out better than she had expected. This is the only letter in which the signature, "The unhappy Princess of Salerno" is not stricken out.

Lucretia seemed to want to leave Nepi and go back to Rome, which her father might initially oppose. Perhaps Rexa in this letter refers to Alexander, and Farina could mean Cardinal Farnese, who she hoped would help her. Vincenzo eventually wrote to her that he had spoken to the Pope directly, and in an undated letter, Lucretia expressed to her servant how happy she was that everything had turned out better than she had anticipated. This is the only letter where "The unhappy Princess of Salerno" is not crossed out.

We do not know how long Lucretia remained in Nepi,[Pg 158] where, in summer, the moisture rising from the rocky chasms caused deadly fevers, and still renders that place and Civitacastellana unhealthful. Her father recalled her to Rome before Christmas, and received her again into his favor as soon as her brother left the city. Only a few months had passed when Lucretia's soul was again filled with visions of a brilliant future, before which the vague form of the unfortunate Alfonso sank into oblivion. Her tears dried so quickly that, on the expiration of a year, no one would have recognized in this young and frivolous woman the widow of a trusted consort who had been foully murdered. From her father Lucretia had inherited, if not inexhaustible vitality, at least the lightness of mind which her contemporaries, under the name of joy of living, discovered in her and in the Pope.[Pg 159]

We don’t know how long Lucretia stayed in Nepi,[Pg 158] where, in summer, the moisture rising from the rocky ravines caused deadly fevers and still makes that area and Civitacastellana unhealthy. Her father called her back to Rome before Christmas and welcomed her back into his favor as soon as her brother left the city. Only a few months passed before Lucretia's mind was filled once again with dreams of a bright future, making the fading memory of the unfortunate Alfonso fade away. Her tears dried up so quickly that by the end of a year, no one would have recognized this young and carefree woman as the widow of a beloved husband who had been brutally murdered. From her father, Lucretia had inherited, if not endless energy, at least the lightness of spirit that her contemporaries labeled as the joy of living, which they saw in her and in the Pope.[Pg 159]

CHAPTER XVIII

CÆSAR AT PESARO

Towards the end of September, Cæsar entered Romagna with seven hundred heavy men at arms, two hundred light horsemen, and six thousand foot soldiers. First he advanced against Pesaro for the purpose of driving out his former brother-in-law. Sforza, on hearing of the terrible fate of his successor as husband of Lucretia, had good reason to congratulate himself on his escape. He was literally consuming with hate of all the Borgias, but, instead of being able to avenge himself for the injury they had done him, he found himself threatened with another, a greater and almost unavoidable one. He had been informed by his representative in Rome and by the ambassador of Spain, who was friendly to him, of the preparations his enemy was making, a fact proved by his letter to Francesco Gonzaga, the brother of his first wife, Maddalena.[81]

Towards the end of September, Cæsar entered Romagna with seven hundred heavy cavalry, two hundred light cavalry, and six thousand infantry. He first moved against Pesaro to drive out his former brother-in-law. Sforza, upon hearing about the terrible fate of the man who succeeded him as Lucretia’s husband, had every reason to feel relieved about his own escape. He was filled with hatred for all the Borgias, but instead of being able to get back at them for the wrongs they had done him, he found himself facing another, even bigger, and almost unavoidable threat. He had received word from his representative in Rome and from the Spanish ambassador, who was on his side, about the preparations his enemy was making, something confirmed by his letter to Francesco Gonzaga, the brother of his first wife, Maddalena.[81]

September 1, 1500, he informed the Marquis of Cæsar's intention to attack Pesaro, and asked him to endeavor to interest the Emperor Maximilian in his behalf. On the twenty-sixth he wrote an urgent appeal for help. This the marquis did not refuse, but he sent him only a hundred men under the command of an Albanian. Thus do we see how these illegitimate dynasties of Italy were in danger of being overthrown by every breath. Faenza was the only[Pg 160] place where the people loved their lord, the young and fair Astorre Manfredi, and remained true to him. In all the other cities of Romagna, however, the regime of the tyrants was detested. Sforza himself could be cruel and exacting, and not in vain had he been a pupil of the Borgias in Rome.

September 1, 1500, he informed the Marquis about Cæsar's plan to attack Pesaro and asked him to try to get the Emperor Maximilian to support him. On the twenty-sixth, he wrote an urgent request for help. The marquis didn’t refuse, but he only sent a hundred men led by an Albanian. This shows how these illegitimate dynasties in Italy were constantly at risk of being overthrown. Faenza was the only[Pg 160] place where the people loved their lord, the young and attractive Astorre Manfredi, and stayed loyal to him. In all the other cities in Romagna, though, the tyrants’ rule was despised. Sforza himself could be harsh and demanding, and he had not studied under the Borgias in Rome for nothing.

Never was throne so quickly overturned as his, or, rather, so promptly abandoned before it was attacked. Cæsar was some distance from Pesaro when there was a movement in his favor among the people; a party hostile to the Sforza was formed, while the whole populace, excited by the thought of what might follow the storming of the city by the heartless enemy, was anxious to make terms with him. In vain did the poet, Guido Posthumus, who had recently returned from Padua to his fatherland, urge his fellow citizens, in ardent verses, to resist the enemy.[82] The people rose Sunday, October 11th, even before Cæsar had appeared under the city walls. What then happened is told in Sforza's letter to Gonzaga:

Never was a throne so quickly overturned as his, or rather, so quickly abandoned before it was even attacked. Cæsar was quite a distance from Pesaro when the people began to rally for him; a group opposed to the Sforza formed, and the entire populace, stirred by the thought of what could happen if the ruthless enemy stormed the city, was eager to reach an agreement with him. In vain, the poet, Guido Posthumus, who had recently returned from Padua to his homeland, urged his fellow citizens in passionate verses to resist the enemy.[82] The people rose on Sunday, October 11th, even before Cæsar had arrived at the city walls. What happened next is detailed in Sforza's letter to Gonzaga:

Illustrious Sir and Honored Brother-in-Law: Your Excellency doubtless has learned ere this how the people of Pesaro, last Sunday morning, incited by four scoundrels, rose in arms, and how I, with a few who remained faithful, was forced to retire to the castle as best I could. When I saw that the enemy was approaching, and that Ercole Bentivoglio, who was near Rimini, was pressing forward, I left the castle at night to avoid being shut in—this was on the advice and with the help of the Albanian Jacomo. In spite of the bad roads and great obstacles, I escaped to this place, for which I have, first of all, to thank your Excellency—you having sent me Jacomo—and next, to thank him for bringing me through safely. What I shall now do, I know not; but if I do not succeed in getting to your Excellency within four days, I will send Jacomo, who will tell you how everything happened, and what my plans[Pg 161] are. In the meantime I wish you to know that I am safe, and that I commend myself to you. Bologna, October 17, 1500. Your Excellency's Brother-in-Law and Servant,

Dear Sir and Brother-in-Law: I’m sure you’ve heard by now how the people of Pesaro, stirred up by four troublemakers, rose in revolt last Sunday morning, and how I had to retreat to the castle with a few loyal followers. When I saw the enemy approaching, and that Ercole Bentivoglio, who was near Rimini, was advancing, I left the castle at night to avoid being trapped—this was thanks to the advice and assistance of the Albanian Jacomo. Despite the rough roads and many challenges, I managed to escape to this location, for which I must first thank you—since you sent me Jacomo—and also thank him for safely guiding me here. I’m unsure of my next steps, but if I don’t manage to reach you within four days, I’ll send Jacomo to inform you of everything that has happened and what my plans[Pg 161] are. In the meantime, I want you to know that I’m safe, and I am putting myself in your hands. Bologna, October 17, 1500. Your Excellency's Brother-in-Law and Servant,

Johannes Sforza of Aragon, Count of Cotignola and Pesaro.

Johannes Sforza from Aragon, Count of Cotignola and Pesaro.

October 19th he again wrote from Bologna, saying he was going to Ravenna, and intended to return from there to Pesaro, where the castle was still bravely holding out; he also asked the marquis to send him three hundred men. Three days later, however, he reported from Ravenna that the castle had capitulated.

On October 19th, he wrote again from Bologna, saying he was heading to Ravenna and planned to come back to Pesaro, where the castle was still holding strong. He also requested the marquis to send him three hundred men. However, three days later, he reported from Ravenna that the castle had surrendered.

Cæsar Borgia had taken the city of Pesaro, not only without resistance, but with the full consent of the people, and with public honors he entered the Sforza palace, where only four years before his sister had held her court. He took possession of the castle October 28th, summoned a painter and commanded him to draw a picture of it on paper for him to send the Pope. From the battlements of the castle of the Sforza twelve trumpeters sounded the glad tidings, and the heralds saluted Cæsar as Lord of Pesaro. October 29th he set out for the castle of Gradara.[83]

César Borgia took the city of Pesaro, not only without any resistance but also with the full approval of the people. He entered the Sforza palace with public honors, where just four years earlier his sister had held her court. He took over the castle on October 28th, called for a painter, and ordered him to create a drawing of it on paper to send to the Pope. From the battlements of the Sforza castle, twelve trumpeters announced the joyful news, and the heralds hailed César as the Lord of Pesaro. On October 29th, he set off for the castle of Gradara.[83]

Among those who witnessed his entry into Pesaro was Pandolfo Collenuccio. On receiving news of the fall of the city, Duke Ercole, owing to fear, and also on account of a certain bargain between himself and the Pope, of which we shall soon speak, sent this man, whom Sforza had banished, and who had found an asylum in Ferrara, to Cæsar to congratulate him. Collenuccio gave the duke a report of his mission, October 29th, in the following remarkable letter:

Among those who saw him enter Pesaro was Pandolfo Collenuccio. After hearing about the city's fall, Duke Ercole, out of fear and also because of a certain deal he had with the Pope, which we will discuss shortly, sent this man, who had been banished by Sforza and had found refuge in Ferrara, to Cæsar to congratulate him. Collenuccio reported back to the duke about his mission on October 29th, in the following notable letter:

My Illustrious Master: Having left your Excellency, I reached Pesaro two and a half days ago, arriving there[Pg 162] Thursday at the twenty-fourth hour. At exactly the same time the Duke of Valentino made his entry. The entire populace was gathered about the city gate, and he was received during a heavy fall of rain, and was presented with the keys of the city. He took up his abode in the palace, in the room formerly occupied by Signor Giovanni. His entry, according to the reports of some of my people who witnessed it, was very impressive. It was orderly, and he was accompanied by numerous horse and foot soldiers. The same evening I notified him of my arrival, and requested an audience whenever it should suit his Majesty's convenience. About two o'clock at night (eight o'clock in the evening) he sent Signor Ramiro and his majordomo to call upon me and to ask, in the most courteous manner, whether I was comfortably lodged, and whether, owing to the great number of people in the city, I lacked for anything. He had instructed them to tell me to rest myself thoroughly, and that he would receive me the following day. Early Wednesday he sent me by a courier, as a present, a sack of barley, a cask of wine, a wether, eight pairs of capons and hens, two large torches, two bundles of wax candles, and two boxes of sweetmeats. He, however, did not appoint an hour for an audience, but sent his excuses and said I must not think it strange. The reason was that he had risen at the twentieth hour (two o'clock in the afternoon) and had dined, after which he had gone to the castle, where he remained until night, and whence he returned greatly exhausted owing to a sore he had in the groin.

My Esteemed Mentor: Since leaving your Excellency, I got to Pesaro two and a half days ago, arriving there[Pg 162] Thursday at midnight. At the same time, the Duke of Valentino made his entrance. The whole town was gathered around the city gate, and he was welcomed during a heavy downpour and presented with the keys to the city. He moved into the palace, taking the room that was previously occupied by Signor Giovanni. His arrival, according to reports from some of my people who saw it, was quite impressive. It was orderly, and he was accompanied by many horse and foot soldiers. That evening, I informed him of my arrival and requested a meeting whenever it suited his Majesty. Around two o'clock in the morning (eight o'clock in the evening), he sent Signor Ramiro and his steward to check on me and to ask, very politely, if I was comfortable and if I needed anything due to the large number of people in the city. He instructed them to tell me to rest well, and that he would receive me the following day. Early Wednesday, he sent me a gift via courier, which included a sack of barley, a cask of wine, a wether, eight pairs of capons and hens, two large torches, two bundles of wax candles, and two boxes of sweets. However, he didn't set a time for our meeting but sent his apologies and said I shouldn’t think it strange. The reason was that he had gotten up at two o'clock in the afternoon and had dined, then went to the castle, where he stayed until night, returning greatly exhausted because of a sore he had in his groin.

To-day, about the twenty-second hour (four in the afternoon), after he had dined, he had Signor Ramiro fetch me to him; and with great frankness and amiability his Majesty first made his excuses for not granting me an audience the preceding day, owing to his having so much to do in the castle and also on account of the pain caused by his ulcer. Following this, and after I had stated that the sole object of my mission was to wait upon his Majesty to congratulate and thank him, and to offer your services, he answered me in carefully chosen words, covering each point and very fluently. The gist of it was, that knowing your Excellency's ability and goodness, he had always loved you and had hoped to enjoy personal relations with you. He had looked forward to this when you were in[Pg 163] Milan, but events and circumstances then prevented it. But now that he had come to this country, he—determined to have his wish—had written the letter announcing his successes, of his own free will and as proof of his love, and feeling certain that your Majesty would be pleased by it. He says he will continue to keep you informed of his doings, as he desires to establish a firm friendship with your Majesty, and he proffers everything he owns and in his power should you ever have need. He desires to look upon you as a father. He also thanked your Majesty for the letter and for having sent it him by a messenger, although the letter was unnecessary; for even without it he would have known that your Majesty would be pleased by his success. In short, he could not have uttered better and more seemly words than those he used when he referred to you as his father and to himself as your son, which he did repeatedly.

Today, around the twenty-second hour (four in the afternoon), after he had dined, he had Signor Ramiro bring me to see him. With great honesty and friendliness, his Majesty first apologized for not meeting with me the day before, due to having so much to handle in the castle and also because of the pain from his ulcer. After I explained that the only purpose of my visit was to congratulate and thank him, and to offer your services, he responded with carefully chosen words, addressing each point very fluently. The main idea was that, knowing your Excellency's talent and kindness, he had always held you in high regard and hoped to develop a personal relationship with you. He had looked forward to this when you were in [Pg 163] Milan, but circumstances at that time prevented it. Now that he has come to this country, he—determined to fulfill his wish—wrote the letter announcing his successes out of his own free will, as proof of his affection, believing that your Majesty would appreciate it. He says he will keep you updated on his activities, as he wishes to build a strong friendship with your Majesty, and he offers everything he has and can do should you ever need it. He wants to view you as a father. He also thanked your Majesty for the letter and for sending it by a messenger, even though the letter wasn't necessary; he would have known that your Majesty would be pleased with his success regardless. In summary, he couldn't have expressed kinder and more appropriate words than those he used when he called you his father and himself your son, which he did repeatedly.

When I take both the actual facts and his words into consideration, I see why he wishes to establish some sort of friendly alliance with your Majesty. I believe in his professions, and I can see nothing but good in them. He was much pleased by your Majesty's sending a special messenger to him, and I heard that he had informed the Pope of it; to his followers here he spoke of it in a way that showed he considered it of the greatest moment.

When I look at both the facts and what he said, I understand why he wants to form a friendly alliance with you, Your Majesty. I believe in his intentions, and I see nothing but positive outcomes. He was really happy that you sent a special messenger to him, and I heard he told the Pope about it; to his supporters here, he talked about it as if it were incredibly important.

Replying in general terms, I said that I could only commend the wisdom he had shown in regard to your Excellency, owing to our position and to that of our State, which, however, could only redound to his credit; to this he emphatically assented. He gave me to understand that he recognized this perfectly, and thereupon, breaking the thread of our conversation, we came to the subject of Faenza. His Majesty said to me, "I do not know what Faenza wants to do; she can give us no more trouble than did the others; still she may delay matters. I replied that I believed she would do as the others had done; but if she did not, it could only redound to his Majesty's glory; for it would give him another opportunity to display his skill and valor by capturing the place." This seemed to please him, and he answered that he would assuredly crush it. Bologna was not mentioned. He was pleased by the messages which I brought him from your people, from Don Alfonso and the cardinal, of whom he spoke long and with every appearance of affection.[Pg 164]

Replying in broad terms, I mentioned that I could only praise the wisdom he had shown regarding your Excellency, given our position and that of our State, which should only bring him credit; he strongly agreed. He indicated that he understood this perfectly, and then, shifting the topic, we moved on to Faenza. His Majesty said to me, "I don’t know what Faenza wants to do; it can't cause us more trouble than the others did; still, it might delay things. I replied that I believed she would behave like the others had, but if she didn't, it could only enhance his Majesty’s glory; because it would give him another chance to showcase his skill and bravery by capturing the place." This seemed to make him happy, and he replied that he would definitely crush it. Bologna wasn't mentioned. He was pleased with the messages I brought him from your people, from Don Alfonso and the cardinal, whom he spoke of warmly and with great affection.[Pg 164]

Thereupon, having been together a full half hour, I took my departure, and his Majesty, mounting his horse, rode forth. This evening he is going to Gradara; to-morrow to Rimini, and then farther. He is accompanied by all his troops, including the artillery. He told me he would not move so slowly but that he did not wish to leave the cannon behind.

Thereafter, after spending a full half hour together, I took my leave, and the King mounted his horse and rode off. This evening he’s heading to Gradara; tomorrow to Rimini, and then further on. He’s accompanied by all his troops, including the artillery. He mentioned that he wouldn’t move so slowly if he didn’t want to leave the cannons behind.

There are more than two thousand men quartered here but they have done no appreciable damage. The surrounding country is swarming with troops; whether they have done much harm we do not know. He granted the city no privileges or exemptions. He left as his lieutenant a certain doctor of Forli. He took seventy pieces of artillery from the castle, and the guard he left there is very small.

There are over two thousand soldiers stationed here, but they haven’t caused any significant damage. The area around us is filled with troops; we’re not sure how much harm they’ve caused. He didn’t give the city any special privileges or exemptions. He appointed a doctor from Forli as his lieutenant. He took seventy pieces of artillery from the castle, and the guard he left there is quite small.

I will tell your Excellency something which a number of people mentioned to me; it was, however, related to me in detail by a Portuguese cavalier, a soldier in the army of the Duke of Valentino who is lodged here in the house of my son-in-law with fifteen troopers—an upright man who was a friend of our lord, Don Fernando, when he was with King Charles. He told me that the Pope intended to give this city to Madonna Lucretia for her portion, and that he had found a husband for her, an Italian, who would always be able to retain the friendship of Valentino. Whether this be true I know not, but it is generally believed.

I want to share something that several people talked about with me; however, it was explained in detail by a Portuguese knight, a soldier in the Duke of Valentino's army, who is staying here at my son-in-law's place with fifteen cavalrymen—he's an honest man who was a friend of our lord, Don Fernando, when he was with King Charles. He told me that the Pope plans to give this city to Madonna Lucretia as part of her dowry, and that he has found an Italian husband for her who will always be able to maintain Valentino's friendship. Whether this is true, I don't know, but it's widely believed.

As to Fano, the Duke did not retain it. He was there five days. He did not want it, but the burghers presented it to him, and his it will be when he desires it. It is said the Pope commanded him not to take Fano unless the citizens themselves asked him to do so. Therefore it remained in statu quo.

As for Fano, the Duke didn’t keep it. He was there for five days. He didn’t want it, but the townspeople offered it to him, and it will be his whenever he wants. It’s said that the Pope instructed him not to take Fano unless the citizens asked him to do so. So, it stayed in statu quo.

Postscript:

The Duke's daily life is as follows: he goes to bed at eight, nine, or ten o'clock at night (three to five o'clock in the morning). Consequently, the eighteenth hour is his dawn, the nineteenth his sunrise, and the twentieth his time for rising. Immediately on getting up he sits down to the table, and while there and afterwards he attends to his business affairs. He is considered brave, strong, and generous, and it is said he lays great store by straightforward men. He is terrible in revenge—so many tell me. A man of strong good sense, and thirsting for greatness and[Pg 165] fame, he seems more eager to seize States than to keep and administer them.

The Duke's daily routine looks like this: he goes to bed at eight, nine, or ten o'clock at night (three to five in the morning). Therefore, the sixth hour is his dawn, the seventh is his sunrise, and the eighth is when he gets up. Right after waking up, he sits down to eat and, while there and afterwards, handles his business matters. People see him as brave, strong, and generous; they say he values straightforward individuals highly. He is feared for his vengeance—so many people tell me. He is a man of strong common sense, eager for greatness and fame, and it seems he is more focused on seizing territories than on keeping and managing them.

Your illustrious ducal Majesty's servant,

Your esteemed duke's servant,

Pandulphus.

Pesaro, Thursday, October 29,
Six o'clock at night, 1500.

Pesaro, Thursday, October 29,
6 PM, 1500.

The Duke's Retinue

	}
Bartolomeo of Capranica, Field-Marshal.
Piero Santa Croce.
Giulio Alberino.
Mario Don Marian de Stephano.		All Noblemen of Rome.
Menico Sanguigni.
Jo. Baptista Mancini.
Dorio Savello.

Prominent Men in the Duke's Household.

	}
Bishop of Elna,		Spaniards.
Bishop of Sancta Sista,

Bishop of Trani, an Italian.

A Neapolitan abbot.

Sig^r Ramiro del Orca, Governor; he is the factotum.

Don Hieronymo, a Portuguese.

Messer Agabito da Amelio, Secretary.

Mes^r Alexandro Spannocchia, Treasurer, who says that the duke

Since leaving Rome until now, he has spent

daily, on average, eighteen hundred ducats.

Collenuccio in his letter omits to mention the fact that he had addressed to Cæsar, the new master of Pesaro, a complaint against its former lord, Giovanni Sforza, and that the duke had reinstated him in the possession of his confiscated property. He was destined a few years later bitterly to regret having taken this step. Guido Posthumus, on the other hand, whose property Cæsar appropriated, fled to the Rangone in Modena. Sforza, expelled, reached Venice November 2d, where he endeavored, according to Malipiero, to sell the Republic his estates of Pesaro—in[Pg 166] which attempt he failed. Thence he went to Mantua. At that time Modena and Mantua were the asylums of numerous exiled tyrants who were hospitably received into the beautiful castle of the Gonzaga, which was protected by the swamps of the Mincio.

Collenuccio in his letter leaves out the fact that he had sent a complaint to Cæsar, the new ruler of Pesaro, against its former lord, Giovanni Sforza, and that the duke had restored him to his confiscated property. He would come to deeply regret this decision a few years later. Guido Posthumus, on the other hand, whose property Cæsar seized, fled to the Rangone in Modena. Sforza, now in exile, arrived in Venice on November 2nd, where he tried, according to Malipiero, to sell the Republic his estates in Pesaro—in[Pg 166] but he failed in that attempt. From there he went to Mantua. At that time, Modena and Mantua were havens for many exiled tyrants, who were warmly welcomed into the beautiful castle of the Gonzaga, which was protected by the swamps of the Mincio.

After the fall of Pesaro, Rimini likewise expelled its hated oppressors, the brothers Pandolfo and Carlo Malatesta, whereupon Cæsar Borgia laid siege to Faenza. The youthful Astorre, its lord, finally surrendered, April 25, 1501, to the destroyer, on the duke's promise not to deprive him of his liberty. Cæsar, however, sent the unfortunate young man to Rome, where he and his brother Octavian, together with several other victims, were confined in the castle of S. Angelo. This was the same Astorre with whom Cardinal Alessandro Farnese wished to unite his sister Giulia in marriage, and the unfortunate youth may now have regretted that this alliance had not taken place.[Pg 167]

After the fall of Pesaro, Rimini also got rid of its despised oppressors, the brothers Pandolfo and Carlo Malatesta. Following this, Cæsar Borgia besieged Faenza. The young lord Astorre eventually surrendered on April 25, 1501, to the conqueror, based on the duke's promise that he wouldn't take away his freedom. However, Cæsar sent the unfortunate young man to Rome, where he and his brother Octavian, along with several other captives, were locked up in the castle of S. Angelo. This was the same Astorre that Cardinal Alessandro Farnese wanted to marry off to his sister Giulia, and the unfortunate youth might have regretted that this union never happened.[Pg 167]

CHAPTER XIX

ANOTHER MARRIAGE PLANNED FOR LUCRETIA

During this time Lucretia, with her child Rodrigo, was living in the palace of S. Peter's. If she was inclined to grieve for her husband, her father left her little time to give way to her feelings. He had recourse to her thoughtlessness and vanity, for the dead Alfonso was to be replaced by another and greater Alfonso. Scarcely was the Duke of Biselli interred before a new alliance was planned. As early as November, 1500, there was talk of Lucretia's marrying the hereditary Prince of Ferrara, who, since 1497, had been a widower; he was childless, and was just twenty-four years of age. Marino Zorzi, the new Venetian ambassador, first mentioned the project to his signory November 26th. This union, however, had been considered in the Vatican much earlier—in fact while Lucretia's husband was still living. At the Christmas holidays of 1500 it was publicly stated that she was to marry the Duke of Gravina, an Orsini who, undeterred by the fate of Lucretia's former husbands, came to Rome in December to sue for her hand. Some hope was held out to him, probably with a view to retaining the friendship of his family.

During this time, Lucretia was living in the palace of St. Peter with her son Rodrigo. If she felt sad about her husband, her father gave her little time to indulge in those feelings. He relied on her carelessness and vanity because the late Alfonso was to be replaced by another, even greater Alfonso. As soon as the Duke of Biselli was buried, a new alliance was in the works. As early as November 1500, there were discussions about Lucretia marrying the hereditary Prince of Ferrara, who had been a widower since 1497; he was childless and just twenty-four years old. Marino Zorzi, the new Venetian ambassador, first brought up the idea to his council on November 26th. However, this union had been considered in the Vatican much earlier—in fact, while Lucretia's husband was still alive. During the Christmas holidays of 1500, it was announced that she was set to marry the Duke of Gravina, an Orsini who, undeterred by the fates of Lucretia's previous husbands, came to Rome in December to seek her hand. Some hope was offered to him, probably to maintain the friendship of his family.

Alexander himself conceived the plan of marrying Lucretia to Alfonso of Ferrara. He desired this alliance both on his beloved daughter's account and because it could not fail to prove advantageous to Cæsar; it would not only assure to him the possession of Romagna, which Venice[Pg 168] might try to wrest from him, but it would also increase his chances of consummating his plans regarding Bologna and Florence. At the same time it would bring to him the support of the dynasties of Mantua and Urbino, which were connected by marriage with the house of Ferrara. It would be the nucleus of a great league, including France, the Papacy, Cæsar's States, Ferrara, Mantua, and Urbino, which would be sufficiently strong to defend Alexander and his house against all enemies.

Alexander came up with the idea of marrying Lucretia to Alfonso of Ferrara. He wanted this alliance for his beloved daughter’s sake and because it would benefit Cæsar as well; it would secure his control over Romagna, which Venice[Pg 168] might try to take from him, and it would also improve his chances of advancing his goals regarding Bologna and Florence. At the same time, it would bring him the support of the dynasties of Mantua and Urbino, which were linked by marriage to the house of Ferrara. This would create the foundation for a powerful coalition, including France, the Papacy, Cæsar's States, Ferrara, Mantua, and Urbino, strong enough to protect Alexander and his family from all enemies.

If the King of France was to maintain his position in Italy he would require, above all else, the help of the Pope. He already occupied Milan, and he wished to seize half of the kingdom of Naples and hold it as a vassal of the Church; for France and Spain had already agreed upon the wicked partition of Naples, to which Alexander had thus far neither refused nor given his consent.

If the King of France wanted to keep his position in Italy, he needed, first and foremost, the Pope's support. He already controlled Milan and wanted to capture half of the kingdom of Naples to hold it as a vassal of the Church; France and Spain had already come to a disturbing agreement to divide Naples, which Alexander had neither rejected nor approved so far.

In order to win over the Duke of Ferrara to his bold scheme, Alexander availed himself, first of all, of Giambattista Ferrari of Modena, an old retainer of Ercole, who was wholly devoted to the Pope, and whom he had made datarius and subsequently a cardinal. Ferrari ventured to suggest the marriage to the duke, "on account," so he wrote him, "of the great advantage which would accrue to his State from it."[84] This proposal caused Ercole no less embarrassment than King Federico of Naples had felt when he was placed in a similar position. His pride rebelled. His daughter, the noble Marchioness Isabella of Mantua, and her sister-in-law Elisabetta of Urbino, were literally beside themselves. The youthful Alfonso objected most vigorously. Moreover, there was a plan afoot to marry the hereditary duke to a princess of the royal house[Pg 169] of France, Louise, widow of the Duke of Angoulême.[85] Ercole rejected the offer absolutely.

To win the Duke of Ferrara over to his bold plan, Alexander first enlisted Giambattista Ferrari of Modena, an old servant of Ercole, who was completely loyal to the Pope and whom he had appointed as datarius and later as a cardinal. Ferrari dared to suggest the marriage to the duke, stating in a letter, "because of the significant benefits that would come to his State from it."[84] This proposal caused Ercole as much discomfort as King Federico of Naples had experienced in a similar situation. His pride was hurt. His daughter, the noble Marchioness Isabella of Mantua, and her sister-in-law Elisabetta of Urbino were absolutely frantic. The young Alfonso protested vehemently. Additionally, there was a plan in motion to betroth the hereditary duke to a princess from the royal house[Pg 169] of France, Louise, the widow of the Duke of Angoulême.[85] Ercole completely rejected the proposal.

Alexander had foreseen his opposition, but he felt sure he could overcome it. He had the advantages of the alliance pointed out more clearly, and also the disadvantages which might result from a refusal; on one hand was Ferrara's safety and advancement, and on the other the hostility of Cæsar and the Pope, and perhaps also that of France.[86] Alexander was so certain of his victory that he made no secret of the projected marriage, and he even spoke of it with satisfaction in the consistory, as if it were an accomplished fact.[87] He succeeded in winning the support of the French court, which, however, was not difficult, as Louis XII was then very anxious for the Pope to allow him to lead his army out of Tuscany, through the States of the Church, into Naples, which he could not do without the secret consent of his Holiness. Above all, the Pope counted on the help of Cardinal Amboise, to whom Cæsar had taken the red hat when he went to France, and whose ambitious glances were directed toward the papal throne, which, with the aid of his friend Cæsar and of the Spanish cardinals, he hoped to reach on the death of Alexander.

Alexander had anticipated his opposition, but he was confident he could overcome it. He pointed out the benefits of the alliance more clearly, as well as the drawbacks of refusing it; on one hand, there was Ferrara's safety and growth, and on the other, the hostility of Cæsar and the Pope, and possibly France as well.[86] Alexander was so sure of his success that he openly discussed the planned marriage, even expressing satisfaction about it in the consistory, as if it were already a done deal.[87] He managed to win the support of the French court, which wasn't too hard since Louis XII was eager for the Pope to allow him to move his army out of Tuscany, through the Papal States, into Naples, something he couldn't do without the Pope's secret approval. Above all, the Pope relied on the assistance of Cardinal Amboise, who Cæsar had elevated when he went to France, and whose ambitious eyes were set on the papal throne, which he hoped to claim with the help of his friend Cæsar and the Spanish cardinals after Alexander's death.

It is, nevertheless, a fact that Louis XII at first was opposed to the match, and even endeavored to prevent it. He himself was not only determinedly set against everything which would increase the power of Cæsar and the Pope, but he was also anxious to enhance his own influence with Ferrara by bringing about the marriage of Alfonso[Pg 170] and some French princess. In May Alexander sent a secretary to France to induce the king to use his influence to effect the alliance, but this Louis declined to do.[88] On the other hand, he was anxious to bring about the marriage of Don Ferrante, Alfonso's brother, with Lucretia, and secure for her, as portion, the territory of Piombino.[89] He had also placed a check on Cæsar's operations in Central Italy, in consequence of which the latter's attempts against Bologna and Florence had miscarried.

It is, however, a fact that Louis XII was initially against the marriage and even tried to stop it. He was not only firmly opposed to anything that would boost the power of Cæsar and the Pope, but he also wanted to strengthen his own influence in Ferrara by arranging the marriage of Alfonso[Pg 170] to some French princess. In May, Alexander sent a secretary to France to persuade the king to use his influence to make the alliance happen, but Louis refused to do so.[88] On the other hand, he was eager to arrange the marriage of Don Ferrante, Alfonso's brother, with Lucretia, and ensure that she received the territory of Piombino as her dowry.[89] He had also put a stop to Cæsar's activities in Central Italy, which caused Cæsar's attempts against Bologna and Florence to fail.

The whole scheme for the marriage would have fallen through if the subject of the French expedition against Naples had not just then come up. There is ground for believing that the Pope's consent was made contingent upon the King's agreeing to the marriage.

The entire plan for the marriage would have collapsed if the topic of the French campaign against Naples hadn't come up at that moment. It's believed that the Pope's approval depended on the King agreeing to the marriage.

June 13, 1501, Cæsar himself, now created Duke of Romagna by his father, came secretly to Rome, where he remained three weeks, exerting all his efforts to further the plan. After this, he and his men at arms followed the French Marshal Aubigny, who had set out from near Rome for Naples, to engage in a nefarious war of conquest, whose horrors, in the briefest of time, overwhelmed the house of Aragon.

June 13, 1501, Cæsar himself, now made Duke of Romagna by his father, came secretly to Rome, where he stayed for three weeks, working hard to advance his plan. After that, he and his soldiers followed the French Marshal Aubigny, who had left near Rome for Naples, to participate in a sinister war of conquest, the brutality of which quickly overwhelmed the house of Aragon.

As early as June the King of France yielded to the Pope's solicitations, and exerted his influence in Ferrara, as appears from a despatch of the Ferrarese ambassador to France, dated June 22d. He reported to Ercole that he had stated to the king that the Pope threatened to deprive the duke of his domain if he did not consent to the marriage; whereupon the king replied that Ferrara was under[Pg 171] his protection and could fall only when France fell. The envoy feared that the Pope might avail himself of the question of the investiture of Naples—upon which the king was determined—to win him over to his side. He finally wrote the duke that Monsignor de Trans, the most influential person at the king's court, had advised him to agree to the marriage upon the conditional payment of two hundred thousand ducats, the remission of Ferrara's annual dues, and certain benefices for the house of Este.[90]

As early as June, the King of France responded to the Pope's requests and used his influence in Ferrara, as shown in a report from the Ferrarese ambassador to France, dated June 22nd. He informed Ercole that he had told the king that the Pope was threatening to take away the duke's territory if he didn’t agree to the marriage; to which the king replied that Ferrara was under[Pg 171] his protection and would only fall if France fell. The envoy was concerned that the Pope might use the issue of Naples' investiture—which the king was adamant about—to sway him to his side. Ultimately, he wrote to the duke that Monsignor de Trans, the most influential figure at the king's court, had suggested he agree to the marriage with the condition of a payment of two hundred thousand ducats, the cancellation of Ferrara’s annual dues, and certain positions for the house of Este.[90]

Amboise sent the Archbishop of Narbonne and other agents to Ferrara to win over the duke; the King of France himself wrote and urged him to give his consent, and he now refused Don Alfonso the hand of the French princess. While the French ambassador was presenting his case to the duke, the Pope's messengers and Cæsar's agents were also endeavoring to secure his consent. Caught in a network of intrigue, fear at last forced Ercole to yield.

Amboise sent the Archbishop of Narbonne and other agents to Ferrara to win over the duke; the King of France himself wrote and urged him to give his consent, but he now refused Don Alfonso the hand of the French princess. While the French ambassador was making his case to the duke, the Pope's messengers and Cæsar's agents were also trying to get his approval. Caught in a web of intrigue, fear finally forced Ercole to give in.

July 8th he had Louis XII notified that he would do as he wished, if he and the Pope could agree upon the conditions.[91] He yielded only to the demand of the king, who advised the marriage solely because he himself had need of the Pope. All the while he was urging Ercole to give his consent, he was also counselling him not to be in too great haste to send his son Don Ferrante to Rome to conclude the matter, but to hold him back as long as possible—until he himself should reach Lombardy, which would be in September. He even had Ercole informed that he would keep his promise to bestow the hand of Madonna d'Angoulême on Don Alfonso, and he made no effort to conceal the displeasure he felt on account of the[Pg 172] projected alliance with Lucretia.[92] To the Ferrarese ambassador he remarked that he would consider the duke unwise if he allowed his son to marry the daughter of the Pope, for, on Alexander's death, he would no longer know with whom he had concluded the alliance, and Alfonso's position would become very uncertain.[93]

On July 8th, he informed Louis XII that he would proceed as he saw fit, provided he and the Pope could agree on the terms.[91] He only complied with the king's request, who suggested the marriage because he needed the Pope's support. While he was pushing Ercole to give his approval, he also advised him not to rush into sending his son Don Ferrante to Rome to finalize things but to delay him as long as possible—until he himself arrived in Lombardy, which would be in September. He even let Ercole know that he would keep his promise to give Madonna d'Angoulême’s hand to Don Alfonso, and he didn't hide his dissatisfaction with the[Pg 172] proposed alliance with Lucretia.[92] He told the Ferrarese ambassador that he would think the duke foolish if he allowed his son to marry the Pope's daughter because, after Alexander's death, he would no longer know who he had allied with, leaving Alfonso's position very precarious.[93]

The duke did not hurry; it is true he sent his secretary, Hector Bellingeri, to Rome, but only for the purpose of telling the Pope that he had yielded to the king's wishes upon the condition that his own demands would be satisfied. The Pope and Cæsar, however, urged that the marriage contract be executed at once, and they requested the Cardinal of Rouen, who was then in Milan, to induce Ercole to send his son Alfonso there (to Milan), so that the transaction might be concluded in the cardinal's presence. This the duke refused to do until the Pope agreed to the conditions upon which he had based his consent.[94]

The duke wasn't in a rush; it's true he sent his secretary, Hector Bellingeri, to Rome, but only to inform the Pope that he had agreed to the king's wishes on the condition that his own demands would be met. However, the Pope and Cæsar insisted that the marriage contract be finalized immediately, and they asked the Cardinal of Rouen, who was in Milan at the time, to persuade Ercole to send his son Alfonso there (to Milan), so that the deal could be wrapped up in the cardinal's presence. The duke, however, refused to comply until the Pope accepted the terms he had laid out for his agreement.[94]

While these shameful negotiations regarding Lucretia were dragging on, Cæsar was in Naples, and was the instrument and witness of the sudden overthrow of the hated house of Aragon, whose throne, however, was not to fall to his portion. Alexander used this opportunity to appropriate the property of the barons of Latium, especially that of the Colonna, the Savelli, and Estouteville, all of which, owing to the Neapolitan war, had been left without protection. The confiscation of this property was, as we shall soon see, part of the scheme which included the marriage. As early as June, 1501, he had taken possession of a num[Pg 173]ber of cities belonging to these families. Alexander, accompanied by troops, horse and foot-soldiers, went to Sermoneta July 27th.

While these disgraceful negotiations about Lucretia were dragging on, Cæsar was in Naples, witnessing and playing a key role in the sudden downfall of the despised House of Aragon, although its throne was not meant for him. Alexander seized this chance to take over the property of the barons of Latium, especially the Colonna, the Savelli, and Estouteville, all of which had been left vulnerable due to the Neapolitan war. The confiscation of this property was, as we will soon see, part of the plan that included the marriage. As early as June 1501, he had taken control of several cities belonging to these families. On July 27th, Alexander, accompanied by troops, both cavalry and infantry, went to Sermoneta.

This was the time that—just before his departure—he made Lucretia his representative in the Vatican. Following are Burchard's words: "Before his Holiness, our Master, left the city, he turned over the palace and all the business affairs to his daughter Lucretia, authorizing her to open all letters which should come addressed to him. In important matters she was to ask advice of the Cardinal of Lisbon.

This was the time when—just before he left—he appointed Lucretia as his representative in the Vatican. Here are Burchard's words: "Before our Master, the Pope, departed from the city, he handed over the palace and all his business affairs to his daughter Lucretia, giving her the authority to open any letters addressed to him. For important issues, she was to seek advice from the Cardinal of Lisbon."

"When a certain matter came up—I do not know just what it was—it is said Lucretia went to the above-named cardinal and informed him of the Pope's instructions, and laid the matter before him. Thereupon he said to her, that whenever the Pope had anything to submit to the consistory, the vice-chancellor, or some other cardinal in his stead, would write it down together with the opinions of those present; therefore some one should now record what is said. Lucretia replied, 'I can write very well.' 'Where is your pen?' asked the cardinal. Lucretia saw that he was joking, and she laughed, and thus their conference had a fit ending."

"When a certain issue arose—I’m not exactly sure what it was—they say Lucretia went to the cardinal mentioned earlier and informed him about the Pope's instructions, presenting the matter to him. He then told her that whenever the Pope had something to bring to the consistory, the vice-chancellor or another cardinal in his place would jot it down along with the opinions of those present; so someone should record what was being said now. Lucretia responded, 'I can write very well.' 'Where's your pen?' the cardinal asked. Lucretia realized he was joking, laughed, and thus their meeting ended on a good note."

What a scene for the Vatican! A young and beautiful woman, the Pope's own daughter, presiding over the cardinals in consistory. This one scene is sufficient to show to what depths the Church of Rome had sunk; it is more convincing than a thousand satires, than a thousand official reports. The affairs which the Pope entrusted to his daughter were—at least so we assume—wholly secular and not ecclesiastical; but this bold proceeding was entirely unprecedented. The prominence given Lucretia, the highest proof of favor her father could show her, was due to[Pg 174] special reasons. Alexander had just been assured of the consent of Alfonso d'Este to the marriage with Lucretia, and in his joy he made her regent in the Vatican. This was to show that he recognized in her, the prospective Duchess of Ferrara, a person of weight in the politics of the peninsula. In doing this he was simply imitating the example of Ercole and other princes, who were accustomed, when absent from their domains, to confide state business to the women of their families.

What a sight for the Vatican! A young and beautiful woman, the Pope's own daughter, leading the cardinals in assembly. This one scene is enough to show how far the Church of Rome has fallen; it's more convincing than a thousand satirical writings or official reports. The responsibilities that the Pope handed over to his daughter were—at least as we assume—completely secular and not related to the Church; but this bold move was entirely unprecedented. The prominence given to Lucretia, the highest indication of favor her father could give her, was due to [Pg 174] special reasons. Alexander had just received confirmation from Alfonso d'Este about the marriage to Lucretia, and in his excitement, he made her regent in the Vatican. This was to show that he recognized in her, the future Duchess of Ferrara, someone significant in the politics of the region. In doing this, he was simply following the example set by Ercole and other princes, who were used to trusting state matters to the women in their families when they were away from their lands.

The duke had found it difficult to overcome his son's objections, for nothing could offend the young prince so deeply as the determination to compel him to marry Lucretia; not because she was an illegitimate child, for this blot signified little in that age when bastards flourished in all Latin countries. Many of the ruling dynasties of Italy bore this stain—the Sforza, the Malatesta, the Bentivoglio, and the Aragonese of Naples; even the brilliant Borso, the first Duke of Ferrara, was the illegitimate brother of his successor, Ercole. Lucretia, however, was the daughter of a Pope, the child of a priest, and this, in the eyes of the Este, constituted her disgrace. Neither her father's licentiousness nor Cæsar's crimes could have greatly affected the moral sense of the court of Ferrara, but not one of the princely houses of that age was so depraved that it was indifferent to the reputation of a woman destined to become one of its prominent members.

The duke struggled to overcome his son's objections, as nothing upset the young prince more than the insistence on marrying Lucretia; not because she was an illegitimate child, since that stigma meant little in an era when bastards were common in all Latin countries. Many of the ruling dynasties in Italy carried this blemish—the Sforza, the Malatesta, the Bentivoglio, and the Aragonese of Naples; even the illustrious Borso, the first Duke of Ferrara, was the illegitimate brother of his successor, Ercole. However, Lucretia was the daughter of a Pope, a priest's child, and this was seen as disgraceful by the Este family. While her father's promiscuity and Cæsar's crimes might not have greatly affected the moral compass of the court of Ferrara, not one of the princely houses of that time was so corrupt that it didn't care about the reputation of a woman who was set to become one of its key members.

Alfonso was the prospective husband of a young woman whose career, although she was only twenty-one years of age, had been most extraordinary. Twice had Lucretia been legally betrothed, twice had she been married, and twice had she been made a widow by the wickedness or crimes of others. Her reputation, consequently, was bad, therefore Alfonso, himself a man of the world, never could[Pg 175] feel sure of this young woman's virtue, even if he did not believe all the reports which were circulated regarding her. The scandalous gossip about everything which takes place at court passed from city to city just as quickly then as it does now. The duke and his son were informed by their agents of everything which actually occurred in the Borgia family, as well as of every story which was started concerning its members. The frightful reasons which the disgraced Sforza had given Lucretia's father in writing as grounds for the annulment of his marriage were at once communicated to the duke in Ferrara. The following year his agent in Venice informed him that "a report had come from Rome that the Pope's daughter had given birth to an illegitimate child."[95] Moreover, all the satires with which the enemies of the Borgias persecuted them—including Lucretia—were well known at the court of Ferrara, and doubtless maliciously enjoyed. Are we warranted in assuming that the Este considered these reports and satires as really well founded, and yet overcame their scruples sufficiently to receive a Thais into their house when they would have incurred much less danger by following the example of Federico of Naples, who had persisted in refusing his daughter's hand to Cæsar Borgia?

Alfonso was the potential husband of a young woman whose career, despite her being only twenty-one, had been quite extraordinary. Lucretia had been legally engaged twice, married twice, and widowed twice due to the wrongdoings or crimes of others. As a result, her reputation was tarnished; therefore, Alfonso, a worldly man, could never be completely sure of this young woman's virtue, even if he didn't believe all the rumors swirling around her. The scandalous gossip about everything happening at court spread from city to city just as quickly then as it does now. The duke and his son were kept in the loop by their agents on everything that actually happened in the Borgia family, as well as every story that was made up about its members. The shocking reasons that the disgraced Sforza had given Lucretia's father in writing for the annulment of his marriage were immediately relayed to the duke in Ferrara. The following year, his agent in Venice informed him that "a report had come from Rome that the Pope's daughter had given birth to an illegitimate child." Moreover, all the satirical pieces that the enemies of the Borgias, including Lucretia, used to attack them were well-known at the court of Ferrara and likely enjoyed with malice. Are we justified in thinking that the Este believed these reports and satires to be credible, yet still managed to overcome their reservations enough to welcome a woman like Thais into their home, when they would have faced much less risk by following Federico of Naples’s example, who had repeatedly refused his daughter's hand to Cæsar Borgia?

It is now time to investigate the charges which were made against Lucretia; and, in view of what Roscoe and others have already proved, this will not occupy us long. The number of accusers among her contemporaries certainly is not small. The following—to name only the most important—charged her explicitly or by implication with incest: the poets Sannazzaro and Pontanus, and the his[Pg 176]torians and statesmen Matarazzo, Marcus Attilius Alexis, Petrus Martyr, Priuli, Macchiavelli, and Guicciardini, and their opinions have been constantly reiterated down to the present time. On the other side we have her eulogists among her contemporaries and their successors.

It’s time to look into the accusations made against Lucretia, and based on what Roscoe and others have already shown, this won't take long. The number of accusers among her contemporaries is certainly not small. The following—just to mention the most significant—explicitly or implicitly accused her of incest: the poets Sannazzaro and Pontanus, as well as the historians and statesmen Matarazzo, Marcus Attilius Alexis, Petrus Martyr, Priuli, Machiavelli, and Guicciardini, and their views have been repeated continuously up to the present day. On the other hand, we have her admirers from her time and those who followed.

GUICCIARDINI.
From an engraving by Blanchard.

Here it should be noted that Lucretia's accusers and their charges can refer only to the Roman period of her life, while her admirers appear only in the second epoch, when she was Duchess of Ferrara. Among the latter are men who are no less famous than her accusers: Tito and Ercole Strozzi, Bembo, Aldo Manuzio, Tebaldeo, Ariosto, all the chroniclers of Ferrara, and the French biographer Bayard. All these bore witness to the uprightness of her life while in Ferrara, but of her career in Rome they knew nothing. Lucretia's advocate, therefore, can offer only negative proofs of her virtue. Even making allowance for the courtier's flattery, we are warranted in assuming that upright men like Aldo, Bembo, and Ariosto could never have been so shameless as to pronounce a woman the ideal character of her day if they had believed her guilty, or even capable, of the hideous crimes with which she had been charged only a short time before.

Here, it's important to note that Lucretia's accusers and their accusations only pertain to the Roman part of her life, while her supporters come from the later period when she was the Duchess of Ferrara. Among these supporters are notable figures just as famous as her accusers: Tito and Ercole Strozzi, Bembo, Aldo Manuzio, Tebaldeo, Ariosto, all the historians of Ferrara, and the French biographer Bayard. All of them attested to the integrity of her life in Ferrara, but they had no knowledge of her time in Rome. Therefore, Lucretia's defenders can only provide negative evidence of her virtue. Even considering the flatteries of courtiers, we can reasonably assume that honorable men like Aldo, Bembo, and Ariosto would never have been so bold as to label a woman the ideal of her time if they believed her to be guilty or even capable of the terrible crimes she had been accused of just a short while before.

Among Lucretia's accusers only those who were actual witnesses of her life in Rome are worthy of attention; and Guicciardini, her bitterest enemy, is not of this number. The verdicts of all later writers, however, have been based upon his opinion of Lucretia, because of his fame as a statesman and historian. He himself made up his estimate from current gossip or from the satires of Pontanus and Sannazzaro—two poets who lived in Naples and not in Rome. Their epigrams merely show that they were inspired by a deep-seated hatred of Alexander and Cæsar, who had wrought the overthrow of the Aragonese dynasty,[Pg 177] and further with what crimes men were ready to credit evil-doers.

Among Lucretia's accusers, only those who actually witnessed her life in Rome deserve attention, and Guicciardini, her fiercest enemy, isn’t one of them. Nevertheless, all later writers have based their opinions of Lucretia on his views, due to his reputation as a statesman and historian. He formed his judgment based on gossip or the satires of Pontanus and Sannazzaro—two poets who lived in Naples, not Rome. Their epigrams simply reflect their deep-seated animosity towards Alexander and Cæsar, who were responsible for the downfall of the Aragonese dynasty,[Pg 177] and illustrate the crimes people are willing to attribute to wrongdoers.

The words of Burchard, who was a daily witness of everything that occurred in the Vatican, must be considered as of much greater weight. Against him in particular has the spleen of the papists been directed, for by them his writings are regarded as the poisonous source from which the enemies of the papacy, especially the Protestants, have derived material for their slanders regarding Alexander VI. Their anger may readily be explained, for Burchard's diary is the only work written in Rome—with the exception of that of Infessura, which breaks off abruptly at the beginning of 1494—which treats of Alexander's court; moreover, it possesses an official character. Those, however, who attempt to palliate the doings of the papacy would feel less hatred for Burchard if they were acquainted with the reports of the Venetian envoys and the despatches of innumerable other ambassadors which have been used in this work.

The words of Burchard, who witnessed everything that happened in the Vatican daily, should carry much more weight. He has particularly been targeted by the papists, who view his writings as the toxic source from which the papacy's enemies, especially the Protestants, have taken material for their attacks on Alexander VI. Their anger is understandable because Burchard's diary is the only account written in Rome—except for Infessura's, which abruptly ends in early 1494—that discusses Alexander's court; additionally, it has an official status. However, those who try to defend the actions of the papacy would feel less animosity towards Burchard if they were familiar with the reports from the Venetian envoys and the countless other ambassadors whose dispatches have been used in this work.

Burchard is absolutely free from malice, making no mention whatever of Alexander's private conduct. He records only facts—never rumors—and these he glosses over or cloaks diplomatically. The Venetian ambassador Polo Capello reports how Cæsar Borgia stabbed the chamberlain Perotto through the Pope's robe, but Burchard makes no mention of the fact. The same ambassador explicitly states, as does also a Ferrarese agent, that Cæsar killed his brother Gandia; Burchard, however, utters not a word concerning the subject.[96] Nor does he say anything[Pg 178] about the way Cæsar despatched his brother-in-law Alfonso. The relations of the members of the Borgia family to each other and to strangers, such as the Farnese, the Pucci, and the Orsini; the intrigues at the papal court; the long series of crimes; the extortion of money; the selling of the cardinal's hat; and all the other enormities which fill the despatches of the ambassadors—regarding all this Burchard is silent. Even Vannozza he names but once, and then incorrectly. There are two passages in particular in his diary which have given the greatest offense: the report of the bacchanal of fifty harlots in the Vatican, and the attack made on the Borgias in the anonymous letter to Silvio Savelli. These passages are found in all the manuscripts and doubtless also in the original of the diary. That the letter to Silvio is a fabrication of neither Burchard nor of some malicious Protestant is proved by the fact that Marino Sanuto also reproduces it in his diary. Further, that neither Burchard nor any subsequent writer concocted the story of the Vatican bacchanal is proved by the same letter, whose author relates it as a well-known fact. Matarazzo of Perugia also confirms it; his account differs from that of Burchard, whose handwriting he could hardly have seen at that time, but it agrees with reports which he himself had heard. He remarks that he gave it full credence, "for the thing was known far and wide, and because my informants were not Romans merely, but were the Italian people, therefore have I mentioned it."

Burchard is completely free from malice, making no mention of Alexander’s private behavior. He only records facts—never gossip—and presents them in a tactful manner. The Venetian ambassador Polo Capello reports that Cæsar Borgia stabbed the chamberlain Perotto through the Pope’s robe, but Burchard doesn’t mention this. The same ambassador, along with a Ferrarese agent, states that Cæsar killed his brother Gandia; however, Burchard remains silent on the matter. He also says nothing about Cæsar’s actions concerning his brother-in-law Alfonso. The relationships among the members of the Borgia family and their connections with outsiders, like the Farnese, Pucci, and Orsini; the intrigues at the papal court; the long list of crimes; the extortion of money; the selling of the cardinal’s hat; and all the other outrages that the ambassadors report—Burchard says nothing about any of this. He only mentions Vannozza once, and even then, incorrectly. Two specific entries in his diary have caused the most outrage: the report of a wild party involving fifty harlots in the Vatican, and the attack on the Borgias in an anonymous letter to Silvio Savelli. These entries appear in all the manuscripts and likely in the original diary as well. The fact that the letter to Silvio is not a fabrication by Burchard or some vengeful Protestant is confirmed by Marino Sanuto, who also includes it in his diary. Additionally, it’s clear that neither Burchard nor any later writer invented the story of the Vatican bacchanal, as the same letter’s author presents it as a well-known fact. Matarazzo of Perugia also confirms this; his account differs from Burchard’s, which he could hardly have seen at that time, but it aligns with reports he had heard himself. He notes that he believed it completely, “for the thing was known far and wide, and because my informants were not just Romans, but were from the Italian people, therefore I have mentioned it.”

This remark indicates the source of the scandalous anecdote—it was common talk. It doubtless was based upon an actual banquet which Cæsar gave in his palace in the Vatican. Some such orgy may have taken place there, but who will believe that Lucretia, now the legally[Pg 179] recognized bride of Alfonso d'Este and about to set out for Ferrara, was an amused spectator of it?

This comment points to where the scandalous story came from—it was common gossip. It was probably based on a real banquet that Caesar hosted in his palace in the Vatican. Some kind of wild party might have happened there, but who would believe that Lucretia, now the legally recognized wife of Alfonso d'Este and about to head for Ferrara, was an entertained spectator of it?

This is the only passage in Burchard's diary where Lucretia appears in an unfavorable light; nowhere else has he recorded anything discreditable to her. The accusations of the Neopolitans and of Guicciardini are not substantiated by anything in his diary. In fact we find corroboration nowhere unless we regard Matarazzo as an authority, which he certainly was not. He states that Giovanni Sforza had discovered that criminal relations existed between his wife and Cæsar and Don Giovanni, to which a still more terrible suspicion was added. Sforza, therefore, had murdered Gandia and fled from Rome, and in consequence Alexander had dissolved his marriage. Setting aside the monstrous idea that the young woman was guilty at one and the same time of threefold incest, Matarazzo's account contains an anachronism: Sforza left Rome two months before the murder of Gandia.

This is the only part of Burchard's diary where Lucretia is portrayed negatively; he hasn't noted anything else damaging about her. The accusations from the Neapolitans and Guicciardini aren't backed up by anything in his diary. In fact, we find no support unless we consider Matarazzo an authority, which he definitely wasn't. He claims that Giovanni Sforza found out his wife had an affair with Cæsar and Don Giovanni, which was made worse by an even more dreadful suspicion. As a result, Sforza supposedly killed Gandia and fled Rome, leading Alexander to annul his marriage. Putting aside the outrageous notion that the young woman was simultaneously guilty of three counts of incest, Matarazzo's story also includes an error: Sforza left Rome two months before Gandia was murdered.

An authentic despatch of the Ferrarese ambassador in Milan, dated June 23, 1497, makes it clear that Lucretia's worthless consort was the one who started these rumors about her. Certainly no one could have known Lucretia's character and mode of life better than her husband. Nevertheless Sforza, before the tribunals of every age, would be precisely the one whose testimony would receive the least credit. Consuming with hate and a desire for revenge, this was the reason he ascribed to the evil-minded Pope for dissolving the marriage. Thus the suspicion he let drop became a rumor, and the rumor ultimately crystallized into a belief. In this connection, however, it is worthy of note that Guido Posthumus, Sforza's faithful retainer, who in epigrams revenged himself on[Pg 180] Alexander for his master's disgrace, neither mentions this suspicion nor anywhere refers to Lucretia.[97]

An authentic report from the Ferrarese ambassador in Milan, dated June 23, 1497, clearly shows that Lucretia's worthless husband was the one who started the rumors about her. No one could have understood Lucretia's character and lifestyle better than her husband. However, Sforza, in the courts of all time, would be the last person whose testimony would be taken seriously. Consumed by hate and a desire for revenge, he blamed the malicious Pope for ending the marriage. Thus, the suspicion he hinted at turned into a rumor, and that rumor eventually became a belief. In this regard, it's worth noting that Guido Posthumus, Sforza's loyal servant, who got back at Alexander through epigrams for his master's disgrace, never mentions this suspicion or refers to Lucretia anywhere.

In none of the numerous despatches of the day is this suspicion mentioned, although in a private letter of Malipiero's, dated Rome, June 17, 1497, and in one of Polo Capello's reports, allusion is made to the "rumor" regarding the criminal relations of Don Giovanni and his sister.[98] Could the fact that Lucretia never engaged in any love intrigue—at least she is not charged with having done so—with anyone else, when there were in Rome so many courtiers, young nobles, and great cardinals who were her daily companions, have given rise to these reports? It is a fact that nothing has been discovered which would indicate that this beautiful young woman ever did engage in any love affair. Even the report of the ambassador, who, writing to Ferrara, not from Rome but from Venice, states that Lucretia had given birth to a child stands alone. She had at that time been separated from her husband Sforza a whole year. But even if we admit that this rumor was well founded, and that Lucretia did engage in some illicit love affair, are not these relations and slips frequent enough in all societies and at all times? Even now nothing is more readily glossed over in the polite world.

In none of the many dispatches from that time is this suspicion mentioned, although a private letter from Malipiero, dated Rome, June 17, 1497, and one of Polo Capello's reports reference the "rumor" about Don Giovanni's inappropriate relationship with his sister.[98] Could the fact that Lucretia never got involved in any love affairs—at least she isn’t accused of having done so—with anyone else, despite the presence of many courtiers, young noblemen, and influential cardinals around her daily, have contributed to these rumors? It is a fact that nothing has surfaced indicating this beautiful young woman ever had a romance. Even the report from the ambassador, who wrote to Ferrara not from Rome but from Venice, claiming Lucretia had given birth to a child stands alone. At that time, she had already been separated from her husband Sforza for a whole year. But even if we assume that this rumor was true and that Lucretia did have some illicit relationship, aren’t such affairs and indiscretions common in every society and at all times? Even today, nothing is more easily overlooked in polite society.

It is difficult to believe that Lucretia, in the midst of the depravity of Rome, and in the environment in which she was placed, could have kept herself spotless; but just as[Pg 181] little will any unprejudiced person believe that she was really guilty of that unmentionable crime. If it were possible to conceive that a young woman could have the strength—a strength beyond that of the most depraved and hardened man—to hide behind a joyous exterior the moral perturbation which the most loathsome crime in the world would certainly cause the subject, we should be forced to admit that Lucretia Borgia possessed a power of dissimulation which passed all human bounds. Nothing, however, charmed the Ferrarese so much as the never failing, graceful joyousness of Alfonso's young wife. Any woman of feeling can decide correctly whether—if Lucretia were guilty of the crimes with which she was charged—she could have appeared as she did, and whether the countenance which we behold in the portrait of the bride of Alfonso d'Este in 1502 could be the face of the inhuman fury described in Sannazzaro's epigram.[Pg 182]

It's hard to believe that Lucretia, surrounded by the corruption of Rome and in the situation she was in, could have remained pure; but just as little will any unbiased person believe that she was truly guilty of that unspeakable crime. If it were possible to imagine that a young woman could have the strength—a strength beyond that of the most depraved and hardened man—to hide the moral turmoil that the most despicable crime in the world would surely cause, we would have to accept that Lucretia Borgia had a level of deceitfulness that surpassed all human limits. However, nothing enchanted the people of Ferrara more than the endless, graceful joyfulness of Alfonso's young wife. Any sensitive woman can accurately judge whether Lucretia, if she were guilty of the crimes she was accused of, could have appeared as she did, and whether the face we see in the portrait of Alfonso d'Este's bride from 1502 could truly belong to the monstrous rage described in Sannazzaro's epigram.

CHAPTER XX

NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE HOUSE OF ESTE

The hereditary Prince of Ferrara made a determined resistance before yielding to his father's pressure, but the latter was now so anxious for the marriage to take place that he told his son that, if he persisted in his refusal, he would be compelled to marry Lucretia himself. After the duke had overcome his son's pride and secured his consent, he regarded the marriage merely as an advantageous piece of statecraft. He sold the honor of his house at the highest price obtainable. The Pope's agents in Ferrara, frightened by Ercole's demands, sent Ramondo Remolini to Rome to submit them to Alexander, who sought the intervention of the King of France to secure more favorable terms from the duke. A letter from the Ferrarese ambassador to France to his master throws a bright light on this transaction.

The hereditary prince of Ferrara put up strong resistance before giving in to his father's pressure, but his father was so eager for the marriage to happen that he threatened his son, saying that if he continued to refuse, he would have to marry Lucretia himself. Once the duke had humbled his son's pride and gotten his approval, he viewed the marriage simply as a smart political move. He sold the honor of his family for the highest price he could get. The Pope’s agents in Ferrara, intimidated by Ercole's demands, sent Ramondo Remolini to Rome to present them to Alexander, who sought help from the King of France to get better terms from the duke. A letter from the Ferrarese ambassador to France to his king sheds light on this deal.

My Illustrious Master: Yesterday the Pope's envoy told me that his Holiness had written him about the messenger your Excellency had sent him demanding two hundred thousand ducats, the remission of the annual tribute, the granting of the jus patronatus for the bishopric of Ferrara, by decree of the consistory, and certain other concessions. He told me that the Pope had offered a hundred thousand, and as to the rest—your Excellency should trust to him, for he would grant them in time and would advance the interests of the house of Este so that everyone would see how high in his favor it stood. In addition, he told me that he was instructed to ask his most[Pg 183] Christian Majesty to write to the illustrious cardinal to advise your Excellency to agree. As your Excellency's devoted servant I mention this, although it is superfluous; for if this marriage is to take place, you will arrange it in such a way that "much promising and little fulfillment" will not cause you to regret it. I informed your Excellency in an earlier letter how his most Christian Majesty had told me that his wishes in this affair were the same as your own, and that if the marriage was to be brought about, you might derive as much profit from it as possible, and if it was not to take place, his Majesty stood ready to give Don Alfonso the lady whom your Excellency might select for him in France.

My Esteemed Master: Yesterday, the Pope's envoy informed me that his Holiness had reached out to him regarding the messenger your Excellency sent, which requested two hundred thousand ducats, the cancellation of the annual tribute, the granting of the jus patronatus for the bishopric of Ferrara per the decree of the consistory, and some other concessions. He mentioned that the Pope had offered one hundred thousand and, regarding the rest, your Excellency should rely on him, as he would provide those in time and promote the interests of the house of Este so that everyone would see how favored it was. Additionally, he said he was instructed to ask his most[Pg 183] Christian Majesty to write to the illustrious cardinal to encourage your Excellency to agree. As your Excellency’s loyal servant, I bring this up, though it might be unnecessary; for if this marriage is to happen, you will handle it in a way that ensures "much promising and little fulfillment" does not lead to regret. I previously informed your Excellency in an earlier letter that his most Christian Majesty shared your interests in this matter and that, if the marriage were to be arranged, you would gain as much benefit as possible from it. If it were not to occur, his Majesty was prepared to offer Don Alfonso any lady you chose for him in France.

Your ducal Excellency's servant,
Bartolomeo Cavaleri.

Your Grace's servant,
Bartolomeo Cavaleri.

Lyons, August 7, 1501.

Lyons, August 7, 1501.

Alexander did not wish to send his daughter to Ferrara with empty hands, but the portion which Ercole demanded was not a modest one. It was larger than Blanca Sforza had brought the Emperor Maximilian; moreover, one of the duke's demands involved an infraction of the canon law, for, in addition to the large sum of money, he insisted upon the remission of the yearly tribute paid the Church by the fief of Ferrara, the cession of Cento and Pieve, cities which belonged to the archbishopric of Bologna, and even on the relinquishment of Porto Cesenatico and a large number of benefices in favor of the house of Este. They wrangled violently, but so great was the Pope's desire to secure the ducal throne of Ferrara for his daughter that he soon announced that he would practically agree to Ercole's demands, which Cæsar urged him to do.[99] Nor was Lucretia herself less urgent in begging her father to consent; she[Pg 184] was the duke's most able advocate in Rome, and Ercole knew that it was due largely to her skilful pleading that he succeeded in carrying his point.

Alexander didn't want to send his daughter to Ferrara empty-handed, but Ercole's demands were anything but modest. They were greater than what Blanca Sforza had given to Emperor Maximilian; additionally, one of the duke's requests broke canon law, as he insisted not only on a hefty sum of money but also on canceling the annual tribute paid to the Church by the fief of Ferrara, the transfer of Cento and Pieve, cities that belonged to the archbishopric of Bologna, and even the surrender of Porto Cesenatico along with numerous benefices to benefit the house of Este. They argued fiercely, but the Pope's strong desire to secure the ducal throne of Ferrara for his daughter led him to declare that he would practically agree to Ercole's demands, which Cæsar encouraged him to do.[99] Lucretia herself was just as insistent, urging her father to agree; she[Pg 184] was the duke's most effective advocate in Rome, and Ercole knew that it was largely due to her persuasive arguments that he managed to achieve his goal.

The negotiations took this favorable turn about the end of July or the beginning of August, and the earliest of the duke's letters to Lucretia and the Pope, among those preserved in the archives of the house of Este, belong to this period.

The negotiations took this positive turn around the end of July or the beginning of August, and the earliest of the duke's letters to Lucretia and the Pope, among those kept in the archives of the house of Este, are from this time.

August 6th Ercole wrote his future daughter-in-law, recommending to her for her agent one Agostino Huet (a secretary of Cæsar's), who had shown the greatest interest in conducting the negotiations.

August 6th Ercole wrote to his future daughter-in-law, recommending her agent Agostino Huet (a secretary of Cæsar's), who had shown a strong interest in handling the negotiations.

August 10th he reported to the Pope the result of the conferences which had taken place, and urged him not to look on his demands as unreasonable. This he repeated in a letter dated August 21st, in which he stated in plain, commercial terms that the price was low enough; in fact, that it was merely nominal.

August 10th, he reported to the Pope on the outcome of the meetings that had happened, and urged him not to view his requests as unreasonable. He reiterated this in a letter dated August 21st, in which he plainly stated that the price was low enough; in fact, that it was just nominal.

In the meantime the projected marriage had become known to the world, and was the subject of diplomatic consideration, for the strengthening of the papacy was agreeable to neither the Powers of Italy nor those beyond the peninsula. Florence and Bologna, which Cæsar coveted were frightened; the Republic of Venice, which was in constant friction with Ferrara, and which had designs upon the coast of Romagna, did not conceal her annoyance, and she ascribed the whole thing to Cæsar's ambition.[100] The King of France put a good face upon the matter, as did also the King of Spain; but Maximilian was so opposed to the marriage that he endeavored to prevent it. Ferrara was just beginning to acquire the political importance which Flor[Pg 185]ence had possessed in the time of Lorenzo de' Medici, consequently its influence was such that the German emperor could not be indifferent to an alliance between it and the papacy and France. Moreover, Bianca Sforza was Maximilian's wife, and at the German court there were other members and retainers of the overthrown house—all bitter enemies of the Borgias.

In the meantime, the planned marriage had become public knowledge and was a topic of diplomatic discussion, as strengthening the papacy was not welcomed by either the powers in Italy or those beyond the peninsula. Florence and Bologna, which Cæsar wanted, were alarmed; the Republic of Venice, which was in constant conflict with Ferrara and had ambitions for the Romagna coast, did not hide her irritation and blamed it all on Cæsar's ambition.[100] The King of France tried to look supportive, as did the King of Spain, but Maximilian was so against the marriage that he tried to block it. Ferrara was just starting to gain the political importance that Florence had during Lorenzo de' Medici's time, so its influence was significant enough that the German emperor could not ignore an alliance between it, the papacy, and France. Additionally, Bianca Sforza was Maximilian's wife, and there were other members and supporters of the toppled house at the German court—all fierce enemies of the Borgias.

In August the Emperor despatched letters to Ferrara in which he warned Ercole against any marital alliance between his house and that of Alexander. This warning of Maximilian's must have been highly acceptable to the duke, as he could use it to force the Pope to accede to his demands. He mentioned the letter to his Holiness, but assured him that his determination would remain unshaken. Then he instructed his counselor, Gianluca Pozzi, to answer the Emperor's letter.[101] Ercole's letter to his chancellor is dated August 25th, but before its contents became known in Rome the Pope hastened to agree to the duke's conditions, and to have the marriage contract executed. This was done in the Vatican, August 26, 1501.[102]

In August, the Emperor sent letters to Ferrara warning Ercole against any marriage between his family and Alexander's. Maximilian's warning must have pleased the duke, as he could use it to pressure the Pope to meet his demands. He mentioned the letter to the Pope but assured him that his resolve would remain strong. Then he told his advisor, Gianluca Pozzi, to reply to the Emperor's letter.[101] Ercole's letter to his chancellor is dated August 25th, but before its contents were known in Rome, the Pope quickly agreed to the duke's terms and arranged for the marriage contract to be finalized. This took place in the Vatican on August 26, 1501.[102]

He immediately despatched Cardinal Ferrari to Ercole with the contract, whereupon Don Ramiro Remolini and other proxies hastened to Ferrara,[103] where, in the castle of Belfiore, the nuptial contract was concluded ad verba, September 1, 1501.

He quickly sent Cardinal Ferrari to Ercole with the contract, after which Don Ramiro Remolini and other representatives rushed to Ferrara,[103] where, in the castle of Belfiore, the marriage contract was finalized ad verba, September 1, 1501.

On the same day the duke wrote Lucretia, saying that, while he hitherto had loved her on account of her virtues and on account of the Pope and her brother Cæsar, he now loved her more as a daughter. In the same tone he wrote to[Pg 186] Alexander himself, informing him that the betrothal had taken place, and thanking him for bestowing the dignity of Archpriest of S. Peter's on his son, Cardinal Ippolito.[104]

On the same day, the duke wrote to Lucretia, saying that although he had loved her for her virtues and because of the Pope and her brother Cæsar, he now loved her more like a daughter. In the same tone, he wrote to[Pg 186] Alexander himself, informing him that the engagement had taken place, and thanking him for giving his son, Cardinal Ippolito, the title of Archpriest of S. Peter's.[104]

Less diplomatic was Ercole's letter to the Marchese Gonzaga informing him of the event. It clearly shows what was his real opinion, and he tries to excuse himself for consenting by saying he was forced to take the step.

Less diplomatic was Ercole's letter to Marchese Gonzaga informing him of the event. It clearly shows what his true opinion was, and he tries to justify his consent by claiming he was forced to take that step.

Illustrious Sir and Dearest Brother: We have informed your Majesty that we have recently decided—owing to practical considerations—to consent to an alliance between our house and that of his Holiness—the marriage of our eldest son, Alfonso, and the illustrious lady Lucretia Borgia, sister of the illustrious Duke of Romagna and Valentinois, chiefly because we were urged to consent by his Most Christian Majesty, and on condition that his Holiness would agree to everything stipulated in the marriage contract. Subsequently his Holiness and ourselves came to an agreement, and the Most Christian King persistently urged us to execute the contract. This was done to-day in God's name, and with the assistance of the (French) ambassador and the proxies of his Holiness, who were present; and it was also published this morning. I hasten to inform your Majesty of the event because our mutual relations and love require that you should be made acquainted with everything which concerns us—and so we offer ourselves to do your pleasure.

Dear Sir and Beloved Brother: We have let your Majesty know that we have recently decided—due to practical reasons—to agree to an alliance between our family and that of his Holiness. This involves the marriage of our eldest son, Alfonso, to the esteemed lady Lucretia Borgia, sister of the distinguished Duke of Romagna and Valentinois. We were mainly encouraged to agree by his Most Christian Majesty, and it was on the condition that his Holiness would accept all the terms outlined in the marriage contract. Afterwards, his Holiness and we reached an agreement, and the Most Christian King continuously urged us to finalize the contract. This was completed today in God's name, with the help of the (French) ambassador and the representatives of his Holiness, who were present, and it was also announced this morning. I want to quickly inform your Majesty about this development because our shared relations and affection necessitate that you be aware of everything that concerns us—and so we are eager to please you.

Ferrara, September 2, 1501.[105]

Ferrara, September 2, 1501.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

September 4th a courier brought the news that the nuptial contract had been signed in Ferrara. Alexander immediately had the Vatican illuminated and the cannon of Castle S. Angelo announce the glad tidings. All Rome resounded with the jubilations of the retainers of the house of Borgia.[Pg 187]

On September 4th, a courier delivered the news that the marriage contract had been signed in Ferrara. Alexander quickly lit up the Vatican and had the cannon at Castle S. Angelo fire to celebrate the happy news. All of Rome echoed with the joy of the Borgia family's supporters.[Pg 187]

This moment was the turning point in Lucretia's life. If her soul harbored any ambition and yearning for worldly greatness, what must she now have felt when the opportunity to ascend the princely throne of one of Italy's oldest houses was offered her! If she had any regret and loathing for what had surrounded her in Rome, and if longings for a better life were stronger in her than were these vain desires, there was now held out to her the promise of a haven of rest. She was to become the wife of a prince famous, not for grace and culture, but for his good sense and earnestness. She had seen him once in Rome, in her early youth, when she was Sforza's betrothed. No sacrifice would be too great for her if it would wipe out the remembrance of the nine years which had followed that day. The victory she had now won by the shameful complaisance of the house of Este was associated with deep humiliation, for she knew that Alfonso had condescended to accept her hand only after long urging and under threats. A bold, intriguing woman might overcome this feeling of humiliation by summoning up the consciousness of her genius and her charm; while one less strong, but endowed with beauty and sweetness, might be fascinated by the idea of disarming a hostile husband with the magic of her personality. The question, however, whether any honor accrued to her by marrying a man against his will, or whether under such circumstances a high-minded woman would not have scornfully refused, would probably never arise in the mind of such a light-headed woman as Lucretia certainly was, and if it did in her case, Cæsar and her father would never have allowed her to give voice to any such undiplomatic scruples. We can discover no trace of moral pride in her; all we discern is a childishly naive joy at her prospective happiness.

This moment was the turning point in Lucretia's life. If her soul had any ambition and desire for worldly greatness, how must she have felt when the chance to rise to the princely throne of one of Italy's oldest families was offered to her! If she felt any regret and disgust over her life in Rome, and if her longing for a better life was stronger than these empty desires, she was now presented with the promise of a place of peace. She was set to become the wife of a prince known not for his charm and culture, but for his good sense and seriousness. She had seen him once in Rome during her youth, when she was engaged to Sforza. No sacrifice would be too great for her if it could erase the memories of the nine years that followed that day. The victory she had now achieved through the shameful compliance of the house of Este was tinged with deep humiliation, as she knew that Alfonso had agreed to marry her only after much persuasion and threats. A bold, scheming woman might overcome this feeling of humiliation by calling on her own brilliance and allure; while someone less strong, but beautiful and sweet, might be captivated by the idea of winning over an unwilling husband with her charm. However, the question of whether marrying a man against his will brought her any honor, or if a principled woman would have scorned such an arrangement, would likely never occur to someone as flighty as Lucretia was, and even if it did cross her mind, Cæsar and her father would never have let her express such undiplomatic doubts. We can find no trace of moral pride in her; all we see is a childlike joy at her expected happiness.

The Roman populace saw her, accompanied by three[Pg 188] hundred knights and four bishops, pass along the city streets, September 5th, on her way to S. Maria del Popolo to offer prayers of thanksgiving. Following a curious custom of the day, which shows Folly and Wisdom side by side, just as we find them in Calderon's and Shakespeare's dramas, Lucretia presented the costly robe which she wore when she offered up her prayer, to one of her court fools, and the clown ran merrily through the streets of Rome, bawling out, "Long live the illustrious Duchess of Ferrara! Long live Pope Alexander!" With noisy demonstrations the Borgias and their retainers celebrated the great event.

The people of Rome watched her, accompanied by three[Pg 188] hundred knights and four bishops, as she made her way through the city streets on September 5th, heading to S. Maria del Popolo to say prayers of thanks. Following a curious tradition of the time, which shows Folly and Wisdom together, much like in Calderón's and Shakespeare's plays, Lucretia gave the fancy robe she wore during her prayer to one of her court jesters, and the fool joyfully ran through the streets of Rome shouting, "Long live the famous Duchess of Ferrara! Long live Pope Alexander!" The Borgias and their followers celebrated the occasion with loud festivities.

Alexander summoned a consistory, as though this family affair were an important Church matter. With childish loquacity he extolled Duke Ercole, pronouncing him the greatest and wisest of the princes of Italy; he described Don Alfonso as a handsomer and greater man than his son Cæsar, adding that his former wife was a sister-in-law of the Emperor. Ferrara was a fortunate State, and the house of Este an ancient one; a marriage train of great princes was shortly to come to Rome to take the bride away, and the Duchess of Urbino was to accompany it.[106]

Alexander called a meeting, as if this family issue were a significant Church topic. He excitedly praised Duke Ercole, calling him the greatest and wisest of the princes in Italy; he described Don Alfonso as more handsome and greater than his son Cæsar, adding that his ex-wife was a sister-in-law of the Emperor. Ferrara was a fortunate state, and the house of Este was an old one; a procession of great princes would soon arrive in Rome to take the bride away, and the Duchess of Urbino was going to accompany them.[106]

September 14th Cæsar Borgia returned from Naples, where Federico, the last Aragonese king of that country, had been forced to yield to France. To his great satisfaction he found Lucretia prospective Duchess of Ferrara. On the fifteenth Ercole's envoys, Saraceni and Bellingeri, appeared. Their object was to see that the Pope fulfilled his obligations promptly. The duke was a practical man; he did not trust him. He was unwilling to send the[Pg 189] bridal escort until he had the papal bull in his own hands. Lucretia supported the ambassador so zealously that Saraceni wrote his master that she already appeared to him to be a good Ferrarese.[107] She was present in the Vatican while Alexander carried on the negotiations. He sometimes used Latin for the purpose of displaying his linguistic attainments; but on one occasion, out of regard for Lucretia, he ordered that Italian be used, which proves that his daughter was not a perfect mistress of the classic tongue.

September 14th, Cæsar Borgia returned from Naples, where Federico, the last Aragonese king of that region, had been forced to submit to France. To his great satisfaction, he found Lucretia to be the prospective Duchess of Ferrara. On the fifteenth, Ercole's envoys, Saraceni and Bellingeri, arrived. Their goal was to ensure that the Pope met his commitments without delay. The duke was a practical man; he didn’t trust him. He was reluctant to send the[Pg 189] bridal escort until he had the papal bull in his hands. Lucretia supported the ambassador so passionately that Saraceni reported to his master that she seemed to him to be a good Ferrarese.[107] She was present in the Vatican while Alexander conducted the negotiations. He sometimes used Latin to showcase his language skills, but on one occasion, out of respect for Lucretia, he insisted that Italian be used, which shows that his daughter was not completely fluent in the classic language.

From this ambassador's despatches it appears that life in the Vatican was extremely agreeable. They sang, played and danced every evening. One of Alexander's greatest delights was to watch beautiful women dancing, and when Lucretia and the ladies of her court were so engaged he was careful to summon the Ferrarese ambassadors so that they might note his daughter's grace. One evening he remarked laughingly that "they might see that the duchess was not lame."[108]

From this ambassador's reports, it seems that life in the Vatican was very enjoyable. They sang, played music, and danced every evening. One of Alexander's greatest pleasures was watching beautiful women dance, and when Lucretia and her court ladies danced, he made sure to invite the Ferrarese ambassadors so they could witness his daughter's elegance. One evening, he joked that "they could see that the duchess was not lame."[108]

The Pope never tired of passing the nights in this way, although Cæsar, a strong man, was worn out by the ceaseless round of pleasure. When the latter consented to grant the ambassadors an audience, a favor which was not often bestowed even on cardinals, he received them dressed, but lying in bed, which caused Saraceni to remark in his despatch, "I feared that he was sick, for last evening he danced without intermission, which he will do again tonight at the Pope's palace, where the illustrious duchess is[Pg 190] going to sup."[109] Lucretia regarded it as a relief when, a few days later, the Pope went to Civitacastellana and Nepi. September 25th the ambassadors wrote to Ferrara, "The illustrious lady continues somewhat ailing, and is greatly fatigued; she is not, however, under the care of any physician, nor does she neglect her affairs, but grants audiences as usual. We think that this indisposition merely indicates that her Majesty should take better care of herself. The rest which she will have while his Holiness is away will do her good; for whenever she is at the Pope's palace, the entire night, until two or three o'clock, is spent in dancing and at play, which fatigues her greatly."[110]

The Pope never got tired of spending his nights this way, even though Cæsar, a strong man, was exhausted by the endless round of pleasures. When he finally agreed to meet with the ambassadors, something that wasn't usually granted even to cardinals, he took the meeting dressed but lying in bed. This made Saraceni note in his report, "I was worried he was sick because last night he danced nonstop, and he will do so again tonight at the Pope's palace, where the esteemed duchess is[Pg 190] going to have dinner."[109] Lucretia felt relieved when, a few days later, the Pope left for Civitacastellana and Nepi. On September 25th, the ambassadors wrote to Ferrara, "The esteemed lady is feeling a bit unwell and is quite tired; however, she isn't currently under a doctor's care, nor does she neglect her responsibilities, but continues to hold meetings as usual. We believe this illness simply means her Majesty should take better care of herself. The rest she will have while his Holiness is away will do her good because whenever she is at the Pope's palace, the entire night, until two or three o'clock, is spent dancing and playing, which wears her out greatly."[110]

About this time occurred a disagreeable episode in connection with Giovanni Sforza, Lucretia's divorced husband, which the Pope discussed with the Ferrarese ambassadors. What they feared from him is revealed by the following despatch:

About this time, an unpleasant situation arose involving Giovanni Sforza, Lucretia's ex-husband, which the Pope talked about with the Ferrarese ambassadors. Their concerns about him are shown in the following message:

Illustrious Prince and Master: As his Holiness the Pope desires to take all proper precautions to prevent the occurrence of anything that might be unpleasant to your Excellency, to Don Alfonso, and especially to the duchess, and also to himself, he has asked us to write your Excellency and request that you see to it that Lord Giovanni of Pesaro—who, his Holiness has been informed, is in Mantua—shall not be in Ferrara at the time of the marriage festivities. For, although his divorce from the above named illustrious lady was absolutely legal and according to prescribed form, as the records of the proceedings clearly show, he himself fully consenting to it, he may, nevertheless, still harbor some resentment. If he should be in Ferrara there would be a possibility of his seeing the lady, and her Excellency would therefore be compelled to[Pg 191] remain in concealment to escape disagreeable memories. He, therefore, requests your Excellency to prevent this possibility with your usual foresight. Thereupon his Holiness freely expressed his opinion of the Marchese of Mantua, and censured him severely because he of all the Italian princes was the only one who offered an asylum to outcasts, and especially to those who were under not only his own ban, but under that of his Most Christian Majesty. We endeavored, however, to excuse the marchese by saying that he, a high-minded man, could not close his domain to such as wished to come to him, especially when they were people of importance, and we used every argument to defend him. His Holiness, however, seemed displeased by our defense of the marchese. Your Excellency may, therefore, make such arrangements as in your wisdom seem proper. And so we, in all humility, commend ourselves to your mercy.

Distinguished Prince and Master: Since his Holiness the Pope wants to take all necessary precautions to avoid anything that could upset your Excellency, Don Alfonso, and especially the duchess, as well as himself, he has asked us to reach out to you and request that you ensure Lord Giovanni of Pesaro—who, we understand, is in Mantua—does not come to Ferrara during the wedding festivities. Even though his divorce from the aforementioned distinguished lady was completely legal and followed the proper procedures, as the records clearly indicate, and he fully agreed to it, he might still hold some resentment. If he is in Ferrara, there’s a chance he could see the lady, which would force her Excellency to[Pg 191] hide to avoid unpleasant memories. Therefore, he requests that you prevent this possibility with your usual foresight. His Holiness also openly criticized the Marchese of Mantua, expressing strong disapproval because he, unlike the other Italian princes, is the only one who provides refuge to outcasts, including those banned not just by himself but by his Most Christian Majesty. We tried to defend the marchese by arguing that as a principled man, he couldn't deny entry to those seeking refuge, especially if they were important individuals, and we used every argument in his favor. However, his Holiness didn’t seem pleased with our defense of the marchese. Your Excellency may therefore make whatever arrangements you deem appropriate. And so, we humbly commend ourselves to your mercy.

Rome, September 23, 1501.[111]

Rome, September 23, 1501.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

As a result of Ercole's insistence, the question of the reduction of Ferrara's yearly tribute as a fief of the Holy See from four hundred ducats to one hundred florins was brought to a vote in the consistory, September 17th. It was expected that there would be violent opposition. Alexander explained what Ercole had done for Ferrara, his founding convents and churches, and his strengthening the city, thus making it a bulwark for the States of the Church. The cardinals were induced to favor the reduction by the intervention of the Cardinal of Cosenza—one of Lucretia's creatures—and of Messer Troche, Cæsar's confidant. They authorized the reduction and the Pope thanked them, especially praising the older cardinals—the younger, those of his own creation, having been more obstinate.[112][Pg 192]

Due to Ercole's persistence, the issue of lowering Ferrara's annual tribute to the Holy See from four hundred ducats to one hundred florins was put to a vote in the consistory on September 17th. There was anticipation of strong opposition. Alexander highlighted what Ercole had accomplished for Ferrara, including founding convents and churches and reinforcing the city, which made it a stronghold for the States of the Church. The cardinals were persuaded to support the reduction by the intervention of the Cardinal of Cosenza—who was one of Lucretia's supporters—and Messer Troche, Cæsar's close associate. They approved the reduction, and the Pope expressed his gratitude, especially commending the older cardinals, while noting that the younger ones he had appointed were more resistant.[112][Pg 192]

The same day he secured possession of the property he had wrested from the barons who had been placed under his ban August 20th. These domains, which embraced a large part of the Roman Campagna, were divided into two districts. The center of one was Nepi; that of the other Sermoneta—two cities which Lucretia, their former mistress, immediately renounced. Alexander made these duchies over to two children, Giovanni Borgia and Rodrigo. At first the Pope ascribed the paternity of the former child to his own son Cæsar, but subsequently he publicly announced that he himself was its father.

The same day he took control of the property he had taken from the barons who had been placed under his ban on August 20th. These lands, which covered a large part of the Roman Campagna, were split into two areas. The center of one was Nepi; the center of the other was Sermoneta—two cities that Lucretia, their former owner, immediately gave up. Alexander granted these duchies to two children, Giovanni Borgia and Rodrigo. Initially, the Pope claimed that the father of the former child was his own son Cæsar, but later he publicly stated that he was the father himself.

It is difficult to believe in such unexampled shamelessness, but the legal documents to prove it are in existence. Both bulls are dated September 1, 1501, and are addressed to my beloved son, "the noble Giovanni de Borgia and Infante of Rome." In the former, Alexander states that Giovanni, a child of three years, was the natural son of Cæsar Borgia, unmarried (which he was at the time of its birth), by a single woman. By apostolic authority he legitimated the child and bestowed upon it all the rights of a member of his family. In the second brief he refers to the proceedings in which the child had been declared to be Cæsar's son, and says verbatim: "Since it is owing, not to the duke named (Cæsar), but to us and to the unmarried woman mentioned that you bear this stain (of illegitimate birth), which for good reasons we did not wish to state in the preceding instrument; and in order that there may be no chance of your being caused annoyance in the future, we will see to it that that document shall never be declared null, and of our own free will, and by virtue of our authority, we confirm you, by these presents, in the full enjoyment of everything as provided in that instrument." Thereupon he renews the legitimation and announces that[Pg 193] even if this his child, which had hitherto been declared to be Cæsar's, shall in future, in any document or act be named and described as his (Cæsar's), and even if he uses Cæsar's arms, it shall in no way inure to the disadvantage of the child, and that all such acts shall have the same force which they would have had if the boy had been described not as Cæsar's, but as his own, in the documents referring to his legitimation.[113]

It’s hard to believe in such extraordinary shamelessness, but the legal documents proving it do exist. Both documents are dated September 1, 1501, and are addressed to my dear son, "the noble Giovanni de Borgia and Infante of Rome." In the first one, Alexander states that Giovanni, who is three years old, is the biological son of Cæsar Borgia, who was unmarried at the time of his birth, with an unmarried woman. By apostolic authority, he legitimized the child and granted him all the rights of a family member. In the second document, he refers to the proceedings declaring the child to be Cæsar's son, and says verbatim: "Since it is not due to the duke named (Cæsar), but to us and to the unmarried woman mentioned that you bear this stain (of illegitimacy), which for good reasons we did not wish to detail in the previous document; and to ensure that you are not burdened with this in the future, we will make sure that this document is never declared void, and of our own free will, and by virtue of our authority, we confirm you, by these presents, in the full enjoyment of everything as set forth in that document." He then renews the legitimization and states that[Pg 193] even if this child, previously declared to be Cæsar's, is later referred to in any document or act as Cæsar's, and even if he uses Cæsar's coat of arms, it will not negatively impact the child, and all such actions will carry the same weight as if the boy had been described not as Cæsar's, but as his own, in the documents concerning his legitimization.[113]

It is worthy of note that both these documents were executed on one and the same day, but this is explained by the fact that the canon law prevented the Pope from acknowledging his own son. Alexander, therefore, extricated himself from the difficulty by telling a falsehood in the first bull. This lie made the legitimation of the child possible, and also conferred upon it the rights of succession; and this having once been embodied in a legal document, the Pope could, without injury to the child, tell the truth.

It’s worth mentioning that both of these documents were signed on the same day, but this is explained by the fact that canon law prevented the Pope from recognizing his own son. Alexander, therefore, got around this issue by telling a lie in the first papal bull. This falsehood made it possible to legitimize the child and granted them succession rights; once this was established in a legal document, the Pope could, without harming the child, finally tell the truth.

September 1, 1501, Cæsar was not in Rome. Even a man of his stamp may have blushed for his father, when he thus made him the rival of this bastard for the possession of the property. Later, after Alexander's death, the little Giovanni Borgia passed for Cæsar's son; he had, moreover, been described as such by the Pope in numerous briefs.[114][Pg 194]

September 1, 1501, Cæsar was not in Rome. Even a man like him might have felt embarrassed for his father, as he positioned him as a rival to this illegitimate child for control of the estate. Later, after Alexander's death, the young Giovanni Borgia was considered Cæsar's son; in fact, the Pope had referred to him as such in several official documents.[114][Pg 194]

It is not known who was the mother of this mysterious child. Burchard speaks of her merely as a "certain Roman." If Alexander, who described her as an "unmarried woman," told the truth, Giulia Farnese could not have been its mother.

It’s unknown who the mother of this mysterious child was. Burchard refers to her simply as a "certain Roman." If Alexander, who described her as an "unmarried woman," was telling the truth, Giulia Farnese couldn't have been her mother.

It is possible, however, that the Pope's second statement likewise was untrue, and that the "Infante of Rome" was not his son, but was a natural child of Lucretia. The reader will remember that in March, 1498, the Ferrarese ambassador reported to Duke Ercole that it was rumored in Rome that the Pope's daughter had given birth to a child. This date agrees perfectly with the age of the Infante Giovanni in September, 1501. Both documents regarding his legitimation, which are now preserved in the Este archives, were originally in Lucretia's chancellery. She may have taken them with her from Rome to Ferrara, or they may have been brought to her later. Eventually we shall find the Infante at her court in Ferrara, where he was spoken of as her "brother." These facts suggest that the mysterious Giovanni Borgia was Lucretia's son—this, however, is only a hypothesis. The city of Nepi and thirty-six other estates were conferred upon the child as his dukedom.

It’s also possible that the Pope’s second statement was false, and that the "Infante of Rome" wasn’t his son, but rather a child of Lucretia. The reader may recall that in March 1498, the Ferrarese ambassador informed Duke Ercole that there were rumors in Rome about the Pope’s daughter giving birth to a child. This date aligns perfectly with the age of Infante Giovanni in September 1501. Both documents concerning his legitimation, which are now kept in the Este archives, were originally in Lucretia’s chancellery. She might have taken them with her from Rome to Ferrara, or they might have been brought to her later. Eventually, we’ll find the Infante at her court in Ferrara, where he was referred to as her "brother." These facts suggest that the enigmatic Giovanni Borgia was Lucretia's son—though this remains just a theory. The city of Nepi and thirty-six other estates were granted to the child as his dukedom.

The second domain, including the duchy of Sermoneta and twenty-eight castles, was given to little Rodrigo, Lucretia's only son by Alfonso of Aragon.

The second area, which included the duchy of Sermoneta and twenty-eight castles, was given to young Rodrigo, Lucretia's only son with Alfonso of Aragon.

Under Lucretia's changed conditions, this child was an embarrassment to her, for she either was not allowed or did not dare to bring a child by her former husband to Ferrara. For the sake of her character let us assume that she was compelled to leave her child among strangers. The order to do so, however, does not appear to have emanated from Ferrara, for, September 28th, the ambassador Gerardi[Pg 195] gave his master an account of a call which he made on Madonna Lucretia, in which he said, "As her son was present, I asked her—in such a way that she could not mistake my meaning—what was to be done with him; to which she replied, 'He will remain in Rome, and will have an allowance of fifteen thousand ducats.'"[115] The little Rodrigo was, in truth, provided for in a princely manner. He was placed under the guardianship of two cardinals—the Patriarch of Alexandria and Francesco Borgia, Archbishop of Cosenza. He received the revenues of Sermoneta, and he also owned Biselli, his unfortunate father's inheritance; for Ferdinand and Isabella of Castile authorized their ambassador in Rome, Francesco de Roxas, January 7, 1502, to confirm Rodrigo in the possession of the duchy of Biselli and the city of Quadrata. According to this act his title was Don Rodrigo Borgia of Aragon, Duke of Biselli and Sermoneta, and lord of Quadrata.[116][Pg 196]

Under Lucretia's new circumstances, this child was a source of shame for her, as she either wasn't allowed or didn't dare to bring a child from her previous marriage to Ferrara. For the sake of her reputation, let's assume she had to leave her child with strangers. However, the order to do so doesn't seem to have come from Ferrara. On September 28th, ambassador Gerardi[Pg 195] reported to his master about a visit he made to Madonna Lucretia, where he mentioned, "Since her son was there, I asked her—in such a way that she couldn't misunderstand my intent—what would happen to him; to which she replied, 'He will stay in Rome and will receive an allowance of fifteen thousand ducats.'"[115] Little Rodrigo was, in fact, taken care of in a royal manner. He was placed under the guardianship of two cardinals—the Patriarch of Alexandria and Francesco Borgia, Archbishop of Cosenza. He received the income from Sermoneta and also owned Biselli, his unfortunate father's inheritance; Ferdinand and Isabella of Castile authorized their ambassador in Rome, Francesco de Roxas, on January 7, 1502, to confirm Rodrigo in the ownership of the duchy of Biselli and the city of Quadrata. According to this document, his title was Don Rodrigo Borgia of Aragon, Duke of Biselli and Sermoneta, and lord of Quadrata.[116][Pg 196]

CHAPTER XXI

THE EVE OF THE WEDDING

Lucretia was impatient to leave Rome, which, she remarked to the ambassador of Ferrara, seemed to her like a prison; the duke himself was no less anxious to conclude the transaction. The preparation of the new bull of investiture, however, was delayed, and the cession of Cento and Pievi could not be effected without the consent of Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, Archbishop of Bologna, who was then living in France. Ercole, therefore, postponed despatching the bridal escort, although the approach of winter would make the journey, which was severe at any time, all the more difficult. Whenever Lucretia saw the Ferrarese ambassadors she asked them how soon the escort would come to fetch her. She herself endeavored to remove all obstacles. Although the cardinals trembled before the Pope and Cæsar, they were reluctant to sign a bull which would lose Ferrara's tribute to the Church. They were bitterly opposed to allowing the descendants of Alfonso and Lucretia, without limitation, to profit by a remission of the annual payment; they would suffer this privilege to be enjoyed for three generations at most. The duke addressed urgent letters to the cardinal and to Lucretia, who finally, in October, succeeded in arranging matters, thereby winning high praise from her father-in-law. During the first half of October she and the duke kept up a lively correspondence, which shows that their mutual con[Pg 197]fidence was increasing. It was plain that Ercole was beginning to look upon the unequal match with less displeasure, as he discovered that his daughter-in-law possessed greater sense than he had supposed. Her letters to him were filled with flattery, especially one she wrote when she heard he was sick, and Ercole thanked her for having written it with her own hand, which he regarded as special proof of her affection.[117]

Lucretia was eager to leave Rome, which she told the ambassador of Ferrara felt like a prison to her; the duke was equally anxious to finalize the deal. However, the preparation of the new investiture bull got delayed, and the transfer of Cento and Pievi couldn't happen without the approval of Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, the Archbishop of Bologna, who was then living in France. As a result, Ercole postponed sending the bridal escort, even though winter was approaching, making the already challenging journey even harder. Whenever Lucretia saw the Ferrarese ambassadors, she asked them how soon the escort would arrive to pick her up. She worked to eliminate all obstacles herself. Although the cardinals were intimidated by the Pope and Cæsar, they hesitated to sign a bull that would relinquish Ferrara's tribute to the Church. They strongly opposed letting the descendants of Alfonso and Lucretia benefit from a waiver of the annual payment without limits; they would only allow this privilege for a maximum of three generations. The duke sent urgent letters to the cardinal and to Lucretia, who finally managed to sort things out in October, earning high praise from her father-in-law. During the first half of October, she and the duke exchanged lively correspondence, indicating that their trust in each other was growing. It was clear that Ercole was beginning to view the unequal match with less discontent as he realized his daughter-in-law was more sensible than he had thought. Her letters to him were full of flattery, especially one she wrote when she learned he was unwell, and Ercole thanked her for writing it with her own hand, which he saw as a special sign of her affection.[117]

The ambassadors reported to him as follows: "When we informed the illustrious Duchess of your Excellency's illness, her Majesty displayed the greatest concern. She turned pale and stood for a moment bowed in thought. She regretted that she was not in Ferrara to take care of you herself. When the walls of the Vatican salon tumbled in, she nursed his Holiness for two weeks without resting, as the Pope would allow no one else to do anything for him."[118]

The ambassadors reported to him as follows: "When we informed the distinguished Duchess about your Excellency's illness, she was extremely worried. She turned pale and stood silently for a moment, deep in thought. She wished she could be in Ferrara to care for you herself. When the walls of the Vatican salon collapsed, she took care of his Holiness for two weeks without a break, as the Pope wouldn't let anyone else help him." [118]

Well might the illness of Lucretia's father-in-law frighten her. His death would have delayed, if not absolutely prevented, her marriage with Alfonso; for up to the present time she had no proof that her prospective husband's opposition had been overcome.

Well might Lucretia's father-in-law's illness scare her. His death would have delayed, if not completely stopped, her marriage to Alfonso; because until now, she had no proof that her future husband’s objections had been resolved.

There are no letters written by either to the other at this time—a silence which is, to say the least, singular. Still more disturbing to Lucretia must have been the thought that her father himself might die, for his death would certainly set aside her betrothal to Alfonso. Shortly after Ercole's illness Alexander fell sick. He had caught cold and lost a tooth. To prevent exaggerated reports reaching Ferrara, he had the duke's envoy summoned, and directed him to write his master that his indisposition was[Pg 198] insignificant. "If the duke were here," said the Pope, "I would—even if my face is tied up—invite him to go and hunt wild boars." The ambassador remarked in his despatch that the Pope, if he valued his health, had better change his habits, and not leave the palace before daybreak, and had better return before nightfall.[119]

There are no letters exchanged between them at this point—a silence that is, to say the least, unusual. Even more worrying for Lucretia must have been the thought that her father might die, as his passing would definitely cancel her engagement to Alfonso. Shortly after Ercole got sick, Alexander fell ill. He had caught a cold and lost a tooth. To avoid any exaggerated reports reaching Ferrara, he called for the duke's envoy and instructed him to inform his master that his illness was[Pg 198] minor. "If the duke were here," said the Pope, "I would—even with my face all bandaged up—invite him to go hunt wild boars." The ambassador noted in his report that if the Pope cared about his health, he should change his routine, not leave the palace before dawn, and return before dark.[119]

Ercole and the Pope received congratulations from all sides. Cardinals and ambassadors in their letters proclaimed Lucretia's beauty and graciousness. The Spanish envoy in Rome praised her in extravagant terms, and Ercole thanked him for his testimony regarding the virtues of his daughter-in-law.[120]

Ercole and the Pope received congratulations from everywhere. Cardinals and ambassadors in their letters celebrated Lucretia's beauty and charm. The Spanish envoy in Rome praised her in glowing terms, and Ercole expressed his gratitude for the praise regarding the qualities of his daughter-in-law.[120]

Even the King of France displayed the liveliest pleasure at the event, which, he now discovered, would redound greatly to Ferrara's advantage. The Pope, beaming with joy, read the congratulations of the monarch and his consort to the consistory. Louis XII even condescended to address a letter to Madonna Lucretia, at the end of which were two words in his own hand. Alexander was so delighted thereby that he sent a copy of it to Ferrara. The court of Maximilian was the only one from which no congratulations were received. The emperor exhibited such displeasure that Ercole was worried, as the following letter to his plenipotentiaries in Rome shows:

Even the King of France showed great excitement at the event, which he now realized would be very beneficial for Ferrara. The Pope, smiling with happiness, read the king and queen's congratulatory messages to the council. Louis XII even took the time to write a letter to Madonna Lucretia, signing it with two words in his own handwriting. Alexander was so pleased with this that he sent a copy of the letter to Ferrara. The court of Maximilian was the only one that didn't send any congratulations. The emperor was so displeased that Ercole became worried, as indicated by the following letter to his representatives in Rome:

The Duke of Ferrara, etc.

Our Well-Loved: We have given his Holiness, our Lord, no further information regarding the attitude of the illustrious Emperor of the Romans towards him since Messer Michele Remolines departed from here, for we had nothing definite to communicate. We have, however, been told by a trustworthy person with whom the king conversed, that his Majesty was greatly displeased, and that[Pg 199] he criticised his Holiness in unmeasured terms on account of the alliance which we have concluded with him, as he also did in letters addressed to us before the betrothal, in which he advised us not to enter into it, as you will learn from the copies of his letters which we send you with this. They were shown and read to his Holiness's ambassador here. Although, so far as we ourselves are concerned, we did not attach much importance to his Majesty's attitude, as we followed the dictates of reason, and are daily becoming more convinced that it will prove advantageous for us; it nevertheless appears proper, in view of our relations with his Holiness, that he should be informed of our position.

Our Beloved: We have not provided His Holiness, our Lord, with any further information about the illustrious Emperor of the Romans' attitude towards him since Messer Michele Remolines left here, as we had nothing definite to share. However, we have been informed by a reliable person who spoke with the king that His Majesty was very unhappy and that[Pg 199] he criticized His Holiness harshly regarding the alliance we formed with him, just as he did in letters to us before the engagement, in which he advised us against it, as you will see from the copies of his letters we are sending you. They were shown to and read by His Holiness's ambassador here. While we personally did not see His Majesty's attitude as significant, as we followed reason and are increasingly convinced this will benefit us, it still seems appropriate, considering our relationship with His Holiness, to inform him of our situation.

You will, therefore, tell him everything, and also let him see the copies, if you think best, but you must say to him in our name that he is not to ascribe their authorship to us, and that we have not sent you these copies because of any special importance that we attached to them.

You will, therefore, tell him everything and also let him see the copies if you think it's best. However, you must tell him on our behalf that he shouldn't credit us as the authors and that we didn't send you these copies because we considered them particularly important.

Ferrara, October 3, 1501.

Ferrara, October 3, 1501.

The duke now allowed nothing to shake his resolution. Early in October he selected the escort whose departure from Ferrara, he frankly stated, would depend upon the progress of his negotiations with the Pope. The constitution of the bridal trains, both Roman and Ferrarese, was an important question, and is referred to in one of Gerardo's despatches.

The duke was now unwavering in his determination. Early in October, he chose the escort whose departure from Ferrara, he openly said, would depend on how his negotiations with the Pope were going. The makeup of the bridal processions, both Roman and Ferrarese, was a significant issue, and it’s mentioned in one of Gerardo's reports.

Illustrious Sir, etc.: To-day at six o'clock Hector and I were alone with the Pope, having your letters of the twenty-sixth ultimo and of the first of the present month, and also a list of those who are to compose the escort. His Holiness was greatly pleased, the various persons being people of wealth and standing, as he could readily see, the rank and position of each being clearly indicated. I have learned from the best of sources that your Excellency has exceeded all the Pope's expectations. After we had conversed a while with his Holiness, the illustrious Duke of Romagna and Cardinal Orsini were summoned. There[Pg 200] were also present Monsignor Elna, Monsignor Troche, and Messer Adriano. The Pope had the list read a second time, and again it was praised, especially by the duke, who said he was acquainted with several of the persons named. He kept the list, thanking me warmly when I gave it to him again, for he had returned it to me.

Dear Sir, etc.: Today at six o'clock, Hector and I were with the Pope, having your letters from the twenty-sixth of last month and the first of this month, along with a list of those who will be part of the escort. His Holiness was very pleased, as he could clearly see that the people listed were wealthy and of high status, with their ranks and positions well-defined. I’ve learned from reliable sources that your Excellency has exceeded all the Pope's expectations. After chatting with his Holiness for a while, the distinguished Duke of Romagna and Cardinal Orsini were called in. There[Pg 200] were also Monsignor Elna, Monsignor Troche, and Messer Adriano. The Pope had the list read again, and it was praised once more, especially by the duke, who mentioned that he knew several of the people listed. He kept the list and thanked me sincerely when I handed it back to him, as he had previously returned it to me.

We endeavored to get the list of those who are to come with the illustrious Duchess, but it has not yet been prepared. His Holiness said that there would not be many women among the number, as the ladies of Rome were not skilful horsewomen.[121] Hitherto the Duchess has had five or six young ladies at her court—four very young girls and three married women—who will remain with her Majesty. She has, however, been advised not to bring them, as many of the great ladies in Ferrara will offer her their services. She has also a certain Madonna Girolama, Cardinal Borgia's sister, who is married to one of the Orsini. She and three of her women will accompany her. These are the only ladies of honor she has hitherto had. I have heard that she will endeavor to find others in Naples, but it is believed that she will be able to secure only a few, and that these will merely accompany her. The Duchess of Urbino has announced that she expects to come with a mounted escort of fifty persons. So far as the men are concerned, his Holiness said that there would not be many, as there were no Roman noblemen except the Orsini, and they generally were away from the city. Still, he hoped to be able to find sufficient, provided the Duke of Romagna did not take the field, there being a large number of nobles among his followers. His Holiness said that he had plenty of priests and scholars to send, but not such persons as were fit for a mission of this sort. However, the retinue furnished by your Majesty will serve for both, especially as—according to his Holiness—it is better for the more numerous escort to be sent by the groom, and for the bride to come accompanied by a smaller number. Still I do not think her suite will number less than two hundred persons. The Pope is in doubt what route her Majesty will travel. He thinks she ought to go by way of Bologna, and he says that the Florentines likewise have invited her. Although his Holiness has reached no decision, the[Pg 201] Duchess has informed us that she would journey through the Marches, and the Pope has just concluded that she might do so. Perhaps he desires her to pass through the estates of the Duke of Romagna on her way to Bologna.

We tried to get the list of people coming with the distinguished Duchess, but it hasn't been finalized yet. The Pope mentioned that there wouldn't be many women in the group, as the ladies of Rome aren't very good at riding horses.[121] So far, the Duchess has had about five or six young ladies at her court—four very young girls and three married women—who will stay with her. However, she’s been advised not to bring them, as many noble ladies in Ferrara will offer their services. She also has a certain Madonna Girolama, Cardinal Borgia's sister, who is married to one of the Orsini. She and three of her ladies will accompany her. These are currently the only ladies of honor she has. I've heard that she will try to find others in Naples, but it’s thought she’ll only manage to get a few, and they will just be accompanying her. The Duchess of Urbino has announced that she plans to come with a mounted group of fifty people. Regarding the men, the Pope said there wouldn't be many since there are no Roman noblemen except the Orsini, and they’re usually out of the city. Still, he hopes to find enough, provided the Duke of Romagna doesn't mobilize his forces, as he has many nobles among his followers. The Pope said he has plenty of priests and scholars available, but not anyone suitable for a mission like this. However, the retinue supplied by your Majesty will be sufficient for both roles, especially since—according to the Pope—it’s better for the larger escort to come from the groom, while the bride should be accompanied by a smaller group. Still, I don't think her entourage will be less than two hundred people. The Pope is uncertain which route her Majesty will take. He thinks she should go through Bologna, and he mentioned that the Florentines have also invited her. Although the Pope hasn't made a decision yet, the[Pg 201] Duchess has let us know that she plans to travel through the Marches, and the Pope has just concluded that she might do that. Perhaps he wants her to pass through the lands of the Duke of Romagna on her way to Bologna.

Regarding your Majesty's wish that a cardinal accompany the Duchess, his Holiness said that it did not seem proper to him for a cardinal to leave Rome with her; but that he had written the Cardinal of Salerno, the Legate in the Marches, to go to the seat of the Duke in Romagna and wait there, and accompany the Duchess to Ferrara to read mass at the wedding. He thought that the cardinal would do this, unless prevented by sickness, in which case his Holiness would provide another.

Regarding your Majesty's wish for a cardinal to go with the Duchess, his Holiness mentioned that it didn’t seem appropriate for a cardinal to leave Rome with her. However, he had written to the Cardinal of Salerno, the Legate in the Marches, to go to the Duke’s residence in Romagna and wait there to accompany the Duchess to Ferrara for the wedding mass. He believed the cardinal would agree to this unless he fell ill, in which case his Holiness would arrange for someone else.

When the Pope discovered, during this conversation, that we had so far been unable to secure an audience with the illustrious Duke, he showed great annoyance, declaring it was a mistake which could only injure his Majesty, and he added that the ambassadors of Rimini had been here two months without succeeding in speaking with him, as he was in the habit of turning day into night and night into day. He severely criticized his son's mode of living. On the other hand, he commended the illustrious Duchess, saying that she was always gracious, and granted audiences readily, and that whenever there was need she knew how to cajole. He lauded her highly, and stated that she had ruled Spoleto to the satisfaction of everybody, and he also said that her Majesty always knew how to carry her point—even with himself, the Pope. I think that his Holiness spoke in this way more for the purpose of saying good of her (which according to my opinion she deserved) than to avoid saying anything ill, even if there were occasion for it. Your Majesty's Ever devoted.

When the Pope found out during our conversation that we had still been unable to get a meeting with the distinguished Duke, he expressed great frustration, saying it was a mistake that could only harm his Majesty. He added that the ambassadors from Rimini had been here for two months without being able to speak with him, as he tended to turn day into night and night into day. He harshly criticized his son's lifestyle. On the other hand, he praised the distinguished Duchess, saying she was always gracious, readily granted audiences, and knew how to charm when necessary. He spoke highly of her, stating that she had ruled Spoleto to everyone's satisfaction and that she always knew how to get her way—even with him, the Pope. I believe his Holiness spoke this way more to compliment her (which I think she deserved) than to avoid saying anything negative, even if there was reason to do so. Your Majesty's Ever devoted.

Rome, October 6th.

Rome, October 6.

The Pope seldom allowed an opportunity to pass for praising his daughter's beauty and graciousness. He frequently compared her with the most famous women of Italy—the Marchioness of Mantua and the Duchess of Urbino. One day, while conversing with the ambassadors of Ferrara, he mentioned her age, saying that in October[Pg 202] (1502) she would complete her twenty-second year, while Cæsar would be twenty-six the same month.[122]

The Pope rarely missed a chance to praise his daughter's beauty and charm. He often compared her to the most renowned women in Italy—the Marchioness of Mantua and the Duchess of Urbino. One day, while talking with the ambassadors from Ferrara, he mentioned her age, noting that in October[Pg 202] (1502) she would turn twenty-two, while Cæsar would also be twenty-six that same month.[122]

The Pope was greatly pleased with the members of the bridal escort, for they all were either princes of the house of Este or prominent persons of Ferrara. He also approved the selection of Annibale Bentivoglio, son of the Lord of Bologna, and said laughingly to the Ferrarese ambassadors that, even if their master had chosen Turks to come to Rome for the bride, they would have been welcome.

The Pope was very pleased with the members of the bridal party, as they were either princes from the house of Este or well-known figures from Ferrara. He also liked the choice of Annibale Bentivoglio, the son of the Lord of Bologna, and joked with the Ferrarese ambassadors that even if their leader had picked Turks to come to Rome for the bride, they would have been welcome.

The Florentines, owing to their fear of Cæsar, sent ambassadors to Lucretia to ask her to come by way of their city when she went to Ferrara; the Pope, however, was determined that she should make the journey through Romagna. According to an oppressive custom of the day, the people through whose country persons of quality traveled were required to provide for them, and, in order not to tax Romagna too heavily, it was decided that the Ferrarese escort should come to Rome by way of Tuscany. The Republic of Florence firmly refused to entertain the escort all the time it was in its territory, although it was willing to care for it while in the city or to make a handsome present.[123]

The Florentines, fearing Cæsar, sent ambassadors to Lucretia asking her to pass through their city on her way to Ferrara; however, the Pope was set on her traveling through Romagna. According to a burdensome custom of the time, the people whose territory dignitaries traveled through were required to host them, and to avoid overburdening Romagna, it was decided that the Ferrarese escort would come to Rome via Tuscany. The Republic of Florence firmly refused to host the escort while it was in their territory, although they were willing to accommodate them while in the city or to make a generous gift.[123]

In the meantime preparations were under way in Ferrara for the wedding festivities. The Duke invited all the princes who were friendly to him to be present. He had even thought of the oration which was to be delivered in Ferrara when Lucretia was given to her husband. During the Renaissance these orations were regarded as of the greatest importance, and he was anxious to secure a[Pg 203] speaker who could be depended upon to deliver a masterpiece. Ercole had instructed his ambassadors in Rome to send him particulars regarding the house of Borgia for the orator to use in preparing his speech.[124]

In the meantime, preparations were underway in Ferrara for the wedding celebrations. The Duke invited all the princes who were on good terms with him to attend. He had even thought about the speech that would be delivered in Ferrara when Lucretia was given to her husband. During the Renaissance, these speeches were considered extremely important, and he was eager to find a [Pg 203] speaker who could be counted on to deliver a great one. Ercole had instructed his ambassadors in Rome to gather details about the house of Borgia for the orator to use in crafting his speech.[124]

The ambassadors scrupulously carried out their instructions, and wrote their sovereign as follows:

The ambassadors carefully followed their instructions and wrote to their ruler as follows:

Illustrious Prince and Master: We have spared no efforts to learn everything possible regarding the illustrious house of Borgia, as your Excellency commanded. We made a thorough investigation, and members of our suite here in Rome, not only the scholars but also those who we knew were loyal to you, did the same. Although we finally succeeded in ascertaining that the house is one of the noblest and most ancient in Spain, we did not discover that its founders ever did anything very remarkable, perhaps because life in that country is quiet and uneventful—your Excellency knows that such is the case in Spain, especially in Valencia.

Illustrious Prince and Master: We've made every effort to learn as much as possible about the famous Borgia family, just as you asked. We conducted a thorough investigation, and our team here in Rome, including the scholars and those loyal to you, did the same. While we finally confirmed that the family is among the noblest and oldest in Spain, we didn't find any evidence that its founders accomplished anything particularly remarkable, possibly because life there is generally calm and uneventful—your Excellency knows that's true in Spain, especially in Valencia.

Whatever there is worthy of note dates from the time of Calixtus, and, in fact, the deeds of Calixtus himself are those most worthy of comment; Platina, however, has given an account of his life, which, moreover, is well known to everybody. Whoever is to deliver the oration has ample material, therefore, from which to choose. We, illustrious Sir, have been able to learn nothing more regarding this house than what you already know, and this concerns only the members of the family who have been Popes, and is derived chiefly from the audience speeches. In case we succeed in finding out anything more, we shall inform your Excellency, to whom we commend ourselves in all humility.

Whatever is worth noting comes from the time of Calixtus, and really, the actions of Calixtus himself are the most deserving of discussion; Platina has, in fact, provided an account of his life that is well-known to everyone. Therefore, whoever will give the speech has plenty of material to choose from. We, esteemed Sir, have not been able to learn anything more about this house than what you already know, which only pertains to the family members who have been Popes, and this information mainly comes from the speeches delivered in the audience. If we manage to find out anything else, we will let your Excellency know, to whom we humbly commend ourselves.

Rome, October 18, 1501.

Rome, October 18, 1501.

When the descendant of the ancient house of Este read this terse despatch he must have smiled; its candor was so undiplomatic that it bordered on irony. The doughty[Pg 204] ambassadors, however, apparently did not go to the right sources, for if they had applied to the courtiers who were intimate with the Borgia—for example, the Porcaro—they would have obtained a genealogical tree showing a descent from the old kings of Aragon, if not from Hercules himself.

When the descendant of the ancient house of Este read this brief message, he must have smiled; its honesty was so straightforward that it almost felt ironic. The brave[Pg 204] ambassadors, however, clearly didn’t consult the right people, because if they had asked the courtiers close to the Borgia—like the Porcaro—they would have received a family tree tracing descent from the old kings of Aragon, if not from Hercules himself.

In the meantime the impatience of the Pope and Lucretia was steadily increasing, for the departure of the bridal escort was delayed, and the enemies of the Borgia were already beginning to make merry. The duke declared that he could not think of sending for Donna Lucretia until the bull of investiture was in his hands. He complained at the Pope's delay in fulfilling his promises. He also demanded that the part of the marriage portion which was to be paid in coin through banking houses in Venice, Bologna, and other cities be handed over on the bridal escort's entry into Rome, and threatened in case it was not paid in full to have his people return to Ferrara without the bride.[125] As it was impossible for him to bring about the immediate cession of Cento and Pievi, he asked from the Pope as a pledge that either the bishopric of Bologna be given his son Ippolito, or that his Holiness furnish a bond. He also demanded certain benefices for his natural son Don Giulio, and for his ambassador Gianluca Pozzi. Lucretia succeeded in securing the bishopric of Reggio for the latter and also a house in Rome for the Ferrarese envoy.

In the meantime, both the Pope and Lucretia were getting more and more impatient because the bridal escort was delayed, and the enemies of the Borgia were starting to celebrate. The duke said he couldn’t think about calling for Donna Lucretia until he had the investiture bull in his hands. He complained about the Pope taking too long to keep his promises. He also insisted that the part of the marriage portion that was supposed to be paid in cash through banks in Venice, Bologna, and other cities be handed over when the bridal escort arrived in Rome, threatening that if it wasn’t paid in full, his people would return to Ferrara without the bride.[125] Since it was impossible for him to get the immediate handover of Cento and Pievi, he requested as a guarantee from the Pope that either the bishopric of Bologna be given to his son Ippolito, or that his Holiness provide a bond. He also asked for certain benefits for his illegitimate son Don Giulio, and for his ambassador Gianluca Pozzi. Lucretia managed to secure the bishopric of Reggio for the latter and also a house in Rome for the Ferrarese envoy.

Another important question was the dowry of jewels which Lucretia was to receive. During the Renaissance the passion for jewels amounted to a mania. Ercole sent word to his daughter-in-law that she must not dispose of[Pg 205] her jewels, but must bring them with her; he also said that he would send her a handsome ornament by the bridal escort, gallantly adding that, as she herself was a precious jewel, she deserved the most beautiful gems—even more magnificent ones than he and his own consort had possessed; it is true he was not so wealthy as the Duke of Savoy, but, nevertheless, he was in a position to send her jewels no less beautiful than those given her by the duke.[126]

Another important question was the dowry of jewels that Lucretia was supposed to receive. During the Renaissance, the obsession with jewels was almost a mania. Ercole sent a message to his daughter-in-law, telling her not to sell her jewels but to bring them with her. He also mentioned that he would send her a beautiful ornament with the bridal escort, gallantly adding that since she was a precious jewel herself, she deserved the most stunning gems—ones even more magnificent than those he and his wife had. While it was true that he wasn't as wealthy as the Duke of Savoy, he was still in a position to send her jewels that were just as beautiful as those given to her by the duke.[Pg 205][126]

The relations between Ercole and his daughter-in-law were as friendly as could be desired, for Lucretia exerted herself to secure the Pope's consent to his demands. His Holiness, however, was greatly annoyed by the duke's conduct; he sent urgent requests to him to despatch the escort to Rome, and assured him that the two castles in Romagna would be delivered over to him before Lucretia reached Ferrara, but in case she did arrive there first that everything she asked would be granted—his love for her was such that he even thought of paying her a visit in Ferrara in the spring.[127] The Pope suspected, however, that the delay in sending the bridal escort was due to the machinations of Maximilian. Even as late as November the emperor had despatched his secretary, Agostino Semenza, to the duke to warn him not to send the escort to Rome, adding that he would show his gratitude to Ercole. November 22d the duke wrote the imperial plenipotentiary a letter in which he stated that he had immediately sent a courier to his ambassador in Rome; it would soon be winter, and the time would therefore be unfavorable for bringing Lucretia; if the Pope was willing, he would postpone the wedding, but he would not break off with him entirely. His[Pg 206] Majesty should remember that if he did this, the Pope would become his bitterest enemy, and would persecute him, and might even make war on him. It was, he stated, for the express purpose of avoiding this that he had consented to enter into an alliance with his Holiness. He, therefore, hoped that his Majesty would not expose him to this danger, but that, with his usual justice, he would appreciate his excuses.[128]

The relationship between Ercole and his daughter-in-law was as friendly as it could be, as Lucretia worked hard to get the Pope's approval for his requests. However, His Holiness was quite annoyed with the duke's behavior; he urgently asked him to send the escort to Rome and assured him that the two castles in Romagna would be handed over to him before Lucretia got to Ferrara. But if she did arrive there first, everything she asked for would be granted—his love for her was so strong that he even considered visiting her in Ferrara in the spring.[127] The Pope suspected, though, that the delay in sending the bridal escort was due to Maximilian's schemes. Even as late as November, the emperor sent his secretary, Agostino Semenza, to the duke to warn him not to send the escort to Rome, adding that he would show his gratitude to Ercole. On November 22nd, the duke wrote to the imperial plenipotentiary, stating that he had immediately sent a courier to his ambassador in Rome; it would soon be winter, making it an unfavorable time to bring Lucretia. If the Pope was willing, he would postpone the wedding, but he would not completely break off ties with him. His[Pg 206] Majesty should remember that if he did this, the Pope would become his fiercest enemy, would persecute him, and might even wage war against him. He stated that he agreed to enter into an alliance with His Holiness specifically to avoid this situation. Therefore, he hoped that His Majesty would not put him in this danger, but that, with his usual fairness, he would understand his reasons.[128]

ERCOLE D'ESTE, DUKE OF FERRARA.

At the same time he instructed his ambassadors in Rome to inform the Pope of the emperor's threats, and to say to him that he was ready to fulfil his own obligations and also to urge his Holiness to have the bulls prepared at once, as further delay was dangerous.

At the same time, he directed his ambassadors in Rome to inform the Pope about the emperor's threats and to let him know that he was ready to meet his own obligations. He also urged His Holiness to prepare the bulls immediately, as any further delay was risky.

Alexander thereupon fell into a rage; he overwhelmed the ambassadors with reproaches, and called the duke a "tradesman." On December 1st Ercole announced to the emperor's messenger that he was unable longer to delay sending the bridal escort, for, if he did, it would mean a rupture with the Pope. The same day he wrote to his ambassadors in Rome and complained of the use of the epithet "tradesman," which the Pope had applied to him.[129] He, however, reassured his Holiness by informing him that he had decided to despatch the bridal escort from Ferrara the ninth or tenth of December.[130]

Alexander then got really angry; he bombarded the ambassadors with accusations and called the duke a "tradesman." On December 1st, Ercole informed the emperor's messenger that he could no longer delay sending the bridal escort because, if he did, it would lead to a break with the Pope. That same day, he wrote to his ambassadors in Rome and expressed his dissatisfaction with the term "tradesman," which the Pope had used to describe him.[129] He, however, reassured His Holiness by letting him know that he had decided to send the bridal escort from Ferrara on the ninth or tenth of December.[130]

GUICCIARDINI.

[Pg 207]

CHAPTER XXII

ARRIVAL AND RETURN OF THE BRIDAL ESCORT

In the meantime Lucretia's trousseau was being prepared with an expense worthy of a king's daughter. On December 13, 1501, the agent in Rome of the Marchese Gonzaga wrote his master as follows: "The portion will consist of three hundred thousand ducats, not counting the presents which Madonna will receive from time to time. First a hundred thousand ducats are to be paid in money in instalments in Ferrara. Then there will be silverware to the value of three thousand ducats; jewels, fine linen, costly trappings for horses and mules, together worth another hundred thousand. In her wardrobe she has a trimmed dress worth more than fifteen thousand ducats, and two hundred costly shifts, some of which are worth a hundred ducats apiece; the sleeves alone of some of them cost thirty ducats each, being trimmed with gold fringe." Another person reported to the Marchesa Isabella that Lucretia had one dress worth twenty thousand ducats, and a hat valued at ten thousand. "It is said," so the Mantuan agent writes, "that more gold has been prepared and sold here in Naples in six months than has been used heretofore in two years. She brings her husband another hundred thousand ducats, the value of the castles (Cento and Pieve), and will also secure the remission of Ferrara's tribute. The number of horses and persons the Pope will place at his daughter's disposal will amount to a thousand.[Pg 208] There will be two hundred carriages—among them some of French make, if there is time—and with these will come the escort which is to take her."[131]

In the meantime, Lucretia's trousseau was being prepared with a cost fit for a princess. On December 13, 1501, the agent in Rome for the Marchese Gonzaga wrote to his boss: "The dowry will total three hundred thousand ducats, not including the gifts Madonna will receive over time. First, a hundred thousand ducats will be paid in cash in installments in Ferrara. Then there will be silverware worth three thousand ducats; jewels, fine linen, and expensive accessories for horses and mules, collectively worth another hundred thousand. In her wardrobe, she has a beautifully trimmed dress worth over fifteen thousand ducats, and two hundred luxurious shifts, with some valued at a hundred ducats each; the sleeves of some alone cost thirty ducats each, trimmed with gold fringe." Another person informed Marchesa Isabella that Lucretia had one dress worth twenty thousand ducats and a hat priced at ten thousand. "It’s said," the agent from Mantua wrote, "that more gold has been prepared and sold here in Naples in six months than has been used in the past two years. She brings her husband another hundred thousand ducats, the value of the castles (Cento and Pieve), and will also secure the cancellation of Ferrara's tribute. The number of horses and people the Pope will provide for his daughter will total a thousand.[Pg 208] There will be two hundred carriages—some of them French-made, if there's time—and with them will come the escort to take her." [131]

The duke finally concluded to send the bridal escort, although the bulls were not ready for him. As he was anxious to make the marriage of his son with Lucretia an event of the greatest magnificence, he sent a cavalcade of more than fifteen hundred persons for her. At their head were Cardinal Ippolito and five other members of the ducal house; his brothers, Don Ferrante and Don Sigismondo; also Niccolò Maria d'Este, Bishop of Adria; Meliaduse d'Este, Bishop of Comacchio; and Don Ercole, a nephew of the duke. In the escort were numerous prominent friends and kinsmen or vassals of the house of Ferrara, lords of Correggio and Mirandola; the Counts Rangone of Modena; one of the Pio of Carpi; the Counts Bevilacqua, Roverella, Sagrato, Strozzi of Ferrara, Annibale Bentivoglio of Bologna, and many others.

The duke finally decided to send the bridal escort, even though the bulls weren't ready for him. Since he wanted his son’s marriage to Lucretia to be a grand event, he sent a procession of over fifteen hundred people for her. Leading them were Cardinal Ippolito and five other members of the ducal family; his brothers, Don Ferrante and Don Sigismondo; as well as Niccolò Maria d'Este, Bishop of Adria; Meliaduse d'Este, Bishop of Comacchio; and Don Ercole, the duke's nephew. The escort included many prominent friends, relatives, and vassals of the house of Ferrara, lords of Correggio and Mirandola; the Counts Rangone of Modena; one of the Pio of Carpi; the Counts Bevilacqua, Roverella, Sagrato, Strozzi of Ferrara, Annibale Bentivoglio of Bologna, and numerous others.

These gentlemen, magnificently clad, and with heavy gold chains about their necks, mounted on beautiful horses, left Ferrara December 9th, with thirteen trumpeters and eight fifes at their head; and thus this wedding cavalcade, led by a worldly cardinal, rode noisily forth upon their journey. In our time such an aggregation might easily be mistaken for a troop of trick riders. Nowhere did this brave company of knights pay their reckoning; in the domain of Ferrara they lived on the duke; in other words, at the expense of his subjects. In the lands of other lords they did the same, and in the territory of the Church the cities they visited were required to provide for them.

These well-dressed gentlemen, wearing heavy gold chains around their necks and riding beautiful horses, set out from Ferrara on December 9th, accompanied by thirteen trumpeters and eight fifes. This wedding parade, led by a fashionable cardinal, made quite the noise as they began their journey. Nowadays, such a gathering might easily be mistaken for a group of stunt riders. This brave band of knights never paid for their expenses; in Ferrara, they were supported by the duke, which meant the costs fell on his subjects. In other lords' territories, they did the same, and in the lands of the Church, the cities they visited were expected to take care of them.

In spite of the luxury of the Renaissance, traveling was at that time very disagreeable; everywhere in Europe it was[Pg 209] as difficult then as it is now in the Orient. Great lords and ladies, who to-day flit across the country in comfortable railway carriages, traveled in the sixteenth century, even in the most civilized states of Europe, mounted on horses or mules, or slowly in sedan-chairs, exposed to all the inclemencies of wind and weather, and unpaved roads. The cavalcade was thirteen days on the way from Ferrara to Rome—a journey which can now be made in a few hours.

Despite the luxury of the Renaissance, traveling back then was quite uncomfortable; all across Europe, it was[Pg 209] just as challenging then as it is now in the East. Noblemen and women, who today zip across the country in comfy train cars, traveled in the sixteenth century, even in the most refined parts of Europe, on horseback or mules, or slowly in sedan chairs, facing all the harshness of wind and weather on bumpy roads. The journey took the cavalcade thirteen days from Ferrara to Rome—a trip that can now be completed in just a few hours.

Finally, on December 22d, it reached Monterosi, a wretched castle fifteen miles from Rome. All were in a deplorable condition, wet to the skin by winter rains, and covered with mud; and men and horses completely tired out. From this place the cardinal sent a messenger with a herald to Rome to receive the Pope's commands. Answer was brought that they were to enter by the Porta del Popolo.

Finally, on December 22, they arrived at Monterosi, a miserable castle fifteen miles from Rome. Everyone was in terrible shape, soaked from the winter rains and covered in mud; both men and horses were completely exhausted. From there, the cardinal sent a messenger with a herald to Rome to get the Pope's instructions. The reply came that they were to enter through the Porta del Popolo.

The entrance of the Ferrarese into Rome was the most theatrical event that occurred during the reign of Alexander VI. Processions were the favorite spectacles of the Middle Ages; State, Church, and society displayed their wealth and power in magnificent cavalcades. The horse was symbolic of the world's strength and magnificence, but with the disappearance of knighthood it lost its place in the history of civilization. How the love of form and color of the people of Italy—the home of processions—has changed was shown in Rome, July 2, 1871, when Victor Emmanuel entered his new capital. Had this episode—one of the weightiest in the whole history of Italy—occurred during the Renaissance, it would have been made the occasion of a magnificent triumph. The entrance into Rome of the first king of united Italy was made, however, in a few dust-covered carriages, which conveyed the monarch and his court from the railway station to[Pg 210] their lodgings; yet in this bourgeois simplicity there was really more moral greatness than in any of the triumphs of the Cæsars. That the love of parades which existed in the Renaissance has died out is, perhaps, to be regretted, for occasions still arise when they are necessary.

The entry of the Ferrarese into Rome was the most dramatic event during Alexander VI's reign. Processions were the main spectacles of the Middle Ages; the State, the Church, and society showcased their wealth and power in grand displays. The horse symbolized strength and grandeur, but as knighthood faded away, it lost its place in history. The shift in the Italian people's appreciation for form and color—the land of processions—was evident in Rome on July 2, 1871, when Victor Emmanuel entered his new capital. If this significant moment in Italy's history had happened during the Renaissance, it would have been turned into a majestic triumph. However, the arrival of the first king of unified Italy was marked by a few dusty carriages that transported the monarch and his court from the train station to[Pg 210] their accommodations; yet within this simple, middle-class display was actually more moral significance than in any of the triumphs of the Caesars. The decline of the Renaissance's love for parades might be a loss, as there are still occasions when they are needed.

CASTLE OF S. ANGELO, ROME.

Alexander's prestige would certainly have suffered if, on the occasion of a family function of such importance, he had failed to offer the people as evidence of his power a brilliant spectacle of some sort. The very fact that Adrian VI did not understand and appreciate this requirement of the Renaissance made him the butt of the Romans.

Alexander's reputation would definitely have taken a hit if, during such an important family event, he hadn't shown the people a dazzling display to demonstrate his power. The simple fact that Adrian VI didn't get or value this expectation of the Renaissance made him a target for ridicule among the Romans.

At ten o'clock on the morning of December 23d the Ferrarese reached the Ponte Molle, where breakfast was served in a nearby villa. The appearance of this neighborhood must at that time have been different from what it is to-day. There were casinos and wine houses on the slopes of Monte Mario—whose summit was occupied even at that time by a villa belonging to the Mellini—and on the hills beyond the Flaminian Way. Nicholas V had restored the bridge over the Tiber, and also begun a tower nearby, which Calixtus III completed. Between the Ponte Molle and the Porta del Popolo there was then,—just as there is now,—a wretched suburb.

At ten o'clock in the morning on December 23rd, the people from Ferrara arrived at the Ponte Molle, where breakfast was served at a nearby villa. The appearance of this area must have been quite different back then compared to today. There were casinos and wine houses on the slopes of Monte Mario—whose peak was even then occupied by a villa owned by the Mellini—and on the hills beyond the Flaminian Way. Nicholas V had restored the bridge over the Tiber and had also started a nearby tower, which Calixtus III finished. Between the Ponte Molle and the Porta del Popolo, there was, just like today, a run-down suburb.

At the bridge crossing the Tiber they found a wedding escort composed of the senators of Rome, the governor of the city, and the captain of police, accompanied by two thousand men, some on foot and some mounted. Half a bowshot from the gate the cavalcade met Cæsar's suite. First came six pages, then a hundred mounted noblemen, followed by two hundred Swiss clothed in black and yellow velvet with the arms of the Pope, birettas on their heads, and bearing halberds. Behind them rode the Duke of Romagna with the ambassador of France at his side,[Pg 211] who wore a French costume and a golden sash. After greeting each other mid the blare of trumpets, the gentlemen dismounted from their horses. Cæsar embraced Cardinal Ippolito and rode at his side as far as the city gate. If Valentino's following numbered four thousand and the city officials two thousand more, it is difficult to conceive, taking the spectators also into account, how so large a number of people could congregate before the Porta del Popolo. The rows of houses which now extend from this gate could not have been in existence then, and the space occupied by the Villa Borghese must have been vacant. At the gate the cavalcade was met by nineteen cardinals, each accompanied by two hundred persons. The reception here, owing to the oration, required over two hours, consequently it was evening when it was over.

At the bridge over the Tiber, they found a wedding escort made up of the senators of Rome, the city's governor, and the police chief, along with two thousand men, some on foot and some on horseback. Half a bowshot from the gate, the cavalcade encountered Cæsar's entourage. First came six pages, then a hundred mounted noblemen, followed by two hundred Swiss dressed in black and yellow velvet displaying the Pope's arms, wearing birettas and holding halberds. Riding behind them was the Duke of Romagna, next to the ambassador of France, who was dressed in a French outfit and wore a golden sash. After exchanging greetings amidst the sound of trumpets, the gentlemen got off their horses. Cæsar embraced Cardinal Ippolito and rode alongside him up to the city gate. If Valentino's entourage numbered four thousand and the city officials were an additional two thousand, it's hard to imagine, especially considering the spectators, how such a large crowd could gather before the Porta del Popolo. The rows of houses that now stretch from this gate didn’t exist back then, and the area where Villa Borghese stands must have been empty. At the gate, the cavalcade was greeted by nineteen cardinals, each accompanied by two hundred people. The reception took over two hours due to the speech, so it was evening by the time it wrapped up.

Finally, to the din of trumpets, fifes, and horns, the cavalcade set out over the Corso, across the Campo di Fiore, for the Vatican, where it was saluted from Castle S. Angelo. Alexander stood at a window of the palace to see the procession which marked the fulfilment of the dearest wish of his house. His chamberlain met the Ferrarese at the steps of the palace and conducted them to his Holiness, who, accompanied by twelve cardinals, advanced to meet them. They kissed his feet, and he raised them up and embraced them. A few moments were spent in animated conversation, after which Cæsar led the princes to his sister. Leaning on the arm of an elderly cavalier dressed in black velvet, with a golden chain about his neck, Lucretia went as far as the entrance of her palace to greet them. According to the prearranged ceremonial she did not kiss her brothers-in-law, but merely bowed to them, following the French custom. She wore a dress of some white material embroidered in gold, over[Pg 212] which there was a garment of dark brown velvet trimmed with sable. The sleeves were of white and gold brocade, tight, and barred in the Spanish fashion. Her head-dress was of a green gauze, with a fine gold band and two rows of pearls. About her neck was a heavy chain of pearls with a ruby pendant. Refreshments were served, and Lucretia distributed small gifts—the work of Roman jewelers—among those present. The princes departed highly pleased with their reception. "This much I know," wrote El Prete, "that the eyes of Cardinal Ippolito sparkled, as much as to say, She is an enchanting and exceedingly gracious lady."

Finally, to the sound of trumpets, flutes, and horns, the parade set off down the Corso, across the Campo di Fiore, toward the Vatican, where it was greeted from Castle S. Angelo. Alexander stood at a palace window to watch the procession that marked the fulfillment of his family's greatest wish. His chamberlain met the Ferrarese at the palace steps and escorted them to his Holiness, who, accompanied by twelve cardinals, came forward to meet them. They kissed his feet, and he lifted them up and embraced them. They spent a few moments in lively conversation, after which Cæsar took the princes to meet his sister. Leaning on the arm of an elderly gentleman dressed in black velvet with a gold chain around his neck, Lucretia went as far as the entrance of her palace to greet them. Following the planned custom, she did not kiss her brothers-in-law but merely bowed to them, in accordance with French tradition. She wore a dress of some white material embroidered in gold, over which she had a dark brown velvet outer garment trimmed with sable. The sleeves were made of tight white and gold brocade, designed in the Spanish style. Her headdress was made of green gauze, with a fine gold band and two rows of pearls. Around her neck was a heavy pearl chain with a ruby pendant. Refreshments were served, and Lucretia handed out small gifts—crafted by Roman jewelers—to those present. The princes left very pleased with their reception. "This much I know," wrote El Prete, "that the eyes of Cardinal Ippolito sparkled, as if to say, She is an enchanting and exceedingly gracious lady."

The cardinal likewise wrote the same evening to his sister Isabella of Mantua to satisfy her curiosity regarding Lucretia's costume. Dress was then an important matter in the eyes of a court; in fact there never was a time when women's costumes were richer and more carefully studied than they were during the Renaissance. The Marchioness had sent an agent to Rome apparently for the sole purpose of giving her an account of the bridal festivities, and she had directed him to pay special attention to the dresses. El Prete carried out his instructions as conscientiously as a reporter for a daily paper would now do.[132] From his description an artist could paint a good portrait of the bride.

The cardinal also wrote to his sister Isabella of Mantua that same evening to satisfy her curiosity about Lucretia's outfit. Fashion was a big deal at court; in fact, there has never been a time when women's clothing was as lavish and meticulously crafted as it was during the Renaissance. The Marchioness had sent an agent to Rome clearly just to report back on the wedding celebrations and had told him to pay special attention to the outfits. El Prete followed his instructions as carefully as a reporter for a daily newspaper would today.[132] From his description, an artist could paint a great portrait of the bride.

The same evening the Ferrarese ambassadors paid their official visit to Donna Lucretia, and they promptly wrote the duke regarding the impression his daughter-in-law had made upon them.

That same evening, the ambassadors from Ferrara made their official visit to Donna Lucretia, and they quickly wrote to the duke about the impression his daughter-in-law had left on them.

Illustrious Master: To-day after supper Don Gerardo Saraceni and I betook ourselves to the illustrious Madonna[Pg 213] Lucretia, to pay our respects in the name of your Excellency and his Majesty Don Alfonso. We had a long conversation regarding various matters. She is a most intelligent and lovely, and also exceedingly gracious lady. Your Excellency and the illustrious Don Alfonso—so we were led to conclude—will be highly pleased with her. Besides being extremely graceful in every way, she is modest, lovable, and decorous. Moreover, she is a devout and God-fearing Christian. To-morrow she is going to confession, and during Christmas week she will receive the communion. She is very beautiful, but her charm of manner is still more striking. In short, her character is such that it is impossible to suspect anything "sinister" of her; but, on the contrary, we look for only the best. It seems to be our duty to tell you the exact truth in this letter. I commend myself to your Highness's merciful benevolence. Rome, December 23, 1501, the sixth hour of the night.

Renowned Master: Today, after dinner, Don Gerardo Saraceni and I visited the esteemed Madonna[Pg 213] Lucretia to pay our respects in the name of your Excellency and his Majesty Don Alfonso. We had an extensive conversation about various topics. She is an exceptionally intelligent and beautiful woman, as well as incredibly gracious. Your Excellency and the distinguished Don Alfonso—so we gathered—will be very pleased with her. Beyond being graceful in every way, she is modest, lovable, and proper. Furthermore, she is a devout and God-fearing Christian. Tomorrow, she will go to confession, and during Christmas week, she will receive communion. She is very beautiful, but her charm in person is even more remarkable. In short, her character is such that it's impossible to suspect anything "sinister" about her; rather, we expect only the best. We feel it's our duty to tell you the absolute truth in this letter. I commend myself to your Highness's merciful kindness. Rome, December 23, 1501, at the sixth hour of the night.

Your Excellency's servant,
Johannes Lucas.

Pozzi's letter shows how anxious were the duke and his son, even up to the last. It must have been a humiliation for both of them to have to confide their suspicions to their ambassador in Rome, and to ask him to find out what he could regarding the character of a lady who was to be the future Duchess of Ferrara. The very phrase in Pozzi's letter that there was nothing "sinister" to be suspected of Lucretia shows how black were the rumors that circulated regarding her. His testimony, therefore, is all the more valuable, and it is one of the most important documents for forming a judgment of Lucretia's character. Had she been afforded a chance to read it, her mortification would, no doubt, have outweighed her satisfaction.[133][Pg 214]

Pozzi's letter reveals just how anxious the duke and his son were, right up until the end. It must have been humiliating for both of them to share their suspicions with their ambassador in Rome and to ask him to find out what he could about the character of a woman who was set to become the future Duchess of Ferrara. The very phrase in Pozzi's letter stating that there was nothing "sinister" to be suspected of Lucretia highlights the serious rumors circulating about her. His testimony is therefore even more significant, as it is one of the key documents for evaluating Lucretia's character. If she had been given a chance to read it, her embarrassment would likely have overshadowed any pleasure she might have felt.[133][Pg 214]

The Ferrarese princes took up their abode in the Vatican; other gentlemen occupied the Belvedere, while the majority were provided for by the citizens, who were compelled to entertain them. At that time the popes handled their private matters just as if they were affairs of state, and met expenses by taxing the court officials, who, in spite of this, made a good living, and even grew rich by the Pope's mercy. The merchants likewise were required to bear a part of the expense of these ecclesiastical functions. Many of the officials grumbled over entertaining the Ferrarese, and provided for them so badly that the Pope was compelled to interfere.[134]

The Ferrarese princes settled in the Vatican; other nobles took over the Belvedere, while most were hosted by the citizens, who had no choice but to entertain them. At the time, the popes treated their personal affairs just like state matters, covering costs by taxing the court officials. Despite this, those officials managed to earn a good income and even got rich thanks to the Pope’s generosity. Merchants were also expected to contribute to the expenses of these religious events. Many officials complained about hosting the Ferrarese and did such a poor job that the Pope had to step in.[134]

During the Christmas festivities the Pope read mass in S. Peter's. The princes were present, and the duke's ambassador described Alexander's magnificent and also "saintly" bearing in terms more fitting to depict the appearance of an accomplished actor.[135]

During the Christmas celebrations, the Pope held mass at St. Peter's. The princes were there, and the duke's ambassador illustrated Alexander’s impressive and also “holy” demeanor in words that were more suitable to portray the presence of a skilled actor.[135]

The Pope now gave orders for the carnival to begin, and there were daily banquets and festivities in the Vatican.

The Pope now announced that the carnival was starting, and there were daily feasts and celebrations at the Vatican.

El Prete has left a naive account of an evening's entertainment in Lucretia's palace, in which he gives us a vivid picture of the customs of the day. "The illustrious Madonna," so wrote the reporter, "appears in public but little, because she is busy preparing for her departure. Sunday evening, S. Stephen's Day, December 26th, I went unexpectedly to her residence. Her Majesty was in her chamber, seated by the bed. In a corner of the room were about twenty Roman women dressed a la romanesca,[Pg 215] 'wearing certain cloths on their heads'; the ladies of her court, to the number of ten, were also present. A nobleman from Valencia and a lady of the court, Niccola, led the dance. They were followed by Don Ferrante and Madonna, who danced with extreme grace and animation. She wore a camorra of black velvet with gold borders and black sleeves; the cuffs were tight; the sleeves were slashed at the shoulders; her breast was covered up to the neck with a veil made of gold thread. About her neck she wore a string of pearls, and on her head a green net and a chain of rubies. She had an overskirt of black velvet trimmed with fur, colored, and very beautiful. The trousseaux of her ladies-in-waiting are not yet ready. Two or three of the women are pretty; one, Catalina, a native of Valencia, dances well, and another, Angela, is charming. Without telling her, I picked her out as my favorite. Yesterday evening (28th) the cardinal, the duke, and Don Ferrante walked about the city masked, and afterwards we went to the duchess's house, where there was dancing. Everywhere in Rome, from morning till night, one sees nothing but courtesans wearing masks, for after the clock strikes the twenty-fourth hour they are not permitted to show themselves abroad."

El Prete has written a straightforward account of an evening of entertainment at Lucretia's palace, giving us a clear view of the customs of the time. "The esteemed Madonna," the reporter stated, "rarely appears in public because she is busy preparing for her departure. On Sunday evening, December 26th, S. Stephen's Day, I unexpectedly visited her residence. Her Majesty was in her chamber, sitting by the bed. In one corner of the room were about twenty Roman women dressed a la romanesc,[Pg 215] 'wearing various fabrics on their heads'; there were also about ten ladies of her court present. A nobleman from Valencia and a court lady named Niccola led the dance. They were followed by Don Ferrante and the Madonna, who danced with great elegance and energy. She wore a black velvet camorra with gold edges and black sleeves; the cuffs were tight, and the sleeves were slashed at the shoulders; a veil made of gold thread covered her chest up to her neck. Around her neck was a string of pearls, and on her head was a green net along with a chain of rubies. She had a black velvet overskirt trimmed with beautiful fur. The trousseau for her ladies-in-waiting isn’t ready yet. Two or three of the women are attractive; one, Catalina, from Valencia, dances well, and another, Angela, is lovely. Without telling her, I chose her as my favorite. Last night (28th), the cardinal, the duke, and Don Ferrante walked around the city wearing masks, and later we went to the duchess's house, where there was dancing. Throughout Rome, from morning until night, you see nothing but courtesans in masks, for after the clock strikes midnight, they are not allowed to be out in public."

Although the marriage had been performed in Ferrara by proxy, Alexander wished the service to be said again in Rome. To prevent repetition, the ceremony in Ferrara had been performed only vis volo, the exchange of rings having been deferred.

Although the marriage had been conducted in Ferrara by proxy, Alexander wanted the service to be held again in Rome. To avoid redundancy, the ceremony in Ferrara had been done only vis volo, with the exchange of rings being postponed.

On the evening of December 30th, the Ferrarese escorted Madonna Lucretia to the Vatican. When Alfonso's bride left her palace she was accompanied by her entire court and fifty maids of honor. She was dressed in gold brocade and crimson velvet trimmed with ermine;[Pg 216] the sleeves of her gown reached to the floor; her train was borne by some of her ladies; her golden hair was confined by a black ribbon, and about her neck she wore a string of pearls with a pendant consisting of an emerald, a ruby, and a large pearl.

On the evening of December 30th, the people of Ferrara escorted Madonna Lucretia to the Vatican. When Alfonso's bride left her palace, she was accompanied by her entire court and fifty maids of honor. She was dressed in gold brocade and crimson velvet trimmed with ermine;[Pg 216] the sleeves of her gown reached the floor; her train was carried by some of her ladies; her golden hair was tied up with a black ribbon, and around her neck, she wore a string of pearls with a pendant featuring an emerald, a ruby, and a large pearl.

Don Ferrante and Sigismondo led her by the hands; when the train set forth a body of musicians stationed on the steps of S. Peter's began to play. The Pope, on the throne in the Sala Paolina, surrounded by thirteen cardinals and his son Cæsar, awaited her. Among the foreign representatives present were the ambassadors of France, Spain, and Venice; the German envoy was absent. The ceremony began with the reading of the mandate of the Duke of Ferrara, after which the Bishop of Adria delivered the wedding sermon, which the Pope, however, commanded to be cut short.[136] A table was placed before him, and by it stood Don Ferrante—as his brother's representative—and Donna Lucretia. Ferrante addressed the formal question to her, and on her answering in the affirmative, he placed the ring on her finger with the following words: "This ring, illustrious Donna Lucretia, the noble Don Alfonso sends thee of his own free will, and in his name I give it thee"; whereupon she replied, "And I, of my own free will, thus accept it."

Don Ferrante and Sigismondo held her hands as the train started moving and a group of musicians at the steps of St. Peter's began to play. The Pope, seated on the throne in the Sala Paolina and surrounded by thirteen cardinals and his son Cæsar, awaited her arrival. Among the foreign representatives present were the ambassadors from France, Spain, and Venice; the German envoy was absent. The ceremony started with the reading of the Duke of Ferrara's mandate, followed by the Bishop of Adria delivering the wedding sermon, which the Pope, however, ordered to be cut short.[136] A table was set up in front of him, with Don Ferrante—representing his brother—and Donna Lucretia standing beside it. Ferrante asked her the formal question, and when she answered yes, he placed the ring on her finger, saying, "This ring, noble Donna Lucretia, is sent to you by the esteemed Don Alfonso of his own free will, and in his name, I give it to you"; to which she replied, "And I, of my own free will, accept it."

The performance of the ceremony was attested by a notary. Then followed the presentation of the jewels to Lucretia by Cardinal Ippolito. The duke, who sent her a costly present worth no less than seventy thousand ducats, attached special weight to the manner in which it was to be given her. On December 21st he wrote his son that in presenting the jewels he should use certain words which his[Pg 217] ambassador Pozzi would give him, and he was told that this was done as a precautionary measure, so that, in case Donna Lucretia should prove untrue to Alfonso, the jewels would not be lost.[137] Until the very last, the duke handled the Borgias with the misgivings of a man who feared he might be cheated. On December 30th Pozzi wrote him: "There is a document regarding this marriage which simply states that Donna Lucretia will be given, for a present, the bridal ring, but nothing is said of any other gift. Your Excellency's intention, therefore, was carried out exactly. There was no mention of any present, and your Excellency need have no anxiety."

The ceremony was confirmed by a notary. Next, Cardinal Ippolito presented the jewels to Lucretia. The duke, who sent her an expensive gift worth at least seventy thousand ducats, placed great importance on how it was to be given. On December 21st, he wrote to his son, instructing him to use specific words that their ambassador Pozzi would provide, noting that this was a precaution in case Donna Lucretia was unfaithful to Alfonso, so the jewels wouldn't be lost. Until the very end, the duke dealt with the Borgias with the suspicion of someone afraid of being deceived. On December 30th, Pozzi wrote to him: "There is a document regarding this marriage that simply states Donna Lucretia will receive the bridal ring as a gift, but there’s no mention of any other present. Your Excellency's wishes were followed exactly. There was no reference to any additional gift, so you needn't worry."

Ippolito performed his part so gracefully that the Pope told him he had heightened the beauty of the present. The jewels were in a small box which the cardinal first placed before the Pope and then opened. One of the keepers of the jewels from Ferrara helped him to display the gems to the best advantage. The Pope took the box in his own hand and showed it to his daughter. There were chains, rings, earrings, and precious stones beautifully set. Especially magnificent was a string of pearls—Lucretia's favorite gem. Ippolito also presented his sister-in-law with his gifts, among which were four beautifully chased crosses. The cardinals sent similar presents.

Ippolito did his part so elegantly that the Pope told him he had enhanced the beauty of the moment. The jewels were in a small box, which the cardinal first placed in front of the Pope and then opened. One of the jewel keepers from Ferrara assisted him in showcasing the gems to their best advantage. The Pope took the box in his own hands and showed it to his daughter. Inside were chains, rings, earrings, and beautifully set precious stones. Particularly stunning was a string of pearls—Lucretia's favorite gem. Ippolito also gifted his sister-in-law with his presents, including four beautifully crafted crosses. The cardinals sent similar gifts.

After this the guests went to the windows of the salon to watch the games in the Piazza of S. Peter; these consisted of races and a mimic battle for a ship. Eight noblemen defended the vessel against an equal number of op[Pg 218]ponents. They fought with sharp weapons, and five people were wounded.

After this, the guests moved to the windows of the salon to watch the games in St. Peter's Square; these included races and a staged battle for a ship. Eight noblemen defended the vessel against an equal number of opponents. They fought with sharp weapons, and five people were injured.

This over, the company repaired to the Chamber of the Parrots, where the Pope took his position upon the throne, with the cardinals on his left, and Ippolito, Donna Lucretia, and Cæsar on his right. El Prete says: "Alexander asked Cæsar to lead the dance with Donna Lucretia, which he did very gracefully. His Holiness was in continual laughter. The ladies of the court danced in couples, and extremely well. The dance, which lasted more than an hour, was followed by the comedies. The first was not finished, as it was too long; the second, which was in Latin verse, and in which a shepherd and several children appeared, was very beautiful, but I have forgotten what it represented. When the comedies were finished all departed except his Holiness, the bride, and her brother-in-law. In the evening the Pope gave the wedding banquet, but of this I am unable to send any account, as it was a family affair."

This done, the group went to the Chamber of the Parrots, where the Pope took his place on the throne, with the cardinals to his left, and Ippolito, Donna Lucretia, and Cæsar to his right. El Prete says: "Alexander asked Cæsar to lead the dance with Donna Lucretia, which he did very gracefully. His Holiness was laughing the whole time. The court ladies danced in pairs, and they were very good at it. The dance lasted for over an hour and was followed by some comedies. The first wasn’t finished because it was too long; the second, which was in Latin verse and featured a shepherd and several children, was really beautiful, but I've forgotten what it was about. Once the comedies were done, everyone left except for His Holiness, the bride, and her brother-in-law. In the evening, the Pope hosted the wedding banquet, but I can’t provide any details about that since it was a private event."

The festivities continued for days, and all Rome resounded with the noise of the carnival. During the closing days of the year Cardinal Sanseverino and Cæsar presented some plays. The one given by Cæsar was an eclogue, with rustic scenery, in which the shepherd sang the praises of the young pair, and of Duke Ercole, and the Pope as Ferrara's protector.[138]

The celebrations went on for days, filling all of Rome with the sounds of the carnival. In the final days of the year, Cardinal Sanseverino and Cæsar put on some performances. Cæsar's performance was an eclogue, featuring rural scenery, where a shepherd sang the praises of the young couple, Duke Ercole, and the Pope as Ferrara's protector.[138]

The first day of the new year (1502) was celebrated with great pomp. The various quarters of Rome organized a parade in which were thirteen floats led by the gonfalonier of the city and the magistrates, which passed from the Piazza Navona to the Vatican, accompanied by the strains of music. The first car represented the triumph of[Pg 219] Hercules, another Julius Cæsar, and others various Roman heroes. They stopped before the Vatican to enable the Pope and his guests to admire the spectacle from the windows. Poems in honor of the young couple were declaimed, and four hours were thus passed.

The first day of the new year (1502) was celebrated with a lot of fanfare. Different neighborhoods in Rome put together a parade featuring thirteen floats led by the city’s gonfalonier and magistrates, which made its way from the Piazza Navona to the Vatican, accompanied by music. The first float showcased the triumph of[Pg 219] Hercules, another depicted Julius Caesar, along with various other Roman heroes. They stopped in front of the Vatican so the Pope and his guests could enjoy the show from the windows. Poems honoring the young couple were recited, and four hours were spent this way.

Then followed comedies in the Chamber of the Parrots. Subsequently a moresca or ballet was performed in the "sala of the Pope," whose walls were decorated with beautiful tapestries which had been executed by order of Innocent VIII. Here was erected a low stage decorated with foliage and illuminated by torches. The lookers-on took their places on benches and on the floor, as they preferred. After a short eclogue, a jongleur dressed as a woman danced the moresca to the accompaniment of tamborines, and Cæsar also took part in it, and was recognized in spite of his disguise. Trumpets announced a second performance. A tree appeared upon whose top was a Genius who recited verses; these over, he dropped down the ends of nine silk ribbons which were taken by nine maskers who danced a ballet about the tree. This moresca was loudly applauded. In conclusion the Pope asked his daughter to dance, which she did with one of her women, a native of Valencia, and they were followed by all the men and women who had taken part in the ballet.[139]

Then came the comedies in the Chamber of the Parrots. Next, a moresca or ballet was performed in the "sala of the Pope," whose walls were decorated with beautiful tapestries made by order of Innocent VIII. A low stage was set up, decorated with foliage and lit by torches. The audience found their seats on benches or on the floor, according to their preference. After a brief eclogue, a jongleur dressed as a woman danced the moresca accompanied by tambourines, and Cæsar also joined in, recognized despite his disguise. Trumpets signaled the start of the second performance. A tree appeared, topped with a Genius who recited verses; once finished, he dropped down the ends of nine silk ribbons, which were grabbed by nine maskers who danced around the tree. This moresca received loud applause. To wrap things up, the Pope asked his daughter to dance, which she did with one of her attendants, a woman from Valencia, and they were joined by all the men and women who had participated in the ballet.[139]

Comedies and moresche were in great favor on festal occasions. The poets of Rome, the Porcaro, the Mellini, Inghirami, and Evangelista Maddaleni, probably composed these pieces, and they may also have taken part in them, for it was many years since Rome had been given such a brilliant opportunity to show her progress in histrionics. Lucretia was showered with sonnets and epithalamia. It is strange that not one of these has been pre[Pg 220]served, and also that not a single Roman poet of the day is mentioned as the author of any of these comedies. On January 2d a bull fight was given in the Piazza of S. Peter's. The Spanish bull fight was introduced into Italy in the fourteenth century, but not until the fifteenth had it become general. The Aragonese brought it to Naples, and the Borgias to Rome. Hitherto the only thing of the sort which had been seen was the bull-baiting in the Piazza Navona or on the Testaccio. Cæsar was fond of displaying his agility and strength in this barbarous sport. During the jubilee year he excited the wonder of all Rome by decapitating a bull with a single stroke in one of these contests. On January 2d he and nine other Spaniards, who probably were professional matadors, entered the enclosure with two loose bulls, where he mounted his horse and with his lance attacked the more ferocious one single-handed; then he dismounted, and with the other Spaniards continued to goad the animals. After this heroic performance the duke left the arena to the matadors. Ten bulls and one buffalo were slaughtered.

Comedies and moresche were extremely popular during festivals. The poets of Rome, like Porcaro, Mellini, Inghirami, and Evangelista Maddaleni, likely wrote these pieces and may have even performed in them, as it had been many years since Rome had such a great chance to showcase its progress in acting. Lucretia received a flood of sonnets and wedding poems. It's odd that not one of these has been kept, and also that no Roman poet of the time is credited as the author of any of these comedies. On January 2nd, a bullfight took place in the Piazza of S. Peter's. The Spanish bullfight was introduced to Italy in the 14th century, but it only became widely popular in the 15th century. The Aragonese brought it to Naples, and the Borgias brought it to Rome. Previously, the only similar events had been bull-baiting in the Piazza Navona or on the Testaccio. Cæsar enjoyed showcasing his agility and strength in this brutal sport. During the jubilee year, he amazed all of Rome by decapitating a bull with a single strike in one of these contests. On January 2nd, he and nine other Spaniards, who were likely professional matadors, entered the ring with two loose bulls. He got on his horse and attacked the more aggressive bull with his lance, then dismounted and, along with the other Spaniards, continued to provoke the animals. After this courageous act, the duke left the arena to the matadors. Ten bulls and one buffalo were killed.

In the evening the Menæchmi of Plautus and other pieces were produced in which was celebrated the majesty of Cæsar and Ercole. The Ferrarese ambassador sent his master an account of these performances which is a valuable picture of the day.

In the evening, Plautus's Menæchmi and other works were performed, celebrating the greatness of Caesar and Hercules. The ambassador from Ferrara sent his master a report on these performances, which provides a valuable snapshot of the day.

This evening the Menæchmi was recited in the Pope's room, and the Slave, the Parasite, the Pandor, and the wife of Menæchmus performed their parts well. The Menæchmi themselves, however, played badly. They had no masks, and there was no scenery, for the room was too small. In the scene where Menæchmus, seized by command of his father-in-law, who thinks he is mad, exclaims that he is being subjected to force, he added: "This passes understanding; for Cæsar is mighty, Zeus merciful, and Hercules kind."[Pg 221]

This evening, the Menæchmi was performed in the Pope's room, and the Slave, the Parasite, the Pandor, and Menæchmus's wife did a great job with their roles. However, the Menæchmi themselves were not very good. They had no masks, and there was no set because the room was too small. In the part where Menæchmus, forced by his father-in-law who thinks he's gone crazy, says that he is being pressured, he added: "This is beyond comprehension; for Cæsar is powerful, Zeus is kind, and Hercules is compassionate."[Pg 221]

Before the performance of this comedy the following play was given: first appeared a boy in woman's clothes who represented Virtue, and another in the character of Fortune. They began to banter each other as to which was the mightier, whereupon Fame suddenly appeared, standing on a globe which rested on a float, upon which were the words, "Gloria Domus Borgiæ." Fame, who also called himself Light, awarded Virtue the prize over Fortune, saying that Cæsar and Ercole by Virtue had overcome Fortune; thereupon he described a number of the heroic deeds performed by the illustrious Duke of Romagna. Hercules with the lion's skin and club appeared, and Juno sent Fortune to attack him. Hercules, however, overcame Fortune, seized her and chained her; whereupon Juno begged him to free her, and he, gracious and generous, consented to grant Juno's request on the condition that she would never do anything which might injure the house of Ercole or that of Cæsar Borgia. To this she agreed, and, in addition, she promised to bless the union of the two houses.

Before the performance of this comedy, the following play was presented: first, a boy dressed in women's clothing representing Virtue appeared, followed by another dressed as Fortune. They started to tease each other about who was stronger, when suddenly Fame appeared, standing on a globe supported by a float, which displayed the words, "Gloria Domus Borgiæ." Fame, who also called himself Light, declared Virtue the winner over Fortune, stating that Cæsar and Ercole had triumphed over Fortune through Virtue. He then recounted several heroic deeds accomplished by the famous Duke of Romagna. Hercules, wearing the lion's skin and carrying a club, entered, and Juno sent Fortune to confront him. However, Hercules defeated Fortune, captured her, and chained her up. Juno then pleaded with him to set her free, and he, being gracious and generous, agreed to grant Juno's request on the condition that she would never do anything to harm the houses of Ercole or Cæsar Borgia. She agreed to this and also promised to bless the alliance of the two houses.

Then Roma entered upon another float. She complained that Alexander, who occupied Jupiter's place, had been unjust to her in permitting the illustrious Donna Lucretia to go away; she praised the duchess highly, and said that she was the refuge of all Rome. Then came a personification of Ferrara—but not on a float—and said that Lucretia was not going to take up her abode in an unworthy city, and that Rome would not lose her. Mercury followed, having been sent by the gods to reconcile Rome and Ferrara, as it was in accordance with their wish that Donna Lucretia was going to the latter city. Then he invited Ferrara to take a seat by his side in the place of honor on the float.

Then Roma stepped onto another float. She complained that Alexander, who took Jupiter's place, had been unfair to her by letting the esteemed Donna Lucretia leave; she praised the duchess highly and claimed she was the refuge of all Rome. Then a representation of Ferrara appeared—not on a float—and stated that Lucretia wasn’t going to settle in an unworthy city and that Rome wouldn’t lose her. Mercury then appeared, sent by the gods to bring peace between Rome and Ferrara, as it was their wish for Donna Lucretia to move to the latter city. He then invited Ferrara to take a seat beside him in the place of honor on the float.

All this was accompanied by descriptions in polished hexameters, which celebrated the alliance of Cæsar and Ercole, and predicted that together they would overthrow all the latter's enemies. If this prophecy is realized, the marriage will result greatly to our advantage. So we commend ourselves to your Excellency's mercy.

All this was accompanied by polished hexameter descriptions that celebrated the alliance of Cæsar and Ercole and predicted that together they would defeat all of Ercole's enemies. If this prophecy comes true, the marriage will greatly benefit us. So we entrust ourselves to your Excellency's mercy.

Your Highness's servants,
Johann Lucas and Gerardus Saracenus.

January 2, 1502.

[Pg 222]

Finally the date set for Lucretia to leave—January 6th—arrived. The Pope was determined that her departure should be attended by a magnificent display; she should traverse Italy like a queen. A cardinal was to accompany her as legate, Francesco Borgia, Archbishop of Cosenza, having been chosen for this purpose. To Lucretia he owed his cardinalate, and he was a most devoted retainer; "an elderly man, a worthy person of the house of Borgia," so Pozzi wrote to Ferrara. Madonna was also accompanied by the bishops of Carniola, Venosa, and Orte.

Finally, the day for Lucretia to leave—January 6th—had arrived. The Pope was set on making her departure a grand event; she was to travel through Italy like a queen. A cardinal was chosen to go with her as a representative, with Francesco Borgia, Archbishop of Cosenza, selected for this role. Lucretia had earned his cardinal title, and he was a loyal supporter; "an elderly man, a worthy member of the Borgia family," as Pozzi wrote to Ferrara. Madonna was also joined by the bishops of Carniola, Venosa, and Orte.

Alexander endeavored to persuade many of the nobles of Rome, men and women, to accompany Lucretia, and he succeeded in inducing a large number to do so. The city of Rome appointed four special envoys, who were to remain in Ferrara as long as the festivities lasted—Stefano del Bufalo, Antonio Paoluzzo, Giacomo Frangipane, and Domenico Massimi. The Roman nobility selected for the same purpose Francesco Colonna of Palestrina and Giuliano, Count of Anguillara. There were also Ranuccio Farnese of Matelica and Don Giulio Raimondo Borgia, the Pope's nephew, and captain of the papal watch, together with eight other gentlemen belonging to the lesser nobility of Rome.

Alexander worked to convince many of the nobles of Rome, both men and women, to join Lucretia, and he managed to get a good number to agree. The city of Rome sent four special envoys to stay in Ferrara for the duration of the celebrations—Stefano del Bufalo, Antonio Paoluzzo, Giacomo Frangipane, and Domenico Massimi. The Roman nobility chose Francesco Colonna of Palestrina and Giuliano, Count of Anguillara, for the same mission. Ranuccio Farnese of Matelica and Don Giulio Raimondo Borgia, who was the Pope's nephew and the captain of the papal watch, were also included, along with eight other gentlemen from the lesser nobility of Rome.

Cæsar equipped at his own expense an escort of two hundred cavaliers, with musicians and buffoons to entertain his sister on the way. This cavalcade, which was composed of Spaniards, Frenchmen, Romans, and Italians from various provinces, was joined later by two famous men—Ivo d'Allegre and Don Ugo Moncada. Among the Romans were the Chevaliers Orsini; Piero Santa Croce; Giangiorgio Cesarini, a brother of Cardinal Giuliano; and other gentlemen, members of the Alberini, Sanguigni, Crescenzi, and Mancini families.

Cæsar personally funded a group of two hundred horsemen, complete with musicians and jesters to entertain his sister on the journey. This parade, made up of Spaniards, Frenchmen, Romans, and Italians from various regions, was later joined by two notable figures—Ivo d'Allegre and Don Ugo Moncada. Among the Romans were the Knights Orsini; Piero Santa Croce; Giangiorgio Cesarini, a brother of Cardinal Giuliano; and other gentlemen from the Alberini, Sanguigni, Crescenzi, and Mancini families.

Lucretia herself had a retinue of a hundred and eighty[Pg 223] people. In the list—which is still preserved—are the names of many of her maids of honor; her first lady-in-waiting was Angela Borgia, una damigella elegantisima, as one of the chroniclers of Ferrara describes her, who is said to have been a very beautiful woman, and who was the subject of some verses by the Roman poet Diomede Guidalotto. She was also accompanied by her sister Donna Girolama, consort of the youthful Don Fabio Orsini. Madonna Adriana Orsini, another woman named Adriana, the wife of Don Francesco Colonna, and another lady of the house of Orsini, whose name is not given, also accompanied Lucretia. It is not likely, however, that the last was Giulia Farnese.

Lucretia herself had a group of one hundred and eighty[Pg 223] people. In the list—which is still preserved—are the names of many of her maids of honor; her first lady-in-waiting was Angela Borgia, una damigella elegantisima, as one of the chroniclers of Ferrara describes her, who is said to have been a very beautiful woman and was the subject of some verses by the Roman poet Diomede Guidalotto. She was also accompanied by her sister Donna Girolama, wife of the young Don Fabio Orsini. Madonna Adriana Orsini, another woman named Adriana, the wife of Don Francesco Colonna, and another lady from the house of Orsini, whose name is not mentioned, also accompanied Lucretia. However, it’s unlikely that the last one was Giulia Farnese.

A number of vehicles which the Pope had ordered built in Rome and a hundred and fifty mules bore Lucretia's trousseau. Some of this baggage was sent on ahead. The duchess took everything that the Pope permitted her to remove. He refused to have an inventory made, as Beneimbene the notary had advised. "I desire," so he stated to the Ferrarese ambassadors, "that the duchess shall do with her property as she wishes." He had also given her nine thousand ducats to clothe herself and her servants, and also a beautiful sedan-chair of French make, in which the Duchess of Urbino was to have a seat by her side when she joined the cavalcade.[140]

A number of vehicles that the Pope had ordered to be built in Rome, along with one hundred and fifty mules, carried Lucretia's trousseau. Some of this luggage was sent ahead. The duchess took everything that the Pope allowed her to take. He refused to have an inventory made, as the notary Beneimbene had suggested. "I want," he told the Ferrarese ambassadors, "the duchess to handle her belongings as she sees fit." He also gave her nine thousand ducats to buy clothes for herself and her servants, as well as a beautiful French-made sedan chair, in which the Duchess of Urbino was to sit beside her when she joined the procession.[140]

While Alexander was praising his daughter's graciousness and modesty, he expressed the wish that her father-in-law would provide her with no courtiers and ladies-in-waiting but those whose character was above question. She had told him—so the ambassadors wrote their master—that she would never give his Holiness cause to be ashamed of her, and "according to our view he certainly[Pg 224] never will have occasion, for the longer we are with her, and the closer we examine her life, the higher is our opinion of her goodness, her decorum, and modesty. We see that life in her palace is not only Christian, but also religious."[141]

While Alexander was praising his daughter's grace and humility, he hoped that her father-in-law would only surround her with courtiers and ladies-in-waiting of impeccable character. She had told him—so the ambassadors reported to their leader—that she would never give his Holiness any reason to be ashamed of her, and "from our perspective, he certainly[Pg 224] will not, because the longer we spend with her and the more we observe her life, the higher our opinion is of her goodness, decorum, and modesty. We see that life in her palace is not just Christian but also devout."[141]

Even Cardinal Ferrante Ferrari ventured to write Ercole—whose servant he had been—a letter in which he spoke of the duke's daughter-in-law in unctuous terms and praised her character to the skies.[142]

Even Cardinal Ferrante Ferrari dared to write to Ercole—who had been his servant—a letter in which he spoke of the duke's daughter-in-law in flattering terms and praised her character to the highest degree.[142]

January 5th the balance of the wedding portion was paid to the Ferrarese ambassadors in cash, whereupon they reported to the duke that everything had been arranged, that his daughter-in-law would bring the bull with her, and that the cavalcade was ready to start.[143]

On January 5th, the cash balance for the wedding portion was paid to the Ferrarese ambassadors. They then informed the duke that everything was set, his daughter-in-law would be bringing the bull, and the procession was ready to go. [143]

Alexander had decided at what towns they should stop on their long journey. They were as follows: Castelnovo, Civitacastellana, Narni, Terni, Spoleto, and Foligno; it was expected the Duke Guidobaldo or his wife would meet Lucretia at the last-named place and accompany her to Urbino. Thence they were to pass through Cæsar's estates, going by way of Pesaro, Rimini, Cesena, Forli, Faenza, and Imola to Bologna, and from that city to Ferrara by way of the Po.

Alexander had decided which towns they should stop at during their long journey. They were as follows: Castelnovo, Civitacastellana, Narni, Terni, Spoleto, and Foligno; it was anticipated that Duke Guidobaldo or his wife would meet Lucretia at the last town and accompany her to Urbino. From there, they were to travel through Cæsar's estates, taking the route through Pesaro, Rimini, Cesena, Forli, Faenza, and Imola to Bologna, and then from that city to Ferrara via the Po.

As the places through which they passed would be subjected to very great expense if the entire cavalcade stopped, the retinue was sometimes divided, each part taking a different route. The Pope's brief to the Priors of Nepi shows to what imposition the people were subjected.

As the places they went through would face significant costs if the whole group stopped, the entourage was sometimes split up, with each section taking a different route. The Pope's letter to the Priors of Nepi highlights the burden placed on the local people.

Dear Sons: Greeting and the Apostolic Blessing. As our dearly beloved daughter in Christ, the noble lady and[Pg 225] Duchess Lucretia de Borgia, who is to leave here next Monday to join her husband Alfonso, the beloved son and first born of the Duke of Ferrara, with a large escort of nobles, two hundred horsemen will pass through your district; therefore we wish and command you, if you value our favor and desire to avoid our displeasure, to provide for the company mentioned above for a day and two nights, the time they will spend with you. By so doing you will receive from us all due approbation. Given in Rome, under the Apostolic seal, December 28, 1501, in the tenth year of our Pontificate.[144]

Dear Kids: Greetings and the Apostolic Blessing. Our beloved daughter in Christ, the esteemed lady and[Pg 225] Duchess Lucretia de Borgia, is set to leave here next Monday to join her husband Alfonso, the cherished son and firstborn of the Duke of Ferrara. A large group of nobles, including two hundred horsemen, will be passing through your area; therefore, we kindly ask and instruct you to prepare for the aforementioned company for one day and two nights, which is how long they will stay with you. By doing this, you will earn our complete approval. Given in Rome, under the Apostolic seal, December 28, 1501, in the tenth year of our Pontificate.[144]

Numerous other places had similar experiences. In every city in which the cavalcade stopped, and in some of those where they merely rested for a short time, Lucretia, in accordance with the Pope's commands, was honored with triumphal arches, illuminations, and processions—all the expense of which was borne by the commune.

Many other places had similar experiences. In every city where the procession stopped, and in some where they just took a brief break, Lucretia, following the Pope's orders, was celebrated with triumphal arches, lights, and parades—all funded by the community.

January 6th Lucretia, leaving her child Rodrigo, her brother Cæsar, and her parents, departed from Rome. Probably only two persons were present when she took leave of Vannozza. None of those who describe the festivities in the Vatican mention this woman by name.

January 6th Lucretia, leaving her child Rodrigo, her brother Cæsar, and her parents, left Rome. Probably only two people were there when she said goodbye to Vannozza. None of those who talk about the celebrations in the Vatican mention this woman by name.

The Chamber of the Parrots was the scene of her leave-taking with her father. She remained with the Pope some time, departing on Cæsar's entrance. As she was leaving, Alexander called after her in a loud voice, telling her to be of good cheer, and to write him whenever she wanted anything, adding that he would do more for her now that she had gone from him than he had ever done for her while she was in Rome. Then he went from place to place[Pg 226] and watched her until she and her retinue were lost to sight.[145]

The Chamber of the Parrots was where she said goodbye to her father. She stayed with the Pope for a while, leaving as Cæsar arrived. As she was heading out, Alexander called after her loudly, telling her to stay positive and to write to him whenever she needed something, adding that he would do more for her now that she had left than he had ever done for her while she was in Rome. Then he moved around, watching her until she and her group were out of sight.[Pg 226][145]

Lucretia set forth from Rome at three o'clock in the afternoon. All the cardinals, ambassadors, and magistrates of the city accompanied her as far as the Porta del Popolo. She was mounted on a white jennet caparisoned with gold, and she wore a riding habit of red silk and ermine, and a hat trimmed with feathers. She was surrounded by more than a thousand persons. By her side were the princes of Ferrara and the Cardinal of Cosenza. Her brother Cæsar accompanied her a short distance, and then returned to the Vatican with Cardinal Ippolito.

Lucretia left Rome at three in the afternoon. All the cardinals, ambassadors, and city officials accompanied her to the Porta del Popolo. She rode a white horse adorned in gold, wearing a red silk riding outfit with ermine, and a hat decorated with feathers. She was surrounded by over a thousand people. Next to her were the princes of Ferrara and the Cardinal of Cosenza. Her brother Cæsar accompanied her for a little while, then returned to the Vatican with Cardinal Ippolito.

Thus Lucretia Borgia departed, leaving Rome and a terrible past behind her forever.[Pg 227]

Thus Lucretia Borgia left, putting Rome and a painful past behind her for good.[Pg 227]

BOOK THE SECOND

LUCRETIA IN FERRARA

[Pg 229][Pg 228]

CHAPTER I

LUCRETIA'S JOURNEY TO FERRARA

Although the escort which was taking the Duchess Lucretia to Ferrara traveled by easy stages, the journey was fatiguing; for the roads, especially in winter, were bad, and the weather, even in the vicinity of Rome, was frequently wet and cold.

Although the escort taking Duchess Lucretia to Ferrara traveled at a leisurely pace, the trip was tiring; the roads, especially in winter, were poor, and the weather, even near Rome, was often damp and cold.

Not until the seventh day did they reach Foligno. As the report which the Ferrarese ambassadors sent their lord from that place contains a vivid description of the journey, we quote it at length:

Not until the seventh day did they reach Foligno. The report that the Ferrarese ambassadors sent their lord from that place includes a detailed account of the journey, so we will quote it in full:

Illustrious and Honored Master: Although we wrote your Excellency from Narni that we would travel from Terni to Spoleto, and from Spoleto to this place without stopping, the illustrious Duchess and her ladies were so fatigued that she decided to rest a day in Spoleto and another in Foligno. We, therefore, shall not leave here until to-morrow morning, and shall not arrive at Urbino before next Tuesday, that is the eighteenth of the current month, for to-morrow we shall reach Nocera, Saturday Gualdo, Sunday Gubbio, Monday Cagli, and Tuesday Urbino, where we shall rest another day, that is Wednesday. On the twentieth we shall set out for Pesaro, and so on from city to city, as we have already written your Excellency.

Renowned and Esteemed Master: Even though we informed your Excellency from Narni that we would travel from Terni to Spoleto, and then from Spoleto to this place without stopping, the esteemed Duchess and her ladies were so tired that she decided to take a day off in Spoleto and another in Foligno. Therefore, we won’t be leaving here until tomorrow morning, and we won’t reach Urbino until next Tuesday, which is the eighteenth of this month. Tomorrow we will get to Nocera, Saturday to Gualdo, Sunday to Gubbio, Monday to Cagli, and Tuesday to Urbino, where we will rest another day, that is Wednesday. On the twentieth, we will depart for Pesaro, and then continue from city to city, as we have already informed your Excellency.

We feel certain, however, that the duchess will stop frequently to rest, consequently we shall not reach Ferrara before the last of the present or the first of next month, and perhaps not until the second or third. We therefore thought it well to write your Excellency from here, letting[Pg 230] you know where we were and where we expected to be, so that you might arrange matters as you thought best. If you wish us not to arrive in Ferrara until the second or third, it would not be difficult so to arrange it; but if you think it would be better for us to reach the city the last of this month or the first of February, write us to that effect, and we will endeavor, as we have hitherto done, to shorten the periods of rest.

We are sure, though, that the duchess will be stopping often to rest, so we probably won't get to Ferrara until the end of this month or the beginning of next, and maybe not until the second or third. We thought it would be a good idea to write your Excellency from here to let[Pg 230] you know where we are and where we expect to be, so you can arrange things as you see fit. If you'd prefer we not arrive in Ferrara until the second or third, it wouldn't be hard to make that happen; but if you think it would be better for us to get to the city at the end of this month or the start of February, please let us know, and we will do our best, as we have before, to minimize our rest periods.

I mention this because the illustrious Donna Lucretia is of a delicate constitution and, like her ladies, is unaccustomed to the saddle, and because we notice that she does not wish to be worn out when she reaches Ferrara.

I bring this up because the renowned Donna Lucretia has a fragile health and, like her ladies, is not used to riding, and because we see that she doesn’t want to be exhausted by the time she gets to Ferrara.

In all the cities through which her Majesty passes she is received with every show of affection and with great honors, and presented with numerous gifts by the women. Everything is done for her comfort. She was welcomed everywhere and, as she was formerly ruler of Spoleto, she was well known to the people. Her reception here in Foligno was more cordial and accompanied by greater manifestations of joy than anywhere else outside of Rome, for not only did the signors of the city, as the officials of the commune are called, clad in red silk, come on foot to meet her and accompany her to her inn on the Piazza, but at the gate she was confronted by a float upon which was a person representing the Roman Lucretia with a dagger in her hand, who recited some verses to the effect that her Majesty excelled herself in graciousness, modesty, intelligence, and understanding, and that therefore she would yield her own place to her.

In all the cities her Majesty visits, she is greeted with warmth and great honors, and women present her with many gifts. Everything is arranged for her comfort. She was welcomed everywhere, and since she used to rule Spoleto, the people knew her well. Her reception in Foligno was even more heartfelt and filled with greater expressions of joy than anywhere else outside of Rome. Not only did the local officials, dressed in red silk, walk to meet her and guide her to her inn in the Piazza, but at the gate, she was greeted by a float featuring someone portraying the Roman Lucretia holding a dagger, who recited lines saying that her Majesty surpassed everyone in graciousness, modesty, intelligence, and understanding, and therefore would yield her own place to her.

There was also a float upon which was a cupid, and on the summit, with the golden apple in his hand, stood Paris, who repeated some stanzas, the gist of which was as follows: he had promised the apple to Venus, the only one who excelled both Juno and Pallas in beauty; but he now reversed his decision, and presented it to her Majesty as she, of all women, was the only one who surpassed all the goddesses, possessing greater beauty, wisdom, riches, and power than all three united.

There was also a float with a Cupid, and at the top stood Paris, holding a golden apple. He recited some lines, which basically said that he had promised the apple to Venus, who was the most beautiful, outshining Juno and Pallas. But he changed his mind and gave it to her Majesty instead, as she was the only one who surpassed all the goddesses, having more beauty, wisdom, wealth, and power than all three combined.

Finally, on the Piazza we discovered an armed Turkish galley coming toward us, and one of the Turks, who was standing on the bulwarks, repeated some stanzas of the following import: the sultan well knew how powerful was Lucretia in Italy, and he had sent him to greet her,[Pg 231] and to say that his master would surrender everything he had taken from the Christians. We made no special effort to remember these verses, for they were not exactly Petrarchian, and, moreover, the ship did not appear to us to be a very happy idea; it was rather out of place.

Finally, on the Piazza, we spotted an armed Turkish ship approaching us, and one of the Turks, standing on the railing, recited some lines that said the sultan knew how influential Lucretia was in Italy, and he had sent him to greet her,[Pg 231] and to say that his master would give back everything he had taken from the Christians. We didn’t bother to memorize these lines, as they weren’t exactly poetic, and besides, the ship didn’t seem to be a very good idea; it felt rather out of place.

We must not forget to tell you that all the reigning Baglione came from Perugia and their castles, and were waiting for Lucretia about four miles from Foligno, and that they invited her to go to Perugia.

We must not forget to mention that all the ruling Baglione came from Perugia and their castles, and they were waiting for Lucretia about four miles from Foligno, inviting her to go to Perugia.

Her Majesty, as we wrote your Excellency from Narni, persists in her wish to journey from Bologna to Ferrara by water to escape the discomfort of riding and traveling by land.

Her Majesty, as we informed your Excellency from Narni, remains intent on traveling by water from Bologna to Ferrara to avoid the discomfort of riding and traveling by land.

His Holiness, our Lord, is so concerned for her Majesty that he demands daily and even hourly reports of her journey, and she is required to write him with her own hand from every city regarding her health. This confirms the statement which has frequently been made to your Excellency—that his Holiness loves her more than any other person of his blood.

His Holiness, our Lord, is so worried about her Majesty that he asks for daily, even hourly updates on her journey, and she has to write to him in her own hand from every city about her health. This affirms what has often been told to your Excellency—that his Holiness cares for her more than anyone else in his family.

We shall not neglect to make a report to your Excellency regarding the journey whenever an opportunity offers.

We won’t forget to update you about the trip whenever we get the chance.

Between Terni and Spoleto, in the valley of the Strettura, one of the hostlers of the illustrious Don Sigismondo engaged in a violent altercation about some turtle doves with one of his fellows in the service of the Roman Stefano dei Fabii, who is a member of the duchess's escort. Both grasped their arms, whereupon one Pizaguerra, also in the service of the illustrious Don Sigismondo, happening to ride by on his horse, wounded Stefano's hostler on the head. Thereupon Stefano, who is naturally quarrelsome and vindictive, became so angry that he declared he would accompany the cavalcade no farther. About this time we reached the castle of Spoleto, and he passed the illustrious Don Sigismondo and Don Ferrante without speaking to them or even looking at them. The whole affair was due to a misunderstanding which we all regretted very much, and as Pizaguerra and Don Sigismondo's hostler had fled, there was nothing more to be done; the Cardinal of Cosenza, the illustrious Madonna, and all the others agreed that Stefano was in the wrong. He, therefore, was mollified, and continued on the journey. We commend[Pg 232] ourselves to your Excellency's mercy. From Foligno, January 13, 1502.

Between Terni and Spoleto, in the valley of Strettura, one of the attendants of the notable Don Sigismondo got into a heated argument over some turtle doves with one of his counterparts serving the Roman Stefano dei Fabii, a member of the duchess's escort. Both grabbed their weapons, and then Pizaguerra, also working for the notable Don Sigismondo, happened to ride by on his horse and struck Stefano’s attendant on the head. Stefano, who is naturally quarrelsome and vengeful, became so furious that he declared he would not continue with the group any longer. Around this time, we arrived at the castle of Spoleto, and he passed by both Don Sigismondo and Don Ferrante without speaking to them or even glancing their way. The whole situation stemmed from a misunderstanding, which we all regretted deeply, and since Pizaguerra and Don Sigismondo's attendant had run away, there was nothing more to be done; the Cardinal of Cosenza, the honorable Madonna, and everyone else agreed that Stefano was at fault. He was then appeased and continued with the journey. We commend[Pg 232] ourselves to your Excellency's mercy. From Foligno, January 13, 1502.

Your Majesty's servants,
Johannes Lucas and Girardus Saracenus.

Postscript: The worthy Cardinal of Cosenza, we understand, is unwilling to pass through the territory of the illustrious Duke of Urbino.

P.S.: The esteemed Cardinal of Cosenza, we hear, is reluctant to travel through the lands of the renowned Duke of Urbino.

From Foligno the journey was continued by way of Nocera and Gualdo to Gubbio, one of the most important cities in the duchy of Urbino. About two miles from that place the Duchess Elisabetta met Lucretia and accompanied her to the city palace. After this the two remained constantly in each other's company, for Elisabetta kept her promise and accompanied Lucretia to Ferrara.

From Foligno, the journey continued through Nocera and Gualdo to Gubbio, one of the key cities in the duchy of Urbino. About two miles from there, Duchess Elisabetta met Lucretia and escorted her to the city palace. After that, the two stayed together all the time, as Elisabetta honored her promise and took Lucretia to Ferrara.

Cardinal Borgia returned to Rome from Gubbio, and the two ladies occupied the comfortable sedan-chair which Alexander had presented his daughter. January 18th, when the cavalcade was near Urbino, Lucretia was greeted by Duke Guidobaldo, who had come with his entire court to meet her. He accompanied Lucretia to the residence set apart for her—Federico's beautiful palace—where she and the princes of Este were lodged, the duke and duchess having vacated it for them. The artful Guidobaldo had set up the Borgia arms and those of the King of France in conspicuous places in Urbino and throughout the various cities of his domain.

Cardinal Borgia returned to Rome from Gubbio, and the two women were in the comfortable sedan chair that Alexander had given his daughter. On January 18th, when the procession was near Urbino, Lucretia was welcomed by Duke Guidobaldo, who had come with his whole court to greet her. He took Lucretia to the residence prepared for her—Federico's beautiful palace—where she and the Este princes were staying, as the duke and duchess had left it for them. The clever Guidobaldo had displayed the Borgia and King of France's coats of arms prominently in Urbino and throughout the various cities in his territory.

Although Lucretia's wedding was regarded by the Montrefeltre with great displeasure, they now, on account of Ferrara and because of their fear of the Pope, hastened to show her every honor. They had been acquainted with Lucretia in Rome when Guidobaldo, Alexander's condottiere, conducted the unsuccessful war against the Orsini, and they had also known her in Pesaro. Perhaps they[Pg 233] now hoped that Urbino's safety would be assured by Lucretia's influence and friendship. However, only a few months were to pass before Guidobaldo and his consort were to be undone by the fiendishness of their guest's brother and driven from their domain.

Although the Montrefeltre family was very unhappy about Lucretia's wedding, they quickly started to honor her because of Ferrara and their fear of the Pope. They had known Lucretia in Rome when Guidobaldo, Alexander's military leader, led the unsuccessful campaign against the Orsini, and they had also met her in Pesaro. Maybe they now hoped that Lucretia's influence and friendship would ensure Urbino's safety. However, it would only be a few months before Guidobaldo and his wife would be betrayed by the wickedness of their guest’s brother and forced to leave their home.

After resting a day, Lucretia and the duchess, accompanied for a short distance by Guidobaldo, set out from Urbino, January 20th, for Pesaro, which they reached late in the evening. The road connecting these cities is now a comfortable highway, traversing a beautiful, undulating country, but at that time it was little more than a bridlepath; consequently the travelers were thoroughly fatigued when they reached their destination.

After taking a day to rest, Lucretia and the duchess, briefly accompanied by Guidobaldo, left Urbino on January 20th for Pesaro, arriving late in the evening. The road that connects these cities is now a well-maintained highway winding through a picturesque, rolling landscape, but back then it was barely more than a narrow path for horses; as a result, the travelers were completely exhausted by the time they reached their destination.

When Lucretia entered the latter city she must have been overcome by painful emotions, for she could not fail to have been reminded of Sforza, her discarded husband, who was now an exile in Mantua, brooding on revenge, and who might appear at any moment in Ferrara to mar the wedding festivities. Pesaro now belonged to her brother Cæsar, and he had given orders that his sister should be royally received in all the cities she visited in his domain. A hundred children clad in his colors—yellow and red—with olive branches in their hands, greeted her at the gates of Pesaro with the cry, "Duca! Duca! Lucretia! Lucretia!" and the city officials accompanied her to her former residence.[146]

When Lucretia entered that city, she must have been overwhelmed by painful feelings, as she couldn't help but think of Sforza, her former husband, who was now in exile in Mantua, plotting revenge, and might show up at any moment in Ferrara to ruin the wedding celebrations. Pesaro now belonged to her brother Cæsar, and he had ordered that his sister be treated like royalty in all the cities she visited in his territory. A hundred children dressed in his colors—yellow and red—waved olive branches and welcomed her at the gates of Pesaro with the shouts of "Duca! Duca! Lucretia! Lucretia!" The city officials then escorted her to her old home.[146]

Lucretia was received with every evidence of joy by her former subjects, and the most prominent of the noble women of the city, among whom was the matron Lucretia Lopez, once her lady-in-waiting, and now wife of Gianfrancesco Ardizi.[147][Pg 234]

Lucretia was welcomed with immense joy by her former subjects, and the most notable noblewomen of the city, including Lucretia Lopez, who had once been her lady-in-waiting and was now the wife of Gianfrancesco Ardizi.[147][Pg 234]

Lucretia remained a day in Pesaro without allowing herself to be seen. In the evening she permitted the ladies of her suite to dance with those of the city, but she herself took no part in the festivities. Pozzi wrote the duke that she spent the entire time in her chamber "for the purpose of washing her head, and because she was naturally inclined to solitude." Her seclusion while in Pesaro may be explained as more likely due to the gloomy thoughts which filled her mind.[148]

Lucretia stayed in Pesaro for a day without letting anyone see her. In the evening, she allowed the ladies in her entourage to dance with those from the city, but she didn’t join in the celebrations herself. Pozzi informed the duke that she spent the entire time in her room "to wash her hair and because she naturally preferred to be alone." Her isolation during her stay in Pesaro is likely due to the dark thoughts that occupied her mind.[148]

In every town belonging to the Duke of Romagna there was a similar reception; everywhere the magistrates presented Lucretia with the keys of the city. She was now accompanied by her brother's lieutenant in Cesena, Don Ramiro d'Orco,—a monster who was quartered by Cæsar's orders a few months later.

In every town that belonged to the Duke of Romagna, there was a similar welcome; everywhere the local leaders handed Lucretia the keys to the city. She was now with her brother's lieutenant in Cesena, Don Ramiro d'Orco—a ruthless man who was executed on Caesar's orders a few months later.

Passing Rimini and Cesena she reached Forli, January 25th. The salon of the palace was hung with costly tapestries, and even the ceiling was covered with many-colored cloth; a tribune was erected for the ladies. Presents of food, sweetmeats, and wax tapers were offered the duchess. In spite of the stringent laws which Cæsar's rectors, especially Ramiro, had passed, bands of robbers made the roads unsafe. Fearing that the bold bandit Giambattista Carraro might overtake the bridal train after it had left the boundaries of Cervia, a guard of a thousand men on foot and a hundred and fifty troopers was furnished by the people, apparently as an escort of honor.[149]

Passing Rimini and Cesena, she arrived in Forli on January 25th. The palace salon was adorned with expensive tapestries, and even the ceiling was draped in colorful fabrics; a platform was set up for the ladies. The duchess received offerings of food, sweets, and wax candles. Despite the strict laws enacted by Caesar’s officials, especially Ramiro, groups of robbers made the roads dangerous. Worried that the daring bandit Giambattista Carraro might catch up to the wedding party after it left Cervia, the locals provided a security detail of a thousand foot soldiers and a hundred and fifty horsemen, supposedly as an honor guard.[149]

In Faenza Lucretia announced that she would be obliged to spend Friday in Imola to wash her head, as she would not have an opportunity to do this again until the[Pg 235] end of the carnival. This washing of the head, which we have already had occasion to notice as an important part of the toilet in those days, must, therefore, have been in some manner connected with dressing the hair.[150] The Ferrarese ambassador spoke of this practice of Lucretia's as a repeated obstacle which might delay the entrance of her Majesty into Ferrara until February 2d. Don Ferrante likewise wrote from Imola that she would rest there a day to put her clothes in order and wash her head, which, said she, had not been done for eight days, and she, therefore, was suffering with headache.[151]

In Faenza, Lucretia mentioned that she would have to spend Friday in Imola to wash her hair, since she wouldn't have another chance to do this until the[Pg 235] end of the carnival. This washing of the hair, which we've noted before as an important part of personal grooming back then, must have been linked to styling her hair.[150] The ambassador from Ferrara referred to this practice of Lucretia's as a recurring issue that could delay her Majesty's entry into Ferrara until February 2nd. Don Ferrante also wrote from Imola that she would rest there for a day to arrange her clothes and wash her hair, which, she said, hadn’t been done for eight days, and as a result, she was suffering from a headache.[151]

On the way from Faenza to Imola the cavalcade stopped at Castle Bolognese, which had been abandoned by Giovanni Bentivoglio when he was threatened by Cæsar. They found the walls of the town razed, the moat filled up, and even its name changed to Cesarina.

On the way from Faenza to Imola, the group stopped at Castle Bolognese, which Giovanni Bentivoglio had abandoned when he was threatened by Caesar. They found the town's walls torn down, the moat filled in, and even its name changed to Cesarina.

After resting a day in Imola the cavalcade set out January 28th for Bologna. When they reached the borders of the territory belonging to the city they were met by Bentivoglio's sons and his consort Ginevra, with a brilliant retinue, and two miles from the city gate Giovanni himself was waiting to greet them.

After resting for a day in Imola, the group set out on January 28th for Bologna. When they reached the edge of the city’s territory, they were welcomed by Bentivoglio's sons and his partner Ginevra, along with an impressive entourage. Two miles from the city gate, Giovanni himself was there to greet them.

The tyrant of Bologna, who owed his escape from Cæsar wholly to the protection of the French, spared nothing to honor his enemy's sister. Accompanied by several hundred riders, he led her in triumph through the city, where the arms of the Borgias, of Cæsar, the Pope, and Lucretia, and those of France, and of the Este met her eye on every side. The proud matron Ginevra, surrounded by a large number of noble ladies, received Lucretia at the portals of her magnificent palace. How this famous[Pg 236] woman, the aunt of Giovanni Sforza of Pesaro, must in her soul have hated this Borgia! However, it was neither Alexander nor Cæsar, but Giuliano della Rovere, subsequently Julius II, who was destined, only four years later, to drive her and all her race from Bologna forever.

The tyrant of Bologna, who escaped from Cæsar thanks to the support of the French, did everything to honor his enemy's sister. Accompanied by several hundred riders, he paraded her through the city, where the coats of arms of the Borgias, Cæsar, the Pope, Lucretia, France, and the Este caught her eye from every direction. The proud matron Ginevra, surrounded by a large group of noble ladies, welcomed Lucretia at the entrance of her magnificent palace. How this famous[Pg 236] woman, the aunt of Giovanni Sforza of Pesaro, must have secretly detested this Borgia! However, it was neither Alexander nor Cæsar, but Giuliano della Rovere, later known as Julius II, who was destined, just four years later, to expel her and all her family from Bologna forever.

January 30th was devoted to gorgeous festivities, and in the evening the Bentivoglio gave a ball and a banquet.

January 30th was dedicated to beautiful celebrations, and in the evening, the Bentivoglio hosted a dance and a dinner.

The following day they accompanied Lucretia for a part of the way, as it was her purpose to continue her journey to Ferrara, which now was not far distant, by boat on the canal, which at that time ran from Bologna to the Po.

The next day, they went part of the way with Lucretia since she planned to continue her journey to Ferrara, which was now not far away, by boat on the canal that at that time ran from Bologna to the Po.

The same day—January 31st—towards evening, Lucretia reached Castle Bentivoglio, which was but twenty miles from Ferrara. She had no sooner arrived at that place than her consort Alfonso suddenly appeared. She was greatly overcome, but promptly recovered herself and received him "with many professions of esteem and most graciously," to all of which he responded with great gallantry.[152] Hitherto the hereditary Prince of Ferrara had sullenly held aloof from the wife that had been forced upon him. Men of that age had not a trace of the tenderness or sentimentality of those of to-day, but, even admitting this, it is certainly strange that there is no evidence of any correspondence between Lucretia and Alfonso during the time the marriage was being arranged, although a great many letters then passed between the duchess and Ercole. Either owing to a desire to please his father or to his own curiosity or cunning, the rough and reticent Alfonso now threw off his reserve. He came in disguise, remained two hours, and then suddenly left for Ferrara.[Pg 237]

The same day—January 31st—around evening, Lucretia arrived at Castle Bentivoglio, which was only twenty miles from Ferrara. As soon as she got there, her husband Alfonso unexpectedly showed up. She was initially overwhelmed but quickly pulled herself together and welcomed him “with plenty of expressions of respect and in a very gracious manner,” to which he responded with great charm.[152] Until now, the hereditary Prince of Ferrara had kept his distance from the wife he had been forced to marry. Men of that era lacked the tenderness and sentimentality seen today, but even considering that, it's certainly odd that there's no record of any communication between Lucretia and Alfonso during the marriage arrangements, even though many letters were exchanged between the duchess and Ercole. Whether because he wanted to please his father or due to his own curiosity or cleverness, the rough and reserved Alfonso now let down his guard. He came in disguise, stayed for two hours, and then suddenly left for Ferrara.[Pg 237]

During this short interview he was greatly impressed by his wife. Lucretia in those two hours had certainly brought Alfonso under the spell of her personality, even if she had not completely disarmed him. Not wholly without reason had the gallant burghers of Foligno awarded the apple of Paris to Lucretia. Speaking of this meeting, one of the chroniclers of Ferrara says, "The entire people rejoiced greatly, as did also the bride and her own followers, because his Majesty had shown a desire to see her and had received her so well—an indication that she would be accepted and treated still better."[153]

During this short interview, he was really impressed by his wife. In those two hours, Lucretia had definitely captivated Alfonso with her charm, even if she hadn’t fully won him over. It wasn’t without reason that the gallant citizens of Foligno awarded the apple of Paris to Lucretia. Referring to this meeting, one of the chroniclers from Ferrara remarked, "The whole town celebrated joyfully, as did the bride and her followers, because His Majesty had shown interest in seeing her and had welcomed her so warmly—an indication that she would be accepted and treated even better."[153]

Probably no one was more pleased than the Pope. His daughter immediately informed him of her reception, for she sent him daily letters giving an account of her journey; and he also received numerous despatches from other persons in her train. Up to this time he had felt some misgivings as to her reception by the Este, but now he was relieved. After she had left Rome he frequently asked Cardinal Ferrari to warn the duke to treat his daughter-in-law kindly, remarking, at the same time, that he had done a great deal for her, and would do still more. He declared that the remission of Ferrara's tribute would, if paid for in money, require not less than two hundred thousand ducats, and that the officials of the chancellery had demanded between five and six thousand ducats merely for preparing the bulls. The kings of France and Spain had been compelled to pay the Duke of Romagna a yearly tribute of twenty thousand ducats for the remission of the taxes of Naples, which consisted only in the payment[Pg 238] of a single white horse. Ferrara, on the other hand, had been granted everything.[154]

Probably no one was happier than the Pope. His daughter quickly updated him about her welcome, sending him daily letters detailing her journey; he also received many messages from others traveling with her. Until that point, he had been somewhat worried about how the Este family would receive her, but now he felt a sense of relief. After she left Rome, he often asked Cardinal Ferrari to remind the duke to treat his daughter-in-law well, noting that he had already done a lot for her and would continue to do more. He stated that the cancellation of Ferrara’s tribute, if paid in cash, would require at least two hundred thousand ducats, and the chancellery officials had demanded between five and six thousand ducats just to prepare the documents. The kings of France and Spain had been forced to pay the Duke of Romagna a yearly tribute of twenty thousand ducats for the cancellation of the Naples taxes, which amounted to no more than the cost of a single white horse. Ferrara, however, had been granted everything.

The duke replied to the cardinal January 22d, assuring him that his daughter-in-law would meet with a most affectionate reception.[155][Pg 239]

The duke responded to the cardinal on January 22nd, assuring him that his daughter-in-law would receive a warm welcome.[155][Pg 239]

CHAPTER II

FORMAL ENTRY INTO FERRARA

February 1st Lucretia continued her journey to Ferrara by the canal. Near Malalbergo she found Isabella Gonzaga waiting to meet her. At the urgent request of her father, the marchioness, much against her will, had come to do the honors during the festivities in his palace. "In violent anger," so she wrote her husband, who remained at home, she greeted and embraced her sister-in-law. She accompanied her by boat to Torre della Fossa, where the canal empties into a branch of the Po. This river, a majestic stream, flows four miles from Ferrara, and only a branch—Po di Ferrara—now known as the Canale di Cento, reaches the city, where it divides into two arms, the Volano and Primaro, both of which empty into the Adriatic. They are very small canals, and, therefore, it could have been no pleasure to travel on them, nor was it an imposing spectacle.

February 1st Lucretia continued her journey to Ferrara by the canal. Near Malalbergo, she found Isabella Gonzaga waiting to meet her. At her father's urgent request, the marchioness, reluctantly, had come to host the celebrations at his palace. "In violent anger," she told her husband, who stayed at home, she greeted and embraced her sister-in-law. She accompanied her by boat to Torre della Fossa, where the canal flows into a branch of the Po. This river, a grand waterway, is four miles from Ferrara, and only a branch—Po di Ferrara—now known as the Canale di Cento, reaches the city, where it splits into two arms, the Volano and Primaro, both of which flow into the Adriatic. They are very small canals, so it couldn’t have been enjoyable to travel on them, nor was it a grand sight.

The duke, with Don Alfonso and his court, awaited Lucretia at Torre della Fossa. When she left the boat the duke saluted her on the cheek, she having first respectfully kissed his hand. Thereupon, all mounted a magnificently decorated float, to which the foreign ambassadors and numerous cavaliers came to kiss the bride's hand. To the strains of music and the thunder of cannon the cavalcade proceeded to the Borgo S. Luca, where they all descended. Lucretia took up her residence in the palace of Alberto[Pg 240] d'Este, Ercole's illegitimate brother. Here she was received by Lucretia Bentivigolio, natural daughter of Ercole, and numerous ladies of her court. The duke's seneschal brought to her Madonna Teodora and twelve young women who were to serve her as ladies-in-waiting. Five beautiful carriages, each drawn by four horses, a present from her father-in-law, were placed at her disposal. In this villa, which is no longer in existence, Lucretia spent the night. The suburb of S. Luca is still there, but the entire locality is so changed that it would be impossible to recognize it.

The duke, along with Don Alfonso and his court, awaited Lucretia at Torre della Fossa. When she got off the boat, the duke greeted her with a kiss on the cheek, after she first respectfully kissed his hand. They then all got onto a beautifully decorated float, where foreign ambassadors and numerous knights came to kiss the bride's hand. To the sound of music and the blast of cannons, the procession moved to Borgo S. Luca, where everyone disembarked. Lucretia took up her residence in the palace of Alberto[Pg 240] d'Este, Ercole's illegitimate brother. She was welcomed by Lucretia Bentivigolio, Ercole’s natural daughter, and many ladies of her court. The duke's steward brought her Madonna Teodora and twelve young women who were to serve as her ladies-in-waiting. Five elegant carriages, each pulled by four horses, a gift from her father-in-law, were made available to her. In this villa, which no longer exists, Lucretia spent the night. The suburb of S. Luca is still there, but the whole area has changed so much that it would be impossible to recognize it.

The seat of the Este was thronged with thousands of sightseers, some of whom had been invited by the duke and others drawn thither by curiosity. All the vassals of the State, but not the reigning princes, were present. The lords of Urbino and Mantua were represented by the ladies of their families, and the house of Bentivoglio by Annibale. Rome, Venice, Florence, Lucca, Siena, and the King of France had sent ambassadors, who were lodged in the palaces of the nobles. The Duke of Romagna had remained in Rome and sent a representative. It had been Alexander's wish that Cæsar's wife, Charlotte d'Albret, should come from France to attend the wedding festivities in Ferrara and remain a month, but she did not appear.

The court of the Este was crowded with thousands of visitors, some invited by the duke and others just curious. All the state vassals were there, except for the reigning princes. The lords of Urbino and Mantua were represented by their family ladies, and Annibale represented the Bentivoglio family. Rome, Venice, Florence, Lucca, Siena, and the King of France sent ambassadors, who were hosted in the nobles' palaces. The Duke of Romagna stayed in Rome and sent a representative. Alexander had hoped that Caesar's wife, Charlotte d'Albret, would come from France to join the wedding festivities in Ferrara and stay for a month, but she did not show up.

With royal extravagance Ercole had prepared for the festivities; the magazines of the court and the warehouses of the city had been filled with supplies for weeks past. Whatever the Renaissance had to offer, that she provided in Ferrara; for the city was the seat of a cultivated court and the home of a hospitable bourgeoisie, and also a town where science, art, and industry thrived.

With royal flair, Ercole had set up for the celebrations; the court's storerooms and the city's warehouses had been stocked with supplies for weeks. Whatever the Renaissance had to offer, she made available in Ferrara; the city was the center of an educated court and home to a welcoming middle class, as well as a place where science, art, and industry flourished.

Lucretia's entrance, February 2d, was, therefore, one of the most brilliant spectacles of the age, and, as far as[Pg 241] she herself was concerned, it was the greatest moment of her life; for she was entering into the enjoyment of the highest and best of which her nature was capable.

Lucretia's arrival on February 2nd was one of the most spectacular events of the time, and for her, it was the most significant moment of her life; she was stepping into the enjoyment of the highest and best that she could experience.

At two o'clock in the afternoon, the duke and all the ambassadors betook themselves to Alberto's villa to fetch his daughter-in-law to the city. The cavalcade set out over the bridge, crossing the branch of the Po, to pass through the gate of Castle Tedaldo, a fortress no longer in existence.

At two o'clock in the afternoon, the duke and all the ambassadors went to Alberto's villa to take his daughter-in-law to the city. The group set off over the bridge, crossing the branch of the Po, to go through the gate of Castle Tedaldo, a fortress that no longer exists.

At its head were seventy-five mounted archers in the livery of the house of Este—white and red—who were accompanied by eighty trumpeters and a number of fifes. Then came the nobility of Ferrara without regard to rank, followed by the members of the courts of the Marchioness of Mantua, who remained behind in the palace, and of the Duchess of Urbino. Behind them rode Alfonso, with his brother-in-law, Annibale Bentivoglio, at his side, and accompanied by eight pages. He was dressed in red velvet in the French fashion, and on his head he wore a black velvet biretta, upon which was an ornament of wrought gold. He wore small red boots and French gaiters of black velvet. His bay horse was caparisoned in crimson and gold.

At the front were seventy-five mounted archers dressed in the colors of the house of Este—white and red—along with eighty trumpeters and several fifers. Following them was the nobility of Ferrara, regardless of their rank, then the members of the courts of the Marchioness of Mantua, who stayed back at the palace, and the Duchess of Urbino. Behind them rode Alfonso, with his brother-in-law, Annibale Bentivoglio, by his side, accompanied by eight pages. He was wearing red velvet in the French style, and on his head was a black velvet biretta adorned with a gold ornament. His outfit included small red boots and black velvet French gaiters. His bay horse was draped in crimson and gold.

On the way to Ferrara, Don Alfonso did not ride by the side of his consort as this would have been contrary to the etiquette of the day. The bridegroom led the procession, near the middle of which was the bride, while the father-in-law came last. This arrangement was intended to indicate that Lucretia was the chief personage in the parade. Just behind Alfonso came her escort, pages, and court officials, among whom were several Spanish cavaliers; then five bishops, followed by the ambassadors according to rank; the four deputies of Rome, mounted upon beautiful horses and wearing long brocade cloaks and black birettas coming[Pg 242] next. These were followed by six tambourines and two of Lucretia's favorite clowns.

On the way to Ferrara, Don Alfonso didn't ride alongside his partner since that would have gone against the etiquette of the time. The groom led the procession, with the bride positioned near the middle, while the father-in-law followed at the back. This setup was meant to show that Lucretia was the main figure in the parade. Right behind Alfonso were her escort, pages, and court officials, including several Spanish knights; then came five bishops, followed by the ambassadors in order of rank; next were the four deputies from Rome, riding beautiful horses and dressed in long brocade cloaks and black birettas. Following them were six tambourines and two of Lucretia's favorite clowns.

Then came the bride herself, radiantly beautiful and happy, mounted upon a white jennet with scarlet trappings, and followed by her master of horse. Lucretia was dressed in a loose-sleeved camorra of black velvet with a narrow gold border, and a cape of gold brocade trimmed with ermine. On her head she wore a sort of net glittering with diamonds and gold—a present from her father-in-law. She did not wear a diadem. About her neck she had a chain of pearls and rubies which had once belonged to the Duchess of Ferrara—as Isabella noticed with tears in her eyes. Her beautiful hair fell down unconfined on her shoulders. She rode beneath a purple baldachin, which the doctors of Ferrara—that is, the members of the faculties of law, medicine, and mathematics—supported in turn.

Then the bride appeared, radiantly beautiful and joyful, riding a white donkey adorned with red decorations, followed by her horse master. Lucretia wore a loose-sleeved black velvet gown with a narrow gold trim, and a gold brocade cape lined with ermine. On her head, she had a type of net shining with diamonds and gold—a gift from her father-in-law. She didn't wear a crown. Around her neck was a necklace of pearls and rubies that had once belonged to the Duchess of Ferrara, which Isabella noticed with tears in her eyes. Her beautiful hair flowed freely down her shoulders. She rode under a purple canopy, supported in turns by the doctors of Ferrara—that is, the members of the faculties of law, medicine, and mathematics.

For the purpose of honoring the King of France, the protector of Ferrara and of the Borgias, Lucretia had summoned the French ambassador, Philipp della Rocca Berti, to ride at her left, near her, but not under the baldachin. This was intended to show that it was owing to this powerful monarch that the bride was entering the palace of the Este.

For the purpose of honoring the King of France, the protector of Ferrara and the Borgias, Lucretia had invited the French ambassador, Philipp della Rocca Berti, to ride on her left, close to her, but not under the canopy. This was meant to demonstrate that it was because of this powerful monarch that the bride was entering the Este palace.

Behind Lucretia came the duke, in black velvet, on a dark horse with trappings of the same material. On his right was the Duchess of Urbino clad in a dark velvet gown.[156][Pg 243]

Behind Lucretia walked the duke, dressed in black velvet, riding a dark horse with matching gear. Next to him was the Duchess of Urbino, wearing a dark velvet gown.[156][Pg 243]

Then followed nobles, pages, and other personages of the house of Este, each of whom was accompanied by one of Lucretia's ladies. The only important member of the family not present was Cardinal Ippolito, who had remained in Rome, and who, from that city, wrote Lucretia, January 16th, saying he had called on her son Rodrigo and found him asleep. February 9th he wrote that the Pope had invited Cæsar and himself together with Cardinal Borgia and the Signora Principessa—this was Sancia—to supper.[157] Of the women who accompanied Lucretia, only three were mounted—Girolama Borgia, wife of Fabio Orsini; another Orsini, who is not described more explicitly; and Madonna Adriana, "a widowed noblewoman, a kinswoman of the Pope."[158]

Then came the nobles, pages, and other members of the House of Este, each accompanied by one of Lucretia's ladies. The only significant family member missing was Cardinal Ippolito, who had stayed in Rome. From there, on January 16th, he wrote to Lucretia, mentioning that he had visited her son Rodrigo and found him asleep. On February 9th, he wrote that the Pope had invited Cæsar, himself, Cardinal Borgia, and Lady Sancia—who was the Signora Principessa—to dinner.[157] Among the women accompanying Lucretia, only three were on horseback—Girolama Borgia, the wife of Fabio Orsini; another Orsini, who isn't described in more detail; and Madonna Adriana, "a widowed noblewoman, a relative of the Pope."[158]

Behind them came fourteen floats upon which were seated a number of the noble women of Ferrara, beautifully dressed, including the twelve young ladies who had been allotted to Lucretia as maids of honor. Then followed two white mules and two white horses decked with velvet and silk and costly gold trappings. Eighty-six mules accompanied the train bearing the bride's trousseau and jewels. When the good people of Ferrara saw them slowly wending their way through the streets, they must have thought that Alfonso had chosen a rich bride. It never occurred to them that these chests, boxes, and bales which were being carried through the streets with such ostentation were filled with the plunder of various cities of Christendom.

Behind them came fourteen floats carrying several noble women of Ferrara, all elegantly dressed, including the twelve young ladies designated as maids of honor for Lucretia. Following were two white mules and two white horses adorned with velvet, silk, and expensive gold decorations. Eighty-six mules trailed along, carrying the bride's trousseau and jewels. As the good people of Ferrara watched them slowly making their way through the streets, they must have thought that Alfonso had chosen a wealthy bride. It never crossed their minds that the chests, boxes, and bundles being paraded through the streets so extravagantly were filled with loot from various cities of Christendom.

At the gate near Castle Tedaldo, Lucretia's horse was frightened by the discharge of a cannon, and the chief[Pg 244] actor was thrown. The bride rose without assistance, and the duke placed her upon another horse, whereupon the cortege started again. In honor of Lucretia there were triumphal arches, tribunes, orations, and mythological scenes. Among the last was a procession of nymphs, with their queen at their head, riding upon a bull, with satyrs disporting themselves about her. Sannazzaro may have thought that the epigram in which he had referred to Giulia Farnese as Europa on the bull suggested this representation of the Borgia arms.

At the gate near Castle Tedaldo, Lucretia's horse got spooked by a cannon blast, causing the main actor to get thrown off. The bride got up without help, and the duke helped her onto another horse, and then the procession continued. In honor of Lucretia, there were triumphant arches, stands, speeches, and mythological displays. One of these featured a procession of nymphs, with their queen leading them on a bull, surrounded by playful satyrs. Sannazzaro may have thought that the epigram in which he referred to Giulia Farnese as Europa on the bull inspired this representation of the Borgia coat of arms.

When the cavalcade reached the Piazza before the church, two rope-walkers descended from the towers and addressed compliments to the bride; thus was the ludicrous introduced into public festivities at that time.

When the parade arrived at the square in front of the church, two tightrope walkers came down from the towers and offered their compliments to the bride; this was how humor was incorporated into public celebrations back then.

It was now night, and the procession had reached the palace of the duke, and at the moment it did so all prisoners were given their liberty. At this point all the trumpeters and fifes were massed.

It was now nighttime, and the procession had arrived at the duke's palace, and as it did, all the prisoners were set free. At that moment, all the trumpeters and fife players gathered together.

It is impossible to tell exactly where the palace was situated to which Lucretia was conducted. The Este had built a number of residences in the city, which they occupied in turn. Among them were Schifanoja, Diamanti, Paradiso, Belvedere, Belfiore, and Castle Vecchio. A local chronicler in the year 1494 mentions, in enumerating the palaces of the lords of the house of Este, the Palazzo del Cortile and Castle Vecchio as belonging to the duke; Castle Vecchio to Alfonso and the palace of the Certosa to Cardinal Ippolito.[159] Ercole, therefore, in the year 1502, was residing in one of the two palaces mentioned above, which were connected with each other by a row of structures extending from the old castle to the Piazza before the church,[Pg 245] which ended in the Palazzo della Ragione. They are still connected, although the locality has greatly changed.

It’s impossible to pinpoint exactly where the palace that Lucretia was taken to was located. The Este family built several residences in the city, which they occupied one after the other. Among these were Schifanoja, Diamanti, Paradiso, Belvedere, Belfiore, and Castle Vecchio. A local historian in 1494 mentioned, while listing the palaces of the Este lords, the Palazzo del Cortile and Castle Vecchio as belonging to the duke; Castle Vecchio to Alfonso, and the Certosa palace to Cardinal Ippolito.[159] So, Ercole was living in one of the two mentioned palaces in 1502, which were linked by a line of buildings stretching from the old castle to the square in front of the church,[Pg 245] ending at the Palazzo della Ragione. They’re still connected, although the area has changed a lot.

The duke's palace was opposite the church. It had a large court with a marble stairway, and was therefore called the Palazzo del Cortile. This court is doubtless the one now known as the Cortile Ducale. It was entered from the Piazza through a high archway, at the sides of which were columns which formerly supported statues of Niccolò III and Borso. The writers who describe Lucretia's entrance into the city say that she dismounted from her horse at the steps of the marble court (a le scale del Cortile di Marmo).

The duke's palace was across from the church. It had a large courtyard with a marble staircase, which is why it was called the Palazzo del Cortile. This courtyard is probably what we now call the Cortile Ducale. You entered it from the Piazza through a tall archway, with columns on either side that used to hold statues of Niccolò III and Borso. The writers who detail Lucretia's arrival in the city mention that she got off her horse at the steps of the marble courtyard (a le scale del Cortile di Marmo).

Here she was received by the Marchioness Gonzaga and numerous other prominent ladies. Alfonso's young wife must have smiled—if in the excitement of the moment she noticed it—when she found that the noble house of Este had selected such a large number of their bastard daughters to welcome her. She was greeted at the stairway by Lucretia, Ercole's natural daughter, wife of Annibale Bentivoglio, and three illegitimate daughters of Sigismondo d'Este—Lucretia, Countess of Carrara; the beautiful Diana, Countess of Uguzoni; and Bianca Sanseverino.[160]

Here she was welcomed by Marchioness Gonzaga and several other prominent ladies. Alfonso's young wife probably smiled—if in the excitement of the moment she noticed—when she realized that the noble house of Este had chosen so many of their illegitimate daughters to greet her. She was met at the stairs by Lucretia, Ercole's natural daughter and wife of Annibale Bentivoglio, along with three illegitimate daughters of Sigismondo d'Este—Lucretia, Countess of Carrara; the beautiful Diana, Countess of Uguzoni; and Bianca Sanseverino.[160]

It was night, and lights and torches illuminated the palace. To the sound of music the young couple was conducted to the reception hall, where they took their places on a throne. Here followed the formal introduction of the court officials, and an orator delivered a speech apparently based upon the information which the duke had instructed his ambassadors to secure regarding the house of Borgia. It is not known who was the fortunate orator, but we are familiar with the names of some of the poets who addressed epithalamia to the beautiful princess. Nicolaus Marius[Pg 246] Paniciatus composed a number of spirituelle Latin poems and epigrams in honor of Lucretia, Alfonso, and Ercole, which were collected under the title of "Borgias." Among them are some ardent wishes for the prosperity of the young couple. Lucretia's beauty is described as excelling that of Helen because it was accompanied by incomparable modesty.[161]

It was nighttime, and the palace was lit up with lights and torches. To the sound of music, the young couple was led to the reception hall, where they took their seats on a throne. There followed the formal introduction of the court officials, and a speaker gave a speech that seemed to be based on the information the duke had instructed his ambassadors to gather about the Borgia family. We don’t know who the fortunate speaker was, but we do know the names of some poets who delivered wedding poems for the beautiful princess. Nicolaus Marius[Pg 246] Paniciatus wrote a number of witty Latin poems and epigrams in honor of Lucretia, Alfonso, and Ercole, which were compiled under the title of "Borgias." Among them are some heartfelt wishes for the prosperity of the young couple. Lucretia's beauty is said to surpass that of Helen because it was paired with unmatched modesty.[161]

Apparently this youthful poet did not have his stanzas printed, for they exist only in a manuscript in the library of Ferrara. Before Lucretia's entry the printer Laurentius published an epithalamium by a young Latinist, the celebrated Celio Calcagnini, who subsequently became famous as a mathematician. He was a favorite of Cardinal Ippolito, and a friend of the great Erasmus. The subject matter of the poem is very simple. Venus leaves Rome and accompanies Lucretia. Mnemosyne admonishes her daughters, the Muses, to celebrate the noble princess, which they accordingly do. The princes of the house are not forgotten, for Euterpe sings the praises of Ercole, Terpsicore lauds Alfonso, and Caliope recites Cæsar's victories in the Romagna.[162][Pg 247]

Apparently, this young poet didn’t have his verses published, as they only exist in a manuscript at the library in Ferrara. Before Lucretia's arrival, the printer Laurentius released an epithalamium by a young Latin scholar, the renowned Celio Calcagnini, who later became well-known as a mathematician. He was favored by Cardinal Ippolito and was a friend of the great Erasmus. The poem's theme is quite straightforward. Venus departs from Rome to accompany Lucretia. Mnemosyne reminds her daughters, the Muses, to honor the noble princess, which they do. The princes of the family are not overlooked, as Euterpe sings the praises of Ercole, Terpsicore celebrates Alfonso, and Calliope recounts Cæsar's victories in the Romagna.[162][Pg 247]

Another Ferrarese poet makes his appearance on this occasion, a man of whom much was expected, Ariosto, who was then twenty-seven years old, and already known at the court of the Este and in the cultivated circles of Italy as a Latinist and a writer of comedies. He also wrote an epithalamium addressed to Lucretia. It is graceful, and not burdened with mythological pedantry, but it lacks invention. The poet congratulates Ferrara,—which will henceforth be the envy of all other cities,—for having won an incomparable jewel. He sympathizes with Rome for the loss of Lucretia, saying that it has again fallen into ruins.[163] He describes the young princess as "pulcherrima virgo," and refers to Lucretia of ancient times.

Another poet from Ferrara joins the scene, a man who had a lot of expectations riding on him, Ariosto, who was then twenty-seven years old and already known at the Este court and in cultured circles across Italy as a Latin scholar and a playwright. He also wrote an epithalamium for Lucretia. It’s elegant and not bogged down with mythological references, but it lacks originality. The poet congratulates Ferrara—which will now be the envy of all other cities—for acquiring an unmatched treasure. He expresses sympathy for Rome over the loss of Lucretia, suggesting it has once again fallen into decline. [163] He describes the young princess as "the most beautiful maiden" and refers to Lucretia from ancient times.

On the conclusion of the festivities which greeted her on her arrival, the duke accompanied Lucretia to the apartments which had been prepared for her. She must have been pleased with her reception by the house of Este, and the impression made by her own personality was most favorable. The chronicler Bernardino Zambotto speaks of her as follows: "The bride is twenty-four years of age (this is incorrect); she has a beautiful countenance, sparkling and animated eyes; a slender figure; she is keen and intellectual, joyous and human, and possesses good reasoning powers. She pleased the people so greatly that they are perfectly satisfied with her, and they look to her Majesty for protection and good government. They are truly[Pg 248] delighted, for they think that the city will greatly profit through her, especially as the Pope will refuse her nothing, as is shown by the portion he gave her, and by presenting Don Alfonso with certain cities."

At the end of the celebrations welcoming her arrival, the duke took Lucretia to the rooms that were prepared for her. She must have felt happy with how the house of Este received her, and her personality made a very positive impression. The chronicler Bernardino Zambotto describes her this way: "The bride is twenty-four years old (this is incorrect); she has a lovely face, sparkling and lively eyes; a slender figure; she is sharp and smart, cheerful and relatable, and has good reasoning skills. The people are so pleased with her that they feel completely content, and they expect her Majesty to provide protection and good governance. They are truly[Pg 248] delighted, as they believe the city will greatly benefit from her, especially since the Pope won’t deny her anything, as shown by the dowry he gave her and by presenting Don Alfonso with certain cities."

Lucretia's face, judging by the medal, must have been fascinating. Cagnolo of Parma describes her as follows: "She is of medium height and slender figure. Her face is long, the nose well defined and beautiful; her hair a bright gold, and her eyes blue; her mouth is somewhat large, the teeth dazzlingly white; her neck white and slender, but at the same time well rounded. She is always cheerful and good-humored."[164]

Lucretia's face, according to the medal, must have been captivating. Cagnolo of Parma describes her like this: "She is of average height and has a slim figure. Her face is long, her nose well-defined and beautiful; her hair is bright gold, and her eyes are blue; her mouth is slightly large, and her teeth are brilliantly white; her neck is white and slender, yet nicely rounded. She is always cheerful and in a good mood."[164]

To indicate the color of the eyes, Cagnolo uses the word "bianco," which in the language of the people still means blue. In the folk songs of Tuscany collected by Tigri, there is frequent mention of occhi bianchi,—that is, "blue eyes." The Florentine Firenzuola, in his work on "the perfect beauty of woman," says she must have blond hair and blue eyes, with the pupil not quite black, although the Greeks and Italians preferred it so. The most beautiful color for the eyes, according to this writer, is tané.[165] The poets of Ferrara, who immediately began to sing the dazzling power of the eyes of their beautiful duchess, did not mention their color.

To describe eye color, Cagnolo uses the word "bianco," which still means blue in the local language. In the folk songs of Tuscany gathered by Tigri, there's a frequent reference to occhi bianchi, meaning "blue eyes." The Florentine Firenzuola, in his work on "the perfect beauty of a woman," states she should have blond hair and blue eyes, with the pupil not completely black, even though the Greeks and Italians preferred it that way. This writer notes that the most beautiful eye color is tané.[165] The poets of Ferrara, who quickly began to celebrate the captivating eyes of their beautiful duchess, didn't mention their color.

This remarkable woman charmed all beholders with her indescribable grace, to which there was added something of mystery, and not by any classic beauty or dignity. Vivacity, gentleness, and amiability are the qualities which[Pg 249] all Lucretia's contemporaries discovered in her.[166] This animated and delicate face, with large blue eyes, and surrounded with golden hair, suggests the ethereal beauty of Shakespeare's Imogene.

This amazing woman captivated everyone with her indescribable grace, which was also infused with a touch of mystery, rather than any traditional beauty or elegance. Energy, kindness, and friendliness are the traits that[Pg 249] all of Lucretia's peers noticed in her.[166] This lively and delicate face, with big blue eyes and framed by golden hair, evokes the otherworldly beauty of Shakespeare's Imogene.

ARIOSTO.
From a painting by Titian.

[Pg 250]

CHAPTER III

FÊTES GIVEN IN LUCRETIA'S HONOR

The wedding festivities in Ferrara continued for six days during the carnival. At the period of the Renaissance, court functions and festivities, so far as the intellectual part is concerned, were not unlike those of the present day; but the magnificent costumes, the highly developed sense of material beauty, and the more elaborate etiquette of the age which gave birth to Castiglione's Cortegiano lent these festivities a higher character.

The wedding celebrations in Ferrara lasted for six days during the carnival. During the Renaissance, court events and celebrations were not so different from today in terms of the intellectual aspect; however, the stunning outfits, the keen appreciation for material beauty, and the more elaborate customs of the time that inspired Castiglione's Cortegiano gave these festivities a more elevated sense.

The sixteenth century was far behind our own in many of its productions—theatrical performances, displays of fireworks, and concert music. There were illuminations, and mounted torchlight processions; and rockets were frequently used; but an illuminated garden fête such as the Emperor of Austria gave for the Shah of Persia at Schönbrunn would at that time have been impossible. The same might be said of certain forms of musical entertainment; for example, concerts. Society in that age would have shuddered at the orchestral music of to-day, and the ear-splitting drums would have appeared barbarous to the Italians of the Renaissance, just as would the military parades, which are still among the favorite spectacles with which distinguished guests are either honored or intimidated at the great courts of Europe. Even then tourneys were rare, although there were occasional combats of gladiators, whose costumes were greatly admired.[Pg 251]

The sixteenth century was a long time ago compared to today in many of its entertainment—live performances, fireworks displays, and concert music. There were illuminations and torchlight parades, and rockets were often used; however, an illuminated garden party like the one the Emperor of Austria held for the Shah of Persia at Schönbrunn would have been impossible back then. The same applies to certain types of musical entertainment, like concerts. People in that era would have reacted negatively to today’s orchestral music, and the loud drums would have seemed barbaric to the Italians of the Renaissance, just like military parades, which are still popular events to honor or intimidate distinguished guests at major European courts. Even then, tournaments were rare, although there were occasional gladiator fights, and their costumes were highly praised.[Pg 251]

The duke and his master of ceremonies had spent weeks in preparing the program for the wedding festivities, although these did not admit of any great variety, being limited as they are now to banquets, balls, and theatrical productions. It was from the last-named form of entertainment that Ercole promised himself the most, and which, he expected, would win for him the applause of the cultivated world.

The duke and his master of ceremonies had spent weeks getting ready for the wedding celebrations, even though there wasn’t much variety, just banquets, balls, and theater shows. Ercole was particularly looking forward to the theater, hoping it would earn him praise from the cultured society.

He was one of the most active patrons of the theater during the Renaissance. Several years before he had commissioned the poets at his court to translate some of the plays of Plautus and Terence into terza rima, and had produced them. Guarino, Berardo, Collenuccio, and even Bojordo had been employed in this work by him. As early as 1486 an Italian version of the Menæchmi, the favorite play of Plautus, had been produced in Ferrara. In February, 1491, when Ercole, with most brilliant festivities, celebrated the betrothal of his son Alfonso and Anna Sforza, the Menæchmi and one of the comedies of Terence were given. The Amphitryon, which Cagnolo had prepared for the stage, was also played.

He was one of the most active supporters of the theater during the Renaissance. A few years earlier, he had asked the poets at his court to translate some of the plays of Plautus and Terence into terza rima, and had staged them. Guarino, Berardo, Collenuccio, and even Bojordo had worked on this for him. As early as 1486, an Italian version of the Menæchmi, Plautus' favorite play, was performed in Ferrara. In February 1491, when Ercole celebrated the engagement of his son Alfonso and Anna Sforza with magnificent festivities, the Menæchmi and one of Terence's comedies were performed. The Amphitryon, which Cagnolo had prepared for the stage, was also presented.

There was no permanent theater in Ferrara, but a temporary one had been erected which served for the production of plays which were given only during the carnival and on other important occasions. Ercole had arranged a salon in the palace of the Podestà—a Gothic building opposite the church—which is still standing and is known as the Palazzo della Ragione. The salon was connected with the palace itself by a passage way.

There wasn't a permanent theater in Ferrara, but a temporary one had been set up for performances that were only held during the carnival and other significant events. Ercole had organized a salon in the palace of the Podestà—a Gothic structure across from the church—which still exists and is called the Palazzo della Ragione. The salon was linked to the palace by a passageway.

A raised stage called the tribune was erected. It was about one hundred and twenty feet long and a hundred and fifty feet wide. It had houses of painted wood, and whatever was necessary in the way of scenery, rocks, trees,[Pg 252] etc. It was separated from the audience by a wooden partition in which was a sheet-metal curtain. On the forward part of the stage—the orchestra—sat the princes and other important personages, and in the amphitheater were thirteen rows of cushioned seats, those in the middle being occupied by the women, and those at the sides by the men. This space accommodated about three thousand people.

A raised platform called the tribune was built. It was about one hundred twenty feet long and one hundred fifty feet wide. It had wooden houses painted in bright colors and everything needed for scenery, like rocks, trees, [Pg 252] etc. A wooden partition with a metal curtain separated it from the audience. In the front part of the stage—the orchestra—sat the princes and other important figures, while the amphitheater had thirteen rows of cushioned seats, with the middle seats filled by women and the sides occupied by men. This area could hold about three thousand people.

According to Strozzi, Ariosto, Calcagnini, and other humanists of Ferrara, it was Ercole himself who constructed this theatre. They and other academicians probably took part in the performances, but the duke also brought actors from abroad, from Mantua, Siena, and Rome. They numbered in all no less than a hundred and ten persons, and it was necessary to build a new dressing-room for them. The theatrical performances on this brilliant occasion must, therefore, have aroused great expectations.

According to Strozzi, Ariosto, Calcagnini, and other humanists from Ferrara, it was Ercole himself who built this theater. They and other scholars likely participated in the performances, but the duke also brought in actors from Mantua, Siena, and Rome. There were at least one hundred and ten performers in total, and a new dressing room had to be made for them. The theatrical performances on this exciting occasion must have created high expectations.

The festivities began February 3d, and it was soon apparent that the chief attraction would be the beauty of three famous women—Lucretia, Isabella, and the Duchess of Urbino. They were regarded as the three handsomest women of the age, and it was difficult to decide which was the fairer, Isabella or Lucretia. The Duchess of Mantua was six years older than her sister-in-law, but a most beautiful woman, and with feminine curiosity she studied Lucretia's appearance. In the letters which she daily wrote to her husband in Mantua, she carefully described the dress of her rival, but said not a word regarding her personal charms. "Concerning Donna Lucretia's figure," so she wrote February 1st, "I shall say nothing, for I am aware that your Majesty knows her by sight." She was unable to conceal her vanity, and in another letter, written[Pg 253] February 3d, she gave her husband to understand that she hoped, so far as her own personality and her retinue were concerned, to be able to stand comparison with any of the others and even to bear away the prize. One of the ladies of her suite, the Marchesana of Cotrone, wrote the duke, saying, "The bride is not especially handsome, but she has an animated face, and in spite of her having such a large number of ladies with her, and notwithstanding the presence of the illustrious lady of Urbino, who is very beautiful, and who clearly shows that she is your Excellency's sister, my illustrious mistress Isabella, according to our opinion and of those who came with the Duchess of Ferrara, is the most beautiful of all. There is no doubt about this; compared with her Majesty, all the others are as nothing. Therefore we shall bring the prize home to the house of our mistress."[167]

The festivities started on February 3rd, and it quickly became clear that the main attraction would be the beauty of three famous women—Lucretia, Isabella, and the Duchess of Urbino. They were considered the three most beautiful women of the time, and it was hard to determine who was fairer, Isabella or Lucretia. The Duchess of Mantua was six years older than her sister-in-law, but she was also very beautiful, and with a woman’s curiosity, she studied Lucretia’s looks. In the letters she wrote daily to her husband in Mantua, she meticulously described her rival’s outfit but didn’t mention anything about her personal appeal. "About Donna Lucretia's figure," she wrote on February 1st, "I won't say anything, as I know your Majesty knows what she looks like." She couldn’t hide her vanity, and in another letter, written[Pg 253] on February 3rd, she hinted to her husband that she hoped to measure up to others in terms of her own looks and her entourage, even to win the prize. One of the ladies in her company, the Marchesana of Cotrone, wrote to the duke, saying, "The bride isn’t particularly beautiful, but she has a lively face, and despite having a large number of ladies with her, and with the presence of the illustrious lady of Urbino, who is very beautiful and clearly shows she’s your Excellency's sister, my esteemed mistress Isabella, according to our opinion and that of those who came with the Duchess of Ferrara, is the most beautiful of all. There’s no doubt about it; compared to her Majesty, all the others pale in comparison. So we will bring the prize back to our mistress’s household."[167]

The first evening of the festivities a ball was given in the great salon of the palace at which the attendance was so large that many were unable to gain admission. Lucretia was enthroned upon a tribune, and near her were the princesses of Mantua and Urbino. Other prominent ladies and the ambassadors also came and took up a position near her. The guests, therefore, in spite of the crowd, had a chance to admire the beautiful women, and their gowns and jewels. During the Renaissance, balls were less formal than they are now. Pleasures then were more natural and simple; frequently the ladies danced with each other, and sometimes even alone. The dances were almost[Pg 254] exclusively French, for even at that time France had begun to impose her customs on all the rest of the world; still there were some Spanish and Italian ones. Lucretia was a graceful dancer, and she was always ready to display her skill. She frequently descended from the tribune and executed Spanish and Roman dances to the sound of the tambourine.[168]

The first evening of the festivities, a ball was held in the grand salon of the palace, and the attendance was so huge that many people couldn't get in. Lucretia was seated on a platform, and nearby were the princesses of Mantua and Urbino. Other notable ladies and the ambassadors also gathered close to her. Because of this, even amidst the crowd, the guests had a chance to admire the beautiful women along with their gowns and jewels. During the Renaissance, balls were less formal than they are today. The pleasures were more natural and simple; ladies often danced with each other, and sometimes even solo. The dances were mostly French, as even then, France was starting to influence customs worldwide; however, there were also some Spanish and Italian dances. Lucretia was a graceful dancer and always eager to showcase her talent. She often came down from the platform to perform Spanish and Roman dances to the beat of the tambourine.[168]

The following day the eagerly expected dramatic performances were given. First the duke had the actors appear in masks and costumes for the purpose of reviewing them. The director of the troop then came forward in the character of Plautus and read the program and the argument of each piece which was to be rendered during the five evenings. The selection of comedies by living dramatists in the year 1502 could not have cost the duke much thought, for there were none of any special importance. The Calandra of Dovizi, which a few years later caused such a sensation, was not yet written. It is true Ariosto had already composed his Cassaria and the Suppositi, but he had not yet won sufficient renown for him to be honored by their presentation at the wedding festivities.[169] Moreover, the duke would have none but classic productions. He wanted to set all the world talking; and, in truth, Italy had never seen any theatrical performances equal to these. We possess careful descriptions of them which have not yet been incorporated in the history of the stage. They show more clearly than do the reports regarding the Vati[Pg 255]can theater in the time of Leo X what was the real nature of theatrical performances during the Renaissance; consequently, they constitute a valuable picture of the times.

The next day, the long-awaited dramatic performances took place. First, the duke had the actors show up in masks and costumes so he could review them. The director of the troupe then stepped forward as Plautus and read the program and the summary of each play that would be performed over the five evenings. Choosing comedies by living playwrights in 1502 probably didn't take much thought for the duke since there weren't any particularly significant ones. Dovizi's Calandra, which would later cause a stir, hadn’t been written yet. Admittedly, Ariosto had already created his Cassaria and Suppositi, but he hadn’t yet gained enough fame to be recognized with a presentation during the wedding celebrations.[169] Additionally, the duke insisted on only classic works. He wanted to get everyone talking; and indeed, Italy had never seen theatrical performances like these. We have detailed descriptions of them that haven't yet been included in the history of the stage. These accounts clarify the true nature of theatrical performances during the Renaissance more effectively than the reports about the Vatican theater in the time of Leo X; therefore, they provide a valuable snapshot of the era.

If one could follow the reports of Gagnolo, Zambotto, and Isabella, and reproduce in imagination the brilliant wedding and the guests in their rich costumes seated in rows, he would behold one of the fairest and most illustrious gatherings of the Renaissance. This scene, rich in form and color, taken in conjunction with the stage, and the performances of the comedies of Plautus, and with the pantomimes and the moresche which occupied the time between the acts, is so romantic that we might imagine ourselves translated to Shakespeare's Midsummer-Night's Dream, and that Duke Ercole had changed places with Theseus, Duke of Athens, and that the comedies were being performed before him and the happy bridal pair.

If you could follow the accounts of Gagnolo, Zambotto, and Isabella, and picture in your mind the dazzling wedding and the guests in their extravagant outfits sitting in rows, you would witness one of the most beautiful and notable gatherings of the Renaissance. This scene, rich in form and color, combined with the stage and the performances of Plautus's comedies, along with the pantomimes and the moresche that filled the time between the acts, is so enchanting that we might imagine ourselves transported to Shakespeare's Midsummer Night's Dream, with Duke Ercole stepping into the shoes of Theseus, Duke of Athens, and the comedies being performed in front of him and the joyful newlyweds.

According to the program, from February 3d to February 8th—with the exception of one evening—five of the plays of Plautus were to be given. The intermissions were to be devoted to music and moresche. The moresca resembled the modern ballet; that is, a pantomime dance. It is of very ancient origin, and traces of it appear in the Middle Ages. At first it was a war dance in costume, which character it preserved for a long time. The name is, I believe, derived from the fact that in all the Latin countries which suffered from the invasions of the Saracens, dances in which the participants were armed and which simulated the battles of the Moor and Christian were executed. The Moors, for the sake of contrast, were represented as black. Subsequently the meaning of the term moresca was extended to include the ballet in general, and all sorts of scenes in which dances accompanied by flutes and violins were introduced. The subjects were de[Pg 256]rived from mythology, the age of chivalry, and everyday life.

According to the program, from February 3rd to February 8th—with the exception of one evening—five plays by Plautus were scheduled to be performed. The breaks would feature music and moresche. The moresca was similar to modern ballet; it was a pantomime dance. It has very ancient roots, with traces found in the Middle Ages. Initially, it was a war dance performed in costume, a character it retained for a long time. The name, I believe, comes from the fact that in all the Latin countries affected by the invasions of the Saracens, dances where participants were armed and acted out battles between Moors and Christians were performed. The Moors were depicted as black for contrast. Over time, the meaning of moresca expanded to include ballet in general, as well as various scenes featuring dances accompanied by flutes and violins. The themes were derived from mythology, the age of chivalry, and everyday life.

There were also comic dances performed by fantastic monsters, peasants, clowns, wild animals, and satyrs, during which blows were freely dealt right and left. The classico-romantic ballet appears to have reached a high development in Ferrara, which was the home of the romantic epics—the Mambriano and the Orlando. It is needless to say that the ballet possessed great attraction for the public in those days, just as it now does. The presentation of the comedies of Plautus would have no more effect upon people of this age than would a puppet show. They lasted from four to five hours—from six in the evening until midnight.

There were also funny dances performed by amazing monsters, peasants, clowns, wild animals, and satyrs, where people threw punches freely in all directions. The classical-romantic ballet seems to have reached a high level of development in Ferrara, the birthplace of romantic epics like the Mambriano and the Orlando. It's clear that ballet was very appealing to audiences back then, just as it is today. The presentations of Plautus's comedies would have no more impact on people today than a puppet show would. They lasted four to five hours, from six in the evening until midnight.

The first evening the duke conducted his guests into the theater, and when they had taken their seats, Plautus appeared before the bridal couple and addressed some complimentary verses to them. After this the Epidicus was presented. Each act was followed by a ballet, and five beautiful moresche were given during the interludes of the play. First entered ten armed gladiators, who danced to the sound of tambourines; then followed a mimic battle between twelve people in different costumes; the third moresca was led by a young woman upon a car which was drawn by a unicorn, and upon it were several persons bound to the trunk of a tree, while seated under the bushes were four lute players. The young woman loosed the bonds of the captives, who immediately descended and danced while the lute players sang beautiful canzone—at least so says Gagnolo; the cultured Duchess of Mantua, however, wrote that the music was so doleful that it was scarcely worth listening to. Isabella, however, judging by her remarkable letters, was a severe critic, not only of the plays but[Pg 257] of all the festivities. The fourth moresca was danced by ten Moors holding burning tapers in their mouths. In the fifth there were ten fantastically dressed men with feathers on their heads, and bearing lances with small lighted torches at their tips. On the conclusion of the Epidicus there was a performance by several jugglers.

The first evening, the duke brought his guests into the theater, and once they were seated, Plautus appeared before the newlyweds and recited some flattering verses for them. After that, they presented the Epidicus. Each act was followed by a ballet, and five beautiful moresche were showcased during the play's interludes. First, ten armed gladiators came in and danced to the sound of tambourines; then there was a mock battle with twelve people in various costumes; the third moresca featured a young woman on a chariot pulled by a unicorn, with several people tied to the trunk of a tree, while four lute players sat under the bushes. The young woman freed the captives, who quickly came down and danced while the lute players sang lovely canzone—at least according to Gagnolo; however, the cultured Duchess of Mantua noted that the music was so mournful it was hardly worth listening to. Isabella, judging by her sharp letters, was a tough critic, not just of the plays but[Pg 257] of all the festivities. The fourth moresca featured ten Moors dancing while holding burning torches in their mouths. In the fifth, there were ten men in extravagant costumes with feathers on their heads, carrying lances with small lit torches at their tips. After the Epidicus concluded, several jugglers put on a performance.

Friday, February 4th, Lucretia did not appear until the afternoon. In the morning the duke showed his guests about the city, and they went to see a famous saint, Sister Lucia of Viterbo, whom the devout Ercole had brought to Ferrara as a great attraction. Every Friday the five wounds of Christ appeared on the body of this saint. She presented the ambassador of France with a rag with which she had touched her scars, and which Monseigneur Rocca Berti received with great respect. At the castle the duke showed his guests the artillery, to the study of which his son Alfonso was eagerly devoted. Here they waited for Lucretia, who, accompanied by all the ambassadors, soon appeared in the great salon. A dance was given which lasted until six in the evening. Then followed a presentation of the Bacchides which required five hours. Isabella found these performances excessively long and tiresome. Ballets similar to those which accompanied the Epidicus were given; men dressed in flesh-colored tights with torches in their hands, which diffused agreeable odors, danced fantastic figures, and engaged in a battle with a dragon.

Friday, February 4th, Lucretia didn’t show up until the afternoon. In the morning, the duke took his guests around the city, and they went to see the famous saint, Sister Lucia of Viterbo, whom the devout Ercole had brought to Ferrara as a major attraction. Every Friday, the five wounds of Christ appeared on the body of this saint. She gave the ambassador of France a cloth that she had touched to her scars, which Monseigneur Rocca Berti accepted with great respect. At the castle, the duke showed his guests the artillery, which his son Alfonso was really interested in. They waited for Lucretia, who soon appeared in the grand salon, accompanied by all the ambassadors. A dance was held that lasted until six in the evening. Then there was a presentation of the Bacchides, which took five hours. Isabella found these performances way too long and exhausting. Ballets similar to those that accompanied the Epidicus were performed; men dressed in skin-colored tights, holding torches that emitted pleasant scents, danced elaborate figures and fought a dragon.

The following day Lucretia did not appear, as she was engaged in writing letters and in washing her hair, and the guests amused themselves by wandering about the city. No entertainments were given for the populace. The French ambassador, in the name of the King of France, sent presents to the princes of the house. The duke received a[Pg 258] golden shield with a picture of S. Francis in enamel, the work of a Parisian artist, which was highly valued; to the hereditary Prince Alfonso was given a similar shield with a portrait of Mary of Magdala, the ambassador remarking that his Majesty had chosen a wife who resembled the Magdalene in character: Quæ multum meruit, quia multum credidit. Perhaps presenting Alfonso with a gift suggestive of the Magdalene was an intentional bit of irony on the part of the French king. In addition to this he received a written description of a process for casting cannon. A golden shield was likewise presented to Don Ferrante. Lucretia's gift was a string of gold beads filled with musk, while her charming maid of honor, Angela, was honored with a costly chain.

The next day, Lucretia didn’t show up because she was busy writing letters and washing her hair, so the guests entertained themselves by exploring the city. There were no events planned for the public. The French ambassador, on behalf of the King of France, sent gifts to the princes of the house. The duke received a[Pg 258] golden shield featuring an enamel image of St. Francis, crafted by a Parisian artist, which was highly prized; the hereditary Prince Alfonso received a similar shield with a portrait of Mary Magdalene, with the ambassador noting that the King had chosen a wife who resembled Magdalene in character: Quæ multum meruit, quia multum credidit. Presenting Alfonso with a gift linked to Magdalene might have been a deliberate irony from the French king. Along with this, he also received written instructions for casting cannon. Don Ferrante was similarly gifted a golden shield. Lucretia gave a string of gold beads filled with musk, while her lovely maid of honor, Angela, was honored with an expensive chain.

Everything was done to flatter the French ambassador. He was invited to dinner in the evening by the Marchioness of Mantua, and was placed between his hostess and the Duchess of Urbino. The evening was passed, according to Gagnolo, in gallant and cultivated conversation. On leaving the table the marchioness sang the most beautiful songs to the accompaniment of the lute, for the entertainment of the French ambassador. After this she conducted him to her chamber, where, in the presence of two of her ladies-in-waiting, they held an animated conversation for almost an hour, at the conclusion of which she drew off her gloves and presented them to him, "and the ambassador received them with assurances of his loyalty and his love, as they came from such a charming source; he told her that he would preserve them until the end of time, as a precious relic." We may believe Gagnolo, for doubtless the fortunate ambassador regarded this memento of a beautiful woman as no less precious than the rag poor Saint Lucia had given him.

Everything was done to flatter the French ambassador. He was invited to dinner in the evening by the Marchioness of Mantua and was seated between his hostess and the Duchess of Urbino. According to Gagnolo, the evening was filled with charming and cultured conversation. After dinner, the marchioness sang the most beautiful songs accompanied by the lute for the entertainment of the French ambassador. Afterwards, she took him to her chamber, where, in the presence of two of her ladies-in-waiting, they engaged in an animated conversation for nearly an hour. At the end of their chat, she took off her gloves and presented them to him, "and the ambassador accepted them with promises of his loyalty and love, considering them a gift from such a lovely source; he told her he would keep them forever as a priceless relic." We can trust Gagnolo, for the fortunate ambassador likely viewed this token from a beautiful woman as no less valuable than the rag that poor Saint Lucia had given him.

Sunday, February 6th, there was a magnificent cere[Pg 259]mony in the church; one of the Pope's chamberlains in the name of his Holiness presented Don Alfonso with a hat and also a sword which the Holy Father had blessed, and which the archbishop girded on him at the altar. In the afternoon the princes and the princesses of the house of Este went to Lucretia's apartments to fetch her to the banquet hall. They danced for two hours; Lucretia herself, with one of her ladies-in-waiting, taking part in some French dances. In the evening the Miles Gloriosus was presented; it was followed by a moresca in which ten shepherds with horns on their heads fought with each other.

On Sunday, February 6th, there was an amazing ceremony in the church; one of the Pope's chamberlains, on behalf of His Holiness, presented Don Alfonso with a hat and a sword that the Holy Father had blessed, and the archbishop placed it on him at the altar. In the afternoon, the princes and princesses of the house of Este went to Lucretia's rooms to bring her to the banquet hall. They danced for two hours; Lucretia herself, along with one of her ladies-in-waiting, participated in some French dances. In the evening, the Miles Gloriosus was performed; it was followed by a moresca in which ten shepherds wearing horns fought each other.

February 7th there was a tourney in the piazza before the church between two mounted knights, one of whom was a native of Bologna and the other a citizen of Imola. No blood was shed. In the evening the Asinaria was presented, together with a wonderful moresca in which appeared fourteen satyrs, one of which carried a silvered ass's head in his hands, in which there was a music-box, to the strains of which the clowns danced. This play of the satyrs was followed by an interlude performed by sixteen vocalists,—men and women,—and a virtuoso from Mantua who played on three lutes. In conclusion there was a moresca in which was simulated the agricultural work of the peasants. The fields were prepared, the seed sown, the grain cut and threshed, and the harvest feast followed. Finally a native dance to the accompaniment of the bagpipe was executed.

On February 7th, there was a tournament in the square in front of the church between two knights on horseback, one from Bologna and the other from Imola. No blood was shed. In the evening, the Asinaria was performed, along with an amazing moresca featuring fourteen satyrs, one of whom held a silvered donkey's head, which contained a music box that played while the clowns danced. This satyr play was followed by an interlude performed by sixteen singers—men and women—and a virtuoso from Mantua playing three lutes. To conclude, there was a moresca that depicted the agricultural work of the peasants. The fields were plowed, the seeds were sown, the grain was cut and threshed, and the harvest celebration began. Finally, there was a local dance accompanied by the bagpipe.

The last day of the festivities, February 8th, also marked the end of the carnival. The ambassadors, who were soon to depart, presented the bride with costly gifts consisting of beautiful stuffs and silverware. The most remarkable present was brought by the representatives of Venice. The Republic at its own expense had sent two noblemen to the[Pg 260] festivities, Niccolò Dolfini and Andrea Foscolo, both of whom were magnificently clothed. In those days dress was as costly as it was beautiful, and the artists who made the clothes for the men and women of the Renaissance would look with contempt upon those of the present time, for in that æsthetic age their productions were works of art. The most magnificent stuffs, velvet, silk, and gold embroidery were used, and painters did not scorn to design the color schemes and the shapes and folds of the garments. Dress, therefore, was a most weighty consideration, and one to which great value was attached, as it indicated the importance of the wearer. All who have left accounts of the festivities in Ferrara describe in detail the costumes worn on each occasion by Donna Lucretia and the other prominent women, and even those of the men. The reports which the Venetians sent home and the description in the diary of Marino Sanuto show how great was the importance attached to these matters. The following is even more striking evidence: before the two ambassadors of Venice set out for Ferrara they were required to appear before the whole senate in their robes of crimson velvet trimmed with fur, and wearing capes of similar material. More than four thousand persons were present in the great council hall, and the Piazza of S. Marco was crowded with people who gazed with wonder on these strange creatures. One of these robes contained thirty-two and the other twenty-eight yards of velvet.[170] Following the instructions of the Seignory of Venice, the ambassadors sent their robes to Duchess Lucretia as a bridal gift.[171][Pg 261] This wonderful gift was presented in the most naive way imaginable. One of the noble gentlemen delivered a Latin oration, and the other followed with a long discourse in Italian; thereupon they retired to an adjoining room, removed their magnificent robes, and sent them to the bride. This present and the pedantry of the two Venetians excited the greatest mirth at the Ferrarese court.[172]

The final day of the celebrations, February 8th, also marked the end of the carnival. The ambassadors, who were about to leave, gifted the bride expensive items including beautiful fabrics and silverware. The most notable gift came from the representatives of Venice. The Republic had sent two noblemen, Niccolò Dolfini and Andrea Foscolo, at its own expense to participate in the festivities, both of whom were dressed splendidly. Back then, clothing was as pricey as it was stunning, and the artists who designed outfits for the people of the Renaissance would look down on those from today, because in their era, their creations were truly works of art. The finest materials, like velvet, silk, and gold embroidery were used, and painters didn’t hesitate to create the color schemes and styles of the garments. Clothing was thus an important consideration and held significant value, as it reflected the status of the wearer. Everyone who recorded the festivities in Ferrara described in detail the outfits worn by Donna Lucretia and the other prominent women, as well as those of the men. Reports sent back by the Venetians and the entries in Marino Sanuto's diary reveal how much importance was placed on these matters. An even more striking piece of evidence is that before the two Venetian ambassadors set out for Ferrara, they had to appear before the entire senate in their crimson velvet robes trimmed with fur, and wearing matching capes. Over four thousand people were present in the grand council hall, and the Piazza of S. Marco was filled with onlookers who marveled at these unusual figures. One of the robes contained thirty-two yards of velvet, while the other had twenty-eight yards. Following the instructions from the Seignory of Venice, the ambassadors sent their robes to Duchess Lucretia as a wedding gift. This remarkable gift was presented in the most innocent manner possible. One of the noblemen delivered a Latin speech, and the other followed with a lengthy discourse in Italian; then, they went to a separate room, took off their magnificent robes, and sent them to the bride. This gift, along with the pretentiousness of the two Venetians, sparked great amusement at the Ferrarese court.

In the evening they danced for the last time, and attended the final theatrical performance, the Casina. Before the comedy began, music composed by Rombonzino was rendered, and songs in honor of the young couple were sung. Everywhere throughout the Casina, musical interludes were introduced. During the intermission six violinists, among them Don Alfonso, the hereditary prince, who was a magnificent amateur performer, played. The violin seems to have been held in great esteem in Ferrara, for when Cæsar Borgia was about to set out for France he asked Duke Ercole for a violin player to accompany him, as they were much sought after in that country.[173]

In the evening, they danced for the last time and attended the final performance of the play, the Casina. Before the comedy started, music composed by Rombonzino was played, and songs in honor of the young couple were sung. Throughout the Casina, there were musical interludes. During the break, six violinists, including Don Alfonso, the hereditary prince and an amazing amateur performer, played. The violin was clearly highly regarded in Ferrara, because when Cæsar Borgia was about to leave for France, he asked Duke Ercole for a violinist to accompany him, as they were very popular there.[173]

The ballet which followed was a dance of savages contending for the possession of a beautiful woman. Suddenly the god of love appeared, accompanied by musicians, and set her free. Hereupon the spectators discovered a great globe which suddenly split in halves and began to give forth beautiful strains. In conclusion twelve Swiss armed with halberds and wearing their national colors entered, and executed an artistic dance, fencing the while.[Pg 262]

The ballet that followed was a performance featuring wild dancers competing for the affection of a beautiful woman. Suddenly, the god of love appeared with musicians and freed her. At that moment, the audience noticed a large globe that split in half and began to produce lovely music. In the end, twelve Swiss soldiers armed with halberds and dressed in their national colors came in and performed a skilled dance while fencing.[Pg 262]

If this scene, as Cagnolo says, ended the dramatic performances we are forced to conclude that they were exceedingly dull and spiritless. The moresca partook of the character of both the opera and ballet. It was the only new form of spectacle offered during all the festivities. Compared with those which were given in Rome on the occasion of Lucretia's betrothal, they were much inferior. Among the former we noticed several pastoral comedies with allegorical allusions to Lucretia, Ferrara, Cæsar, and Alexander.

If this scene, as Cagnolo says, marked the end of the dramatic performances, we have to conclude that they were really dull and lacking energy. The moresca combined elements from both opera and ballet. It was the only new type of show presented during all the celebrations. Compared to those held in Rome for Lucretia's engagement, they were significantly worse. Among the previous performances, we saw several pastoral comedies with symbolic references to Lucretia, Ferrara, Cæsar, and Alexander.

In spite of the outlay the duke had made, his entertainments lacked novelty and variety, although they probably pleased most of those present. Isabella, however, did not hesitate to mention the fact that she was bored. "In truth," so she wrote her husband, "the wedding was a very cold affair. It seems a thousand years before I shall be in Mantua again, I am so anxious to see your Majesty and my son, and also to get away from this place where I find absolutely no pleasure. Your Excellency, therefore, need not envy me my presence at this wedding; it is so stiff I have much more cause to envy those who remained in Mantua." Apparently the noble lady's opinion was influenced by the displeasure she still felt on account of her brother's marriage with Lucretia, but it may also have been due partly to the character of the festivities themselves, for the marchesa in all her letters complains of their being tiresome.[174]

Despite the money the duke spent, his parties were pretty dull and repetitive, though they likely satisfied most of the guests. Isabella, however, didn't hold back in saying she was bored. "Honestly," she wrote to her husband, "the wedding was a very lackluster event. It feels like a thousand years until I’ll be in Mantua again; I can’t wait to see your Majesty and our son, and also to escape this place where I find absolutely no joy. Your Excellency, there's no reason for you to envy my presence at this wedding; it’s so stiff that I actually envy those who stayed in Mantua." Clearly, the noble lady's views were influenced by her discontent over her brother's marriage to Lucretia, but it might also have been partly due to the nature of the celebrations themselves, as the marchesa complains in all her letters about how tiresome they were.[174]

Soon after the conclusion of the festivities the marchioness returned to Mantua; her last letter from Ferrara to her husband is dated February 9th. Her first letter from Mantua to her sister-in-law, which was written February 18th, is as follows:

[Pg 263]

Soon after the celebrations ended, the marchioness went back to Mantua. Her last letter to her husband from Ferrara is dated February 9th. Her first letter from Mantua to her sister-in-law, written on February 18th, is as follows:

[Pg 263]

Illustrious Lady: The love which I feel for your Majesty, and my hope that you continue in the same good health in which you were at the time of my departure, cause me to believe that you have the same feelings for me; therefore I inform you—hoping that it will be pleasant news to you—that I returned to this city on Monday in the best of health, and that I found my illustrious consort also well. There is nothing more for me to write but to ask your Majesty to tell me how you are, for I rejoice like an own sister in your welfare. Although I regard it as superfluous to offer you what belongs to you, I will remind you once for all, I and mine are ever at your disposal. I am also much beholden to you, and I ask you to remember me to your illustrious consort, my most honored brother.

Famous Lady: The love I have for your Majesty and my hope that you’re still in the great health you were in when I left make me believe that you feel the same way about me. So, I’m writing to share what I hope is good news: I returned to this city on Monday, feeling great, and I found my distinguished consort in good health as well. There’s nothing more to say except to ask how you are, as I celebrate your wellbeing like a sister would. Although it seems unnecessary to remind you of what is yours, I’ll mention again that I and my family are always at your service. I also want to express my gratitude and kindly ask you to send my regards to your distinguished consort, my esteemed brother.

Lucretia replied to the marchioness's letter as follows:

Lucretia responded to the marchioness's letter like this:

My Illustrious Lady, Sister-in-Law, And Most Honored Sister: Although it was my duty to anticipate your Excellency in the proof of affection which you have given me, this neglect on my part only makes me all the more beholden to you. I can never tell you with what pleasure and relief I learned that you had reached Mantua safely and had found your illustrious husband well. May he and your Majesty, with God's help, continue to enjoy all happiness, and the increase of all good things, according to your desires. In obedience to your Majesty's commands I am compelled, and I also desire, to let you know that I, by God's mercy, am well, and shall ever be disposed to serve you.

My Dear Lady, Sister-in-Law, and Highly Respected Sister: Even though it was my responsibility to show you the affection you’ve shown me, my oversight only makes me more grateful to you. I can’t express how happy and relieved I was to hear that you arrived in Mantua safely and found your esteemed husband in good health. May he and Your Majesty, with God's help, continue to find happiness and receive all good things, as you wish. In following Your Majesty's request, I must, and also want to, inform you that, by God's grace, I am doing well and will always be ready to serve you.

Your devoted sister, who is anxious to serve you,
Lucrezia Estensis de Borgia.[175]

Your caring sister, who is eager to help you,
Lucrezia Borgia.[175]

Ferrara, February 22, 1502.

Ferrara, February 22, 1502.

These letters, written with diplomatic cunning, are the beginning of the correspondence of these two famous women which was carried on for seventeen years, and which shows that Isabella's displeasure gradually passed away, and that she became a real friend of her sister-in-law.[Pg 264]

These letters, crafted with diplomatic skill, mark the start of the correspondence between these two renowned women, which lasted for seventeen years. They reveal how Isabella's resentment slowly faded, and she eventually became a genuine friend to her sister-in-law.[Pg 264]

The duke was heartily glad when his guests finally departed. Madonna Adriana, Girolama, and the woman described simply as "an Orsini" seemed in no haste to return to Rome. Alexander had instructed them to remain until Cæsar's wife arrived. They were to wait for her in Lombardy, and then accompany her to Rome. The Duchess of Romagna, however, in spite of the urgent requests of the nuncio, refused to leave France. Her brother, Cardinal d'Albret, reached Ferrara February 6th, and shortly afterwards set out for Rome.

The duke was really glad when his guests finally left. Madonna Adriana, Girolama, and the woman simply called "an Orsini" didn’t seem in any rush to head back to Rome. Alexander had told them to stay until Cæsar's wife arrived. They were supposed to wait for her in Lombardy and then go to Rome with her. However, the Duchess of Romagna, despite the nuncio's urgent requests, wouldn’t leave France. Her brother, Cardinal d'Albret, arrived in Ferrara on February 6th and soon after headed to Rome.

Adriana, as a near connection of the Pope and Lucretia, had been treated with the highest respect at Ercole's court, where she had enjoyed a close intimacy with the Marchioness Isabella, as is shown by a letter which the latter addressed to Adriana, February 18th, the same day on which she wrote Lucretia. It is regarding a certain person whom Adriana while in Ferrara had recommended to her in her own name and also in that of Donna Giulia. It, therefore, appears that the anonymous Orsini was not Giulia Farnese.

Adriana, being closely connected to the Pope and Lucretia, was treated with the utmost respect at Ercole's court, where she enjoyed a close friendship with Marchioness Isabella. This is evident in a letter Isabella wrote to Adriana on February 18th, the same day she wrote to Lucretia. The letter discusses a specific person that Adriana, while in Ferrara, had recommended to Isabella both in her own name and on behalf of Donna Giulia. It seems that the anonymous Orsini was not Giulia Farnese.

Ercole was exceedingly anxious for the women to leave. In a letter, dated February 14th, to his ambassador in Rome, Costabili, he complains bitterly about their "useless" stay at his court. "I tell you," so he wrote, "that these women by remaining here cause a large number of other persons, men as well as women, to linger, for all wish to depart at the same time, and it is a great burden and causes heavy expense. The retinue of these ladies, taken into consideration with the other people, numbers not far from four hundred and fifty persons and three hundred and fifty horses." Ercole instructed his ambassador to inform the Pope of this, also to tell him that the supplies were about exhausted,[Pg 265] and that the Duchess of Romagna would not arrive before Easter, and that he could stand the expense no longer, as the wedding festivities had already cost twenty-five thousand ducats. The Pope should therefore direct the ladies to return. In a postscript to the same letter the duke says: "After the noble ladies of the Duchess of Romagna had been here twelve days, I sent them away because they were impertinent, and because their presence would not do his Holiness or the duchess any good."[176]

Ercole was really eager for the women to leave. In a letter dated February 14th to his ambassador in Rome, Costabili, he complains bitterly about their "unproductive" stay at his court. "I'm telling you," he wrote, "that by staying here, these women are causing a lot of other people, both men and women, to hang around too, since everyone wants to leave at the same time, which is a huge burden and leads to high costs. The group of these ladies, along with everyone else, totals nearly four hundred and fifty people and three hundred and fifty horses." Ercole instructed his ambassador to inform the Pope about this, and also to mention that supplies were running low,[Pg 265] and that the Duchess of Romagna wouldn't arrive before Easter, and that he couldn't handle the costs anymore, as the wedding festivities had already amounted to twenty-five thousand ducats. Therefore, the Pope should tell the ladies to go back. In a postscript to the same letter, the duke says: "After the noble ladies of the Duchess of Romagna had been here for twelve days, I sent them away because they were rude, and their presence wouldn't benefit either His Holiness or the duchess."[176]

The troublesome women finally departed. There is a despatch of the orator Girardo Saraceni, dated Rome, May 4th, in which he informs the duke that Monsignor Venosa and Donna Adriana had returned from Ferrara, and had expressed to the Pope their gratitude for the affectionate reception which had been accorded them.

The annoying women eventually left. There’s a message from the speaker Girardo Saraceni, dated Rome, May 4th, where he tells the duke that Monsignor Venosa and Donna Adriana are back from Ferrara and have expressed their thanks to the Pope for the warm welcome they received.

February 14th Ercole wrote the Pope a letter whose meaning is perfectly clear, if we eliminate one or two phrases.

February 14th, Ercole wrote the Pope a letter that is very clear, if we get rid of one or two phrases.

Holy Father and Master: Before the illustrious Duchess, our daughter, came here, it was my firm determination to receive her, as was meet, with all friendliness and honor, and to show her in every way how great was the affection I felt for her. Now that her Majesty is here, I am so pleased with her on account of the virtues and good qualities which I have discovered in her that I am not only strengthened in that determination, but also am resolved to do even more than I had intended, and all the more because your Holiness has asked me to do so in the autographic letter which you wrote me. Your Holiness need have no fears, for I shall treat the Duchess in such a way that your Holiness will see that I regard her as the most precious jewel I have in the world.

Holy Father and Master: Before the renowned Duchess, our daughter, arrived here, I was determined to welcome her with all the warmth and respect she deserves, and to show her just how much I care for her. Now that her Majesty is here, I’m even more pleased with her because of the virtues and good qualities I’ve seen in her. This strengthens my initial resolve, and I am committed to doing even more than I had planned, especially since your Holiness has requested this in the handwritten letter you sent me. You need not worry, for I will treat the Duchess in a way that shows you I consider her the most valuable treasure I have in the world.

[Pg 266]

CHAPTER IV

THE ESTE DYNASTY—DESCRIPTION OF FERRARA

On entering the castle of the Este, Lucretia found a new environment, new interests—one might almost say a new world. She was a princess in one of the most important Italian States, and in a strange city, which, during the latter half of the century, had assumed a place of the first importance, for the spirit of Italian culture had there developed new forms. She had been received with the highest honors into a family famous and princely; one of the oldest and most brilliant in the peninsula. It was a piece of supreme good fortune that had brought her to this house, and now she would endeavor to make herself worthy of it.

On entering the Este castle, Lucretia found herself in a new setting, with new interests—one might even say a whole new world. She was a princess in one of the most significant Italian states, in a city that, in the latter half of the century, had become immensely important, as the spirit of Italian culture was evolving in new ways. She had been welcomed with the highest honors into a famous and royal family; one of the oldest and most illustrious in the peninsula. It was an incredible stroke of luck that had brought her to this household, and now she would strive to prove herself worthy of it.

The family of Este, next to that of Savoy, was the oldest and most illustrious in Italy, and it forced the latter into the background by assuming the important position which the State of Ferrara, owing to its geographical position, afforded it.

The Este family, along with the Savoy family, was one of the oldest and most renowned in Italy, and it pushed the Savoy family into the background by taking advantage of the significant position that the State of Ferrara, due to its location, provided.

The history of the Este is briefly as follows:

These lords, whose name is derived from a small castle between Padua and Ferrara, and who first appeared about the time of the Lombard invasion, were descended from a family whose remote ancestor was one Albert. The names Adalbert and Albert assume in Italian the form Oberto, from which we have the diminutives Obizzo and Azzo. In the tenth century there appears a Marquis Oberto who[Pg 267] was first a retainer of King Berengar and later of Otto the Great. It is not known from what domain he and his immediate successors derived their title of marquis; they were, however, powerful lords in Lombardy as well as in Tuscany. One of Oberto's ancestors, Alberto Azzo II, who is originally mentioned as Marchio de Longobardia, governed the territory from Mantua to the Adriatic and the region about the Po, where he owned Este and Rovigo. He married Kunigunde, sister of Count Guelf III of Swabia, and in this way the famous German family of Guelf became connected with the Oberti and drawn into Italian politics. When Alberto Azzo died in the year 1096—more than a hundred years old—he left two sons, Guelf and Folco, who were the founders of the house of Este in Italy and the Guelf house of Braunschweig in Germany, for Guelf inherited the property of his maternal grandfather, Guelf III, in whom the male line of the house became extinct in the year 1055. He went to Germany, where he became Duke of Bavaria and founded the Guelf line.

These lords, whose name comes from a small castle between Padua and Ferrara, first showed up around the time of the Lombard invasion and were descended from a family whose distant ancestor was a man named Albert. The names Adalbert and Albert turn into Oberto in Italian, leading to the nicknames Obizzo and Azzo. In the tenth century, there was a Marquis Oberto who[Pg 267] initially served King Berengar and later Otto the Great. It’s unclear where he and his immediate successors got the title of marquis; however, they were influential lords in both Lombardy and Tuscany. One of Oberto's ancestors, Alberto Azzo II, who is first noted as Marchio de Longobardia, ruled over the territory from Mantua to the Adriatic and the area around the Po, where he owned Este and Rovigo. He married Kunigunde, the sister of Count Guelf III of Swabia, thus linking the well-known German family of Guelf with the Oberti family and involving them in Italian politics. When Alberto Azzo died in 1096—over a hundred years old—he left behind two sons, Guelf and Folco, who went on to establish the house of Este in Italy and the Guelf house of Braunschweig in Germany. Guelf inherited the estate of his maternal grandfather, Guelf III, whose male line ended in 1055. He moved to Germany, where he became Duke of Bavaria and started the Guelf lineage.

Folco inherited his father's Italian possessions, and in the great struggle of the German emperor with the papacy, the Margraves of Este were aggressive and determined soldiers. At first they were simply members of the Guelf faction, but subsequently they became its leaders, and thus were able to establish their power in Ferrara.

Folco inherited his father's Italian lands, and during the intense battle between the German emperor and the papacy, the Margraves of Este were fierce and determined fighters. Initially, they were just part of the Guelf faction, but later they rose to become its leaders, allowing them to strengthen their influence in Ferrara.

The origin of the city is lost in the mists of antiquity. By the gift of Pipin and Charles it passed to the Church. It was also included in the deed of Matilda. In the war between the Pope and the Emperor, occasioned by this gift of Matilda, Ferrara succeeded in regaining its independence as a republic.

The city's origins are lost to time. Thanks to Pipin and Charles, it was given to the Church. It was also part of Matilda's deed. During the conflict between the Pope and the Emperor, which was sparked by Matilda's gift, Ferrara managed to regain its independence as a republic.

The Este first appeared there about the end of the[Pg 268] twelfth century. Folco's grandson, Azzo V, married Marchesella Adelardi, who was the heir of the leader of the Guelfs in that city, where Salinguerra was the head of the Ghibellines. From that time the Margraves of Este possessed great influence in Ferrara. They were likewise leaders of the Guelf party in the north of Italy.

The Este family first appeared there around the end of the[Pg 268] 12th century. Folco's grandson, Azzo V, married Marchesella Adelardi, the heir of the leader of the Guelfs in that city, where Salinguerra was the head of the Ghibellines. From that point on, the Margraves of Este held significant influence in Ferrara. They were also leaders of the Guelf party in northern Italy.

In the year 1208 Azzo VI succeeded in driving Salinguerra out of Ferrara, and the city having wearied of the long feud made the victor its hereditary Podestà. This is the first example of a free republic voluntarily submitting to a lord. In this way the Este established the first tyranny on the ruins of a commune. The brave Salinguerra, one of the greatest captains of Italy in the time of the Hohenstaufen, repeatedly drove Azzo VI and his successor, Azzo VII, from Ferrara, but he himself was finally defeated in 1240 and cast into prison, where he died. Thenceforth the Este ruled Ferrara.

In 1208, Azzo VI managed to drive Salinguerra out of Ferrara, and since the city was tired of the long feud, it made the victor its hereditary Podestà. This is the first instance of a free republic willingly submitting to a lord. This way, the Este established the first tyranny on the ashes of a commune. The brave Salinguerra, one of Italy's greatest captains during the Hohenstaufen era, repeatedly forced Azzo VI and his successor, Azzo VII, out of Ferrara, but he was ultimately defeated in 1240 and imprisoned, where he died. From then on, the Este ruled Ferrara.

About the time of the removal of the papacy to Avignon they were expelled from the city by the Church, but they returned on the invitation of the citizens who had risen against the papal legate. John XXII issued a diploma of investiture by the terms of which they were to hold Ferrara as a fief of the Church on payment of an annual tribute of ten thousand gold ducats. The Este now set themselves up as tyrants in Ferrara, and in spite of numerous wars maintained the dynasty for a great many years. This dominion was not, like that in many other Italian States, due to a lucky stroke on the part of an upstart, but it was ancient, hereditary, and firmly established.

About the time the papacy moved to Avignon, they were expelled from the city by the Church, but they returned at the invitation of the citizens who had revolted against the papal legate. John XXII issued an official document granting them control over Ferrara, stating that they were to hold it as a fief of the Church in exchange for an annual payment of ten thousand gold ducats. The Este then established themselves as tyrants in Ferrara, and despite numerous wars, they maintained their dynasty for many years. This rule was not, like in many other Italian states, the result of a lucky break for a newcomer; it was ancient, hereditary, and firmly established.

It was due to a succession of remarkable princes, beginning with Aldobrandino, Lord of Ferrara, Modena, Rovigo, and Comacchio, that Ferrara succeeded in winning[Pg 269] the important position she held at the beginning of the sixteenth century. Aldobrandino was followed by his brothers, Niccolò, from 1361 to 1388, and Alberto until 1393. After that his son Niccolò III, a powerful and bellicose man, ruled until the year 1441. As his legitimate children Ercole and Sigismondo were minors, he was succeeded by his natural son Lionello. This prince not only continued the work begun by his father, but also beautified Ferrara. In the year 1444 the great Alfonso of Naples gave him his daughter Maria as wife, and the Este thus entered into close relations with the royal house of Aragon. Lionello was intelligent and liberal, a patron of all the arts and sciences, a "prince of immortal name." In the year 1450 he was succeeded by his brother Borso, illegitimate like himself, as an effort was being made to displace the legitimate sons of Niccolò II.

It was thanks to a series of remarkable princes, starting with Aldobrandino, Lord of Ferrara, Modena, Rovigo, and Comacchio, that Ferrara achieved the significant status it held at the beginning of the sixteenth century. Aldobrandino was followed by his brothers, Niccolò, who ruled from 1361 to 1388, and Alberto until 1393. After them, his son Niccolò III, a powerful and combative leader, governed until 1441. As his legitimate children, Ercole and Sigismondo, were still young, he was succeeded by his natural son, Lionello. This prince not only carried on his father's work but also enhanced the beauty of Ferrara. In 1444, the great Alfonso of Naples married him to his daughter Maria, linking the Este family closely with the royal house of Aragon. Lionello was intelligent and generous, a patron of the arts and sciences, known as a "prince of immortal name." In 1450, he was succeeded by his brother Borso, who was also illegitimate, as there was an attempt to sideline the legitimate sons of Niccolò II.

Borso was one of the most magnificent princes of his age. Frederick II, when he stopped in Ferrara on his return from his coronation in Rome, made him Duke of Modena and Reggio, and Count of Rovigo and Comacchio, all of which territories belonged to the empire. The Este thereupon adopted for their arms, instead of the white eagle they had hitherto borne, the black eagle of the empire, to which were added the lilies of France, the use of which had been granted them by Charles VII. April 14, 1471, Paul VII in Rome created Borso Duke of Ferrara. Soon after this—May 27th—this celebrated prince died unmarried and childless.

Borso was one of the most impressive princes of his time. Frederick II, when he stopped in Ferrara on his way back from his coronation in Rome, made him Duke of Modena and Reggio, and Count of Rovigo and Comacchio, all of which were territories of the empire. The Este then changed their coat of arms from the white eagle they had previously used to the black eagle of the empire, which was accompanied by the lilies of France, a right given to them by Charles VII. On April 14, 1471, Paul VII in Rome named Borso Duke of Ferrara. Shortly after this—on May 27th—this famous prince died without a wife or children.

He was succeeded by Ercole, the legitimate son of Niccolò II, the direct line of the Este thereby reacquiring the government of Ferrara, the importance of the State having been greatly increased by the efforts of the two illegitimate sons. In June, 1473, amid magnificent festivi[Pg 270]ties, Ercole married Eleonora of Aragon, daughter of Ferdinand of Naples. Twenty-nine years—years of conflict—had passed when the second Duke of Ferrara married his son to Lucretia with similar pomp. By putting an end to the war with Venice and Pope Sixtus IV, in the year 1482, Ercole had succeeded in saving his State from the great danger which threatened it, although he had been forced to relinquish certain territory to the Venetians. This danger, however, might arise again, for Venice and the Pope continued to be Ferrara's bitterest enemies. Political considerations, therefore, compelled her to form an alliance with France, whose king already owned Milan and might permanently secure possession of Naples. For the same reason he had married his son to Lucretia on the best terms he was able to make. She, therefore, must have been conscious of her great importance to the State of Ferrara, and this it was which gave her a sense of security with regard to the noble house to which she now belonged.

He was succeeded by Ercole, the legitimate son of Niccolò II, thus restoring the Este family's control over Ferrara, a state that had significantly expanded thanks to the efforts of the two illegitimate sons. In June 1473, during grand celebrations, Ercole married Eleonora of Aragon, daughter of Ferdinand of Naples. Twenty-nine years—years filled with conflict—had passed by the time the second Duke of Ferrara married his son to Lucretia with similar extravagance. By ending the war with Venice and Pope Sixtus IV in 1482, Ercole managed to save his state from a serious threat, even though he had to cede some territory to the Venetians. However, this threat could resurface, as Venice and the Pope remained Ferrara's fiercest enemies. Because of this, political necessity pushed Ferrara to form an alliance with France, whose king already controlled Milan and could solidify his claim to Naples. For this reason, Ercole arranged the marriage of his son to Lucretia on the best possible terms. Thus, Lucretia must have been aware of her significant role in the state of Ferrara, giving her a sense of security regarding the noble family she had joined.

The Duke presented the young couple Castle Vecchio for their residence, and there Lucretia established her court. This stronghold, which is still in existence, is one of the most imposing monuments of the Middle Ages. It overlooks all Ferrara, and may be seen for miles around. Its dark red color; its gloominess, which is partly due to its architectural severity; its four mighty towers—all combine to cause a feeling of fear, especially on moonlight nights, when the shadows of the towers fall on the water in the moat, which still surrounds the castle as in days of old. The figures of the great ones who once lived in the stronghold—Ugo and Parisina Malatesta, Borso, Lucretia Borgia and Alfonso, Renée of France, and Calvin, Ariosto, Alfonso II, the unfortunate Tasso and Eleonora—seem to rise before the beholder.[Pg 271]

The Duke gifted the young couple Castle Vecchio as their home, and there Lucretia set up her court. This fortress, which still stands today, is one of the most impressive monuments from the Middle Ages. It towers over all of Ferrara and can be seen from miles away. Its dark red color, its somberness—partly due to its harsh architecture—and its four massive towers all create a sense of fear, especially on moonlit nights when the shadows of the towers stretch over the water in the moat that still surrounds the castle as it did in the past. The figures of the great people who once lived in the stronghold—Ugo and Parisina Malatesta, Borso, Lucretia Borgia and Alfonso, Renée of France, Calvin, Ariosto, Alfonso II, the unfortunate Tasso, and Eleonora—seem to come alive before the viewer.[Pg 271]

CASTLE VECCHIO AT FERRARA.

The Marchese Niccolò, owing to an uprising of the citizens began Castle Vecchio in the year 1385, and his successor completed it and decorated the interior. It is connected by covered passage-ways with the palace opposite the church. Before Ercole extended Ferrara on the north, the castle marked the boundary of the city. One of the towers, called the Tower of the Lions, protected the city gate. A branch of the Po, which at that time flowed near by, supplied the moat—over which there were several drawbridges—with water.

The Marchese Niccolò, due to a citizens' uprising, started Castle Vecchio in 1385, and his successor finished it and decorated the interior. It’s connected by covered walkways to the palace across from the church. Before Ercole expanded Ferrara to the north, the castle marked the city’s boundary. One of the towers, known as the Tower of the Lions, protected the city gate. A branch of the Po, which flowed nearby at that time, provided water for the moat—over which there were several drawbridges.

In Lucretia's time only the main features of the stronghold were the same as they are now; the cornices of the towers are of a later date, and the towers themselves were somewhat lower; the walls were embattled like those of the Gonzaga castle in Mantua. Cannon, cast under the direction of Alfonso, were placed at various points. There is an interior quadrangular court with arcades, and there Lucretia was shown the place where Niccolò II had caused his son Ugo and his stepmother, the beautiful Parisina, to be beheaded. This gruesome deed was a warning to Alexander's daughter to be true to her husband.

In Lucretia's time, only the main features of the fortress were the same as they are now; the cornices of the towers were added later, and the towers themselves were a bit shorter; the walls had battlements like those of the Gonzaga castle in Mantua. Cannons, cast under Alfonso's direction, were positioned at various points. There's an interior courtyard with arcades, and there Lucretia was shown the spot where Niccolò II had his son Ugo and his beautiful stepmother, Parisina, beheaded. This gruesome act was a warning to Alexander's daughter to remain loyal to her husband.

A wide marble stairway led to the two upper stories of the castle, one of which, the lower, consisting of a series of chambers and salons, was set aside for the princes. In the course of time this has suffered so many changes that even those most thoroughly acquainted with Ferrara do not know just where Lucretia's apartments were.[177] Very few of the paintings with which the Este adorned the castle[Pg 272] are left. There are still some frescoes by Dossi and another unknown master.

A wide marble staircase led to the two upper floors of the castle, with the lower one consisting of a series of rooms and salons reserved for the princes. Over time, this area has undergone so many changes that even those who are very familiar with Ferrara don't know exactly where Lucretia's rooms were.[177] Very few of the paintings that the Este family decorated the castle with[Pg 272] remain. There are still some frescoes by Dossi and another unknown artist.

The castle was always a gloomy and oppressive residence. It was in perfect accord with the character of Ferrara, which even now is forbidding. Standing on the battlements, and looking across the broad, highly cultivated, but monotonous fields, whose horizon is not attractive, because the Veronese Alps are too far distant, and the Apennines, which are closer, are not clearly defined; and gazing down upon the black mass of the city itself, one wonders how Ariosto's exuberant creation could have been produced here. Greater inspiration would be found in the sky, the land, and the sea of idyllic Sorrento, which was Tasso's birthplace, but this is only another proof of the theory that the poet's fancy is independent of his environment.

The castle was always a dark and oppressive place to live. It matched the character of Ferrara, which is still unwelcoming today. Standing on the battlements and looking out over the vast, well-tended, but dull fields, the horizon isn’t appealing because the Veronese Alps are too far away, and the nearby Apennines aren’t clearly defined. Looking down at the dark mass of the city itself, one wonders how Ariosto’s lively imagination could have come to life here. Greater inspiration could be found in the sky, the land, and the sea of picturesque Sorrento, Tasso's birthplace, but this is just more evidence that a poet's creativity is independent of their surroundings.

Ferrara is situated in an unhealthful plain which is traversed by a branch of the Po and several canals. The principal stream does not contribute to the life of the city or its suburbs, as it is several miles distant. The town is surrounded by strong walls in which are four gates. In addition to Castle Vecchio on the north, there was, in Lucretia's time, another at the southwest—Castle Tealto or Tedaldo—which was situated on one of the branches of the Po, and which had a gate opening into the city and a pontoon bridge connecting it with the suburb S. Giorgio. Lucretia had entered by this gate. Nothing is now left of Castle Tedaldo, as it was razed at the beginning of the seventeenth century, when the Pope, having driven out Alfonso's successors, erected the new fortress.

Ferrara is located in an unhealthy flat area that is crossed by a branch of the Po and several canals. The main river doesn’t support the city or its neighborhoods, as it is several miles away. The town is surrounded by strong walls with four gates. Alongside Castle Vecchio in the north, there was another castle in Lucretia's time at the southwest—Castle Tealto or Tedaldo—which was located on one of the branches of the Po. It had a gate leading into the city and a pontoon bridge connecting it to the suburban area of S. Giorgio. Lucretia entered through this gate. There’s nothing left of Castle Tedaldo now, as it was destroyed in the early seventeenth century when the Pope drove out Alfonso's successors and built the new fortress.

Ferrara has a large public square, and regular streets with arcades. The church, which faces the principal piazza, and which was consecrated in the year 1135, is an[Pg 273] imposing structure in the Lombardo-Gothic style. Its high façade is divided in three parts and gabled, and it has three rows of half Roman and half Gothic arches supported on columns. With its ancient sculptures, black with time, it presents a strange appearance of mediæval originality and romance. In Ferrara there is now nothing else so impressive on first sight as this church. It seems as if one of the structures of Ariosto's fairy world had suddenly risen before us. Opposite one side of the castle, the Palazzo del Ragione is still standing, and there are also two old towers, one of which is called the Rigobello. Opposite the façade was the Este palace in which Ercole lived, and which Eugene IV occupied when he held the famous council in Ferrara. In front of it rose the monuments of the two great princes of the house of Este, Niccolò III and Borso. One is an equestrian statue, the other a sitting figure; both were placed upon columns, and therefore are small. The crumbling pillars by the entrance archway are still standing, but the statues were destroyed in 1796.

Ferrara has a big public square and regular streets lined with arcades. The church, which faces the main piazza and was consecrated in 1135, is an[Pg 273] impressive building in the Lombardo-Gothic style. Its tall façade is divided into three sections and has a gable, featuring three rows of arches that are half Roman and half Gothic, supported by columns. With its ancient sculptures, darkened by time, it has a striking look of medieval originality and romance. In Ferrara, nothing else is as impressive at first glance as this church. It feels like one of the structures from Ariosto's fairy tale world has suddenly appeared before us. Opposite one side of the castle, the Palazzo del Ragione still stands, along with two old towers, one of which is called the Rigobello. Across from the façade was the Este palace where Ercole lived and where Eugene IV stayed during the famous council in Ferrara. In front of it stood the monuments of the two great princes of the house of Este, Niccolò III and Borso. One is an equestrian statue, the other a seated figure; both were placed on columns, which makes them look small. The crumbling pillars by the entrance archway are still there, but the statues were destroyed in 1796.

The Este vied with the other princes and republics in building churches and convents, of which Ferrara still possesses a large number. In the year 1500 the most important were: S. Domenico, S. Francesco, S. Maria in Vado, S. Antonio, S. Giorgio before the Porta Romana, the convent Corpus Domini, and the Certosa. All have been restored more or less, and although some of them are roomy and beautiful, none have any special artistic individuality.

The Este competed with other princes and republics in constructing churches and convents, and Ferrara still has a lot of them. In the year 1500, the most significant ones were: S. Domenico, S. Francesco, S. Maria in Vado, S. Antonio, S. Giorgio before the Porta Romana, the Corpus Domini convent, and the Certosa. All have been restored to some extent, and while some are spacious and beautiful, none have a unique artistic identity.

As early as the fifteenth century there were numerous palaces in Ferrara which are still numbered among the attractions of the gloomy city, and which are regarded as important structures in the history of architecture, from the early Renaissance until the appearance of the rococo style.[Pg 274] Many of them, however, are in a deplorable state of decay. Marchese Alberto built the Palazzo del Paradiso (now the University) and Schifanoja at the end of the sixteenth century. Ercole erected the Palazzo Pareschi. He also restored a large part of Ferrara and extended the city by adding a new quarter on the north, the Addizione Erculea, which is still the handsomest part of Ferrara. The city is traversed by two long, wide streets—the Corso di Porta Po, with its continuation, the Corso di Porta Mare, and the Strada dei Piopponi. Strolling through these quiet streets one is astonished at the long rows of beautiful palaces of the Renaissance, reminders of a teeming life now passed away. Ercole laid out a large square which is surrounded by noble palaces, and which is now known as the Piazza Ariostea, from the monument of the great poet which stands in the center. This is, doubtless, the most beautiful memorial ever erected to a poet. The marble statue stands upon a high column and looks down upon the entire city. The history of the monument is interesting. Originally it was intended that an equestrian statue of Ercole on two columns should occupy this position. When the columns were being brought down the Po on a raft, one of them rolled overboard and was lost; the other was used in the year 1675 to support the statue of Pope Alexander VII, which was pulled down during the revolution of 1796 and replaced with a statue of Liberty, the unveiling of which was attended by General Napoleon Bonaparte. Three years later the Austrians overthrew the statue of Liberty, leaving the column standing, and in the year 1810 a statue of the Emperor Napoleon was placed upon it. This fell with the emperor. In the year 1833 Ferrara set Ariosto's statue upon the column, where it will remain in spite of all political change.[Pg 275]

As early as the 15th century, Ferrara had many palaces that are still considered attractions of this somber city and are recognized as significant structures in architecture from the early Renaissance through the rococo period.[Pg 274] However, many of them are in a terrible state of disrepair. Marchese Alberto built the Palazzo del Paradiso (now the University) and Schifanoja at the end of the 16th century. Ercole constructed the Palazzo Pareschi and also restored much of Ferrara, expanding the city by adding a new district to the north, the Addizione Erculea, which remains the most beautiful part of Ferrara. The city is crisscrossed by two long, wide streets—the Corso di Porta Po, which continues as the Corso di Porta Mare, and the Strada dei Piopponi. Walking through these peaceful streets, one is amazed by the long rows of stunning Renaissance palaces, reminders of the vibrant life that once thrived here. Ercole designed a large square surrounded by grand palaces, which is now known as the Piazza Ariostea, named for the monument to the great poet that stands in the center. This is undoubtedly the most beautiful tribute ever created for a poet. The marble statue is on a tall column, overlooking the entire city. The history of this monument is fascinating. It was initially planned to have an equestrian statue of Ercole on two columns in this spot. While transporting the columns down the Po River on a raft, one fell overboard and was lost; the other was used in 1675 to support a statue of Pope Alexander VII, which was toppled during the 1796 revolution and replaced with a statue of Liberty, unveiled in the presence of General Napoleon Bonaparte. Three years later, the Austrians removed the statue of Liberty, leaving the column standing, and in 1810, a statue of Emperor Napoleon was placed on it. This fell with the emperor. In 1833, Ferrara placed Ariosto's statue on the column, where it will remain despite any political changes.[Pg 275]

Magnificent palaces rose in Ercole's new suburb. His brother Sigismondo erected the splendid Palazzo Diamanti, now Ferrara's art gallery, while the Trotti, Castelli, Sacrati, and Bevilacqua families built palaces there which are still in existence. Ferrara was the home of a wealthy nobility, some of whom belonged to the old baronial families. In addition there were the Contrarii, Pio, Costabili, the Strozzi, Saraceni, Boschetti, the Roverella, the Muzzarelli, and Pendaglia.

Magnificent palaces rose in Ercole's new neighborhood. His brother Sigismondo built the stunning Palazzo Diamanti, now Ferrara's art gallery, while the Trotti, Castelli, Sacrati, and Bevilacqua families constructed palaces there that still exist today. Ferrara was home to a wealthy nobility, some of whom were part of the old baronial families. Additionally, there were the Contrarii, Pio, Costabili, Strozzi, Saraceni, Boschetti, Roverella, Muzzarelli, and Pendaglia families.

The Ferrarese aristocracy had long ago emerged from the state of municipal strife and feudal dependence, and had set up their courts. The Este, especially the warlike Niccolò III, had subjugated the barons, who originally lived upon their estates beyond the city walls, and who were now in the service of the ruling family, holding the most important court and city offices; they were also commanders in the army. They took part, probably more actively than did the nobility of the other Italian States, in the intellectual movement of the age, which was fostered by the princes of the house of Este. Consequently many of these great lords won prominent places in the history of literature in Ferrara.

The Ferrarese aristocracy had long moved on from the days of municipal conflict and feudal loyalty, establishing their own courts. The Este family, especially the military Niccolò III, had brought the barons, who once lived on their estates outside the city, under control. These barons were now serving the ruling family, holding key positions in both the court and the city; they were also leaders in the army. They likely engaged more actively than the nobility of other Italian states in the intellectual movements of the time, which were supported by the Este princes. As a result, many of these powerful lords became notable figures in Ferrara's literary history.

The university, which had flourished there since the middle of the fifteenth century, was, excepting those of Padua and Bologna, the most famous in Italy. Founded by the Margrave Alberto in 1391, and subsequently remodeled by Niccolò III, it reached the zenith of its fame in the time of Lionello and Borso. The former was a pupil of the celebrated Guarino of Verona, and was himself acquainted with all the sciences. The friend and idol of the humanists of his age, he collected rare manuscripts and disseminated copies of them. He founded the library, and Borso continued the work begun by him.[Pg 276]

The university, which had thrived there since the mid-1400s, was, aside from those in Padua and Bologna, the most renowned in Italy. Established by Margrave Alberto in 1391 and later renovated by Niccolò III, it reached the peak of its reputation during the time of Lionello and Borso. The former was a student of the famous Guarino of Verona and had knowledge of all fields of study. A beloved figure among the humanists of his time, he collected rare manuscripts and spread copies of them. He founded the library, and Borso carried on the work he started.[Pg 276]

As early as 1474 the University of Ferrara had forty-five well paid professors, and Ercole increased their number. Printing was introduced during his reign. The earliest printer in Ferrara after 1471 was the Frenchman Andreas, called Belforte.[178]

As early as 1474, the University of Ferrara had forty-five well-paid professors, and Ercole increased that number. Printing was introduced during his reign. The first printer in Ferrara after 1471 was the Frenchman Andreas, known as Belforte.[178]

Like the city, the people seemed to have been of a serious cast of mind, which led to speculation, criticism, and the cultivation of the exact sciences. From Ferrara came Savonarola, the fanatical prophet who appeared during the moral blight which characterized the age of the Borgias, and Lucretia must frequently have recalled this man in whom her father, by the executioner's hand, sought to stifle the protestations of the faithful and upright against the immorality of his rule.

Like the city, the people seemed to have a serious mindset, which led to speculation, criticism, and the development of the exact sciences. Savonarola, the fervent prophet, came from Ferrara during the moral decay of the Borgia era, and Lucretia must have often thought about this man whom her father, through the executioner’s hand, tried to silence as a response to the outcry from the honest and moral against the immorality of his reign.

Astronomy and mathematics, and especially the natural sciences and medicine, which at that time were part of the school of philosophy, were extensively cultivated in Ferrara. It is stated that Savonarola himself had studied medicine; his grandfather Michele, a famous physician of Padua, had been called to Ferrara by Niccolò II.[179] Niccolò Leoniceno, a native of Vincenza, at whose feet many of the most famous scholars and poets had sat, enjoyed great renown in Ferrara about 1464 as a physician, mathematician, philosopher, and philologist. He was still the pride of the city when Lucretia arrived there, as the great mathematician, Domenico Maria Novara, was then teaching in Bologna, where Copernicus had been his pupil.

Astronomy and math, along with natural sciences and medicine, which at that time were part of philosophy, thrived in Ferrara. It's said that Savonarola studied medicine himself; his grandfather Michele, a well-known doctor from Padua, had been invited to Ferrara by Niccolò II.[179] Niccolò Leoniceno, who was from Vincenza and had taught many famous scholars and poets, was highly regarded in Ferrara around 1464 as a physician, mathematician, philosopher, and linguist. He remained a source of pride for the city when Lucretia arrived, as the great mathematician, Domenico Maria Novara, was teaching in Bologna, where Copernicus had been one of his students.

Many famous humanists, who at the time of Lucretia's arrival were still children or youths—for example, the Giraldi and genial Celio Calcagnini, who dedicated an epithalamium to her on her appearance in the city—were mem[Pg 277]bers of the Ferrarese university. All of these men were welcome at the court of the Este because they were accomplished and versatile. It was not until later, after the sciences had been classified and their boundaries defined, that the graceful learning of the humanists degenerated into pedantry.

Many well-known humanists who, when Lucretia arrived, were still kids or teenagers—like the Giraldi and the charming Celio Calcagnini, who wrote a wedding poem for her when she came to the city—were members of the Ferrarese university. All these men were welcomed at the Este court because they were skilled and adaptable. It was only later, after the sciences were categorized and their limits established, that the elegant knowledge of the humanists turned into mere pedantry.

It was, however, especially the art of poetry which gave Ferrara, in Lucretia's time, a peculiarly romantic cast. This it was which first attracted attention to the city as one of the main centers of the intellectual movement. Ferrara produced numerous poets who composed in both tongues—Latin and Italian. Almost all the scholars of the day wrote Latin verses; most of them, however, it must be admitted, were lacking in poetic fire. Some of the Ferrarese, however, rose to high positions in poetry and are still remembered; preeminent were the two Strozzi, father and son, and Antonio Tebaldeo. The poets, however, who originated the romantic epic in Italian were much more important than the writers of Latin verse. The brilliant and sensuous court of Ferrara, together with the fascinating romance of the house of Este—which really belongs to the Middle Ages—and the charming nobility and modern chivalry, all contributed to the production of the epic, while the city of Ferrara, with its eventful history and its striking style of architecture, was a most favorable soil for it. Monuments of Roman antiquity are as rare in Ferrara as they are in Florence; everything is of the Middle Ages. Lucretia did not meet Bojardo, the famous author of the Orlando Inamorato, at the court of his friend Ercole, but the blind singer of the Mambriano, Francesco Cieco, probably was still living. We have seen how Ariosto, who was soon to eclipse all his predecessors, greeted Lucretia on her arrival.[Pg 278]

It was, however, especially the art of poetry that gave Ferrara, during Lucretia's time, a uniquely romantic vibe. This aspect first drew attention to the city as one of the main centers of the intellectual movement. Ferrara produced numerous poets who wrote in both Latin and Italian. Almost all the scholars of the time penned Latin verses; however, it must be said that most of them lacked poetic passion. Some of the Ferrarese, on the other hand, achieved high status in poetry and are still remembered today; the most notable were the two Strozzi, father and son, and Antonio Tebaldeo. The poets who initiated the romantic epic in Italian were far more significant than the Latin verse writers. The vibrant and sensual court of Ferrara, along with the captivating romance of the house of Este—which really belongs to the Middle Ages—and the charming nobility and modern chivalry, all contributed to the creation of the epic, while the city of Ferrara, with its eventful history and distinctive architectural style, provided a very favorable environment for it. Monuments of Roman antiquity are as rare in Ferrara as they are in Florence; everything dates back to the Middle Ages. Lucretia did not meet Bojardo, the famous author of the Orlando Inamorato, at the court of his friend Ercole, but the blind poet of the Mambriano, Francesco Cieco, was probably still alive. We have seen how Ariosto, who was soon to surpass all his predecessors, welcomed Lucretia upon her arrival.[Pg 278]

The graphic arts had made much less progress in Ferrara than had poetry and the sciences; but while no master of the first rank, no Raphael or Titian appeared, there were, nevertheless, some who won a not unimportant place in the history of Italian culture. The Este were patrons of painting; they had their palaces decorated with frescoes, some of which, still considered noteworthy on account of their originality, are preserved in the Palazzo Schifanoja, where they were rediscovered in the year 1840. About the middle of the fifteenth century, Ferrara had its own school, the chief of which was Cosimo Tura. It produced two remarkable painters, Dosso Dossi and Benvenuto Tisio, the latter of whom, under the name of Garofalo, became famous as one of Raphael's greatest pupils. The works of these artists, who were Lucretia's contemporaries—Garofalo being a year younger—still adorn many of the churches, and are the chief attractions in the galleries of the city.

The graphic arts progressed much slower in Ferrara compared to poetry and the sciences; however, even though there were no top-tier masters like Raphael or Titian, some artists still earned a significant place in the history of Italian culture. The Este family supported painting and had their palaces decorated with frescoes, some of which, still recognized for their originality, are preserved in the Palazzo Schifanoja, rediscovered in 1840. Around the middle of the fifteenth century, Ferrara established its own art school, led by Cosimo Tura. It produced two notable painters, Dosso Dossi and Benvenuto Tisio, who became famous as Garofalo, one of Raphael’s greatest students. The works of these artists, contemporaries of Lucretia—Garofalo being a year younger—still embellish many churches and are key attractions in the city's galleries.

BENVENUTO GAROFALO.
From an engraving by G. Batt. Cecchi.

Such, broadly sketched, was the intellectual life of Ferrara in the year 1502. We, therefore, see that in addition to her brilliant court and her political importance as the capital of the State, she possessed a highly developed spiritual life. The chroniclers state that her population at that time numbered a hundred thousand souls; and at the beginning of the sixteenth century—her most flourishing period—she was probably more populous than Rome. In addition to the nobility there was an active bourgeoisie engaged in commerce and manufacturing, especially weaving, who enjoyed life.

Such, broadly speaking, was the intellectual life of Ferrara in 1502. We can see that in addition to her impressive court and her political significance as the capital of the State, she had a vibrant spiritual life. Chroniclers say that her population at that time was around one hundred thousand people; and at the start of the sixteenth century—her most prosperous time—she was likely more populated than Rome. Alongside the nobility, there was a lively middle class involved in commerce and manufacturing, particularly weaving, who appreciated life.

[Pg 279]

CHAPTER V

DEATH OF ALEXANDER VI

Alexander carefully followed everything that took place in Ferrara. He never lost sight of his daughter. She and his agents reported every mark of favor or disfavor which she received. Following the excitement of the wedding festivities there were painful days for Lucretia, as she was forced to meet envy and contempt, and to win for herself a secure place at the court.

Alexander closely monitored everything happening in Ferrara. He kept a constant eye on his daughter. She and his agents reported back on any signs of favor or disfavor she experienced. After the excitement of the wedding celebrations, Lucretia faced tough days, having to deal with jealousy and disdain while trying to establish her position at the court.

Alexander was greatly pleased by her reports, especially those concerning her relations with Alfonso. He never for a moment supposed that the hereditary prince loved his daughter. All he required was that he should treat her as his wife, and that she should become the mother of a prince. With great satisfaction he remarked to the Ferrarese ambassador on hearing that Alfonso spent his nights with Lucretia, "During the day he goes wherever he likes, as he is young, and in doing this he does right."[180]

Alexander was really happy with her reports, especially the ones about her relationship with Alfonso. He never imagined that the hereditary prince loved his daughter. All he wanted was for him to treat her like his wife and for her to become the mother of a prince. He expressed his satisfaction to the Ferrarese ambassador when he learned that Alfonso spent his nights with Lucretia, saying, "During the day he goes wherever he wants, since he’s young, and that’s the right thing to do." [180]

Alexander also induced the duke to grant his daughter-in-law a larger allowance than he had agreed to give her. The sum stipulated was six thousand ducats. Lucretia was extravagant, and needed a large income. The amount[Pg 280] she received from her father-in-law did not, however, exceed ten thousand ducats.

Alexander also convinced the duke to give his daughter-in-law a larger allowance than what they had originally agreed upon. The agreed amount was six thousand ducats. Lucretia was lavish and required a substantial income. The amount[Pg 280] she received from her father-in-law, however, did not exceed ten thousand ducats.

In the meantime Cæsar was pursuing his own schemes, the success of which was apparently insured by his alliance with Ferrara and the sanction of France. The youthful Astorre Manfredi having been strangled in the castle of S. Angelo by his orders, Valentino set out for Romagna, June 13th, where he succeeded in ensnaring the unsuspecting Guidobaldo of Urbino and in seizing his estates, June 21st. Guidobaldo fled and found an asylum in Mantua, whence he and his wife eventually went to Venice.

In the meantime, Caesar was pursuing his own plans, which seemed guaranteed to succeed because of his alliance with Ferrara and support from France. The young Astorre Manfredi was strangled in the castle of S. Angelo on his orders, and Valentino set out for Romagna on June 13th. There, he managed to trap the unsuspecting Guidobaldo of Urbino and took over his lands on June 21st. Guidobaldo fled and found refuge in Mantua, from where he and his wife eventually went to Venice.

Cæsar now turned toward Camerino, where he surprised the Varano, destroying all but one of them. He reported these doings to the court of Ferrara, and the duke did not hesitate to congratulate him for a crime which had resulted in the overthrow of princes who were not only friendly to himself but were also closely connected with him. From Urbino Cæsar wrote his sister as follows:

Cæsar now faced Camerino, where he caught the Varano off guard, wiping out all but one of them. He informed the court of Ferrara about this, and the duke didn't think twice about congratulating him for an act that led to the downfall of princes who were not only on good terms with him but were also closely related to him. From Urbino, Cæsar wrote to his sister as follows:

Illustrious Lady and Dearest Sister: I know nothing could be better medicine for your Excellency in your present illness than the good news which I have to impart. I must tell you that I have just had information that Camerino will yield. We trust that on receiving this news your condition will rapidly improve, and that you will inform us at once of it. For your indisposition prevents us from deriving any pleasure from this and other news. We ask you to tell the illustrious Duke Don Alfonso, your husband, our brother-in-law, at once, as, owing to want of time, we have not been able to write him direct.

Dear Lady and Cherished Sister: I believe there’s nothing that could be better for your health during this illness than the good news I have to share. I must tell you that I just received word that Camerino will surrender. We hope that upon hearing this news, you will start to feel better quickly, and that you’ll let us know right away. Your sickness has made it hard for us to find joy in this and other updates. We ask you to inform the esteemed Duke Don Alfonso, your husband and our brother-in-law, immediately, as we haven’t had the time to write to him directly.

Your Majesty's brother, who loves you better than he does himself,

Your Majesty's brother, who cares for you more than he cares for himself,

Cæsar.

Caesar.

Urbino, July 20, 1502.

Urbino, July 20, 1502.

Shortly after this he surprised his sister by visiting her in the palace of Belfiore, whither he came in disguise[Pg 282][Pg 281] with five cavaliers. He remained with her scarcely two hours, and then hastily departed, accompanied by his brother-in-law Alfonso as far as Modena, intending to go to the King of France, who was in Lombardy.

Not long after that, he surprised his sister by visiting her at the palace of Belfiore, where he arrived in disguise[Pg 282][Pg 281] with five knights. He stayed with her for barely two hours, and then quickly left, accompanied by his brother-in-law Alfonso as far as Modena, planning to head to the King of France, who was in Lombardy.

Reduced facsimile of a letter written by Alexander VI to his daughter, Lucretia.

In the meantime Alexander had arrived at a decision regarding the seizure of Camerino which conflicted with Cæsar's plans, and which shows that the father's will was not wholly under his son's control. September 2, 1502, Alexander bestowed Camerino as a duchy upon the Infante Giovanni Borgia, whom he sometimes described as his own son and at others as Cæsar's. Giovanni had already been invested with the title of Nepi, and Francesco Borgia, Cardinal of Cosenza, as the child's guardian, administered these estates. There are coins of this ephemeral Duke of Camerino still in existence.[181]

In the meantime, Alexander made a decision about taking Camerino that went against Cæsar's plans, showing that the father's wishes weren't completely under his son's control. On September 2, 1502, Alexander granted Camerino as a duchy to Infante Giovanni Borgia, whom he sometimes referred to as his own son and other times as Cæsar's. Giovanni had already been given the title of Nepi, and Francesco Borgia, Cardinal of Cosenza, acted as the child's guardian, managing these estates. There are still coins from this temporary Duke of Camerino in existence.[181]

September 5th Lucretia gave birth to a still-born daughter, to the great disappointment of Alexander, who desired an heir to the throne. She was sick unto death, and her husband showed the deepest concern, seldom leaving her for a moment. September 7th Valentino came to see her. The secretary Castellus sent a report of this visit to Ercole, who was in Reggio, whither he had gone to meet Cæsar, who was returning from Lombardy. "To-day," he wrote, "at the twentieth hour, we bled Madama on the right foot. It was exceedingly difficult to accomplish it, and we could not have done it but for the Duke of Ro[Pg 283]magna, who held her foot. Her Majesty spent two hours with the duke, who made her laugh and cheered her greatly." Lucretia had a codicil added to her will, which she had made before leaving for Ferrara, in the presence of her brother's secretary and some monks. She, however, recovered. Cæsar remained with her two days and then departed for Imola. When Ercole returned he found his daughter-in-law attended by Alexander's most skilful physician, the Bishop of Venosa, and out of all danger.[182]

September 5th, Lucretia gave birth to a stillborn daughter, which greatly disappointed Alexander, who wanted an heir to the throne. She was gravely ill, and her husband showed deep concern, rarely leaving her side. September 7th, Valentino visited her. The secretary Castellus sent a report of this visit to Ercole, who was in Reggio to meet Cæsar, returning from Lombardy. "Today," he wrote, "at the twentieth hour, we bled Madama on her right foot. It was extremely difficult to do, and we couldn’t have managed it without the Duke of Romagna, who held her foot. Her Majesty spent two hours with the duke, who made her laugh and uplifted her spirits." Lucretia had a codicil added to her will, which she had created before leaving for Ferrara, in the presence of her brother's secretary and some monks. Nevertheless, she recovered. Cæsar stayed with her for two days and then left for Imola. When Ercole returned, he found his daughter-in-law attended by Alexander's most skilled physician, the Bishop of Venosa, and out of danger.[182]

As Lucretia felt oppressed in Castle Vecchio, and yearned for the free air, she removed October 8th, accompanied by the entire court, to the convent of Corpus Domini. Her recovery was so rapid that she was able again to take up her residence in the castle, October 22d, to the great joy of every one, as Duke Ercole wrote to Rome. Alfonso even went to Loretto in fulfilment of a vow he had made for the recovery of his wife. The solicitude which was displayed for Lucretia on this occasion shows that she had begun to make herself beloved in Ferrara.[183]

As Lucretia felt stifled at Castle Vecchio and longed for fresh air, she left on October 8th, accompanied by the whole court, to the convent of Corpus Domini. Her recovery was so quick that she was able to return to the castle on October 22nd, which delighted everyone, as Duke Ercole reported to Rome. Alfonso even went to Loretto to fulfill a vow he had made for his wife’s recovery. The concern shown for Lucretia during this time indicates that she had begun to win the affection of the people in Ferrara.[183]

In this same month of October occurred the disaffection of Cæsar's condottieri which nearly ended in his overthrow. In consequence of the desertion of his generals, the country about Urbino rose, and Guidobaldo even succeeded in reentering his capital city, October 18th. The protection of France and the lack of decision on the part of his enemies, however, saved the Duke of Romagna from the danger which threatened him. December 31st he relieved himself of the barons by the well-known coup of[Pg 284] Sinigaglia. This was his masterstroke. He had Vitellozzo and Oliverotto strangled forthwith; the Orsini—Paolo, father-in-law of Girolama Borgia, and Francesco, Duke of Gravina, who had once been mentioned as a possible husband for Lucretia—suffered the same fate January 18, 1503.

In October, there was a revolt among Caesar's mercenaries that almost led to his downfall. After his generals deserted him, the area around Urbino rebelled, and Guidobaldo even managed to retake his capital on October 18th. However, the support from France and the indecision of his enemies kept the Duke of Romagna safe from the threats he faced. On December 31st, he dealt with the barons using the infamous coup of[Pg 284] Sinigaglia. This was his brilliant move. He had Vitellozzo and Oliverotto executed immediately; the Orsini—Paolo, father-in-law of Girolama Borgia, and Francesco, Duke of Gravina, who had once been considered as a potential husband for Lucretia—met the same fate on January 18, 1503.

The Duke of Ferrara congratulated Cæsar, as did also the Gonzaga. Even Isabella did not hesitate to write a graceful letter to the man that had driven her dear sister-in-law,—whose husband had been forced to flee a second time,—from Urbino. The Gonzaga, who were anxious to marry the little hereditary Prince Federico to his daughter Luisa, were endeavoring to secure this end with the help of Francesco Trochio in Rome. Isabella's contemptible letter to Cæsar is as follows:

The Duke of Ferrara congratulated Cæsar, as did the Gonzaga. Even Isabella didn't hold back from writing a polite letter to the man who had forced her beloved sister-in-law—whose husband had to flee a second time—from Urbino. The Gonzaga, eager to marry the young hereditary Prince Federico to their daughter Luisa, were trying to achieve this with the assistance of Francesco Trochio in Rome. Isabella's disgraceful letter to Cæsar is as follows:

To His Highness, the Duke of Valentino.

Illustrious Sir: The happy progress of which your Excellency has been good enough to inform us in your amiable letter has caused us all the liveliest joy, owing to the friendship and interest which you and my illustrious husband feel for each other. We, therefore, congratulate you in his and our own name for the good fortune which has befallen you, and for your safety, and we thank you for informing us of it and for your offer to keep us advised of future events, which we hope will be no less favorable, for, loving you as we do, we hope to hear from you often regarding your plans so that we may be able to rejoice with you at the success and advancement of your Excellency. Believing that you, after the excitement and fatigue which you have suffered while engaged in your glorious undertakings, will be disposed to give some time to recreation, it seems proper to me to send you by our courier, Giovanni, a hundred masks. We, of course, know how slight is this present in proportion to the greatness of your Excellency, and also in proportion to our desires; still it indicates that if there were anything more worthy and more suitable in this our country, we certainly would send it you. If the[Pg 285] masks, however, are not as beautiful as they ought to be, your Highness will know that this is due to the makers in Ferrara, who, as it has been for years against the law to wear masks, long ago ceased making them. May, however, our good intentions and our love make up for their shortcomings. So far as our own affairs are concerned there is nothing new to tell you until your Excellency informs us as to the decision of his Holiness, our Master, concerning the articles of guaranty upon which we, through Brognolo, have agreed. We, therefore, look forward to this, and hope to reach a satisfactory conclusion. We commend ourselves to your service.

Dear Sir: The wonderful news you've shared with us in your kind letter has brought us all great joy, thanks to the friendship and mutual interest you and my esteemed husband have for each other. We want to congratulate you on the good luck that has come your way, as well as your safety, and we appreciate you keeping us updated on this and offering to inform us of future events, which we hope will be just as positive. Since we care for you deeply, we look forward to hearing about your plans so we can celebrate your successes and advancements. We know that after the excitement and exhaustion you've faced in your remarkable endeavors, you'll want to take some time to relax, so I thought it fitting to send you a hundred masks through our courier, Giovanni. We understand this gift is modest compared to your greatness and our wishes; still, it shows that if there were anything more worthy and fitting from our country, we would definitely send it to you. If the[Pg 285] masks aren’t as beautiful as they should be, please understand that it's because the makers in Ferrara stopped making them long ago, as it has been illegal to wear masks for years. Still, we hope our good intentions and love can make up for their shortcomings. As for our own matters, there’s nothing new to report until your Excellency updates us on the decision from His Holiness, our Master, regarding the guarantee articles we agreed upon through Brognolo. We look forward to that and hope for a satisfactory resolution. We remain at your service.

January 15, 1503.

Cæsar replied to the marchioness from Aquapendente as follows:

Caesar replied to the marchioness from Aquapendente as follows:

Most Illustrious Lady, Friend, and Honored Sister: We have received your Excellency's present of the hundred masks, which, owing to their diversity and beauty, are very welcome, and because the time and place of their arrival could not have been more propitious. If we neglected to inform your Excellency of all our plans and of our intended return to Rome, it was because it was only to-day that we succeeded in taking the city and territory adjacent to Sinigaglia together with the fortress, and punished our enemies for their treachery; freed Città di Castello, Fermo, Cisterna, Montone, and Perugia from their tyrants, and rendered them again subject to his Holiness, our Master; and deposed Pandolfo Petrucci from the tyranny which he had established in Siena, where he had shown himself such a determined enemy of ourselves. The masks are welcome especially because I know that the present is due to the affection which you and your illustrious husband feel for us, which is also shown by the letter which you send with it. Therefore we thank you a thousand times, although the magnitude of your and your husband's deserts exceeds the power of words. We shall use the masks, and they are so beautiful that we shall be saved the trouble of providing ourselves with any other adornment. On returning to Rome we will see that his Holiness, our[Pg 286] Master, does whatever is necessary to further our mutual interests. We, in compliance with your Excellency's request, will grant the prisoner his liberty. We will inform your Illustrious Majesty at once, so that you may rejoice in it the moment he is free. We commend ourselves to you. From the papal camp near Aquapendente, February 1st.

Most Esteemed Lady, Friend, and Respected Sister: We have received your Excellency's gift of the hundred masks, which, due to their variety and beauty, are very much appreciated, especially since they arrived at such a fortuitous time. If we didn’t inform your Excellency about all our plans and our intended return to Rome, it’s because we just today succeeded in capturing the city and the land around Sinigaglia along with the fortress, punishing our enemies for their treachery; freeing Città di Castello, Fermo, Cisterna, Montone, and Perugia from their oppressors, and placing them back under the rule of his Holiness, our Master; and removing Pandolfo Petrucci from the tyranny he had imposed in Siena, where he had proven to be a fierce enemy of ours. The masks are especially welcomed because I know the gift comes from the affection you and your esteemed husband have for us, which is also evident in the letter you sent with them. Therefore, we thank you countless times, even though the generosity of you and your husband surpasses what words can express. We will use the masks, and they are so beautiful that we won’t need to worry about finding any other adornment. Upon our return to Rome, we will ensure that his Holiness, our[Pg 286] Master, does everything necessary to promote our shared interests. In response to your Excellency's request, we will grant the prisoner his freedom. We will inform your Illustrious Majesty immediately, so you can celebrate the moment he is released. We commend ourselves to you. From the papal camp near Aquapendente, February 1st.

Your Excellency's friend and brother, the Duke of Romagna, etc.

Cæsar.

César.

Cæsar was then near the zenith of his desires—a king's throne in central Italy. This project, however, was never realized; Louis XII forbade him further conquests. The Orsini (the cardinal of this house had just been poisoned in the castle of S. Angelo) and other barons whose estates were in the vicinity of Rome rose for a final struggle, and Cæsar was compelled to hasten back to the papal city. Alexander and his son now turned toward Spain, as Gonsalvo had defeated the French in Naples and had entered the capital of the kingdom May 14th. Louis XII, however, despatched a new army under La Tremouille to recapture Naples. The Marquis of Mantua was likewise in his pay, and in August, 1503, the army entered the Patrimonium Petri.

Cæsar was then at the peak of his ambitions—a king's throne in central Italy. However, this plan was never fulfilled; Louis XII prevented him from making more conquests. The Orsini (the cardinal from this family had just been poisoned in the castle of S. Angelo) and other barons with estates around Rome rose for a final fight, forcing Cæsar to rush back to the papal city. Alexander and his son then looked towards Spain, as Gonsalvo had defeated the French in Naples and had entered the capital of the kingdom on May 14th. However, Louis XII sent a new army under La Tremouille to retake Naples. The Marquis of Mantua was also on his payroll, and in August 1503, the army entered the Patrimonium Petri.

Alexander and Cæsar were suddenly taken sick at the same moment. The Pope died August 18th. It has been affirmed and also denied that both were poisoned, and proofs equally good in support of both views have been adduced; it is, therefore, a mooted question.

Alexander and Caesar suddenly fell ill at the same time. The Pope died on August 18th. It's been claimed and refuted that both were poisoned, with equally strong evidence backing both sides; thus, it remains a debated issue.

Aside from her grief due to affection, the death of Lucretia's father was a serious event for her, as it might weaken her position in Ferrara. Alexander's power was all that had given her a sense of security, and now she could no longer feel certain of the continuance of the affection of her father-in-law or of that of her husband.[Pg 287] Well might Alfonso now recall the words Louis XII had uttered to the effect that on the death of Alexander he would not know who the lady was whom he had married. The king one day asked the Ferrarese plenipotentiary at his court how Madonna Lucretia had taken the Pope's death. When the ambassador replied that he did not know, Louis remarked, "I know that you were never satisfied with this marriage; this Madonna Lucretia is not Don Alfonso's real wife."[184]

Aside from her sadness from love, Lucretia's father's death was a big deal for her, as it could jeopardize her standing in Ferrara. Alexander's influence was what had made her feel secure, and now she couldn't be sure of the ongoing affection of her father-in-law or her husband.[Pg 287] It was likely that Alfonso remembered Louis XII's remark that after Alexander's death, he wouldn’t know who the lady he married was. One day, the king asked the Ferrarese ambassador at his court how Madonna Lucretia had reacted to the Pope's death. When the ambassador replied that he didn’t know, Louis said, "I know you were never happy with this marriage; this Madonna Lucretia is not really Don Alfonso's wife."[184]

Lucretia would have been frightened had she read a letter which Ercole wrote to Giangiorgio Seregni, then his ambassador in Milan, which at that time was under French control, and in which he disclosed his real feelings on the Pope's demise.

Lucretia would have been scared if she had read a letter that Ercole wrote to Giangiorgio Seregni, his ambassador in Milan, which was under French control at that time, where he revealed his true feelings about the Pope's death.

Giangiorgio: Knowing that many will ask you how we are affected by the Pope's death, this is to inform you that he was in no way displeasing to us. At one time we wished, for the honor of God, our Master, and for the general good of Christendom, that God in his goodness and foresight would provide a worthy shepherd, and that his Church would be relieved of this great scandal. Personally we had nothing to wish for; we were concerned chiefly with the honor of God and the general welfare. We may add, however, that there was never a Pope from whom we received fewer favors than from this one, and this, even after concluding an alliance with him. It was only with the greatest difficulty that we secured from him what he had promised, but beyond this he never did anything for us. For this we hold the Duke of Romagna responsible; for, although he could not do with us as he wished, he treated us as if we were perfect strangers. He was never frank with us; he never confided his plans to us, although we always informed him of ours. Finally as he inclined to Spain, and we remained good Frenchmen, we had little to look for either[Pg 288] from the Pope or his Majesty. Therefore his death caused us little grief, as we had nothing but evil to expect from the advancement of the above-named duke. We want you to give this our confidential statement to Chaumont, word for word, as we do not wish to conceal our true feelings from him—but speak cautiously to others about the subject and then return this letter to our worthy councilor Gianluca.

Giangiorgio: Knowing that many will ask how the Pope's death affects us, I want to inform you that he was not displeasing to us at all. At one point, we hoped, for the honor of God, our Master, and for the general good of Christendom, that God would provide a worthy shepherd and relieve His Church of this great scandal. Personally, we had no wishes; we cared mostly about God's honor and the overall welfare. However, we can add that we received fewer favors from this Pope than from any before him, even after forming an alliance with him. It was extremely hard to get him to fulfill what he promised, and aside from that, he did nothing for us. We hold the Duke of Romagna responsible for this because, even though he couldn't do whatever he wanted with us, he treated us like total strangers. He was never open with us; he never shared his plans, while we always kept him updated on ours. Ultimately, since he leaned towards Spain and we remained loyal Frenchmen, we had little to expect from either the Pope or his Majesty. Therefore, his death didn’t cause us much sadness, as we anticipated nothing but trouble from the advancement of the aforementioned duke. We want you to share this confidential statement with Chaumont exactly as it is, as we don’t wish to hide our true feelings from him—but be cautious when discussing the matter with others, and then return this letter to our esteemed councilor Gianluca.

Belriguardo, August 24, 1503.

Belriguardo, August 24, 1503.

This statement was very candid. In view of the advantages which had accrued to Ercole's State through the marriage with Lucretia, he might be regarded as ungrateful; he had, however, never looked upon this alliance as anything more than a business transaction, and so far as his relations with Cæsar were concerned his view was entirely correct.

This statement was very straightforward. Considering the benefits that Ercole's State had gained from the marriage to Lucretia, he might seem ungrateful; however, he had always seen this alliance as nothing more than a business deal, and regarding his relationship with Cæsar, his perspective was completely valid.

Let us now hear what another famous prince—one who was in the confidence of the Borgias—says regarding the Pope's death. At the time of this occurrence the Marquis of Mantua was at his headquarters with the French army in Isola Farnese, a few miles from Rome. From there, September 22, 1503, he wrote his consort, Isabella, as follows:

Let’s hear what another well-known prince—someone who was close to the Borgias—says about the Pope's death. At this time, the Marquis of Mantua was at his base with the French army in Isola Farnese, just a few miles from Rome. From there, on September 22, 1503, he wrote to his wife, Isabella, as follows:

Illustrious Lady and Dearest Wife: In order that your Majesty may be familiar with the circumstances attending the Pope's death, we send you the following particulars. When he fell sick, he began to talk in such a way that anyone who did not know what was in his mind would have thought that he was wandering, although he was perfectly conscious of what he said; his words were, "I come; it is right; wait a moment." Those who know the secret say that in the conclave following the death of Innocent he made a compact with the devil, and purchased the papacy from him at the price of his soul. Among the other provisions of the agreement was one which said that he should be allowed to occupy the Holy See twelve years, and[Pg 289] this he did with the addition of four days. There are some who affirm that at the moment he gave up his spirit seven devils were seen in his chamber. As soon as he was dead his body began to putrefy and his mouth to foam like a kettle over the fire, which continued as long as it was on earth. The body swelled up so that it lost all human form. It was nearly as broad as it was long. It was carried to the grave with little ceremony; a porter dragged it from the bed by means of a cord fastened to the foot to the place where it was buried, as all refused to touch it. It was given a wretched interment, in comparison with which that of the cripple's dwarf wife in Mantua was ceremonious. Scandalous epigrams are every day published regarding him.

Beloved Lady and Dearest Wife: To keep you informed about the circumstances surrounding the Pope's death, we are sending you the following details. When he became ill, he started to speak in a way that anyone unfamiliar with his thoughts would have assumed he was delirious, though he was fully aware of what he was saying; his words were, "I come; it is right; wait a moment." Those in the know suggest that during the conclave after Innocent's death, he made a deal with the devil and bought the papacy from him at the cost of his soul. Part of the agreement included a statement that he would be allowed to hold the Holy See for twelve years, and[Pg 289] he did so for an additional four days. Some claim that at the moment he died, seven devils were seen in his room. As soon as he passed away, his body began to decompose, and his mouth foamed like a kettle boiling on the stove, which continued until he was buried. The body swelled up to the point where it lost all human shape, becoming nearly as wide as it was long. It was taken to the grave with little ceremony; a porter pulled it from the bed using a cord tied to its foot, as everyone refused to touch it. It received a miserable burial, in stark contrast to the more elaborate one given to the dwarf wife of the cripple in Mantua. Scandalous verses are published about him every day.

The reports of Burchard, of the Venetian ambassador Giustinian, of the Ferrarese envoy Beltrando, and of numerous others describe Alexander's end in almost precisely the same way, and the fable of the devil or "babuino" that carried Alexander's soul off is also found in Marino Sanuto's diary. The highly educated Marquis of Gonzaga, with a simplicity equal to that of the people of Rome, believed it.

The accounts from Burchard, Venetian ambassador Giustinian, Ferrarese envoy Beltrando, and many others describe Alexander's death almost the same way, and the tale of the devil or "babuino" taking Alexander's soul is also in Marino Sanuto's diary. The well-educated Marquis of Gonzaga, with a straightforwardness similar to that of the people of Rome, believed it.

The Mephisto legend of Faust and Don Juan, which was immediately associated with Alexander's death—even the black dog running about excitedly in St. Peter's is included—shows what was the opinion of Alexander's contemporaries regarding the terrible life of the Borgia, and the extraordinary success which followed him all his days. Alexander's moral character is, however, so incomprehensible that even the keenest psychologists have failed to fathom it.

The Mephisto legend of Faust and Don Juan, which was quickly tied to Alexander's death—even the black dog running around excitedly in St. Peter's is part of it—highlights what Alexander's contemporaries thought about the awful life of the Borgia and the incredible success that followed him throughout his life. However, Alexander's moral character is so baffling that even the sharpest psychologists have been unable to understand it.

In him neither ambition nor the desire for power, which, in the majority of rulers, is the motive of their crimes, was the cause of his evil deeds. Nor was it hate of his fellows, nor cruelty, nor yet a vicious pleasure in doing evil. It was, however, his sensuality and also his love for[Pg 290] his children—one of the noblest of human sentiments. All psychological theory would lead us to expect that the weight of his sins would have made Alexander a gloomy man with reason clouded by fear and madness, like Tiberius or Louis XI; but instead of this we have ever before us the cheerful, active man of the world—even until his last years. "Nothing worries him; he seems to grow younger every day," wrote the Venetian ambassador scarcely two years before his death.

In him, neither ambition nor the desire for power, which is the motivation behind the crimes of most rulers, were the reasons for his wrongdoings. Nor was it hatred for his fellow humans, cruelty, or a twisted enjoyment of doing harm. Instead, it was his sensuality and his genuine love for[Pg 290] his children—one of the most noble human feelings. All psychological theories would suggest that the burden of his sins should have made Alexander a bitter man, his mind clouded by fear and madness, like Tiberius or Louis XI; yet, we still see the cheerful, engaged man of the world—even into his final years. "Nothing worries him; he seems to grow younger every day," wrote the Venetian ambassador just two years before his death.

It is not his passions or his crimes that are incomprehensible, for similar and even greater crimes have been committed by other princes both before and after him, but it is the fact that he committed them while he was Pope. How could Alexander VI reconcile his sensuality and his cruelty with the consciousness that he was the High Priest of the Church, God's representative on earth? There are abysses in the human soul to the depths of which no glance can penetrate. How did he overcome the warnings, the qualms of conscience, and how was it possible for him constantly to conceal them under a joyous exterior? Could he believe in the immortality of the soul and the existence of a divine Being?

It’s not his passions or crimes that are hard to understand, since similar or even worse acts have been committed by other princes both before and after him, but the fact that he did them while being Pope. How could Alexander VI reconcile his indulgences and brutality with the awareness that he was the High Priest of the Church, God’s representative on earth? There are depths in the human soul that no one can fully comprehend. How did he ignore the warnings and his conscience, and how could he always hide them behind a cheerful facade? Could he really believe in the immortality of the soul and the existence of a divine Being?

When we consider the utter abandon with which Alexander committed his crimes, we are forced to conclude that he was an atheist and a materialist. There is a time in the life of every philosophic and unhappy soul when all human endeavor seems nothing more than the despairing, purposeless activity of an aggregation of puppets. But in Alexander VI we discover no trace of a Faust, nothing of his supreme contempt of the world, of his Titanic skepticism; but we find, on the contrary, that he possessed an amazingly simple faith, coupled with a capacity for every crime. The Pope who had Christ's[Pg 291] mother painted with the features of the adulteress Giulia Farnese believed that he himself enjoyed the special protection of the Virgin.

When we think about the total disregard with which Alexander committed his crimes, we have to conclude that he was an atheist and a materialist. There comes a time in the life of every thoughtful and unhappy person when all human effort seems like nothing more than a pointless, desperate act carried out by a bunch of puppets. However, in Alexander VI, we find no sign of a Faust, no trace of his ultimate disdain for the world or his overwhelming skepticism; instead, we see that he had an incredibly simple faith, paired with a willingness to commit any crime. The Pope who had Christ's[Pg 291] mother painted with the features of the adulteress Giulia Farnese believed that he himself had the Virgin's special protection.

CARDINAL BEMBO.
From an engraving by G. Benaglia.

Alexander's life is the very antithesis of the Christian ideal. To be convinced of this it is only necessary to compare the Pope's deeds with the teachings of the Gospel. Compare his actions with the Commandments: "Thou shalt not commit adultery; thou shalt not kill; thou shalt not bear false witness."

Alexander's life is the complete opposite of the Christian ideal. To see this clearly, just compare the Pope's actions with the teachings of the Gospel. Look at what he did alongside the Commandments: "You shall not commit adultery; you shall not kill; you shall not bear false witness."

The fact that Rodrigo Borgia was a pope must seem to all the members of the Church the most unholy thing connected with it, and one which they have reason bitterly to regret. This fact, however, can never lessen the dignity of the Church—the greatest production of the human mind—but does it not destroy a number of transcendental theories which have been associated with the papacy?

The execrations which all Italy directed against Alexander could scarcely have reached Lucretia's ears, but she doubtless anticipated them. Her distress must have been great. Her entire life in Rome returned and overwhelmed her. Her father had been the cause, first, of all her unhappiness, and subsequently of all her good fortune. Filial affection and religious fears must have assailed her at one and the same time. Bembo describes her suffering. This man, subsequently so famous, came to Ferrara in 1503, a young Venetian nobleman of the highest culture and fairest presence. He was warmly received by Lucretia, for whom he conceived great admiration. The accomplished cavalier wrote her the following letter of condolence:

The curses that all of Italy aimed at Alexander probably didn’t reach Lucretia, but she certainly expected them. She must have been very distressed. Memories of her entire life in Rome flooded back and overwhelmed her. Her father had been the source of both her greatest unhappiness and, later, her good fortune. She must have been torn between her love for her father and her fears of divine judgment. Bembo talks about her suffering. This man, who became famous later, came to Ferrara in 1503 as a young Venetian nobleman with exceptional culture and a handsome appearance. Lucretia warmly welcomed him, and he developed a deep admiration for her. The talented gentleman wrote her the following letter of condolence:

I called upon your Majesty yesterday partly for the purpose of telling you how great was my grief on account[Pg 292] of your loss, and partly to endeavor to console you, and to urge you to compose yourself, for I knew that you were suffering a measureless sorrow. I was able to do neither the one nor the other; for, as soon as I saw you in that dark room, in your black gown, lying weeping, I was so overcome by my feelings that I stood still, unable to speak, not knowing what to say. Instead of giving sympathy, I myself was in need of it, therefore I departed, completely overcome by the sad sight, mumbling and speechless, as you noticed or might have noticed. Perhaps this happened to me because you had need of neither my sympathy nor my condolences; for, knowing my devotion and fidelity, you would also be aware of the pain which I felt on account of your sorrow, and you in your wisdom may find consolation within and not look to others for it. The best way to convey to you an idea of my grief is for me to say that fate could cause me no greater sorrow than by afflicting you. No other shot could so deeply penetrate my soul as one accompanied by your tears. Regarding condolence, I can only say to you, as you yourself must have thought, that time soothes and lessens all our griefs. So high is my opinion of your intelligence and so numerous the proofs of your strength of character that I know that you will find consolation, and will not grieve too long. For, although you have now lost your father, who was so great that Fortune herself could not have given you a greater one, this is not the first blow which you have received from an evil and hostile destiny. You have suffered so much before that your soul must now be inured to misfortune. Present circumstances, moreover, require that you should not give any one cause to think that you grieve less on account of the shock than you do on account of any anxiety as to your future position. It is foolish for me to write this to you, therefore I will close, commending myself to you in all humility. Farewell. In Ostellato.[185]

I visited you yesterday partly to express how deeply I felt your loss and partly to try to comfort you, urging you to find some peace, knowing how immense your sorrow was. However, I couldn't do either; as soon as I saw you in that dark room, dressed in black and weeping, I was so overwhelmed that I just stood there, unable to say anything. Instead of providing sympathy, I found myself needing it, and I ended up leaving, completely affected by the heartbreaking scene, mumbling and speechless, as you might have noticed. Maybe I reacted this way because you didn't need my sympathy or condolences; you must know my loyalty and how much I hurt for you, and perhaps you find comfort within yourself rather than seeking it from others. The best way to express my sorrow is to say that nothing could trouble me more than seeing you in pain. No pain could reach my soul as deeply as your tears. As for condolences, I can only remind you, as you may have already thought, that time heals and reduces our grief. I have such high regard for your intelligence and have seen so many examples of your strength that I know you will find a way to cope and won't grieve for too long. Although you've lost your father, who was so remarkable that even Fortune couldn't have given you a greater one, this isn't the first hardship you've faced from a cruel fate. You've endured so much that your heart must be used to suffering. Moreover, the current situation requires you to avoid giving anyone the impression that your grief is more about anxiety for your future than the actual shock of your loss. It seems pointless for me to say this, so I will end here, humbly commending myself to you. Take care. In Ostellato.[185]

August 22, 1503.

[Pg 293]

CHAPTER VI

EVENTS FOLLOWING THE POPE'S DEATH

After Lucretia's first transports had passed she may well have blessed her good fortune, for to what danger would she have been exposed if she now, instead of being Alfonso's wife, was still forced to share the destiny of the Borgias! She was soon able to convince herself that her position in Ferrara was unshaken. She owed this to her own personality and to the permanent advantages which she had brought to the house of Este. She saw, however, that the lives of her kinsmen in Rome were in danger; there were her sick brother, her child Rodrigo, and Giovanni, Duke of Nepi; while the Orsini, burning with a desire to wipe out old scores, were hastening thither to avenge themselves for the blood of their kinsmen.

After Lucretia's initial excitement faded, she could be thankful for her good fortune, as she would have faced great danger if she were still sharing the fate of the Borgias instead of being Alfonso's wife. She soon reassured herself that her position in Ferrara was secure, thanks to her own character and the lasting benefits she had brought to the house of Este. However, she recognized that her relatives in Rome were in peril; her sick brother, her child Rodrigo, and Giovanni, Duke of Nepi, were at risk, while the Orsini, eager to settle old scores, were rushing there to take revenge for the blood of their family members.

She besought her father-in-law to help Cæsar and to preserve his estates for him. Ercole thought that it would be more to his own advantage for Cæsar to hold the Romagna than to have it fall into the hands of Venice. He, therefore, sent Pandolfo Collenuccio thither to urge the people to remain true to their lord. To his ambassador in Rome he confided his joy that Cæsar was on the road to recovery.[186]

She begged her father-in-law to help Cæsar and keep his lands safe for him. Ercole believed it would be better for him if Cæsar controlled the Romagna rather than it falling into Venice's grasp. So, he sent Pandolfo Collenuccio there to encourage the people to stay loyal to their ruler. To his ambassador in Rome, he shared his happiness that Cæsar was getting better.[186]

With the exception of the Romagna, the empire of Alexander's son at once began to crumble away. The tyrants he had expelled returned to their cities. Guido[Pg 294]baldo and Elisabetta hastened from Venice to Urbino and were received with open arms. Still more promptly Giovanni Sforza had returned from Mantua to Pesaro. The Marquis Gonzaga had sent him the first news of Alexander's death and of Cæsar's illness, and Sforza thanked him in the following letter:

With the exception of Romagna, Alexander's son's empire started to fall apart right away. The tyrants he had kicked out returned to their cities. Guido[Pg 294]baldo and Elisabetta rushed from Venice to Urbino and were welcomed back warmly. Even quicker, Giovanni Sforza came back from Mantua to Pesaro. The Marquis Gonzaga had informed him first about Alexander's death and Cæsar's illness, and Sforza expressed his gratitude in the following letter:

Illustrious Sir and Honored Brother: I thank your Excellency for the good news which you have given me in your letter, especially regarding the condition of Valentino. My joy is great because I believe my misfortunes are now at an end. I assure you that if I return to my country, I shall regard myself as your Excellency's creature, and you may dispose of my person and my property as you will. I ask you, in case you learn anything more regarding Valentino, and especially of his death, that you will send me the news, for by so doing you will afford me great joy. I commend myself to you at all times.

Dear Sir and Valued Brother: Thank you for the great news you shared in your letter, especially about Valentino's situation. I'm overjoyed because it feels like my troubles are finally over. I promise that if I return to my home country, I will consider myself your devoted servant, and you can manage my life and belongings as you see fit. I kindly ask that if you find out any more information about Valentino, particularly about his passing, you will let me know, as it would bring me immense happiness. I always count on your support.

Mantua, August 25, 1503.

Mantua, August 25, 1503.

As early as September 3d, Sforza was able to inform the Marquis that he had entered Pesaro amid the acclamations of the people. He immediately had a medal struck in commemoration of the happy event. On one side is his bust and on the other a broken yoke with the words PATRIA RECEPTA.[187] Filled with the desire for revenge he punished the rebels of Pesaro by confiscating their property, casting them into prison, or by putting them to death. He had a number of the burghers hanged at the windows of his castle. Even Collenuccio, who had placed himself under the protection of Lucretia and the duke, in Ferrara,[Pg 295] was soon to fall into his hands. With flattering promises Giovanni induced him to come to Pesaro, and then on the ground of the complaint he had addressed to Cæsar Borgia, which Sforza claimed he had only just discovered, he cast him into prison. Collenuccio, not wholly guiltless as far as his former master and friend was concerned, resigned himself to his fate and died in July, 1504.[188]

On September 3rd, Sforza let the Marquis know that he had arrived in Pesaro to cheers from the people. He quickly had a medal made to celebrate the occasion. One side features his bust, while the other shows a broken yoke with the words PATRIA RECEPTA.[187] Filled with a desire for revenge, he punished the rebels of Pesaro by confiscating their property, throwing them in prison, or executing them. He had several residents hanged at the windows of his castle. Even Collenuccio, who sought refuge with Lucretia and the duke in Ferrara,[Pg 295] soon fell into his hands. With flattering promises, Giovanni persuaded him to come to Pesaro, and then, based on a complaint he had made to Cæsar Borgia—which Sforza claimed he had just found out about—he threw him in prison. Collenuccio, not entirely innocent in regards to his former master and friend, accepted his fate and died in July 1504.[188]

Meanwhile Lucretia was anxiously following the course of events in Rome. None of her letters to Cæsar written at this time are preserved, nor are any of Cæsar's to her. The only ones we have are those which he exchanged with the Duke of Ferrara, who continued to write him. September 13th Ercole wrote congratulating him on his recovery, and informing him that he had sent a messenger to the people of Romagna urging them to remain true to him.

Meanwhile, Lucretia was nervously keeping track of what was happening in Rome. None of her letters to Cæsar from this time have survived, nor do we have any of Cæsar's responses to her. The only letters we have are those he exchanged with the Duke of Ferrara, who kept writing to him. On September 13th, Ercole wrote to congratulate him on his recovery and let him know that he had sent a messenger to the people of Romagna, encouraging them to stay loyal to him.

Cæsar was in Nepi when he received this letter, having gone there September 2d after he had arranged with the French ambassador in Rome, on the suggestion of the cardinal, to place himself under the protection of France. He was accompanied by his mother, Vannozza, his brother Giuffrè, and, doubtless, also by his little daughter Luisa and the two children Rodrigo and Giovanni, the latter of whom was Duke of Nepi. There he was safe, as the French army was camped in the neighborhood. Just as if nothing had happened, he wrote letters to the Marquis Gonzaga, who was then at his headquarters in Campagnano. He even sent him some hunting dogs as a present. There is also in existence a letter written by Giuffrè to the same Gonzaga, dated Nepi, September 18th. While here Cæsar[Pg 296] learned that his protector and friend, Amboise, had not been elected pope as he had hoped, but that Piccolomini had been chosen. September 22d this cardinal, senile and moribund, ascended the papal throne, assuming the name Pius III. He was the happy father of no less than twelve children, boys and girls, who would have been brought up in the Vatican as princes but for his early death. He permitted Cæsar to return to Rome and even showed him some favor; but scarcely had the Borgia appeared—October 3d—when the Orsini rose in their wrath and clamored for the death of their enemy. He and the two children took refuge in Castle S. Angelo, and October 18th Piccolomini died.

Cæsar was in Nepi when he got this letter, having gone there on September 2nd after arranging with the French ambassador in Rome, based on the cardinal's suggestion, to seek France's protection. He was with his mother, Vannozza, his brother Giuffrè, and probably also his little daughter Luisa and the two kids Rodrigo and Giovanni, the latter of whom was the Duke of Nepi. He felt safe there, as the French army was nearby. As if nothing had happened, he wrote letters to Marquis Gonzaga, who was at his headquarters in Campagnano. He even sent him some hunting dogs as a gift. There's also a letter from Giuffrè to the same Gonzaga, dated Nepi, September 18th. While here, Cæsar[Pg 296] learned that his protector and friend, Amboise, hadn't been elected pope as he had hoped, but that Piccolomini had been chosen instead. On September 22nd, this cardinal, old and ailing, took the papal throne, choosing the name Pius III. He was the proud father of no less than twelve children, both boys and girls, who would have been raised in the Vatican as princes if not for his early death. He allowed Cæsar to return to Rome and even showed him some favor; but as soon as the Borgia appeared on October 3rd, the Orsini rose up in anger and demanded the death of their enemy. He and the two children took refuge in Castle S. Angelo, and on October 18th, Piccolomini died.

The two children now had no protector but Cæsar and the cardinals whom Alexander had appointed as their guardians. On the death of the Pope their duchies crumbled away. The Gaetani returned from Mantua and again took possession of Sermoneta and all the other estates which had been bestowed upon the little Rodrigo. Ascanio Sforza demanded either Nepi or the position of chamberlain, and the last Varano again secured Camerino.

The two children now had no protector except Cæsar and the cardinals that Alexander had appointed as their guardians. After the Pope died, their duchies fell apart. The Gaetani came back from Mantua and reclaimed Sermoneta and all the other lands that had been given to little Rodrigo. Ascanio Sforza demanded either Nepi or the role of chamberlain, and the last Varano managed to take Camerino again.

Rodrigo was Duke of Biselli, and as such under the protection of Spain, Alexander having succeeded in obtaining, May 20, 1502, from Ferdinand and Isabella of Castile, a diploma by virtue of which the royal house of Spain confirmed the Borgia family in the possession of all their Neapolitan estates. In this act Cæsar and his heirs, Don Giuffrè of Squillace; Don Juan, son of the murdered Gandia; Lucretia, as Duchess of Biselli, and her son and heir Rodrigo are explicitly named.[189] There is likewise in the Este archives an instrument which was drawn up in Lucretia's chancellery, referring to the control of Rodrigo's[Pg 297] property, and also others regarding the little Giovanni.[190] The two children, Rodrigo and Giovanni, during their early years were reared together. Lucretia provided for them from Ferrara, as is shown by the record of her household expenses in 1502 and 1503. There are numerous entries for velvet and silk and gold brocade which she bought for the purpose of clothing the children.[191]

Rodrigo was the Duke of Biselli, and as such, he was under Spain's protection. Alexander managed to get, on May 20, 1502, from Ferdinand and Isabella of Castile, a document confirming the Borgia family’s possession of all their estates in Naples. This document specifically named Cæsar and his heirs, Don Giuffrè of Squillace; Don Juan, the son of the murdered Gandia; Lucretia, as Duchess of Biselli, along with her son and heir Rodrigo.[189] There is also a document in the Este archives created in Lucretia's chancellery, concerning the management of Rodrigo's[Pg 297] property, along with others regarding little Giovanni.[190] The two children, Rodrigo and Giovanni, were raised together in their early years. Lucretia supported them from Ferrara, as shown by her household expenses record from 1502 and 1503. There are many entries for velvet, silk, and gold brocade that she purchased to dress the children.[191]

In spite of the protection of Spain, Lucretia's son's life was in danger in Rome, and it was her duty to have the child brought to her; but this she neglected to do, either because she did not dare to do so, or she was not strong enough to bring it about, or because she perhaps feared that the child would be in still greater danger in Ferrara. The Cardinal of Cosenza, Rodrigo's guardian, suggested to her that she sell all his personal property and send him to Spain, where he would be safe. In a letter she informed her father-in-law of this, and he replied as follows:

In spite of Spain's protection, Lucretia's son was in danger in Rome, and it was her responsibility to bring the child to her. However, she failed to do so, perhaps because she was too scared, not strong enough to make it happen, or maybe she worried that the child would be in even greater danger in Ferrara. The Cardinal of Cosenza, who was Rodrigo's guardian, suggested that she sell all his personal belongings and send him to Spain, where he would be safe. In a letter, she informed her father-in-law about this, and he replied as follows:

Illustrious Lady, Our Dearest Daughter-in-law And Daughter: We have received your Majesty's letter, and also the one which his Eminence the Cardinal of Cosenza addressed to you and which you sent us; this we return to you with our letter; no one but ourselves read it. We note the unanimity with which your Majesty and the[Pg 298] cardinal write. His advice shows such solicitude that it is at once apparent that it is due to his affection and wisdom. We have considered everything carefully, and it seems to us that your Majesty can and ought to do what the worthy monsignor suggests. In fact I think your Majesty is bound to do as he advises on account of the affection which he displays for you and the illustrious Don Rodrigo, your son, who, I am told, owes his life to the cardinal. Although Don Rodrigo will be at a distance from you, it is better for him to be away and safe than for him to be near and in danger, as the cardinal thinks he would be. Your mutual love would in no way suffer by this separation. When he grows up he can decide, according to circumstances, whether it is best for him to return to Italy or remain away. The cardinal's suggestion to convert his personal property into money to provide for his support and to increase his income—as he states he is anxious to do—is a good idea. In brief, as we have said, it seems to us that you had best consent. Nevertheless, if your Majesty, who is perfectly competent to decide this, determine otherwise, we are perfectly willing. Farewell.

Dear Lady, Our Cherished Daughter-in-law and Daughter: We have received your letter, along with the one that Cardinal of Cosenza sent to you, which you also shared with us; we’re returning it to you with our letter—no one else has read it. We note how well you and the[Pg 298] cardinal are aligned in your thoughts. His advice is full of care, and it’s clear that it comes from both his affection for you and his wisdom. After careful consideration, we believe that you should absolutely follow the suggestions made by the esteemed monsignor. In fact, I think it’s important for you to do as he recommends, given the affection he has for you and your son Don Rodrigo, who, I’m told, owes his life to the cardinal. Although Don Rodrigo will be far from you, it’s better for him to be safe and away than to be close and in danger, as the cardinal believes he would be. Your love for each other would not suffer from this separation. When he grows up, he can decide, based on the circumstances, if it’s best for him to return to Italy or stay away. The cardinal’s suggestion to turn his personal property into cash to support him and increase his income—which he says he wants to do—is a sound idea. In short, as we've mentioned, it seems best for you to agree. However, if you, being fully capable of making this decision, choose differently, we completely respect that. Take care.

Hercules, Duke of Ferrara, etc.

Codegorio, October 4, 1503.

In the meantime, November 1, 1503, Della Rovere ascended the papal throne as Julius II. The Rovere, the Borgias, and the Medici, each gave the Church two popes, and they impressed upon the papacy the political form of the modern state. In the entire annals of the Church there are no other families which have so deeply affected the course of history. Their names suggest innumerable political and moral revolutions. Della Rovere now released Cæsar, whose bitterest enemy he had once been. It was apparent that Valentino's destruction was imminent.

Meanwhile, on November 1, 1503, Della Rovere became pope as Julius II. The Rovere, the Borgias, and the Medici each produced two popes for the Church and shaped the papacy into something resembling the political structure of the modern state. Throughout the history of the Church, no other families have impacted the course of history as profoundly. Their names are associated with countless political and moral upheavals. Della Rovere now freed Cæsar, who he had once fiercely opposed. It was clear that Valentino's downfall was just around the corner.

Elsewhere we may read how Julius II first used Cæsar for the purpose of assuring his election by means of his influence on the Spanish cardinals, and how he subsequently—after the surrender of the fortresses in the Ro[Pg 299]magna—cast him aside. Cæsar threw himself into the arms of Spain, going from Ostia to Naples in October, 1504, where the great Captain Gonsalvo represented Ferdinand the Catholic. Don Giuffrè accompanied him. Cardinals Francesco Remolini of Sorrento and Ludovico Borgia had preceded him to Naples to escape a prosecution with which they were threatened. There Gonsalvo broke the safe-conduct which he had given Cæsar. May 27th he seized him in the name of King Ferdinand and confined him in the castle of Ischia.

Elsewhere, we can read how Julius II first used Cæsar to secure his election by leveraging his connections with the Spanish cardinals, and how he later—after the surrender of the fortresses in the Romagna—abandoned him. Cæsar sought refuge in Spain, traveling from Ostia to Naples in October 1504, where the great Captain Gonsalvo represented Ferdinand the Catholic. Don Giuffrè accompanied him. Cardinals Francesco Remolini of Sorrento and Ludovico Borgia had arrived in Naples ahead of him to avoid prosecution they were facing. There, Gonsalvo broke the safe-conduct he had granted Cæsar. On May 27th, he arrested him in the name of King Ferdinand and imprisoned him in the castle of Ischia.

JULIUS II.
From an engraving published in 1580.

We hear nothing of the fate of the Borgia children; apparently they remained under the protection of the Spanish cardinals in Rome or Naples. Cæsar, saving nothing, and barely escaping with his life, set out for Spain. He had previously placed his valuables in the hands of his friends in Rome to keep for him or to send to Ferrara. December 31, 1503, Duke Ercole wrote his ambassador in Rome to take charge of Cæsar's chests when the Cardinal of Sorrento should send them to him, and forward them to Ferrara as the property of the Cardinal d'Este.[192] Cardinal Remolini died in May, 1507, and Julius II confiscated in his house twelve chests and eighty-four bales which contained tapestries, rich stuffs, and other property belonging to Cæsar.[193] The Pope ordered the Florentines to return certain other property of Cæsar's consisting of gold, silver, and similar valuables which he had sent to their city. The Florentine Signory,[194] however, stated that they would have nothing to do with the matter.

We hear nothing about what happened to the Borgia children; it seems they stayed under the protection of the Spanish cardinals in Rome or Naples. Cæsar, having lost everything and barely escaping with his life, headed to Spain. He had earlier entrusted his valuables to friends in Rome to keep for him or to send to Ferrara. On December 31, 1503, Duke Ercole wrote to his ambassador in Rome to take charge of Cæsar's chests when the Cardinal of Sorrento sent them to him, and forward them to Ferrara as belonging to the Cardinal d'Este.[192] Cardinal Remolini died in May 1507, and Julius II seized twelve chests and eighty-four bales from his house that contained tapestries, luxurious fabrics, and other belongings of Cæsar.[193] The Pope instructed the Florentines to return other possessions of Cæsar's, consisting of gold, silver, and similar valuables that he had sent to their city. However, the Florentine Signory,[194] stated that they would not get involved in the matter.

The removal of Cæsar to Spain caused great excitement. No one, neither Gonsalvo, the Pope, nor King Fer[Pg 300]dinand was willing to assume the responsibility for it. It was even stated that it was due to Gandia's widow, who was at the Castilian court endeavoring to secure the arrest of her husband's murderer.[195] The Spanish cardinals and Lucretia exerted themselves to obtain Cæsar's release. The first news of him came from Spain in October, 1504. Costabili wrote to Ferrara: "The affairs of the Duke of Valentino do not appear to be in such a desperate condition as has been represented, for the Cardinal of Salerno has a letter of the third instant from Requesenz, the duke's majordomo, which his Majesty despatched before he reached there, and letters from several cardinals to his Majesty of Spain. Requesenz writes that the duke was confined with one servant in the castle of Seville, which, although very strong, is roomy. He was soon furnished with eight servants. He also writes that he has spoken to the king regarding freeing Cæsar, and that his Majesty stated that he had not ordered the duke's confinement but had given instructions for him to be brought to Spain on account of certain charges which Gonsalvo had made against him. If these were found to be untrue he would do as the cardinal requested concerning Cæsar. However, nothing could be done until the queen recovered. He made the same answer to the ambassador of the King and Queen of Navarre, who endeavored to secure the duke's release, and consequently Requesenz hoped that he would soon be set free."[196]

The removal of Caesar to Spain created a big stir. No one, not Gonsalvo, the Pope, or King Ferdinand, was willing to take responsibility for it. It was even rumored that it was due to Gandia's widow, who was at the Castilian court trying to arrange the arrest of her husband’s murderer. The Spanish cardinals and Lucretia worked hard to secure Caesar's release. The first news about him came from Spain in October 1504. Costabili wrote to Ferrara: "The situation of the Duke of Valentino doesn't seem as desperate as has been portrayed, because the Cardinal of Salerno has a letter dated the third of this month from Requesenz, the duke's steward, which his Majesty sent before arriving there, along with letters from several cardinals to his Majesty in Spain. Requesenz writes that the duke was being held with one servant in the castle of Seville, which, although very secure, has plenty of space. He soon got eight more servants. He also mentioned that he talked to the king about releasing Caesar, who said he hadn't ordered the duke's confinement but had instructed that he be brought to Spain due to certain accusations made against him by Gonsalvo. If those accusations proved false, he would comply with the cardinal's request concerning Caesar. However, nothing could be done until the queen recovered. He gave the same response to the ambassador of the King and Queen of Navarre, who tried to secure the duke’s release, so Requesenz hoped that Caesar would soon be freed."

From this letter of Requesenz it appears that Cæsar[Pg 302][Pg 301] was first taken to Seville and from there was sent to the castle of Medina del Campo in Castile. The King of France turned a deaf ear to his petitions. No one in Italy wanted him set free. His sister was the only person in the peninsula who took any interest in the overthrown upstart, and her appeals found little support among the Este. It was well known that if Cæsar returned to Italy he would only cause uneasiness at the court of Ferrara, and would in all probability make it the center of his intrigues. The Gonzaga alone appeared not to have entirely withdrawn their favor from him, although, instead of wishing, as they once had done, to establish a matrimonial alliance with him, they now connected themselves with the Rovere, the Marquis of Mantua marrying his young daughter Leonora to Julius's nephew, Francesco Maria della Rovere, heir of Urbino, April 9, 1505.[197] It was especially Isabella who, owing to her affection for her sister-in-law Lucretia, seconded her appeals to her husband. In the archives of the house of Gonzaga are several letters written by Lucretia to the marquis in the interests of her brother.

From this letter from Requesenz, it seems that Cæsar[Pg 302][Pg 301] was first taken to Seville and then sent to the castle of Medina del Campo in Castile. The King of France ignored his pleas. No one in Italy wanted him released. His sister was the only one in the peninsula who cared about the fallen upstart, and her requests received little backing from the Este family. It was well known that if Cæsar returned to Italy, he would only create problems at the court of Ferrara and likely make it the center of his scheming. The Gonzaga seemed to be the only ones who hadn’t completely lost their support for him, although, instead of wanting to form a marriage alliance with him as they once had, they now allied with the Rovere. The Marquis of Mantua married his young daughter Leonora to Julius's nephew, Francesco Maria della Rovere, heir of Urbino, on April 9, 1505.[197] It was especially Isabella who, out of her affection for her sister-in-law Lucretia, supported her pleas to her husband. In the Gonzaga archives, there are several letters written by Lucretia to the marquis advocating for her brother.

Reduced facsimile of a letter written by Lucretia Borgia to Marchese Gonzaga.

August 18, 1505, she wrote him from Reggio that she had taken steps in Rome to induce the Pope to permit Cardinal Petro Isualles to go to the Spanish court to endeavor to secure Cæsar's freedom, and she hoped to succeed. She, therefore, asked the marquis himself to request the Pope to allow the cardinal to undertake this mission. She wrote to him again from Belriguardo thanking him for his promise to despatch an agent to Spain, and she sent him a letter for King Ferdinand and another for her brother. It is not known whether the cardinal actually undertook this journey to Madrid, but it is hardly likely that Julius would have allowed him to do so.[Pg 303]

August 18, 1505, she wrote to him from Reggio that she had taken steps in Rome to convince the Pope to let Cardinal Petro Isualles go to the Spanish court to try and secure Cæsar's freedom, and she hoped to be successful. She then asked the marquis himself to ask the Pope to permit the cardinal to take on this mission. She wrote to him again from Belriguardo thanking him for his promise to send an agent to Spain, and she sent him a letter for King Ferdinand and another for her brother. It's unclear whether the cardinal actually made this trip to Madrid, but it's unlikely that Julius would have allowed him to do so.[Pg 303]

CHAPTER VII

COURT POETS—GIULIA BELLA AND JULIUS II—THE ESTE DYNASTY ENDANGERED

During the year, when Lucretia, filled with a sister's love, was grieving over the fate of her terrible brother, a great change occurred in her own circumstances, she having become Duchess of Ferrara, January 25, 1505. Her husband, Alfonso, in compliance with his father's wishes, had undertaken a journey to France, Flanders, and England for the purpose of becoming acquainted with the courts of those countries. He was to return to Italy by way of Spain, but while he was at the court of Henry VII of England he received despatches informing him that his father was sick. He hastened back to Ferrara, and Ercole died shortly after his return.

During the year when Lucretia, filled with sisterly love, was mourning her terrible brother's fate, a significant change happened in her life: she became the Duchess of Ferrara on January 25, 1505. Her husband, Alfonso, had embarked on a trip to France, Flanders, and England to familiarize himself with the courts of those countries, as his father had wished. He was supposed to come back to Italy through Spain, but while he was at the court of Henry VII of England, he received messages telling him that his father was unwell. He hurried back to Ferrara, and Ercole passed away shortly after his return.

Alfonso ascended the ducal throne at a time when a strong hand and high intelligence were required to save his State from the dangers which threatened it. The Republic of Venice had already secured possession of a part of Romagna, and was planning to cut Ferrara off from the mouth of the Po; at the same time Julius II was scheming to take Bologna, and if he succeeded in this he would doubtless also attack Ferrara. In view of these circumstances it was a fortunate thing for the State that its chief was a practical, cool-headed man like Alfonso. He was neither extravagant nor fond of display, and he cared nothing for a brilliant court. He was indifferent to externals, even to his own clothing. His chief concern was[Pg 304] to increase the efficiency of the army, build fortresses, and cast cannon. When the affairs of state left him any leisure he amused himself at a turning-lathe which he had set up, and also in painting majolica vases, in which art he was exceedingly skilful. He had no inclination for the higher culture—this he left to his wife.

Alfonso took the ducal throne at a time when strong leadership and sharp intelligence were essential to protect his State from looming threats. The Republic of Venice had already taken control of part of Romagna and was planning to cut Ferrara off from the mouth of the Po; at the same time, Julius II was plotting to seize Bologna, and if he succeeded, he would likely also go after Ferrara. Given these challenges, it was fortunate for the State that its leader was a practical, level-headed man like Alfonso. He wasn't extravagant or interested in showy displays, and he didn’t care about a glamorous court. He was indifferent to appearances, even when it came to his own clothing. His main focus was[Pg 304] on improving the army's efficiency, building fortresses, and casting cannons. When he had some free time from state affairs, he enjoyed working at a turning lathe he had set up, as well as painting majolica vases, in which he was very skilled. He had no interest in higher culture—he left that to his wife.

The small collection of books which Lucretia brought with her from Rome shows that she possessed some education and an inclination to take part in the intellectual movement of Ferrara. We have a catalogue of these books, of the years 1502 and 1503, which shows what were Lucretia's tastes. According to this list she possessed a number of books, many of which were beautifully bound in purple velvet, with gold and silver mountings: a breviary; a book with the seven psalms and other prayers; a parchment with miniatures in gold, called De Coppelle ala Spagnola; the printed letters of Saint Catharine of Siena; the Epistles and Gospels in the vulgar tongue; a religious work in Castilian; a manuscript collection of Spanish canzone with the proverbs of Domenico Lopez; a printed work entitled Aquilla Volante; another, called Supplement of Chronicles, in the vulgar tongue; the Mirror of Faith, in Italian; a printed copy of Dante, with a commentary; a work in Italian, on philosophy; the Legend of the Saints in the vulgar tongue; an old work, De Ventura; a Donatus; a Life of Christ in Spanish; a manuscript of Petrarch on parchment, in duodecimo. From this catalogue it is evident that Lucretia's studies were not very profound. Her books were confined to religious works and belles-lettres.[198][Pg 305]

The small collection of books that Lucretia brought with her from Rome shows that she had some education and a desire to engage in the intellectual scene of Ferrara. We have a catalog of these books from the years 1502 and 1503, which highlights Lucretia's tastes. According to this list, she owned several books, many of which were beautifully bound in purple velvet, with gold and silver embellishments: a breviary; a book containing the seven psalms and other prayers; a parchment featuring miniatures in gold, called De Coppelle ala Spagnola; printed letters of Saint Catherine of Siena; the Epistles and Gospels in the vernacular; a religious work in Castilian; a manuscript collection of Spanish canzons with the proverbs of Domenico Lopez; a printed work titled Aquilla Volante; another one called Supplement of Chronicles, in the vernacular; the Mirror of Faith, in Italian; a printed copy of Dante, with a commentary; a work in Italian on philosophy; the Legend of the Saints in the vernacular; an old work, De Ventura; a Donatus; a Life of Christ in Spanish; and a manuscript of Petrarch on parchment, in duodecimo. This catalog clearly indicates that Lucretia's studies were not very deep. Her books mainly consisted of religious works and light literature.[198][Pg 305]

ALPHONSO D'ESTE, DUKE OF FERRARA.

Lucretia established her ducal court in accordance with the dictates of her own fancy. She was now the soul and center of the intellectual life of Ferrara. Her cultivated intellect, her beauty, and the irresistible joyousness of her being charmed all who came into her presence. The opposition which the members of the house of Este at first had shown her had disappeared, and, especially in the case of Isabella Gonzaga, had changed into affection, as is proved by the extensive correspondence which the two women maintained up to the time of Lucretia's death. In the archives of the house of Gonzaga there are several hundred of her letters to the Marchesa of Mantua.

Lucretia set up her ducal court according to her own tastes. She became the heart and center of Ferrara's intellectual scene. Her refined mind, beauty, and contagious joy captivated everyone who came to see her. The initial opposition from the Este family faded, especially with Isabella Gonzaga, whose feelings shifted to affection, as shown by their extensive correspondence throughout Lucretia's life. The Gonzaga archives hold several hundred of her letters to the Marchesa of Mantua.

Her relations with the house of Urbino were no less pleasant, and they continued so even after the death of Guidobaldo in April, 1508, for his successor was Francesco Maria della Rovere, son-in-law of Isabella Gonzaga. She was frequently visited by these princes, and she enjoyed the friendship of a number of remarkable men—Baldassar Castiglione, Ottaviano Fregoso, Aldus Manutius, and Bembo.

Her relationships with the house of Urbino were just as pleasant, and they remained so even after Guidobaldo's death in April 1508, because his successor was Francesco Maria della Rovere, who was Isabella Gonzaga’s son-in-law. These princes often visited her, and she enjoyed the friendship of several notable figures—Baldassar Castiglione, Ottaviano Fregoso, Aldus Manutius, and Bembo.

Bembo, who was in love with the beautiful duchess, constantly sang her praises, and, August 1, 1504, he dedicated to her his dialogue on love, the Asolani, in a letter in which he celebrated her virtues. His friend Aldo first spent some time in Ferrara at the court of Ercole, and subsequently went to the Pio at Carpi; finally he settled in Venice, where he printed the Asolani in the year 1505 and dedicated it to Lucretia. There is no doubt about Bembo's passion for the duchess, but it would be a fruitless undertaking to endeavor to prove, from the evidences of affection which the beautiful woman bestowed upon[Pg 306] him, that it passed the bounds of propriety. The belief that it did is due to the letters which Bembo wrote her, and which are printed in his works, and still more to those which Lucretia addressed to him. From 1503 to 1506—in which year he removed to the court of Guidobaldo—the intellectual Venetian enjoyed the closest friendship with Lucretia. He corresponded with her while he was living with his friends the Strozzi in Villa Ostellato. These letters, especially those addressed to an "anonymous friend," by which designation he clearly meant Lucretia, are inspired by friendship, and display a tender confidence. Lucretia's letters to Bembo are preserved in the Ambrosiana in Milan, where they and the lock of blond hair near them are examined by every one who visits the famous library. The letters are written in her own hand, and there is no doubt of their authenticity; concerning the lock of hair there is some uncertainty; still it may be one of the pledges of affection which the happy Bembo carried away with him. Lucretia's letters to Bembo were first examined and described by Baldassare Oltrocchi, and subsequently by Lord Byron; in 1859 they were published in Milan by Bernardo Gatti.[199] There are nine in all—seven in Italian and two in Spanish. They are accompanied by a Castilian canzone.

Bembo, who was in love with the beautiful duchess, constantly sang her praises, and on August 1, 1504, he dedicated his dialogue on love, the Asolani, to her in a letter celebrating her virtues. His friend Aldo first spent some time at the court of Ercole in Ferrara, then went to the Pio in Carpi, and eventually settled in Venice, where he printed the Asolani in 1505 and dedicated it to Lucretia. There’s no doubt about Bembo's passion for the duchess, but trying to prove it went beyond proper limits based on the affection she showed him would be futile. The belief that it did comes from the letters Bembo wrote to her, which are included in his works, and even more from the letters Lucretia wrote to him. From 1503 to 1506—in which year he moved to the court of Guidobaldo—the intellectual Venetian enjoyed a close friendship with Lucretia. He communicated with her while living with his friends, the Strozzi, in Villa Ostellato. These letters, especially those addressed to an "anonymous friend," clearly referring to Lucretia, are filled with friendship and show a tender trust. Lucretia's letters to Bembo are kept in the Ambrosiana in Milan, where visitors to the famous library examine them along with a lock of blond hair nearby. The letters are written in her own hand, ensuring their authenticity; there is some uncertainty about the lock of hair, but it might be one of the tokens of affection that the happy Bembo took with him. Baldassare Oltrocchi was the first to examine and describe Lucretia's letters to Bembo, followed by Lord Byron; in 1859, they were published in Milan by Bernardo Gatti.[199] There are nine in total—seven in Italian and two in Spanish. They are accompanied by a Castilian canzone.

It seems certain that she felt more than mere friendship for Bembo, for she was young, and he was an accomplished cavalier, fair, amiable, and witty, who cast the rough Alfonso completely in the shade. He excited the[Pg 307] latter's jealousy, and the danger which threatened him may have been the cause of his removal to Urbino. Lucretia kept up her friendly relations with him until the year 1513.

It seems clear that she felt more than just friendship for Bembo, because she was young, and he was a charming gentleman—handsome, pleasant, and funny—who completely overshadowed the rough Alfonso. He stirred up Alfonso's jealousy, and the threat that posed may have led to his move to Urbino. Lucretia maintained her friendly relationship with him until the year 1513.

Several other poets in Ferrara devoted their talents to her glorification. The verses which the two Strozzi addressed to her are even more ardent than those of Bembo—perhaps because their authors possessed greater poetical talent. Tito, the father, experienced the same feelings for the beautiful duchess as did his genial son Ercole, and he expressed them in the same poetical forms and imagery. This very similarity indicates that their devotion was merely æsthetic. Tito sang of a rose which Lucretia had sent him, but his son excelled him in an epigram on the Rose of Lucretia, which could hardly have been the same one his father had received.[200]

Several other poets in Ferrara used their talents to praise her. The verses that the two Strozzi wrote to her are even more passionate than those of Bembo—maybe because their authors had more poetic talent. Tito, the father, felt the same way about the beautiful duchess as his charming son Ercole did, and he expressed those feelings in the same poetic forms and imagery. This similarity shows that their devotion was merely aesthetic. Tito wrote about a rose that Lucretia had sent him, but his son surpassed him with an epigram on the Rose of Lucretia, which likely wasn't the same one his father received.[200]

Tito, in his epigram, described himself as senescent, and consequently not likely to be wounded by Cupid's darts, but he, nevertheless, was ensnared by Lucretia's charms. "In her," so he says, "all the majesty of heaven and earth are personified, and her like is not to be found on earth." He addressed an epigram to Bembo, with whose passion for Lucretia he was acquainted, in which he derives the name Lucretia from "lux" and "retia," and makes merry over the net in which Bembo was caught.[201][Pg 308]

Tito, in his poem, referred to himself as old and therefore unlikely to be struck by Cupid's arrows, yet he still fell for Lucretia's allure. "In her," he says, "all the grandeur of heaven and earth is embodied, and there’s no one like her on this planet." He wrote a poem to Bembo, who was also in love with Lucretia, where he connects the name Lucretia to "lux" and "retia," and jokes about the net that ensnared Bembo.[201][Pg 308]

His son Ercole describes her as a Juno in good works, a Pallas in decorum, and a Venus in beauty. In verses in imitation of Catullus he sang of the marble Cupid which the duchess had set up in her salon, saying that the god of Love had been turned into stone by her glance. He compared Lucretia's beautiful eyes with the sun, that blinds whosoever ventures to look at it; like Medusa, whose glance turned the beholder to stone, yet in this case "the pains of love still continued immortalized in the stone."

His son Ercole describes her as a Juno in good deeds, a Pallas in grace, and a Venus in beauty. In verses inspired by Catullus, he sang about the marble Cupid that the duchess had placed in her salon, claiming that the god of Love had turned to stone from her gaze. He compared Lucretia's beautiful eyes to the sun, which blinds anyone daring enough to look directly at it; like Medusa, whose gaze turned onlookers to stone, yet in this case "the pains of love still remained immortalized in the stone."

Is it possible to believe that these poets would have written such verses if they had considered Lucretia Borgia guilty of the crimes which, even after her father's death, had been ascribed to her by Sannazzaro?

Is it possible to believe that these poets would have written such verses if they thought Lucretia Borgia was guilty of the crimes that Sannazzaro attributed to her even after her father's death?

Antonio Tebaldeo, Calcagnini, and Giraldi sang of Lucretia's beauty and virtue. Marcelle Filosseno dedicated a number of charming sonnets to her, in which he compared her with Minerva and Venus. Jacopo Caviceo, who in the last years of his life (he died in 1511) was vicar of the bishopric of Ferrara, dedicated to her his wonderful romance "Peregrino," with an inscription in which he describes her as beautiful, learned, wise, and modest. The number of poets who threw themselves at her feet was certainly large, and she doubtless received their flattery with the same satisfied vanity with which a beautiful woman of to-day would accept such offerings. Some of these poets may really have been in love with her, while others burned their incense as court flatterers; all, doubtless, were glad to find in her an ideal to serve as a platonic inspiration for their rhymes and verses.

Antonio Tebaldeo, Calcagnini, and Giraldi praised Lucretia's beauty and virtue. Marcelle Filosseno wrote several charming sonnets for her, comparing her to Minerva and Venus. Jacopo Caviceo, who served as the vicar of the bishopric of Ferrara in the last years of his life (he died in 1511), dedicated his beautiful romance "Peregrino" to her, with an inscription that describes her as beautiful, knowledgeable, wise, and modest. The number of poets who fell at her feet was certainly large, and she probably accepted their flattery with the same pleased vanity that a beautiful woman today would receive such admiration. Some of these poets may genuinely have been in love with her, while others offered their praise as courtiers; all, without a doubt, were happy to find in her an ideal to inspire their rhymes and verses.

Ariosto excepted, these poets are to us nothing more than names in the history of literature. The great poet's relations with the princely house of Ferrara began about[Pg 309] 1503, when he entered the service of Cardinal Ippolito. Soon after this—in the year 1505—he began his great epic, and the beautiful duchess appears to have had very little influence on his work. He refers to her occasionally, especially in a stanza for which she owed the poet little thanks if she foresaw his immortality—the eighty-third stanza in the forty-second canto of the Orlando Furioso, in which he places Lucretia's portrait in the temple to woman. The inscription under her portrait says that her fatherland, Rome, on account of her beauty and modesty must regard her as excelling Lucretia of old.[202]

Ariosto aside, these poets are just names in the history of literature to us. The great poet's connection with the princely house of Ferrara started around[Pg 309] 1503, when he began working for Cardinal Ippolito. Not long after, in 1505, he started his major epic, and the beautiful duchess seems to have had little impact on his writing. He mentions her occasionally, particularly in a stanza that she probably didn’t appreciate if she anticipated his lasting fame—the eighty-third stanza in the forty-second canto of the Orlando Furioso, where he places Lucretia's portrait in the temple dedicated to women. The inscription beneath her portrait states that her homeland, Rome, should see her as surpassing the ancient Lucretia, due to her beauty and modesty.[202]

A recent Italian writer, speaking of Ariosto's adulation, says, "However much of it may be looked upon as court flattery, and as due to the poet's obligations to the house of Este, we know that the art of flattery had also its laws and bounds, and that one who ascribed such qualities to a prince who was known to be entirely lacking in them would be regarded as little acquainted with the world and with court manners, for he would cause the person to be publicly ridiculed. In this case the praise would degenerate into satire and the incautious flatterer would fare badly."[203] Flattery has always been the return which court poets make for their slavery. Ariosto and Tasso were no more free from it than were Horace and Virgil. When the poet of the Orlando Furioso discovered that[Pg 310] Cardinal Ippolito was beginning to treat him coldly, he thought to strike out everything he had said in his praise. Although it was probably merely the name Lucretia which Ariosto and other poets used—comparing it with the classic ideal of feminine honor—it is, nevertheless, difficult wholly to reject the interpretation of Lucretia's modern advocates, for, even when this comparison was not made, other admirers—Ariosto especially—praised the beautiful duchess for her decorum. This much is certain: her life in Ferrara was regarded as a model of feminine virtue.

A recent Italian writer, commenting on Ariosto's praise, says, "No matter how much of it may seem like court flattery and tied to the poet's obligations to the house of Este, we know that the art of flattery has its own rules and limits. Anyone who attributed such qualities to a prince known to lack them would be seen as someone who doesn't understand the world and court etiquette, as they would just invite public ridicule. In this scenario, praise would turn into mockery, and the careless flatterer wouldn't fare well." [203] Flattery has always been what court poets give in return for their servitude. Ariosto and Tasso were just as tied to it as Horace and Virgil. When the poet of the Orlando Furioso realized that Cardinal Ippolito was starting to treat him coldly, he thought about removing everything he had said in praise of him. While it was probably just the name Lucretia that Ariosto and other poets used—comparing it to the classic ideal of feminine honor—it's still hard to completely dismiss the interpretations of Lucretia's modern supporters because, even when this comparison wasn’t made, other admirers, especially Ariosto, praised the beautiful duchess for her decency. One thing is clear: her life in Ferrara was seen as a model of feminine virtue.

There was a young woman in her household who charmed all who came in contact with her until she became the cause of a tragedy at the court. This was the Angela Borgia whom Lucretia had brought with her from Rome, and who had been affianced to Francesco Maria Rovere. It is not known when the betrothal was set aside, although it may have been shortly after Alexander's death. The heir of Urbino married, as has been stated, Eleonora Gonzaga. Among Angela's admirers were two of Alfonso's brothers, who were equally depraved, Cardinal Ippolito and Giulio, a natural son of Ercole. One day when Ippolito was assuring Angela of his devotion, she began to praise the beauty of Giulio's eyes, which so enraged his utterly degenerate rival that he planned a horrible revenge. The cardinal hired assassins and commanded them to seize his brother when he was returning from the hunt, and to tear out the eyes which Donna Angela had found so beautiful. The attempt was made in the presence of the cardinal, but it did not succeed as completely as he had wished. The wounded man was carried to his palace, where the physicians succeeded in saving one of his eyes. This crime, which occurred November 3, 1505,[204] aroused the whole[Pg 311] court. The unfortunate Giulio demanded that it be paid in kind, but the duke merely banished the cardinal. The injured man brooded on revenge, and the direst consequences followed.

There was a young woman in her household who captivated everyone she met until she became the reason for a tragedy at the court. This was Angela Borgia, whom Lucretia had brought with her from Rome, and she had been engaged to Francesco Maria Rovere. It’s unclear when the engagement was called off, though it probably happened shortly after Alexander's death. The heir of Urbino married, as mentioned, Eleonora Gonzaga. Among Angela's admirers were two of Alfonso's brothers who were equally corrupt, Cardinal Ippolito and Giulio, a legitimate son of Ercole. One day, while Ippolito was professing his love to Angela, she began to compliment the beauty of Giulio's eyes, which infuriated his depraved rival and led him to plot a horrific revenge. The cardinal hired assassins and ordered them to capture his brother on his way back from the hunt and to gouge out the eyes that Donna Angela had admired so much. The attempt was made in front of the cardinal, but it didn’t go as he had hoped. The wounded man was taken to his palace, where the doctors managed to save one of his eyes. This crime, which took place on November 3, 1505,[204] shocked the entire[Pg 311] court. The unfortunate Giulio demanded retribution, but the duke only banished the cardinal. The injured man plotted revenge, leading to dire consequences.

Ariosto, the wicked cardinal's courtier, fell into difficulties from which he escaped in a way not altogether honorable, which lessens the worth of the praise he bestowed upon Lucretia. He wrote a poem in which he endeavored to clear the murderer by blackening Giulio's character and concealing the motive for the crime. In this same eclogue he poured forth the most ardent praise of Lucretia. He lauded not only her beauty, her good works, and her intellect, but above all her modesty, for which she was famous before coming to Ferrara.[205]

Ariosto, the wicked cardinal's courtier, got into trouble and managed to get out of it in a way that wasn't exactly honorable, which takes away from the value of the praise he gave to Lucretia. He wrote a poem where he tried to exonerate the murderer by slandering Giulio's character and hiding the reason behind the crime. In this same eclogue, he showered Lucretia with intense praise. He celebrated not only her beauty, her good deeds, and her intelligence, but especially her modesty, which she was known for even before arriving in Ferrara.[205]

A year later, December 6, 1506, Lucretia married Donna Angela to Count Alessandro Pio of Sassuolo, and by a remarkable coincidence her son Giberto subsequently became the husband of Isabella, a natural daughter of Cardinal Ippolito.

A year later, on December 6, 1506, Lucretia married Donna Angela to Count Alessandro Pio of Sassuolo, and in an interesting twist of fate, her son Giberto later became the husband of Isabella, a natural daughter of Cardinal Ippolito.

In November, 1505, an event occurred in the Vatican which aroused great interest on the part of Lucretia, and likewise caused her most painful memories. Giulia Farnese, the companion of her unhappy youth, made her appearance there under circumstances which must have overcome her. We know nothing of the life of Alexander's mistress during the years immediately preceding and following his death. She and her husband, Orsini, were living in Castle Bassanello, to which her mother Adriana had also removed. At least Giulia was there in 1504, about which time one[Pg 312] of the Orsini committed one of those crimes with which the history of the great families of Italy is filled. Her sister, Girolama Farnese, widow of Puccio Pucci, had entered into a second marriage—this time with Count Giuliano Orsini of Anguillara—and had been murdered by her stepson, Giambattista of Stabbia, because, as it was alleged, she had tried to poison him. Giulia buried her deceased sister in 1504, at Bassanello.

In November 1505, something happened in the Vatican that caught Lucretia's attention and brought back painful memories. Giulia Farnese, the companion from her troubled youth, showed up under circumstances that must have been overwhelming for her. We don’t know much about Giulia's life during the years right before and right after Alexander's death. She and her husband, Orsini, were living in Castle Bassanello, where her mother Adriana had also moved. Giulia was definitely there in 1504, around the time one[Pg 312] of the Orsini committed one of those crimes that fill the history of Italy's prominent families. Her sister, Girolama Farnese, who was widowed from Puccio Pucci, had remarried—this time to Count Giuliano Orsini of Anguillara—and was murdered by her stepson, Giambattista of Stabbia, because it was claimed she had attempted to poison him. Giulia buried her sister in 1504, at Bassanello.

She must have gone to Rome the following year and taken up her abode in the Orsini palace. Her husband was not living, and Adriana may also have been dead, for she was not present at the ceremony in the Vatican in November, 1505, when Giulia, to the great astonishment of all Rome, married her only daughter, Laura, to the nephew of the Pope, Niccolò Rovere, brother of Cardinal Galeotto.

She must have gone to Rome the following year and settled in the Orsini palace. Her husband had passed away, and Adriana might also have been dead since she was not at the ceremony in the Vatican in November 1505 when Giulia, to everyone’s surprise in Rome, married her only daughter, Laura, to the Pope's nephew, Niccolò Rovere, brother of Cardinal Galeotto.

Laura passed among all those who were acquainted with her mother's secrets as the child of Alexander VI and natural sister of the Duchess of Ferrara. When she was only seven years old her mother had betrothed her to Federico, the twelve-year-old son of Raimondo Farnese; this was April 2, 1499. This alliance was subsequently dissolved to enable her to enter into a union as brilliant as her heart could possibly desire.

Laura walked among everyone who knew her mother's secrets as the child of Alexander VI and the natural sister of the Duchess of Ferrara. When she was just seven years old, her mother had arranged for her to marry Federico, the twelve-year-old son of Raimondo Farnese; this was on April 2, 1499. This engagement was later called off so she could enter a partnership as magnificent as her heart could ever wish for.

The consent of Julius II to the betrothal of his nephew with the bastard daughter of Alexander VI is one of the most astonishing facts in the life of this pope. It perhaps marks his reconciliation with the Borgia. He had hated the men of this family while he was hostile to them, but his hatred was not due to any moral feelings. Julius II felt no contempt for Alexander and Cæsar, but, on the other hand, it is more likely that he marveled at their strength as did Macchiavelli. We do not know that he had any personal relations with Lucretia Borgia after he[Pg 313] ascended the papal throne, although this certainly would have been probable owing to the position of the house of Este. On one occasion he deeply offended Lucretia when, in reinstating Guglielmo Gaetani in possession of Sermoneta by a bull dated January 24, 1504, he applied the most uncomplimentary epithets to Alexander VI, describing him as a "swindler" who had enriched his own children by plundering others.[206] This especially concerned Lucretia, for she had been mistress of Sermoneta, which had subsequently been given to her son Rodrigo.

The approval of Julius II for his nephew to marry the illegitimate daughter of Alexander VI is one of the most surprising facts in the life of this pope. It likely signifies his reconciliation with the Borgia family. He had despised the members of this family while he was in conflict with them, but his hatred wasn’t based on any moral grounds. Julius II felt no disdain for Alexander and Cæsar; rather, it’s more likely he admired their strength, much like Machiavelli did. We don’t know if he had any personal interactions with Lucretia Borgia after he became pope, though it would have been likely given the position of the house of Este. He did offend Lucretia on one occasion when he restored Guglielmo Gaetani to Sermoneta with a bull dated January 24, 1504, using highly unflattering terms for Alexander VI, calling him a "swindler" who had enriched his children by robbing others. This was particularly sensitive for Lucretia, as she had been in charge of Sermoneta, which had later been given to her son Rodrigo.

Later, after Alfonso ascended the ducal throne, the relations between the Pope and Lucretia must have become more friendly. She kept up a lively correspondence with Giulia Farnese, and doubtless received from her the news of the betrothal of her daughter to a member of the Pope's family.[207]

Later, after Alfonso became Duke, the relationship between the Pope and Lucretia likely became more amicable. She maintained an active correspondence with Giulia Farnese and surely got updates from her about her daughter’s engagement to a member of the Pope's family.[207]

The betrothal took place in the Vatican, in the presence of Julius II, Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, and the mother of the young bride. This was one of the greatest triumphs of Giulia's romantic life—she had overcome the opposition of another pope, and one who had been the enemy of Alexander VI, and the man who had ruined Cæsar. She, the adulteress, who had been branded by the satirists of Rome and of all Italy as mistress of Alexander VI, now appeared in the Vatican as one of the most respectable women of the Roman aristocracy, "the illustrious Donna Giulia de Farnesio," Orsini's widow, for the purpose of betrothing the daughter of Alexander and herself to the[Pg 314] Pope's nephew, thereby receiving absolution for the sins of her youth. She was still a beautiful and fascinating woman, and at most not more than thirty years of age.

The betrothal took place in the Vatican, attended by Julius II, Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, and the young bride's mother. This was one of Giulia's biggest triumphs in her love life—she had triumphed over the opposition of another pope, one who had been an enemy of Alexander VI and who had brought down Cæsar. She, the woman labeled an adulteress by the satirists of Rome and all of Italy as the mistress of Alexander VI, was now in the Vatican as one of the most respected women in Roman high society, "the illustrious Donna Giulia de Farnesio," widow of Orsini, to betroth herself and Alexander's daughter to the Pope's nephew, thus seeking forgiveness for the sins of her past. She was still a beautiful and captivating woman, and at most was no more than thirty years old.

This good fortune and the rehabilitation of her character (if, in view of the morals of the time, we may so describe it) she owed to the intercession of her brother the cardinal. Political considerations likewise induced the Pope to consent to the alliance, for, in order to carry out his plan for extending the pontifical States, it was necessary for him to win over the great families of Rome. He secured the support of the Farnese and of the Orsini; in May, 1506, he married his own natural daughter Felice to Giangiordano Orsini of Bracciano, and in July of the same year he gave his niece, Lucretia Gara Rovere, sister of Niccolò, to Marcantonio Colonna as wife.

This good luck and the improvement of her reputation (if we can call it that, given the morals of the time) were thanks to her brother the cardinal’s intervention. Political reasons also pushed the Pope to agree to the alliance because, to implement his plan for expanding the papal States, he needed to gain the support of Rome's powerful families. He secured backing from the Farnese and the Orsini; in May 1506, he married his own illegitimate daughter Felice to Giangiordano Orsini of Bracciano, and in July of the same year, he arranged for his niece, Lucretia Gara Rovere, Niccolò's sister, to marry Marcantonio Colonna.

Again Giulia Farnese vanished from sight, and neither under Julius II nor Leo X does she reappear. March 14, 1524, she made a will which was to be in favor of her nieces Isabella and Costanza in case her daughter should die without issue. March 23d the Venetian ambassador in Rome, Marco Foscari, informed his Signory that Cardinal Farnese's sister, Madama Giulia, formerly mistress of Pope Alexander VI, was dead. From this we are led to assume that she died in Rome. No authentic likeness of Giulia Bella has come down to us, but tradition says that one of the two reclining marble figures which adorn the monument of Paul III—Farnese—in St. Peter's, Justice, represents his sister, Giulia Farnese, while the other, Wisdom, is the likeness of his mother, Giovanella Gaetani.

Once again, Giulia Farnese disappeared from view, and she does not appear again under either Julius II or Leo X. On March 14, 1524, she made a will that favored her nieces Isabella and Costanza in case her daughter died without children. On March 23, the Venetian ambassador in Rome, Marco Foscari, informed his Signory that Cardinal Farnese's sister, Madame Giulia, formerly the mistress of Pope Alexander VI, had died. This leads us to conclude that she passed away in Rome. No authentic likeness of Giulia Bella has survived, but tradition claims that one of the two reclining marble figures that adorn the monument of Paul III—Farnese—in St. Peter's, Justice, represents his sister, Giulia Farnese, while the other, Wisdom, resembles his mother, Giovanella Gaetani.

Giulia's daughter was mistress of Bassanello and Carbognano. She had one son, Giulio della Rovere, who subsequently became famous as a scholar.[208][Pg 315]

Giulia's daughter was in charge of Bassanello and Carbognano. She had one son, Giulio della Rovere, who later became well-known as a scholar.[208][Pg 315]

In the meantime the attempt against Giulio d'Este had been attended by such consequences that the princely house of Ferrara found itself confronted by a grave danger. Giulio complained to Alfonso of injustice, while the cardinal's numerous friends considered his banishment too severe a punishment. Ippolito had a great following in Ferrara. He was a lavish man of the world, while the duke, owing to his utilitarian ways and practical life, repelled the nobility. A party was formed which advocated a revolution. The house of Este had survived many of these attempts. One had occurred when Ercole ascended the throne.

In the meantime, the attempt on Giulio d'Este had serious consequences, putting the princely house of Ferrara in a serious situation. Giulio told Alfonso that he was being treated unfairly, while the cardinal's many friends thought his exile was too harsh. Ippolito had a large following in Ferrara. He was a flamboyant socialite, while the duke, with his practical approach and utilitarian mindset, was alienating the nobility. A faction emerged that pushed for a revolution. The house of Este had weathered many such attempts before, including one when Ercole became ruler.

Giulio succeeded in winning over to his cause certain disaffected nobles and conscienceless men who were in the service of the duke; among them Count Albertino Boschetti of San Cesario; his son-in-law, the captain of the palace guard; a chamberlain; one of the duke's minstrels, and a few others. Even Don Ferrante, Alfonso's own brother, who had been his proxy when he married Lucretia in Rome, entered into the conspiracy. The plan was, first to despatch the cardinal with poison; and, as this act would be punished if the duke were allowed to live, he was to be destroyed at a masked ball, and Don Ferrante was to be placed on the throne.

Giulio managed to win over some discontented nobles and unscrupulous men working for the duke; among them were Count Albertino Boschetti of San Cesario, his son-in-law, the captain of the palace guard, a chamberlain, one of the duke's minstrels, and a few others. Even Don Ferrante, Alfonso's own brother, who had been his stand-in when he married Lucretia in Rome, joined the conspiracy. The plan was to first kill the cardinal with poison; and since this act would be punished if the duke were still alive, he was to be eliminated at a masked ball, with Don Ferrante being put on the throne.

The cardinal, who was well served by his spies in Ferrara, received news of what was going on and immediately informed his brother Alfonso. This was in July, 1506. The conspirators sought safety in flight, but only Giulio and the minstrel Guasconi succeeded in escaping, the former to Mantua and the latter to Rome. Count Boschetti was captured in the vicinity of Ferrara. Don Ferrante apparently made no effort to escape. When he was brought before the duke he threw himself at his feet and begged for[Pg 316] mercy; but Alfonso in his wrath lost control of himself, and not only cast him from him but struck out one of his eyes with a staff which he had in his hand. He had him confined in the tower of the castle, whither Don Giulio, whom the Marchese of Mantua had delivered after a short resistance, was soon brought. The trial for treason was quickly ended, and sentence of death passed upon the guilty. First Boschetti and two of his companions were beheaded in front of the Palazzo della Ragione. This scene is faithfully described in a contemporaneous Ferrarese manuscript on criminology now preserved in the library of the university.

The cardinal, who had reliable spies in Ferrara, got word of what was happening and immediately informed his brother Alfonso. This was in July 1506. The conspirators tried to escape, but only Giulio and the minstrel Guasconi managed to get away, with Giulio heading to Mantua and Guasconi to Rome. Count Boschetti was caught near Ferrara. Don Ferrante seemed to make no attempt to flee. When he was brought before the duke, he fell to his knees and begged for[Pg 316] mercy; however, Alfonso, in his rage, lost his temper and not only rejected him but also struck out one of his eyes with a staff he was holding. He was imprisoned in the castle tower, where Don Giulio, who had been handed over by the Marchese of Mantua after a brief resistance, was soon brought. The treason trial was wrapped up quickly, with a death sentence passed on the guilty. First, Boschetti and two of his accomplices were beheaded in front of the Palazzo della Ragione. This event is accurately described in a contemporary Ferrarese manuscript on criminology that is now preserved in the university library.

The two princes were to be executed in the court of the castle, August 12th. The scaffold was erected, the tribunes were filled, the duke took his place, and the unfortunate wretches were led to the block. Alfonso made a signal—he was about to show mercy to his brothers. They lost consciousness and were carried back to prison. Their punishment had been commuted to life imprisonment. They spent years in captivity, surviving Alfonso himself. Apparently it caused him no contrition to know that his miserable brothers were confined in the castle where he dwelt and held his festivities. Such were the Este whom Ariosto in his poem lauded to the skies. Not until February 22, 1540, did death release Don Ferrante, then in the sixty-third year of his age. Don Giulio was granted his freedom in 1559, and died March 24, 1561, aged eighty-three.[Pg 317]

The two princes were set to be executed in the castle's courtyard on August 12th. The scaffold was built, the stands were packed with people, the duke took his position, and the unfortunate men were brought to the block. Alfonso signaled—he was about to show mercy to his brothers. They fainted and were taken back to prison. Their sentence had been changed to life imprisonment. They spent years in captivity, outliving Alfonso himself. Apparently, he felt no guilt knowing his miserable brothers were locked up in the castle where he lived and held his celebrations. Such were the Este whom Ariosto praised to the heavens in his poem. Not until February 22, 1540, did death free Don Ferrante, who was then sixty-three years old. Don Giulio was released in 1559 and passed away on March 24, 1561, at the age of eighty-three.[Pg 317]

CHAPTER VIII

ESCAPE AND DEATH OF CÆSAR

It was at the time of this great tragedy in Ferrara, which must have vividly reminded Lucretia of her own experiences in the papal city, that Julius II left Rome for the purpose of carrying out his bold plans for reestablishing the pontifical states by driving out the tyrants who had succeeded in escaping Cæsar's sword. Alfonso, as a vassal of the Church, sent him some troops, but he did not take part personally in the expedition. Guidobaldo of Urbino, who had adopted Francesco Maria Rovere as his son and heir, and the Marchese Gonzaga served in the army of Julius II. September 12, 1506, the Pope entered Perugia, whose tyrants, the Baglioni, surrendered. November 11th he made his entry into Bologna, Giovanni Bentivoglio and his wife Ginevra having fled with their children. There Julius halted, casting longing looks at Romagna, formerly Cæsar's domain, but now occupied by the Venetian army.

It was during this major tragedy in Ferrara, which must have reminded Lucretia of her own experiences in the papal city, that Julius II left Rome to pursue his ambitious plans to restore the papal states by ousting the tyrants who had escaped Cæsar's sword. Alfonso, as a vassal of the Church, sent him some troops, but he didn’t personally join the expedition. Guidobaldo of Urbino, who had taken Francesco Maria Rovere as his son and heir, along with the Marchese Gonzaga, fought in Julius II's army. On September 12, 1506, the Pope entered Perugia, where the Baglioni tyrants surrendered. On November 11, he entered Bologna, as Giovanni Bentivoglio and his wife Ginevra fled with their children. There, Julius paused, gazing longingly at Romagna, once Cæsar's territory, but now held by the Venetian army.

It is a curious coincidence that it was at this very moment that the Duke of Romagna, who had vanished from the stage, again appeared. In November Lucretia received news that her brother had escaped from his prison in Spain, and she immediately communicated the fact to the Marchese Gonzaga, who, as field marshal of the Church, was in Bologna.[209][Pg 318]

It’s a strange coincidence that just at this moment, the Duke of Romagna, who had disappeared from the scene, reappeared. In November, Lucretia got word that her brother had escaped from his prison in Spain, and she quickly informed Marchese Gonzaga, who was the field marshal of the Church and stationed in Bologna.[209][Pg 318]

Lucretia had frequently exerted herself to secure Cæsar's freedom and had remained in constant communication with him by messenger. Her petitions, however, had produced no effect upon the King of Spain. Finally, owing to favorable circumstances, Cæsar succeeded in effecting his escape. Zurita says that Ferdinand the Catholic intended to remove him from his prison in the spring of 1506 to Aragon, and then to take him to Naples, whither he was going to place the affairs of the kingdom in order, and to assure himself of Gonsalvo, whose loyalty he suspected. His son-in-law, the Archduke Philip, with whom he was at variance on account of his pretensions to the kingdom of Castile, refused to allow Cæsar to be released from Medina, a Castilian place. While Ferdinand was absent on his journey, Philip died at Burgos, September 5, 1506, and Cæsar took advantage of this opportunity and the king's absence to escape. This he did with the help of the Castilian party, who hoped to profit by the services of the famous condottiere.

Lucretia had often worked hard to secure Cæsar's freedom and had stayed in constant touch with him through messengers. However, her requests had no impact on the King of Spain. Finally, due to favorable circumstances, Cæsar managed to escape. Zurita mentions that Ferdinand the Catholic planned to move him from his prison in the spring of 1506 to Aragon, and then take him to Naples, where he was going to sort out the kingdom's affairs and verify Gonsalvo's loyalty, which he had doubts about. His son-in-law, Archduke Philip, with whom he was at odds over claims to the kingdom of Castile, wouldn't allow Cæsar to be released from Medina, a Castilian location. While Ferdinand was away on his journey, Philip died in Burgos on September 5, 1506, and Cæsar seized this chance, along with the king's absence, to escape. He achieved this with the help of the Castilian faction, who hoped to benefit from the services of the famous condottiere.

October 25th he escaped from the castle of Medina to the estates of the Count of Benavente, where he remained. Some of the barons who wished to place the government of Castile in the hands of Maximilian, Philip's father, were anxious to send him to Flanders as their messenger to the emperor's court. As this plan fell through, Cæsar betook himself to Pamplona to his brother-in-law, the King of Navarre, who had become embroiled in this Castilian intrigue and was at war with his rebellious constable the Count of Lerin.

October 25th, he escaped from the castle of Medina to the properties of the Count of Benavente, where he stayed. Some of the barons who wanted to put the rule of Castile in the hands of Maximilian, Philip's father, were eager to send him to Flanders as their messenger to the emperor's court. When this plan fell apart, Cæsar went to Pamplona to see his brother-in-law, the King of Navarre, who had gotten involved in this Castilian intrigue and was at war with his rebellious constable, the Count of Lerin.

From that place Cæsar wrote the Marchese of Mantua,[Pg 319] and this is the last letter written by him which has been discovered.

From there, Cæsar wrote to the Marchese of Mantua,[Pg 319] and this is the last letter from him that has been found.

Illustrious Prince: I inform you that after innumerable disappointments it has pleased God, our Master, to free me and to release me from prison. How this happened you will learn from my secretary Federigo, the bearer. May this, by God's never-failing mercy, redound to his great service. At present I am with the illustrious King and Queen of Navarre in Pamplona, where I arrived December 3d, as your Majesty will learn from the above-named Federigo, who will also inform you of all that has occurred. You may believe whatever he tells you in my name, just as if I myself were speaking to you.

Famous Prince: I want to let you know that after countless disappointments, it has pleased God, our Master, to free me from prison. You'll hear how this happened from my secretary Federigo, who is delivering this message. May this, through God's unfailing mercy, lead to his great service. Right now, I'm with the illustrious King and Queen of Navarre in Pamplona, where I arrived on December 3rd, as your Majesty will learn from Federigo. He will also update you on everything that has happened. You can trust whatever he tells you in my name, just as if I were speaking to you directly.

I commend myself to your Excellency forever. From Pamplona, December 7, 1506. Your Majesty's friend and younger brother,

I will always be grateful to your Excellency. From Pamplona, December 7, 1506. Your Majesty's friend and younger brother,

Cæsar.

Cesar

The letter has a wafer bearing the combined arms of Cæsar with the inscription Cæsar Borgia de Francia Dux Romandiolæ. One shield has the Borgia arms, with the French lilies, and a helmet from which seven snarling dragons issue; the other the arms of Cæsar's wife, with the lilies of France, and a winged horse rising from the casque.

The letter has a seal featuring the combined coat of arms of Cæsar with the inscription Cæsar Borgia de Francia Dux Romandiolæ. One shield displays the Borgia arms, along with the French lilies, and a helmet from which seven fierce dragons emerge; the other shield represents Cæsar's wife's arms, with the lilies of France, and a winged horse rising from the helmet.

Cæsar's secretary reached Ferrara the last day of December. This same Federigo had been in that city once before,—during July of the year 1506, and had been sent back to Spain by the duchess.[210] He now returned to Italy, not for the purpose of bringing the news of his master's escape, but to learn how matters stood and to ascertain whether there was any prospect of restoring the Duke of Romagna. His majordomo, Requesenz, who was in Fer[Pg 320]rara in January, had come for the same purpose. No time, however, could have been less favorable for such schemes than the year 1506, for Julius II had just taken possession of Bologna. The Marchese Gonzaga, upon whose good will Cæsar still reckoned, was commander of the papal army, which—it was believed—was planning an expedition into the Romagna. This was the only country where there was the slightest possibility of Cæsar's succeeding in reacquiring his power, for his good government had left a favorable impression on the Romagnoles, who would have preferred his authority to that of the Church. Zurita, the historian of Aragon, is correct when he says: "Cæsar's escape caused the Pope great anxiety, for the duke was a man who would not have hesitated to throw all Italy in turmoil for the purpose of carrying out his own plans; he was greatly beloved, not only by the men of war, but also by many people in Ferrara and in the States of the Church—something which seldom falls to the lot of a tyrant."

Cæsar's secretary arrived in Ferrara on the last day of December. This same Federigo had been in that city before—back in July 1506—and had been sent back to Spain by the duchess. He was now returning to Italy, not to deliver news of his master's escape, but to assess the situation and see if there was any chance of restoring the Duke of Romagna. His majordomo, Requesenz, who had been in Ferrara in January, was there for the same reason. However, there couldn't have been a worse time for such plans than in 1506, since Julius II had just taken control of Bologna. Marchese Gonzaga, on whose goodwill Cæsar still relied, was the commander of the papal army, which—people believed—was preparing an expedition into Romagna. This region was the only place where Cæsar might have had a chance to regain his power, as his good governance had left a positive impression on the Romagnoles, who would have preferred his rule over that of the Church. Zurita, the historian from Aragon, is right when he states: "Cæsar's escape caused the Pope considerable worry, as the duke was a man who wouldn't hesitate to throw all of Italy into chaos to achieve his own goals; he was greatly liked, not only by soldiers but also by many people in Ferrara and in the Papal States—something that rarely happens to a tyrant."

Cæsar's messenger ventured to Bologna in spite of the presence of the Pope, and there the latter had him seized. This was reported to Lucretia, who immediately wrote to the Marchese of Gonzaga as follows:

Cæsar's messenger took the risk to go to Bologna despite the Pope being there, and the Pope had him captured. This was told to Lucretia, who promptly wrote to the Marchese of Gonzaga as follows:

Illustrious Brother-in-Law and Honored Brother: I have just learned that by command of his Holiness our Federigo, the chancellor of the duke, my brother, has been seized in Bologna; I am sure he has done nothing to deserve this, for he did not come here with the intention of doing or saying anything that would displease or injure his Holiness—his Excellency would not countenance or risk anything of this sort against his Holiness. If Federigo had been given any order of this nature he would have first informed me of it, and I should never have permitted him to give any ground for complaint, for I am a devoted and faithful servant of the Pope, as is also my illustrious husband. I know of no other reason for his coming than[Pg 321] to inform us of the duke's escape. Therefore I consider his innocence as beyond question. This apprehension of the courier is especially displeasing to me because it will injure my brother, the duke, making it appear that he is not in his Holiness's favor, and the same may be said of myself. I, therefore, urgently request your Excellency—of course if you are disposed to do me a favor—to use every means to induce his Holiness to release the messenger promptly, which I trust he will do out of his own goodness, and owing to the mediation of your Excellency. There is no way your Majesty could give me greater pleasure than by doing this, for the sake of my own honor and every other consideration, and in no way could I become more beholden to you. Therefore, I commend myself again to you with all my heart. Your Majesty's Sister and Servant,

Dear Brother-in-Law and Beloved Brother: I just found out that, by the order of His Holiness Federigo, the chancellor of my brother the duke has been detained in Bologna. I'm sure he hasn’t done anything to deserve this, as he came here with no intention of upsetting or harming His Holiness—my brother wouldn’t allow or risk anything like that. If Federigo had received any order like this, he would have informed me first, and I would never have let him give anyone reason to complain, as I am a loyal servant of the Pope, just like my esteemed husband. I can think of no other reason for his visit than[Pg 321] to inform us about the duke’s escape. Therefore, I firmly believe in his innocence. This capture of the messenger is particularly troubling to me because it will harm my brother, the duke, making it seem like he’s out of favor with His Holiness, and the same goes for me. I am, therefore, urgently asking your Excellency—if you feel inclined to do me a favor—to use every effort to persuade His Holiness to release the messenger quickly, which I hope he will do out of his kindness, and with your help. There’s no greater joy you could give me than this, for my own honor and for many other reasons, and I would be even more grateful to you. So, I commend myself to you once again with all my heart. Your Majesty's Sister and Servant,

The Duchess of Ferrara.

Ferrara, January 15, 1507.

Ferrara, January 15, 1507.

Cæsar had sent his former majordomo, Don Jaime de Requesenz, from Pamplona to the King of France to ask him to allow him to return to his court and enter his service. To this, however, Louis XII would not listen. The messenger met with a severe rebuff when he demanded in Cæsar's name the duchy of Valentinois and the revenue which he had formerly enjoyed as a prince of the French house.[211]

César had sent his former chief steward, Don Jaime de Requesenz, from Pamplona to the King of France to request permission to return to his court and serve him again. However, Louis XII refused to consider it. The messenger faced a harsh rejection when he demanded, on César's behalf, the duchy of Valentinois and the income he had previously received as a prince of the French royal family.[211]

Death soon put an end to the hopes of the famous adventurer. While in the service of his brother-in-law, the King of Navarre, he conducted the siege of the castle of Viana, which was defended by the king's vassal Don Loys de Beamonte, Count of Lerin. There he fell, bravely fighting, March 12, 1507. This place is situated in the diocese of Pamplona, and, as Zurita remarks, Cæsar's death by a curious coincidence occurred on the anniversary of the day on which to him had been given the bishopric of Pamplona.[Pg 322] There he was interred with high honors. Like Nero he was only thirty-one years of age at the time of his demise.

Death quickly dashed the hopes of the famous adventurer. While serving his brother-in-law, the King of Navarre, he led the siege of the castle of Viana, which was held by the king's vassal, Don Loys de Beamonte, Count of Lerin. He fell there, bravely fighting, on March 12, 1507. This location is in the diocese of Pamplona, and as Zurita notes, Julius Caesar's death, by a strange coincidence, occurred on the anniversary of the day he was granted the bishopric of Pamplona.[Pg 322] He was buried there with great honors. Like Nero, he was only thirty-one years old at the time of his death.

The fall of this terrible man, before whom all Italy had once trembled, and whose name was celebrated far and wide, relieved Julius II of a pretender who in time might have been a hindrance to him; for Cæsar, as an ally and a condottiere of Venice, would have spared no effort to force him into a war with the Republic for the possession of Romagna, or into a war with France on his withdrawal from the League of Cambray, and the revengeful Louis XII would certainly have brought Cæsar back to the Romagna for the purpose of availing himself both of his former connections in that country, and also of his great talents as a soldier.

The fall of this terrible man, who once made all of Italy tremble, and whose name was famous everywhere, freed Julius II from a rival who could have become a problem for him later. Cæsar, as an ally and mercenary of Venice, would have done everything he could to drag Julius into a war with the Republic over Romagna or into a conflict with France if he had pulled out of the League of Cambrai. The vengeful Louis XII would definitely have brought Cæsar back to Romagna to take advantage of his old connections there and his impressive skills as a soldier.

The news of Cæsar's death reached Ferrara while the duke was absent, in April, 1507, by way of Rome and Naples. His counselor Magnanini and Cardinal Ippolito withheld the news from the duchess, who was near her confinement. She was merely told that her brother had been wounded in battle. Greatly distressed, she betook herself to one of the convents in the city, where she spent two days in prayer before returning to the castle. As soon as the talk regarding Cæsar's death reached her ears she despatched her servant Tullio for Navarre, but on the way he received a report of the burial and turned back to Ferrara. Grasica, one of Cassar's equerries, also came to Ferrara and gave a full report of the circumstances attending the death of his master, at whose interment in Pamplona he had been present. The cardinal therefore decided to tell Lucretia the truth, and gave her her husband's letter containing the news of Cæsar's death.[212][Pg 323]

The news of Cæsar's death reached Ferrara while the duke was away, in April 1507, through Rome and Naples. His advisor Magnanini and Cardinal Ippolito kept the news from the duchess, who was close to giving birth. She was only told that her brother had been injured in battle. Deeply upset, she went to one of the convents in the city, where she spent two days in prayer before returning to the castle. Once she heard rumors about Cæsar's death, she sent her servant Tullio to Navarre, but on his way, he learned of the burial and returned to Ferrara. Grasica, one of Cæsar's attendants, also arrived in Ferrara and gave a full account of the circumstances surrounding his master's death, having been present at his burial in Pamplona. The cardinal then decided to tell Lucretia the truth and gave her her husband's letter containing the news of Cæsar's death.[212][Pg 323]

The duchess displayed more self-control than had been expected. Her sorrow was mingled with the bitter recollection of all she had experienced and suffered in Rome, the memory of which had been dulled but not wholly obliterated by her life in Ferrara. Twice the murder of her young husband Alfonso must have come back to her in all its horror—once on the death of her father and again on that of her terrible brother. If her grief was not inspired by the overwhelming memories of former times, the sight of Lucretia weeping for Cæsar Borgia is a beautiful example of sisterly love—the purest and most noble of human sentiments.

The duchess showed more self-control than anyone expected. Her sadness was mixed with the painful memories of everything she had gone through and endured in Rome, a memory that had faded but not completely disappeared due to her life in Ferrara. The horrifying murder of her young husband Alfonso must have haunted her twice—first with the death of her father and again with that of her awful brother. If her grief wasn’t brought on by the heavy memories of the past, seeing Lucretia cry for Cæsar Borgia is a beautiful example of sisterly love—the purest and most noble of human feelings.

Valentino certainly did not appear to his sister or to his contemporaries in the form in which we now behold him, for his crimes seem blacker and blacker, while his good qualities and that which—following Macchiavelli—we may call his political worth, are constantly diminishing. To every thinking man the power which this young upstart, owing to an unusual combination of circumstances, acquired is merely a proof of what the timid, short-sighted generality of mankind will tolerate. They tolerated the immature greatness of Cæsar Borgia, before whom princes and states trembled for years, and he was not the last bold but empty idol of history before whom the world has tottered.

Valentino definitely didn’t present himself to his sister or his peers the way we see him now. His crimes seem worse and worse, while his good traits and what we might call his political value, following Machiavelli, are steadily fading. For any thoughtful person, the power this young upstart gained, due to a rare set of circumstances, is just proof of what the fearful and short-sighted general public will accept. They accepted the immature rise of Cesare Borgia, who made princes and states tremble for years, and he wasn't the last bold but ultimately hollow figure in history who made the world uneasy.

Although Lucretia may not have had a very clearly defined opinion of her brother, neither her memory nor her sight could have been wholly dulled. She herself forgave him, but she must, nevertheless, have asked herself whether the incorruptible Judge of all mankind would forgive him—for she was a devout and faithful Catholic according to the religious standards of the age. She doubtless had innumerable masses said for his soul, and assailed heaven with endless prayers.[Pg 324]

Although Lucretia might not have had a strong opinion about her brother, neither her memory nor her sight could have been completely clouded. She forgave him, but she must have questioned whether the incorruptible Judge of all people would forgive him—since she was a devout and faithful Catholic by the religious standards of her time. She surely had countless masses said for his soul and bombarded heaven with endless prayers.[Pg 324]

Ercole Strozzi sought to console her in pompous verse; in 1508 he dedicated to her his elegy on Cæsar. This fantastic poem is remarkable as having been the production of this man, and it might be defined as the poetic counterpart of Macchiavelli's "Prince." First the poet describes the deep sorrow of the two women, Lucretia and Charlotte, lamenting the deceased with burning tears, even as Cassandra and Polyxena bewailed the loss of Achilles. He depicts the triumphant progress of Cæsar, who resembled the great Roman by his deeds as well as in name. He enumerated the various cities he had seized in Romagna, and complained that an envious Fate had not permitted him to subjugate more of them, for if it had, the fame of the capture of Bologna would not have fallen to Julius II. The poet says that the Genius of Rome had once appeared to the people and foretold the fall of Alexander and Cæsar, complaining that all hope of the savior of the line of Calixtus,—whom the gods had promised,—would expire with them. Eratus had told the poet of these promises made in Olympus. Pallas and Venus, one as the friend of Cæsar and Spain, the other as the patron of Italy, unwilling that strangers should rule over the descendants of the Trojans, had complained to Jupiter of his failure to fulfil his promise to give Italy a great king who would be likewise her savior. Jupiter had reassured them by saying that fate was inexorable. Cæsar like Achilles had to die, but from the two lines of Este and Borgia, which sprang from Troy and Greece, the promised hero would come. Pallas thereupon appeared in Nepi, where, after Alexander's death, Cæsar lay sick of the pest, in his camp, and, in the form of his father, informed him of his approaching end, which he, conscious of his fame, must suffer like a hero. Then she disappeared in the form of a bird and hastened to Lu[Pg 325]cretia in Ferrara. After the poet described Cæsar's fall in Spain he sought to console the sister with philosophic platitudes, and then with the assurance that she was to be the mother of the child who was destined for such a great career.[213]

Ercole Strozzi tried to comfort her with grand poetry; in 1508 he dedicated his elegy on Cæsar to her. This extraordinary poem stands out as a work of this man and could be seen as the poetic counterpart to Machiavelli's "Prince." First, the poet describes the deep sadness of the two women, Lucretia and Charlotte, mourning the deceased with passionate tears, just like Cassandra and Polyxena lamented Achilles's loss. He illustrates Cæsar's triumphant journey, likening him to the great Roman both in actions and name. He lists the different cities he had captured in Romagna and laments that a jealous Fate did not allow him to conquer more, for if it had, the glory of taking Bologna wouldn’t have gone to Julius II. The poet mentions that the Genius of Rome once appeared to the people and predicted the downfall of Alexander and Cæsar, expressing that all hope for a savior of the Calixtus line, promised by the gods, would perish with them. Eratus had told the poet about these promises made in Olympus. Pallas and Venus, one as Cæsar's and Spain's ally, the other as Italy's protector, were unhappy that outsiders would rule over the descendants of the Trojans and complained to Jupiter about his broken promise to give Italy a great king who would also be her savior. Jupiter reassured them, stating that fate was unyielding. Just like Achilles, Cæsar had to die, but from the two lines of Este and Borgia, which descended from Troy and Greece, the promised hero would arise. Pallas then appeared in Nepi, where, after Alexander's death, Cæsar was sick with the plague in his camp, and, taking the form of his father, informed him of his impending demise, a fate he must accept like a hero, knowing his legacy. She then vanished as a bird and flew to Lucretia in Ferrara. After the poet detailed Cæsar's downfall in Spain, he tried to comfort the sister with philosophical ideas and assured her that she would be the mother of a child destined for greatness.[213]

According to Zurita, Cæsar left but one legitimate child, a daughter, who was living with her mother under the protection of the King of Navarre. Her name was Luisa; later she married Louis de la Tremouille, and on his death Philipp of Bourbon, Baron of Busset. Her mother, Charlotte d'Albret, having suffered much in life, gave herself up to holy works. She retired from the world, and died March 11, 1504. Two natural children of Cæsar, a son Girolamo and a daughter Lucretia were living in Ferrara, where the latter became a nun and died in 1573, she being at the time abbess of San Bernardino.[214] As late as February, 1550, an illegitimate son of Cæsar's appeared in Paris. He was a priest, and he announced that he was the natural son of the Duke of Romagna, and called himself Don Luigi. He had come from Rome to ask assistance of the King of France, because, as he said, his father had met his death while he was in the service of the French crown in the kingdom of Navarre. They gave him a hundred ducats, with which he returned to Rome.[215]

According to Zurita, Cæsar only had one legitimate child, a daughter, who was living with her mother under the protection of the King of Navarre. Her name was Luisa; later she married Louis de la Tremouille and, after his death, Philipp of Bourbon, Baron of Busset. Her mother, Charlotte d'Albret, who had gone through a lot in life, devoted herself to religious works. She withdrew from the world and died on March 11, 1504. Two illegitimate children of Cæsar, a son named Girolamo and a daughter named Lucretia, were living in Ferrara, where Lucretia became a nun and died in 1573, serving as abbess of San Bernardino.[214] As late as February 1550, an illegitimate son of Cæsar appeared in Paris. He was a priest and claimed to be the natural son of the Duke of Romagna, calling himself Don Luigi. He had come from Rome to seek help from the King of France because, he said, his father had died while serving the French crown in the kingdom of Navarre. They gave him a hundred ducats, which he took back to Rome.[215]

[Pg 326]

CHAPTER IX

MURDER OF ERCOLE STROZZI—DEATH OF GIOVANNI SFORZA AND OF LUCRETIA'S ELDEST SON

Alfonso's hopes of having an heir had twice been disappointed by miscarriages, but April 4, 1508, his wife bore him a son, who was baptized with the name of his grandfather.

Alfonso's hopes of having an heir had been dashed twice by miscarriages, but on April 4, 1508, his wife gave birth to a son, who was named after his grandfather.

Ercole Strozzi regarded the birth of this heir to the throne as the fulfilment of his prophesy. In a genethliakon he flatters the duchess with the hope that the deeds of her brother Cæsar and of her father Alexander would be an incentive to her son—both would remind him of Camillus and the Scipios as well as of the heroes of Greece.

Ercole Strozzi saw the birth of this heir to the throne as the realization of his prophecy. In a genethliakon, he praises the duchess with the hope that the achievements of her brother Cæsar and her father Alexander would inspire her son—both would remind him of Camillus and the Scipios, as well as the heroes of Greece.

Only a few weeks after this the genial poet met with a terrible end. His devotion to Lucretia was doubtless merely that of a court gallant and poet celebrating the beauty of his patroness. The real object of his affections was Barbara Torelli, the youthful widow of Ercole Bentivoglio, who gave him the preference over another nobleman. Strozzi married her in May, 1508.

Only a few weeks later, the kind poet faced a tragic fate. His admiration for Lucretia was likely just that of a charming courtier and poet praising the beauty of his benefactor. The true object of his affections was Barbara Torelli, the young widow of Ercole Bentivoglio, who chose him over another nobleman. Strozzi married her in May 1508.

Thirteen days later, on the morning of June 6th, the poet's dead body was found near the Este palace, which is now known as the Pareschi, wrapped in his mantle, some of his hair torn out by the roots, and wounded in two and twenty places. All Ferrara was in an uproar, for she owed her fame to Strozzi, one of the most imaginative poets of his time, the pet of everybody, the friend of Bembo[Pg 327] and Ariosto, the favorite of the duchess and of the entire court. On his father's death he had succeeded to his position as chief of the twelve judges of Ferrara. He was still in the flower of his youth, being only twenty-seven years old.

Thirteen days later, on the morning of June 6th, the poet's dead body was found near the Este palace, now known as the Pareschi, wrapped in his cloak, with some of his hair torn out by the roots, and wounded in twenty-two places. All of Ferrara was in an uproar, as she owed her fame to Strozzi, one of the most creative poets of his time, everyone's favorite, a friend of Bembo[Pg 327] and Ariosto, beloved by the duchess and the entire court. After his father's death, he took over as chief of the twelve judges of Ferrara. He was still in the prime of his youth, being only twenty-seven years old.

This terrible event must have reminded Lucretia of the day when her brother Gandia was slain. The mystery attending these crimes has never been dispelled. "No one named the author of the murder, for the pretor was silent," says Paul Jovius in his eulogy of the poet. But who, except those who had the power to do so could have compelled the court to remain silent?

This horrible event must have reminded Lucretia of the day her brother Gandia was killed. The mystery surrounding these crimes has never been solved. "No one named the murderer, because the pretor was silent," says Paul Jovius in his eulogy of the poet. But who, other than those with the authority to do so, could have forced the court to stay quiet?

Some have ascribed the deed to Alfonso, stating that he destroyed Strozzi on account of his passion for the latter's wife; others claim that he simply revenged himself for the favor which Lucretia had shown the poet. Recent writers who have endeavored to fathom the mystery and who have availed themselves of authentic records of the time regard Alfonso as the guilty one.[216] One of the strongest proofs of his guilt is found in the fact that the duke, who not only had punished the conspirators against his own life so cruelly, and who had always shown himself an unyielding supporter of the law, allowed the matter to drop.

Some people blame Alfonso for the act, saying he killed Strozzi because he was in love with Strozzi's wife; others argue that he was just getting revenge for Lucretia's affection toward the poet. Recent authors who have tried to uncover the truth and used authentic records from that time see Alfonso as the one at fault.[216] One of the strongest pieces of evidence against him is that the duke, who had dealt so harshly with those who conspired against him and who had always been a firm supporter of the law, let the whole situation go without any further action.

Lucretia has even been charged with the murder on the ground of her jealousy of Barbara Torelli, or owing to her fear that Strozzi might disclose her relations with Bembo, especially as he had hoped to obtain the cardinal's hat through the influence of the duchess, in which he was disappointed. None of the later historians has given any[Pg 328] credence to this theory. Ariosto did not believe it, for if he did how could he have made Ercole Strozzi the herald of her fame in the temple of honor in which he placed the women of the house of Este? Even if he wrote this stanza before the poet's death—which is not probable—he would certainly have changed it before the publication of the poem, which was in 1516.

Lucretia has even been accused of murder because of her jealousy of Barbara Torelli, or due to her fear that Strozzi might reveal her relationship with Bembo, especially since he had hoped to gain the cardinal's hat through the duchess's influence, which didn't work out for him. None of the later historians have believed this theory. Ariosto didn't buy it, because if he did, how could he have made Ercole Strozzi the herald of her fame in the temple of honor where he placed the women of the Este family? Even if he wrote this stanza before the poet's death—which is unlikely—he would definitely have changed it before publishing the poem, which was in 1516.

Nor did Aldo Manuzio believe in Lucretia's guilt, for in 1513 he dedicated to her an edition of the poems of the two Strozzi, father and son, accompanied by an introduction in which he praises her to the skies.

Nor did Aldo Manuzio believe Lucretia was guilty, because in 1513 he dedicated an edition of the poems by the two Strozzi, father and son, to her, along with an introduction in which he praises her highly.

In the meantime Julius II had formed the League of Cambray, which was to crush Venice, and which Ferrara had also joined. The war kept Alfonso away from his domain much of the time, and consequently he made Lucretia regent during his absence. In former days she had occasionally acted as regent in the Vatican and in Spoleto—but in a different way. In 1509 she saw the war clouds gathering about Ferrara, for it was in that year that her husband and the cardinal attacked the Venetian fleet on the Po. August 25th of this same year Lucretia bore a second son, Ippolito.

Meanwhile, Julius II had formed the League of Cambrai, which aimed to take down Venice, and Ferrara had also joined in. The war kept Alfonso away from his territory for much of the time, so he made Lucretia the regent during his absences. In the past, she had occasionally acted as regent in the Vatican and in Spoleto—but in a different manner. In 1509, she noticed the war clouds gathering around Ferrara, as that was the year her husband and the cardinal attacked the Venetian fleet on the Po. On August 25th of that same year, Lucretia gave birth to a second son, Ippolito.

The war which convulsed the entire peninsula immediately drew Ferrara into the great movement which did not subside until Charles V imposed a new order of things on the affairs of Italy. Lucretia's subsequent life, therefore, was largely influenced by politics. Her first peaceful years in Ferrara, like her youth, were past. She now devoted herself to the education of her children, the princes of Este, and to affairs of state whenever her husband entrusted them to her. She was a capable woman; her father was not mistaken in his opinion of her intellect. She made herself felt as regent in Ferrara. She was regent for the[Pg 329] first time in May, 1506, and she acquitted herself most creditably. The Jews in Ferrara were being oppressed, and Lucretia had a law passed to protect them, and all who transgressed it were severely punished. In the dedication of the poems of the Strozzi addressed to her by Aldo, he lauds, among her other good qualities, not only her fear of God, her benevolence to the poor, and her kindness toward her relatives, but also her ability as a ruler, saying that she made an excellent regent, whose sound opinions and perspicacity were greatly admired by the burghers. Even if we make allowances for the flattery, there is still much truth in what he says.

The war that shook the entire peninsula quickly pulled Ferrara into the larger conflict, which only settled down once Charles V established a new order for Italy. As a result, Lucretia's life from that point on was heavily influenced by politics. Her peaceful years in Ferrara, much like her youth, were behind her. She now focused on educating her children, the princes of Este, and handling state affairs whenever her husband delegated them to her. She was a capable woman; her father was right about her intelligence. She established her presence as regent in Ferrara. She first served as regent in May 1506 and did an admirable job. The Jews in Ferrara were facing oppression, and Lucretia had a law enacted to protect them, with severe penalties for those who violated it. In the dedication of the poems of the Strozzi addressed to her by Aldo, he praises her for various qualities, including her fear of God, her kindness to the poor, and her support for her relatives, as well as her skills as a ruler, noting that she was an excellent regent whose wise judgments and insight were highly regarded by the townspeople. Even considering some flattery, there is still a lot of truth in his words.

ALDO MANUZIO.
From an engraving by Angustin de St. Aubin.

Owing to these facts it is not strange that Lucretia's personality was quite obliterated or eclipsed by the political history of Ferrara during this period. The chroniclers of the city make no mention of her except on the occasion of the birth of her children, and Paul Jovius speaks of her only two or three times in his biography of Alfonso, although in each case with the greatest respect. The personal interest which the early career of this woman had excited died out with the change in her life. Even her letters to Alfonso and those to her friend Isabella Gonzaga contain little of importance to her biographers. No one now questioned her virtues; even the Emperor Maximilian, who had endeavored to prevent her marriage with Alfonso, acknowledged them. One day in February, 1510, in Augsburg, while in conversation with the Ferrarese ambassador, Girolamo Cassola—having discussed the ladies and the festivities of Augsburg at length—he questioned the ambassador about the women of Italy, and especially about those of Ferrara, whereupon "much was said regarding the good qualities of our duchess. I spoke of her beauty, her graciousness, her modesty, and her virtues. The[Pg 330] emperor asked me what other beauties there were in Ferrara, and I named Donna Diana and Donna Agnola, one the sister and the other the wife of Ercole d'Este." Such was the report the ambassador sent to Ferrara.[217]

Due to these facts, it’s not surprising that Lucretia’s personality was largely overshadowed by the political events in Ferrara during this time. The city’s chroniclers hardly mention her except when noting the birth of her children, and Paul Jovius refers to her only two or three times in his biography of Alfonso, always with great respect. The personal interest in her early life faded as her circumstances changed. Even her letters to Alfonso and to her friend Isabella Gonzaga hold little significance for her biographers. No one questioned her virtues; even Emperor Maximilian, who tried to stop her marriage to Alfonso, acknowledged them. One day in February 1510, in Augsburg, while talking with the Ferrarese ambassador, Girolamo Cassola—after discussing the ladies and events in Augsburg—he asked the ambassador about the women of Italy, especially those from Ferrara. As a result, “much was said about the good qualities of our duchess. I mentioned her beauty, charm, modesty, and virtues. The emperor then asked me what other beauties there were in Ferrara, and I named Donna Diana and Donna Agnola, one being the sister and the other the wife of Ercole d'Este.” This was the report the ambassador sent back to Ferrara.[217]

Lucretia's nature had become more composed, thanks to the stability of the world to which she now belonged and owing to the important duties she now had, and only rarely was it disturbed by any reminder of her experiences in Rome. The death of Giovanni Sforza of Pesaro, however, in 1510, served to recall her early life.

Lucretia had become more composed, thanks to the stability of her new world and the important responsibilities she now had, and her past experiences in Rome were only rarely brought to mind. However, the death of Giovanni Sforza of Pesaro in 1510 reminded her of her earlier life.

On returning to his State, Sforza had been confirmed in its possession as a vassal of the Church by a bull of Julius II. He endeavored to rule wisely, made many improvements, and strengthened the castle of Pesaro. He was a cultivated man given over to the study of philosophy. Ratti, a biographer of the house of Sforza, mentions a catalogue which he compiled of the entire archives of Pesaro. In 1504 he married a noble Venetian, Ginevra, of the house of Tiepolo, whose acquaintance he had made while in exile. November 4, 1505, she bore him a son, Costanzo.[218]

On returning to his state, Sforza was officially recognized as its ruler under the Church by a bull from Julius II. He worked hard to govern wisely, implemented many improvements, and fortified the castle of Pesaro. He was an educated man dedicated to studying philosophy. Ratti, a biographer of the Sforza family, notes a catalog he created of the entire archives of Pesaro. In 1504, he married a noblewoman from Venice, Ginevra, from the Tiepolo family, whom he had met during his exile. On November 4, 1505, she gave birth to their son, Costanzo.[218]

What were his exact relations with the Este, with whom he was connected, we do not know, although they, doubtless, were not altogether pleasant. Sforza could not have found much pleasure in life, for his famous house was fast becoming extinct, and he could not foresee a long future for his race. He died peacefully July 27, 1510, in the castle of Gradara, where he had been in the habit of spending much of his time alone.

What his exact connections with the Este were, we don't know, but they were probably not entirely pleasant. Sforza likely didn’t find much joy in life, as his once-famous family was facing extinction, and he couldn't anticipate a long future for his lineage. He died quietly on July 27, 1510, in the castle of Gradara, where he often spent a lot of time alone.

As his son was still a small child his natural brother[Pg 331] Galeazzo, who had married Ginevra, a daughter of Ercole Bentivoglio, assumed the government of Pesaro. Giovanni's child died August 15, 1512, whereupon Pope Julius II withdrew his support from Galeazzo, and forced the last of the Sforza of Pesaro to enter into an agreement by which, October 30, 1512, he surrendered the castle and domain to Francesco Maria Rovere, who had been Duke of Urbino since the death of Guidobaldo in April, 1508. Pesaro therefore was united with this State. Galeazzo died in Milan in 1515, having made the Duke Maximilian Sforza his heir. The line of the lords of Pesaro thus became extinct, for Giovanni Sforza had left only a natural daughter, Isabella, who in 1520 married Sernigi Cipriano, a noble Florentine, and who died in Rome in 1561, famous for her culture and intellect. Her epitaph may still be read on a stone in the wall of the passageway behind the tribune in the Lateran basilica.[219]

As his son was still a small child, his half-brother Galeazzo, who had married Ginevra, a daughter of Ercole Bentivoglio, took over the government of Pesaro. Giovanni's child died on August 15, 1512, prompting Pope Julius II to withdraw his support from Galeazzo and force the last of the Sforza of Pesaro to reach an agreement. By October 30, 1512, he surrendered the castle and lands to Francesco Maria Rovere, who had been Duke of Urbino since Guidobaldo's death in April 1508. Pesaro was then integrated into this State. Galeazzo died in Milan in 1515, naming Duke Maximilian Sforza as his heir. Thus, the line of the lords of Pesaro became extinct since Giovanni Sforza had only a natural daughter, Isabella, who married Sernigi Cipriano, a noble Florentine, in 1520. She passed away in Rome in 1561, renowned for her education and intelligence. Her epitaph can still be read on a stone in the wall of the passageway behind the tribune in the Lateran basilica.[219]

The death of Lucretia's first husband must have vividly reminded her of the wrong she had done him, because she had now reached the age when frivolity no longer dulled conscience; but the times were so troublous that she directed her thoughts into other channels. August 9, 1510, a few days after the death of Sforza, Julius II placed Alfonso under his ban and declared that he had forfeited all his Church fiefs. The Pope again took up the plans of his[Pg 332] uncle Sixtus, who, in conjunction with the Venetians, had schemed to wrest Ferrara from the Este. After the Venetians had appeased him by withdrawing from the cities of Romagna, he had made peace with the Republic, and commanded Alfonso to withdraw from the League and to cease warring against Venice. The duke refused, and this was the reason for the ban. Ferrara thereupon, together with France, found itself drawn into a ruinous war which led to the famous battle of Ravenna, April 1, 1512, which was won by Alfonso's artillery.

The death of Lucretia's first husband must have starkly reminded her of the wrongs she had done him because she had now reached an age where frivolity no longer clouded her conscience; however, the times were so troubled that she diverted her thoughts elsewhere. On August 9, 1510, just a few days after Sforza's death, Julius II put Alfonso under his ban and declared that he had lost all his Church lands. The Pope once again revisited the plans of his[Pg 332] uncle Sixtus, who, along with the Venetians, had plotted to take Ferrara from the Este. After the Venetians satisfied him by pulling back from the cities of Romagna, he made peace with the Republic and ordered Alfonso to withdraw from the League and stop fighting against Venice. The duke refused, and that was the reason for the ban. Consequently, Ferrara, alongside France, became embroiled in a devastating war that led to the famous battle of Ravenna on April 1, 1512, which was won by Alfonso's artillery.

It was during this war, and on the occasion of the attempt of Julius II to capture Ferrara by surprise, that the famous Bayard made the acquaintance of Lucretia. After the French cavaliers, with their companions in arms, the Ferrarese, had captured the fortress they returned in triumph to Ferrara where they were received with the greatest honors. In remembrance of this occasion the biographer Bayard wrote in praise of Lucretia as follows: "The good duchess received the French before all the others with every mark of favor. She is a pearl in this world. She daily gave the most wonderful festivals and banquets in the Italian fashion. I venture to say that neither in her time nor for many years before has there been such a glorious princess, for she is beautiful and good, gentle and amiable to everyone, and nothing is more certain than this, that, although her husband is a skilful and brave prince, the above-named lady, by her graciousness, has been of great service to him."[220]

It was during this war, when Julius II tried to take Ferrara by surprise, that the famous Bayard met Lucretia. After the French knights and their Ferrarese allies captured the fortress, they returned in triumph to Ferrara, where they were welcomed with great honors. To commemorate this event, the biographer Bayard praised Lucretia, saying: "The good duchess welcomed the French before anyone else with every sign of favor. She is a pearl in this world. She hosted the most marvelous festivals and banquets in the Italian style every day. I dare say that neither in her time nor for many years before has there been such a glorious princess, for she is beautiful and kind, gentle and pleasant to everyone. And it is certain that, even though her husband is a skilled and brave prince, this remarkable lady has greatly assisted him with her kindness."[220]

Owing to the death of Gaston de Foix at the battle of[Pg 333] Ravenna, the victory of the French turned to defeat and the rout of the Pope into victory. Alfonso finding himself defenseless, hastened to Rome in July, 1512, to ask forgiveness from Julius, and, although this was accorded him, he was saved from destruction, or a fate similar to Cæsar Borgia's, only by secret flight. With the help of the Colonna, who conducted him to Marino, he reached Ferrara in disguise.

Due to the death of Gaston de Foix at the Battle of[Pg 333] Ravenna, the French victory turned into a defeat and the Pope's situation became victorious. Alfonso, finding himself unprotected, rushed to Rome in July 1512 to seek forgiveness from Julius. Although he was granted forgiveness, he narrowly escaped destruction, or a fate like that of Cæsar Borgia, only by fleeing secretly. With the assistance of the Colonna, who took him to Marino, he reached Ferrara disguised.

These were anxious days for Lucretia; for, while she was trembling for the life of her husband, she received news of the death, abroad, of her son. August 28, 1512, the Mantuan agent Stazio Gadio wrote his master Gonzaga from Rome, saying news had reached there that the Duke of Biselli, son of the Duchess of Ferrara and Don Alfonso of Aragon, had died at Bari, where he was living under the care of the duchess of that place.[221] Lucretia herself gave this information to a person whose name is not known, in a letter dated October 1st, saying, "I am wholly lost in bitterness and tears on account of the death of the Duke of Biselli, my dearest son, concerning which the bearer of this will give you further particulars."[222]

These were stressful days for Lucretia, as she was worried about her husband’s life and received news of her son’s death overseas. On August 28, 1512, the Mantuan agent Stazio Gadio wrote to his master Gonzaga from Rome, saying that news had arrived that the Duke of Biselli, son of the Duchess of Ferrara and Don Alfonso of Aragon, had died in Bari, where he was being cared for by the local duchess.[221] Lucretia shared this information with an unnamed person in a letter dated October 1st, stating, "I am completely overwhelmed with grief and tears over the death of the Duke of Biselli, my beloved son, about which the messenger will provide you with more details."[222]

We do not know how the unfortunate Rodrigo spent the first years following Alexander's death and Cæsar's exile in Spain, but there is ground for believing that he was left in Naples under the guardianship of the cardinals Ludovico Borgia and Romolini of Sorrento. By virtue of a previous agreement, the King of Spain recognized Lucretia's son as Duke of Biselli, and there is an official document of September, 1505, according to which the representative of the little duke placed his oath of allegiance in[Pg 334] the hands of the two cardinals above named.[223] Rodrigo may have been brought up by his aunt, Donna Sancia, for she was living with her husband in the kingdom of Naples, where Don Giuffrè had been confirmed in the possession of his property. Sancia died childless in the year 1506, just as Ferdinand the Catholic appeared in Naples. The king, consequently, appropriated a large part of Don Giuffrè's estates, although the latter remained Prince of Squillace. He married a second time and left several heirs. Of his end we know nothing. One of his grandchildren, Anna de Borgia, Princess of Squillace, the last of her race, brought these estates to the house of Gandia by her marriage with Don Francesco Borgia at the beginning of the seventeenth century.

We don't know exactly how the unfortunate Rodrigo spent the first few years after Alexander's death and Cæsar's exile in Spain, but there's reason to believe he was left in Naples under the guardianship of Cardinals Ludovico Borgia and Romolini of Sorrento. According to a previous agreement, the King of Spain recognized Lucretia's son as Duke of Biselli, and there is an official document from September 1505 where the representative of the young duke swore loyalty to the two cardinals mentioned above.[Pg 334] Rodrigo may have been raised by his aunt, Donna Sancia, who was living with her husband in the kingdom of Naples, where Don Giuffrè had been confirmed in his property rights. Sancia passed away without children in 1506, just as Ferdinand the Catholic arrived in Naples. As a result, the king took a large portion of Don Giuffrè's estates, though Don Giuffrè remained the Prince of Squillace. He remarried and had several heirs. We know nothing about his end. One of his grandchildren, Anna de Borgia, Princess of Squillace, the last of her line, brought these estates into the house of Gandia through her marriage to Don Francesco Borgia in the early seventeenth century.

It may have been on the death of Sancia that Rodrigo was placed under the protection of another aunt, Isabella d'Aragona, his father's eldest sister, the most unfortunate woman of the age, wife of Giangaleazzo of Milan, who had been poisoned by Ludovico il Moro. The figure of Isabella of Milan is the most tragic in the history of Italy of the period beginning with the invasion of Charles VIII—an epoch filled with a series of disasters that involved every dynasty of the country. For she was affected at one and the same time by the fall of two great houses, that of Sforza and that of Aragon. The saying of Caracciolo in his work, De varietate fortunæ, regarding the Sforza, namely, that there is no tragedy however terrible for which this house would not furnish an abundance of material may well be applied to both these families. Isabella had beheld the fall of her once mighty house, and she had seen her own son Francesco seized and taken to France by Louis XII,[Pg 335] where he died, a priest, in his early manhood. She herself had retired to Bari, a city which Ludovico il Moro had given up to her in 1499, and of which she remained duchess until her death, February 11, 1524.

It might have been after Sancia's death that Rodrigo was put under the care of another aunt, Isabella d'Aragona, his father's oldest sister, the most unfortunate woman of her time, married to Giangaleazzo of Milan, who had been poisoned by Ludovico il Moro. The story of Isabella of Milan is the most tragic in Italy's history during the period that began with Charles VIII’s invasion—a time filled with a series of disasters that affected every dynasty in the country. She was impacted simultaneously by the downfall of two great families, the Sforza and the Aragon. Caracciolo's observation in his work, De varietate fortunæ, about the Sforza—that there isn't a tragedy too terrible for this house to provide plenty of material—could apply to both families. Isabella witnessed the collapse of her once-great house, and she saw her own son Francesco captured and taken to France by Louis XII,[Pg 335] where he died a priest in his early twenties. She had retreated to Bari, a city that Ludovico il Moro had given to her in 1499, and she remained its duchess until her death on February 11, 1524.

Donna Isabella had taken Lucretia's son to herself, and from the records of the household expenses of the Duchess of Ferrara it appears that he was with her in Bari in March, 1505, for on the twenty-sixth of that month there is the following entry: "A suit of damask and brocade which her Majesty sent her son Don Rodrigo in Bari as a present."[224] April 3d his mother sent his tutor, Baldassare Bonfiglio, who had come to Naples, back to him. This man is named in the register under date of February 25, 1506, as tutor of Don Giovanni. It appears, therefore, that this child also was in Bari, and was being educated with his playfellow Rodrigo. In October, 1506, we find the little Giovanni in Carpi, where he was probably placed at the court of the Pio. From there Lucretia had him brought to the court of Ferrara on the date mentioned. She therefore was allowed to have this mysterious infante, but not her own child Rodrigo, with her. In November, 1506, Giovanni must again have been in Carpi, for Lucretia sent him some fine linen apparel to that place.[225]

Donna Isabella had taken Lucretia's son to care for, and from the household expense records of the Duchess of Ferrara, it seems he was with her in Bari in March 1505. On the twenty-sixth of that month, there’s an entry: "A suit of damask and brocade that her Majesty sent her son Don Rodrigo in Bari as a gift."[224] On April 3rd, his mother sent his tutor, Baldassare Bonfiglio, who had come to Naples, back to him. This man is listed in the register dated February 25, 1506, as the tutor of Don Giovanni. It appears, therefore, that this child was also in Bari and was being educated alongside his playmate Rodrigo. In October 1506, we find young Giovanni in Carpi, where he was likely placed at the court of the Pio. From there, Lucretia had him brought to the court of Ferrara on the aforementioned date. She was therefore permitted to have this mysterious infant with her, but not her own child Rodrigo. In November 1506, Giovanni must have again been in Carpi, as Lucretia sent him some fine linen clothing to that location.[225]

Both children were together again in Bari in April, 1508, for in the record of the household expenses the expenditures for both, beginning with May of that year, are given together, and a certain Don Bartolommeo Grotto is mentioned as instructor to both.[226] The son of Lucretia[Pg 336] and of the murdered Alfonso, therefore, died in the home of Donna Isabella in Bari, which was not far from his hereditary duchy of Biselli.

Both children were back together in Bari in April 1508. The household expense records show their costs listed together starting in May of that year, and a certain Don Bartolommeo Grotto is mentioned as their instructor.[226] The son of Lucretia[Pg 336] and the murdered Alfonso died in Donna Isabella's home in Bari, which was close to his ancestral duchy of Biselli.

We have a letter written by this unhappy Princess Isabella a few weeks after the death of the youthful Rodrigo, to Perot Castellar, Governor of Biselli:

We have a letter from the sorrowful Princess Isabella a few weeks after the death of the young Rodrigo, addressed to Perot Castellar, Governor of Biselli:

Monsignor Perot: We write this merely to ask you to compel those of Corato to pay us what they have to pay, from the revenue of the illustrious Duke of Biselli, our nephew of blessed memory, for shortly a bill will come from the illustrious Duchess of Ferrara, and in case the money is not ready we might be caused great inconvenience. Those of Corato may delay, and we might be compelled to find the money at once. Therefore you must see to it that we are not subjected to any further inconvenience, and that we are paid immediately; for by so doing you will oblige us, and we offer ourselves to your service.

Monsignor Perot: We are writing to ask you to make sure that the people of Corato pay us what they owe from the revenues of the esteemed Duke of Biselli, our late nephew. Soon a bill will be sent from the esteemed Duchess of Ferrara, and if the money isn't ready, we could face significant issues. The people of Corato might delay, and we may have to scramble to find the funds quickly. Therefore, you need to ensure that we do not face any additional difficulties and that we are paid right away; by doing so, you will be doing us a favor, and we are happy to offer our service in return.

Isabella of Aragon, Duchess of Milan, alone in misfortune.[227]

Isabella of Aragón, Duchess of Milan, alone in her troubles.[227]

Bari, October 14, 1592.

Bari, October 14, 1592.

Rodrigo's [228] mother laid claim to the property he left, which, as is shown by certain documents, she recovered[Pg 337] from Isabella d'Aragona as guardian of the deceased, to the amount of several thousand ducats. To do this she was forced to engage in a long suit, and as late as March, 1518, she sent her agent, Giacomo Naselli, to Rome and Naples regarding it. His report to Cardinal Ippolito is still in existence.

Rodrigo's [228] mother claimed the property he left behind, which, as shown by certain documents, she reclaimed[Pg 337] from Isabella d'Aragona, acting as the guardian of the deceased, for several thousand ducats. To achieve this, she had to engage in a lengthy legal battle, and as recently as March 1518, she sent her representative, Giacomo Naselli, to Rome and Naples about the matter. His report to Cardinal Ippolito is still available.

Whatever were the circumstances which had compelled Lucretia to send her son away, on whom, as we have shown, she always lavished her maternal care, the unfortunate child's experience will always be a blot on her memory.[Pg 338]

Whatever the reasons that made Lucretia send her son away, whom she always showered with her motherly love, the unfortunate child's experience will forever be a stain on her memory.[Pg 338]

CHAPTER X

EFFECTS OF THE WAR—THE ROMAN INFANTE

The war about Ferrara, thanks to Alfonso's skill and the determined resistance of the State, had ended. Julius II had seized Modena and Reggio, which was a great loss to the State of Ferrara, and consequently the history of that country for many years hence is taken up with her efforts to regain these cities. Fortunately for Alfonso, Julius II died in February, 1513, and Leo X ascended the papal throne. Hitherto he had maintained friendly relations with the princes of Urbino and Ferrara, who continued to look for only amicable treatment from him; but both houses were destined to be bitterly deceived by the faithless Medici, who deceived all the world. Alfonso hastened to attend Leo's coronation in Rome, and, believing a complete reconciliation with the Holy See would soon be effected, he returned to Ferrara.

The war over Ferrara, due to Alfonso's skill and the strong resistance of the State, came to an end. Julius II had taken Modena and Reggio, which was a big loss for the State of Ferrara, and as a result, the history of that region for many years following focused on its efforts to regain these cities. Fortunately for Alfonso, Julius II died in February 1513, and Leo X became pope. Until then, Leo had kept friendly ties with the princes of Urbino and Ferrara, who expected only positive treatment from him; however, both families were bound to be cruelly let down by the untrustworthy Medici, who fooled everyone. Alfonso rushed to attend Leo’s coronation in Rome, believing that a full reconciliation with the Holy See would soon take place, and then he returned to Ferrara.

There Lucretia had won universal esteem and affection; she had become the mother of the people. She lent a ready ear to the suffering and helped all who were in need. Famine, high prices, and depletion of the treasury were the consequences of the war; Lucretia had even pawned her jewels. She put aside, as Jovius says, "the pomps and vanities of the world to which she had been accustomed from childhood, and gave herself up to pious works, and founded convents and hospitals. This was due as much to her own nature as it was to her past life and the[Pg 339] fate she had suffered. Most women who have lived much and loved much finally become fanatics; bigotry is often only the last form which feminine vanity assumes. The recollection of a world of vice, and of crimes committed by her nearest kinsmen, and also of her own sins, must have constantly disturbed Lucretia's conscience. Other women who, like her, were among the chief characters in the history of the Borgias developed precisely the same frame of mind and experienced a similar need of religious consolation. Cæsar's widow ended her life in a convent; Gandia's did the same; Alexander's mistress became a fanatic; and if we had any record of the adulteress Giulia Farnese we should certainly find that she passed the closing years of her life either as a saint in a convent or engaged in pious works."

There, Lucretia gained widespread respect and love; she had become the mother of the people. She listened to those who were suffering and assisted everyone in need. Famine, high prices, and a depleted treasury were the results of the war; Lucretia had even pawned her jewelry. She set aside, as Jovius mentions, "the glitz and glam of the world she had known since childhood, dedicated herself to charitable works, and established convents and hospitals. This was as much due to her own nature as it was to her past experiences and the fate she had endured. Most women who have lived deeply and loved fiercely tend to become fanatics; bigotry often represents the final form of feminine vanity. The memories of a corrupt world, the crimes committed by her closest relatives, and her own wrongdoings must have constantly weighed on Lucretia's conscience. Other women similarly involved in the history of the Borgias developed the same mindset and felt a similar need for religious comfort. Cæsar's widow spent her final days in a convent; Gandia's did as well; Alexander's mistress became fervent in her faith; and if we had any records of the adulteress Giulia Farnese, we would undoubtedly find that she spent her last years either as a saint in a convent or engaged in charitable works."

LEO X.
From an engraving published in 1580.

The year 1513, following the war in Ferarra, marked a decided change in Lucretia's life, for from that time it took a special religious turn. It did not, however, degenerate into bigotry or fanaticism; this was prevented by the vigorous Alfonso and her children, and by her court duties. The war had deprived Ferrara of much of its brilliancy, although it was still one of the most attractive of the princely courts of Italy. During the following years of peace Alfonso devoted himself to the cultivation of the arts. The most famous masters of Ferrara—Dossi, Garofalo, and Michele Costa—worked for him in the castle, in Belriguardo, and Belfiore. Titian, who was frequently a guest in Ferrara, executed some paintings for him, and the duke likewise gave Raphael some commissions. He even founded a museum of antiquities. In Lucretia's cabinet there was a Cupid by Michael Angelo. The predilection of the duchess for the fine arts, however, was not very strong; in this respect she was not to be compared[Pg 340] with her sister-in-law, Isabella of Mantua, who maintained constant relations with all the prominent artists of the age and had her agents in all the large cities of Italy to keep her informed regarding noteworthy productions in the domain of the arts.

The year 1513, after the war in Ferrara, marked a significant shift in Lucretia's life, as it took on a more religious character. However, it didn't turn into bigotry or fanaticism; Alfonso's strong influence, along with her children and court responsibilities, ensured that. Although the war had diminished Ferrara's splendor, it remained one of the most appealing princely courts in Italy. In the subsequent years of peace, Alfonso focused on promoting the arts. The most renowned artists of Ferrara—Dossi, Garofalo, and Michele Costa—worked for him at the castle, in Belriguardo, and Belfiore. Titian, who often visited Ferrara, created several paintings for him, and the duke also commissioned Raphael. He even established a museum of antiquities. In Lucretia's study, there was a Cupid by Michelangelo. However, the duchess's passion for the fine arts wasn't very strong; in this area, she couldn't compare to her sister-in-law, Isabella of Mantua, who maintained ongoing relationships with all the leading artists of the time and had agents in major Italian cities to keep her updated on noteworthy artistic works.

From 1513 Ferrara's brilliancy was somewhat dimmed by the greater fame of the court of Leo X. The passion of this member of the Medici family for the arts attracted to Rome the most brilliant men of Italy, among whom were the poets Tebaldeo, Sadoleto, and Bembo—the last became Leo's secretary. Both the Strozzi were dead. Aldo, upon whose career as a printer and scholar during his early years Lucretia had not been without influence, was living in Venice, and from there he kept up a literary correspondence with his patroness. Celio Calcagnini remained true to Ferrara. The university continued to flourish. Lucretia was very friendly with the noble Venetian, Trissino, Ariosto's not altogether successful rival in epic poetry. There are in existence five letters written by Trissino to Lucretia in her last years.[229] Ferrara's pride, however, was Ariosto, and Lucretia knew him when he was at the zenith of his fame. He, however, dedicated his poem neither to her nor to Alfonso, but to the unworthy Cardinal Ippolito, in whose service a combination of circumstances had placed him. No princely house was ever glorified more highly than was the house of Este by Ariosto, for the Orlando Furioso will cause it to be remembered for all time; so long as the Italian language endures it will hold an immortal place in literature. Lucretia too was given a position of honor in the poem; but however beautiful the place which she there holds, Ariosto ought to have bestowed[Pg 341] greater praise on her if she was the inspiration which he required for his great work.

From 1513, Ferrara's brilliance was somewhat overshadowed by the greater renown of Leo X's court. Leo, a member of the Medici family, had a passion for the arts that attracted the most talented individuals from Italy to Rome, including the poets Tebaldeo, Sadoleto, and Bembo—who eventually became Leo's secretary. Both of the Strozzi were deceased. Aldo, whose early career as a printer and scholar Lucretia had influenced, was living in Venice and maintained a literary correspondence with her from there. Celio Calcagnini remained loyal to Ferrara. The university continued to thrive. Lucretia had a close friendship with the noble Venetian Trissino, who was Ariosto's not-so-successful rival in epic poetry. Five letters written by Trissino to Lucretia survive from her later years.[229] However, Ferrara's true pride was Ariosto, whom Lucretia knew during his peak fame. Nevertheless, he dedicated his poem neither to her nor to Alfonso, but to the unworthy Cardinal Ippolito, due to a series of circumstances that had led him there. No princely house has ever been honored more than the house of Este by Ariosto, as the Orlando Furioso will ensure its lasting memory; as long as the Italian language exists, it will hold an eternal place in literature. Lucretia is also given a position of honor in the poem, but no matter how beautiful her role is, Ariosto should have granted her greater praise if she was indeed the inspiration he needed for his great work.

Lucretia's relations with her husband, which had never been based upon love, and which were not of a passionate nature, apparently continued to grow more favorable for her. In April, 1514, she had borne him a third son, Alessandro, who died at the age of two years; July 4, 1515, she bore a daughter, Leonora, and November 1, 1516, another son, Francesco. With no little satisfaction Alfonso found himself the father of a number of children—all his legitimate heirs. He was engrossed in his own affairs, but, nevertheless, he was highly pleased with the esteem and admiration now bestowed upon his wife. While the admiration she excited in former years was due to her youthful beauty, it was now owing to her virtues. She who was once the most execrated woman of her age had won a place of the highest honor. Caviceo even ventured, when he wished to praise the famous Isabella Gonzaga, to say that she approached the perfection of Lucretia. Her past, apparently, was so completely forgotten that even her name, Borgia, was always mentioned with respect.

Lucretia's relationship with her husband, which had never been based on love and wasn't passionate, seemed to be getting better for her. In April 1514, she gave birth to their third son, Alessandro, who sadly died at just two years old. On July 4, 1515, she had a daughter, Leonora, and on November 1, 1516, another son, Francesco. Alfonso felt a sense of satisfaction as he found himself the father of several children—all his legitimate heirs. He was absorbed in his own interests but was still very pleased with the respect and admiration now given to his wife. The admiration she garnered in the past was because of her youthful beauty, but now it was due to her virtues. Once regarded as the most reviled woman of her time, she had achieved the highest honor. Caviceo even dared to say that when praising the famous Isabella Gonzaga, she was close to the perfection of Lucretia. Her past seemed to be completely forgotten, and even her name, Borgia, was now always mentioned with respect.

About this time Lucretia was reminded of her life in Rome by a member of her family who was very near to her, Giovanni Borgia, the mysterious Infante of Rome, formerly Duke of Nepi and Camerino, and companion in destiny of the little Rodrigo who died in Bari. He had disappeared from the stage in 1508, and where he was during several succeeding years we do not know; but in 1517, a young man of nineteen or twenty, he came from Naples to Romagna, where he was shipwrecked. His baggage had been saved by the commune of Pesaro, and was claimed by a representative of Lucretia, December 2d; in the legal document Giovanni Borgia was described as her "brother."[Pg 342] Other instruments show that he remained at his sister's court as late as December, 1517.[230] Her husband, therefore, did not refuse to allow her to shelter her kinsman. In December, 1518, Don Giovanni went to France, where the Duke Alfonso had him presented to the king. Lucretia had given him presents to take to the king and queen.[231]

About this time, Lucretia was reminded of her life in Rome by a close family member, Giovanni Borgia, the mysterious Infante of Rome, formerly Duke of Nepi and Camerino, and companion to little Rodrigo who passed away in Bari. He had vanished from public life in 1508, and we don’t know where he was for the next several years; however, in 1517, a young man of nineteen or twenty, he arrived from Naples to Romagna, where he was shipwrecked. His belongings were saved by the commune of Pesaro and were claimed by a representative of Lucretia on December 2nd; in the legal document, Giovanni Borgia was referred to as her "brother." Other records indicate that he remained at his sister's court until at least December 1517. Her husband, therefore, did not refuse to allow her to host her relative. In December 1518, Don Giovanni traveled to France, where Duke Alfonso arranged for him to be introduced to the king. Lucretia had given him gifts to present to the king and queen.

He remained at the French court some time for the purpose of making his fortune, in which, however, he did not succeed.

He stayed at the French court for a while to try to make his fortune, but he wasn't successful.

Thereupon the Infante of Rome again disappeared from view until the year 1530, when we find him in Rome, laying claim to the Duchy of Camerino. The last Varano, Giammaria, had returned thither on Cæsar's overthrow, and had been recognized by Julius II as a vassal of the Church. In April, 1515, Leo X made him Duke of Camerino and married him to his own niece, the beautiful Catarina Cibò. Giammaria died in August, 1527, leaving as his sole heir his daughter Giulia, who was not yet of age. An illegitimate son of the house of Varano laid claim to Camerino, and he was ready to enforce his demands with arms, but he was frustrated in his attempt by a suit brought by Giovanni Borgia, the first duke, who was supported by Alfonso of Ferrara in his efforts. He furnished him with several documents dating from the time of Alexander VI which referred to his rights to Camerino, and which had been placed by Lucretia in the chancellery of the[Pg 343] house of Este. Don Giovanni had even gone to Charles V, in Bologna, where the famous congress had been sitting since December, 1529. The emperor had advised him to endeavor to secure his rights by process of law in Rome, through the Pope. From that city, in 1530, the infante wrote a letter to Duke Alfonso, in which he informed him of his affairs, and asked him to have further search made in the archives of the Este for documents concerning himself.

Thereupon, the Infante of Rome vanished from sight again until 1530, when we find him in Rome, claiming the Duchy of Camerino. The last Varano, Giammaria, had returned there after Cæsar's fall and had been recognized by Julius II as a vassal of the Church. In April 1515, Leo X made him Duke of Camerino and married him to his niece, the beautiful Catarina Cibò. Giammaria died in August 1527, leaving his daughter Giulia as his only heir, who was still a minor. An illegitimate son from the Varano family claimed Camerino and was ready to back his demands with force, but he was thwarted by a lawsuit brought by Giovanni Borgia, the first duke, who had support from Alfonso of Ferrara. He provided several documents from the time of Alexander VI that related to his rights to Camerino, which Lucretia had placed in the chancellery of the[Pg 343] Este family. Don Giovanni even went to Charles V in Bologna, where the famous congress had been meeting since December 1529. The emperor advised him to try to secure his rights legally in Rome through the Pope. From that city, in 1530, the infante wrote a letter to Duke Alfonso, informing him of his situation and asking him to look further in the Este archives for documents about himself.

Don Giovanni began suit. In a voluminous document dated June 29, 1530, he describes himself not only as Domicellus Romanus Principalis, but also as "orator of the Pope." From this it appears that he—one of the illegitimate sons of Alexander VI—was a prominent gentleman in Rome, and was even in the Pope's service. The Roman Ruota decided the suit against Giovanni, who had to pay the costs. In a brief dated June 7, 1532, Clement VII commanded him to cease annoying Giulia Varano and her mother with any further claims.[232] From that time we hear nothing more of this Borgia except from a letter written in Rome, November 19, 1547, apparently by a Ferrarese agent to Ercole II, then reigning duke. In it he mentions the death of Don Giovanni. The letter is as follows:

Don Giovanni started a legal case. In a lengthy document dated June 29, 1530, he describes himself not only as a Roman noble but also as "orator of the Pope." This suggests that he—one of the illegitimate sons of Alexander VI—was an important figure in Rome and was even in the Pope's service. The Roman Ruota resolved the case against Giovanni, who had to cover the costs. In a note dated June 7, 1532, Clement VII ordered him to stop bothering Giulia Varano and her mother with any more claims.[232] After that, we hear nothing else about this Borgia except for a letter written in Rome on November 19, 1547, apparently by a Ferrarese agent to Ercole II, who was the reigning duke at the time. In it, he mentions the death of Don Giovanni. The letter reads as follows:

Don Giovanni Borgia has just died in Genoa; it is said he left many thousand ducats in Valencia. Here (in Rome) he had a little clothing, two horses, and a vineyard worth about three hundred ducats. As he left no will the property will be divided between your Excellency, your brothers, and among others the nobles of the Mattei family here, the Duke of Gandia, and the children of the[Pg 344] Duke of Valentino, provided their rights are not prejudiced by the fact that they are natural children. I will not omit to inform myself regarding the money in Valencia, and will report to your Excellency.[233]

Don Giovanni Borgia has just passed away in Genoa; it's said he left a lot of money—many thousands of ducats—in Valencia. Here in Rome, he had a few clothes, two horses, and a vineyard valued at about three hundred ducats. Since he didn't leave a will, the property will be split among your Excellency, your brothers, and others, including the noble Mattei family here, the Duke of Gandia, and the children of the Duke of Valentino, as long as their rights aren't affected by their status as illegitimate children. I will make sure to find out about the money in Valencia and will update your Excellency.

[Pg 345]

CHAPTER XI

LAST YEARS AND DEATH OF VANNOZZA

In the same year that this her father's last son appeared at her court Lucretia also learned of the death of her mother. Vannozza was already a widow when Alexander VI died. During his last illness she had placed herself under the protection of the troops of her son Cæsar. This she was able to do as he himself was sick at the same time. There are documents in existence which show that immediately after Alexander's death, and while the papal throne was vacant, she was living in the palace of the Cardinal of S. Clemente in the Borgo. As Cæsar was compelled to betake himself to Nepi she accompanied him thither, and on the election of Piccolomini she returned to the papal city.

In the same year her father's youngest son arrived at her court, Lucretia also found out about her mother's death. Vannozza was already a widow when Alexander VI passed away. During his final illness, she had put herself under the protection of her son Cæsar’s troops. She was able to do this because he was also unwell at the same time. There are documents that show that right after Alexander’s death, and while the papal throne was empty, she was living in the palace of Cardinal S. Clemente in the Borgo. When Cæsar had to go to Nepi, she went with him, and after the election of Piccolomini, she returned to the papal city.

She did not follow her sons to Naples, but remained in Rome, where affairs became normal after the election of Rovere to the papacy. The retainers of the Borgia feared that certain suits would be brought against them. March 6, 1504, a chamberlain of Cardinal S. Angelo, who had been poisoned, was condemned to death, and in a loud voice he proclaimed that he had committed the murder on the explicit command of Alexander and Cæsar.[234] Cardinals Romolini and Ludovico Borgia at once fled to Naples. Don Micheletto, the man who executed Cæsar's bloody orders, was a prisoner in the castle of S. Angelo. The Venetian[Pg 346] ambassador, Giustinian, informed his government in May, 1504, that Micheletto was charged with having caused the death of a number of persons, among them the Duke of Gandia, Varano of Camerino, Astorre and Ottaviano Manfredi, the Duke of Biselli, the youthful Bernardino of Sermoneta, and the Bishop of Cagli. Micheletto was brought before the representatives of the Senate for examination. He was placed upon the rack and confessed, among other things, that it was the Pope Alexander himself who had given the command for the murder of the youthful Alfonso of Biselli. This the magistrate immediately reported to Ferrara.[235]

She didn’t follow her sons to Naples but stayed in Rome, where things went back to normal after Rovere was elected pope. The Borgia supporters were worried that they would face lawsuits. On March 6, 1504, a chamberlain of Cardinal S. Angelo, who had been poisoned, was sentenced to death, and he loudly claimed that he had killed on the direct orders of Alexander and Cæsar.[234] Cardinals Romolini and Ludovico Borgia immediately fled to Naples. Don Micheletto, the man who carried out Cæsar's violent orders, was imprisoned in the castle of S. Angelo. The Venetian[Pg 346] ambassador, Giustinian, informed his government in May 1504 that Micheletto was accused of causing the deaths of several people, including the Duke of Gandia, Varano of Camerino, Astorre and Ottaviano Manfredi, the Duke of Biselli, the young Bernardino of Sermoneta, and the Bishop of Cagli. Micheletto was brought before the Senate representatives for questioning. He was tortured and confessed, among other things, that it was Pope Alexander himself who had ordered the murder of the young Alfonso of Biselli. The magistrate immediately reported this to Ferrara.[235]

As Cæsar was out of the way, Vannozza was still able to reckon on the protection of certain powerful friends, especially the Farnese, the Cesarini, and several cardinals. She feared her property would be confiscated, for the title to much of it was questionable. Early in 1504 Ludovico Mattei charged her with having stolen, in March, 1503, through her paid servants, eleven hundred and sixty sheep while Cæsar was carrying on his war against the Orsini. These sheep had been sent by Maria d'Aragona, wife of Giovanni Giordano Orsini, to Mattei's pastures for safety. Vannozza was found guilty.[236]

As Cæsar was out of the picture, Vannozza could still rely on the support of some powerful allies, especially the Farnese, the Cesarini, and several cardinals. She was worried that her property might be seized since the ownership of much of it was uncertain. In early 1504, Ludovico Mattei accused her of stealing 1,160 sheep in March 1503, with the help of her hired servants, while Cæsar was engaged in his conflict with the Orsini. These sheep had been sent by Maria d'Aragona, the wife of Giovanni Giordano Orsini, to Mattei's pastures for protection. Vannozza was found guilty.[236]

She endeavored in every way to save her property. December 4, 1503, she gave the Church of S. Maria del Popolo a deed of her house on the Piazza Pizzo di Merlo[Pg 347] and of her family chapel, reserving the use of it during her life. The Augustinians on their part bound themselves to say a mass for Carlo Canale March 24th, another October 13th for Giorgio di Croce, and a third on the day of Vannozza's own death. In this instrument she calls herself widow of Carlo Canale of Mantua, apostolic secretary of the deceased Alexander VI, and she speaks of Giorgio di Croce as her first husband. This deed was executed in the Borgo of St. Peter's in the residence of Agapitus of Emelia.[237] From this it appears that at the close of December Vannozza was still living in the Borgo, and under the protection of her son's own chancellor, while Cæsar himself was a prisoner in the Torre Borgia in the Vatican, and not until he left Rome forever did she remove from the Borgo.

She tried everything to save her property. On December 4, 1503, she gave the Church of S. Maria del Popolo a deed for her house on the Piazza Pizzo di Merlo[Pg 347] and her family chapel, while reserving the right to use it for the rest of her life. The Augustinians agreed to hold a mass for Carlo Canale on March 24th, another on October 13th for Giorgio di Croce, and a third on the day of Vannozza's death. In this document, she identifies herself as the widow of Carlo Canale of Mantua, apostolic secretary to the deceased Alexander VI, and refers to Giorgio di Croce as her first husband. This deed was executed in the Borgo of St. Peter's at the home of Agapitus of Emelia.[237] From this, it seems that by the end of December, Vannozza was still living in the Borgo and under the protection of her son’s chancellor, while Cæsar himself was a prisoner in the Torre Borgia in the Vatican, and it wasn't until he left Rome for good that she moved out of the Borgo.

April 1, 1504, a dwelling on the Piazza of the Holy Apostles in the Trevi quarter, which was situated in a district where the Colonna were all-powerful, was specified as her residence. The Colonna had suffered less than others from Cæsar, and by virtue of an agreement made with him they were enabled to retain their property after the death of Alexander. Vannozza had sold certain other houses which she owned to the Roman Giuliano de Lenis, and April 1, 1504, he annulled the sale, declaring that it was only through fear of force in consequence of the death of Alexander that it had taken place.[238]

April 1, 1504, a townhouse on the Piazza of the Holy Apostles in the Trevi area, located in a neighborhood where the Colonna family held significant power, was noted as her residence. The Colonna had been less affected by Cæsar than others, and due to an agreement with him, they were able to keep their property after Alexander's death. Vannozza had sold some other properties she owned to the Roman Giuliano de Lenis, and on April 1, 1504, he canceled the sale, stating that it had only happened out of fear of coercion following Alexander's death.[238]

As she now had nothing more to fear, she again took up her abode in the house on the Piazza Branca, as is shown by an instrument of November, 1502, in which she is described as "Donna Vannozza de Cataneis of the Regola Quarter," where this house was situated. This[Pg 348] document is regarding a complaint which the goldsmith Nardo Antonazzi of this same quarter had lodged against her.

As she had nothing more to fear, she moved back into the house on Piazza Branca, as shown by a document from November 1502, in which she is referred to as "Donna Vannozza de Cataneis of the Regola Quarter," where this house was located. This[Pg 348] document concerns a complaint that the goldsmith Nardo Antonazzi from the same quarter had filed against her.

The artist demanded payment for a silver cross which he had made for Vannozza in the year 1500; he charged her with having appropriated this work of art without paying for it, which, he stated, frequently happened "at the time when the Duke of Valentino controlled the whole city and nearly all of Italy." We have not all the documents bearing on the case, but from the statements of witnesses for the accused it appears that she had grounds for bringing a suit for libel.[239]

The artist demanded payment for a silver cross he made for Vannozza in 1500; he accused her of taking this artwork without paying for it, which he claimed often happened "when the Duke of Valentino had power over the entire city and almost all of Italy." We don't have all the documents related to the case, but based on the testimonies from witnesses for the defense, it seems she had a valid reason to file a libel suit.[239]

While Vannozza may not have been actually placed in possession of the castle of Bleda near Viterbo by Alexander VI, some of its appanages were allotted to her. July 6, 1513, she complained to the Cardinal-Vicar Rafael Riario that the commune of the place was withholding certain sums of money which, she claimed, belonged to her. This document, which is on parchment, is couched in pompous phraseology and is addressed to all the magistrates of the world by name and title.[240]

While Vannozza may not have actually been given control of the castle of Bleda near Viterbo by Alexander VI, some of its properties were assigned to her. On July 6, 1513, she complained to the Cardinal-Vicar Rafael Riario that the local authorities were withholding certain funds that, according to her, belonged to her. This document, written on parchment, is filled with elaborate language and is addressed to all the magistrates of the world by name and title.[240]

Vannozza lived to witness the changes in affairs in the Vatican under three of Alexander's successors. There the Rovere and the Medici occupied the place once held by her own all-powerful children. She saw the Papacy changing into a secular power, and she must have known that but for Alexander and Cæsar it could never have done this. If, perchance, she saw from a distance the mighty Julius II, for example, when he returned to Rome after seizing Bologna, entering the city with the pomp of an emperor, this woman, lost in the multitude, must have exclaimed with bitter irony that her own son Cæsar had[Pg 349] a part in this triumph, and that he had been instrumental in raising Julius II to the Papacy. It must have been a source of no little satisfaction to her to know that this pope recognized her son's importance when he wrote to the Florentines in November, 1503, saying that "on account of the preeminent virtues and great services of the Duke of Romagna" he loved him with a father's love. She may also have been acquainted with Macchiavelli's "Prince," in which the genial statesman describes Cæsar as the ideal ruler.

Vannozza lived to see the changes in the Vatican under three of Alexander's successors. The Rovere and the Medici took the place once held by her powerful children. She witnessed the Papacy transforming into a secular authority, and she must have recognized that without Alexander and Cæsar, this shift would not have happened. If, by chance, she saw from a distance the mighty Julius II, for instance, as he returned to Rome after taking Bologna and entered the city with the grandeur of an emperor, this woman, lost in the crowd, must have bitterly remarked that her own son Cæsar had[Pg 349] played a role in this triumph and had helped elevate Julius II to the Papacy. It must have provided her with some satisfaction to know that this pope acknowledged her son’s significance when he wrote to the Florentines in November 1503, stating that "due to the distinguished virtues and great services of the Duke of Romagna," he loved him like a father. She may also have been aware of Machiavelli's "Prince," in which the clever statesman describes Cæsar as the ideal leader.

Although the power of the Borgias had passed away and their children were either dead or scattered, their greatness was felt in the city as long as Vannozza lived. Her past experiences caused her to be looked upon as one of the most noteworthy personalities of Rome, where every one was curious to make her acquaintance. If we may compare two persons who differed in greatness, but whose destinies and positions were not dissimilar, it might be said that Vannozza at that time occupied the same position in Rome in which Letitia Bonaparte found herself after the overthrow of her powerful offspring.

Although the power of the Borgias had faded and their children were either dead or scattered, their influence was still felt in the city as long as Vannozza was alive. Her past experiences made her one of the most notable figures in Rome, where everyone was eager to meet her. If we compare two people who were different in stature but whose fates and statuses were somewhat similar, we could say that Vannozza held a position in Rome similar to that of Letitia Bonaparte after the fall of her powerful children.

She looked with pride on her daughter, the Duchess of Ferrara, "la plus triomphante princesse," as the biographer Bayard calls her. She never saw her again, for she would scarcely have ventured to undertake a journey to Ferrara, but she continued to correspond with her. In the archives of the house of Este are nine letters written by Vannozza in the years 1515, 1516, and 1517. Seven of them are addressed to Cardinal Ippolito and two to Lucretia. These letters are not in her own handwriting but are dictated. They disclose a powerful will, a cast of mind that might be described as rude and egotistical, and an insinuating character. They are devoted chiefly to[Pg 350] practical matters and to requests of various sorts. On one occasion she sent the cardinal a present of two antique columns which had been exhumed in her vineyard. She also kept up her intercourse with her son Giuffrè, Prince of Squillace. In 1515 she had received his ten-year-old son into her house in Rome apparently for the purpose of educating him.[241]

She looked proudly at her daughter, the Duchess of Ferrara, "the most triumphant princess," as the biographer Bayard describes her. She never saw her again, as she would hardly have dared to take a trip to Ferrara, but she kept in touch through letters. In the archives of the house of Este, there are nine letters written by Vannozza in the years 1515, 1516, and 1517. Seven of them are addressed to Cardinal Ippolito and two to Lucretia. These letters aren’t written in her own handwriting but are dictated. They reveal a strong will, a mindset that could be deemed harsh and self-centered, and a manipulative character. They mainly focus on practical matters and various requests. On one occasion, she sent the cardinal a gift of two antique columns that were dug up in her vineyard. She also maintained her relationship with her son Giuffrè, Prince of Squillace. In 1515, she brought his ten-year-old son into her home in Rome, apparently for his education.[Pg 350][241]

An expression which Vannozza used in signing her letters defines her attitude and position,—"The fortunate and unfortunate Vannozza de Cataneis," or "Your fortunate and unfortunate mother, Vannozza Borgia,"—she used the family name in her private affairs, but not officially.

An expression that Vannozza used when signing her letters sums up her attitude and stance: "The lucky and unlucky Vannozza de Cataneis," or "Your lucky and unlucky mother, Vannozza Borgia." She used the family name in her personal matters but not in official contexts.

Her last letter to Lucretia, written December 19, 1515, which refers to her son Cæsar's former secretary, Agapitus of Emelia, is as follows:

Her last letter to Lucretia, written December 19, 1515, which mentions her son Cæsar's former secretary, Agapitus of Emelia, is as follows:

Illustrious Lady: My greeting and respects. Your Excellency will certainly remember favorably the services of Messer Agapitus of Emelia to his Excellency our duke, and the love which he has always shown us. It is, therefore, meet that his kinsmen be helped and advanced in every way possible. Shortly before his death he relinquished all his benefices in favor of his nephew Giambattista of Aquila; among them are some in the bishopric of Capua which are worth very little. If your Excellency wishes to do me a kindness I will ask you, for the reasons above mentioned, to interest yourself in behalf of these nephews to whom I have referred. Nicola, the bearer of this, who is himself a nephew of Agapitus, will explain to your Excellency at length what should be done. And now farewell to your Excellency, to whom I commend myself.

Famous Lady: Greetings and respect. You will surely remember the contributions of Messer Agapitus of Emelia to our duke, and the affection he has always shown us. It’s only right that his relatives be supported and elevated in every possible way. Just before he passed away, he gave up all his positions in favor of his nephew Giambattista of Aquila; among them are a few in the diocese of Capua that are not worth much. If you would be so kind, I ask you to take an interest in these nephews I mentioned. Nicola, who is delivering this message and is also a nephew of Agapitus, will explain to you in detail what needs to be done. And now, goodbye to you, to whom I commend myself.

Rome, December 19, 1515.

Rome, December 19, 1515.

Postscript: In this matter your Excellency will do as you think best, as I have written the above from a sense of[Pg 351] obligation. Therefore you may do only what you know will please his Worthiness and, so far as the present is concerned, you may answer as you see fit.

P.S.: In this matter, your Excellency should do what you think is best, as I’ve written the above out of a sense of[Pg 351] obligation. Therefore, you can do whatever you know will please his Worthiness, and for now, you may respond however you see fit.

Vannozza, who prays for you constantly.

Vannozza, who is always praying for you.

Vannozza clearly was an honor to the Borgia school of diplomacy.

Vannozza was clearly a valuable asset to the Borgia school of diplomacy.

Agapitus dei Gerardi, who wrote so many of Cæsar's letters and documents, had remained true to the Borgias, as is shown by this letter, until his death, which occurred in Rome, August 2, 1515. Vannozza, of a truth, had seen many of the former friends, flatterers, and parasites of her house desert it; but a number, among whom were several important personages, remained true. She, as mother of the Duchess of Ferrara, was still able to exert some influence; she was living a respectable life, in comfortable circumstances, as a woman of position, and was described as la magnifica e nobile Madanna Vannozza. She also kept up her relations with such of the cardinals as were Spaniards and relatives of Alexander VI, or who were his creatures. She survived most of them. Of the two cardinals Giovanni Borgia, one had passed away in 1500, the other in 1503; Francesco and Ludovico died in 1511 and 1512 respectively. Cardinal Giuliano Cesarini passed away in 1510. Vannozza, in fact, survived all the favorites and creatures of Alexander in the College of Cardinals with the exception of Farnese, Adrian Castellesi, and d'Albret,—Cæsar's brother-in-law.

Agapitus dei Gerardi, who wrote many of Cæsar's letters and documents, stayed loyal to the Borgias, as this letter shows, until his death in Rome on August 2, 1515. Vannozza, indeed, had seen many former friends, flatterers, and hangers-on of her household abandon her; however, a number of significant individuals remained loyal. As the mother of the Duchess of Ferrara, she was still able to wield some influence. She lived a respectable life in comfortable circumstances, as a woman of stature, and was referred to as la magnifica e nobile Madanna Vannozza. She also maintained her connections with cardinals who were Spaniards and relatives of Alexander VI, or those who were his supporters. She outlived most of them. Of the two cardinals named Giovanni Borgia, one had died in 1500, and the other in 1503; Francesco and Ludovico passed away in 1511 and 1512, respectively. Cardinal Giuliano Cesarini died in 1510. In fact, Vannozza outlived all of Alexander's favorites and supporters in the College of Cardinals, except for Farnese, Adrian Castellesi, and d'Albret—Cæsar's brother-in-law.

By that sort of piety to which senescent female sinners everywhere and at all times devote themselves she secured new friends. She was an active fanatic and was constantly seen in the churches, at the confessionals, and in intimate intercourse with the pious brothers and hospitalers. In this way she made the acquaintance of Paul Jovius, who[Pg 352] describes her as an upright woman (donna dabbene). If she had lived another decade she would probably have been canonized. She endowed a number of religious foundations—the hospitals of S. Salvator in the Lateran, of S. Maria in Porticu, the Consolazione for the Company of the Annunziata in the Minerva, and the S. Lorenzo in Damaso, as is shown by her will, which is dated January 15, 1517.[242]

By the kind of devotion that older women who have sinned tend to show everywhere and at all times, she made new friends. She was an ardent believer and was frequently seen in churches, at confessionals, and socializing closely with the devoted brothers and caregivers. Through this, she met Paul Jovius, who[Pg 352] describes her as a good woman. If she had lived another ten years, she probably would have been made a saint. She funded several religious institutions—the hospitals of S. Salvator in the Lateran, S. Maria in Porticu, the Consolazione for the Company of the Annunziata in the Minerva, and S. Lorenzo in Damaso, as stated in her will, dated January 15, 1517.[242]

For years there were inscriptions in the hospitals of the Lateran and of the Consolazione which referred to her endowments and also to provisions for masses on the anniversaries of her death and those of her two husbands.

For years, there were inscriptions in the hospitals of the Lateran and the Consolazione that mentioned her donations and also provisions for masses on the anniversaries of her death and those of her two husbands.

Vannozza died in Rome, November 26, 1518. Her death did not pass unnoticed, as the following letter, written by a Venetian, shows:

Vannozza died in Rome on November 26, 1518. Her death didn’t go unnoticed, as the following letter, written by a Venetian, shows:

The day before yesterday died Madonna Vannozza, once the mistress of Pope Alexander and mother of the Duchess of Ferrara and the Duke of Valentino. That night I happened to be at a place where I heard the death announced, according to the Roman custom, in the following formal words: 'Messer Paolo gives notice of the death of Madonna Vannozza, mother of the Duke of Gandia; she belonged to the Gonfalone Company.' She was buried yesterday in S. Maria del Popolo, with the greatest honors,—almost like a cardinal. She was sixty-six years of age. She left all her property,—which was not inconsiderable,—to S. Giovanni in Laterano. The Pope's chamberlain attended the obsequies, which was unusual.[243]

The day before yesterday, Madonna Vannozza passed away, who was once the mistress of Pope Alexander and the mother of the Duchess of Ferrara and the Duke of Valentino. That night, I happened to be at a place where I heard the announcement of her death, made in the traditional Roman way, with the following formal words: 'Messer Paolo announces the death of Madonna Vannozza, mother of the Duke of Gandia; she was part of the Gonfalone Company.' She was buried yesterday in S. Maria del Popolo, with the highest honors—almost like a cardinal. She was sixty-six years old. She left all her assets, which were considerable, to S. Giovanni in Laterano. The Pope's chamberlain attended the funeral, which was unusual.[243]

Marcantonio Altieri, one of the foremost men of Rome, who was guardian of the Company of the Gonfalone ad Sancta Sanctorum, and as such made an inventory of the property of the brotherhood in 1527, drew up a memorial[Pg 353] regarding her, the manuscript of which is still preserved in the archives of the association, and is as follows:

Marcantonio Altieri, one of the leading figures in Rome, who was in charge of the Company of the Gonfalone ad Sancta Sanctorum, and who created an inventory of the brotherhood's property in 1527, prepared a document[Pg 353] about her, the manuscript of which is still kept in the association's archives, and it is as follows:

We must not forget the endowments made by the respected and honored lady, Madonna Vannozza of the house of Catanei, the happy mother of the illustrious gentlemen, the Duke of Gandia, the Duke of Valentino, the Prince of Squillace, and of Madonna Lucretia, Duchess of Ferrara. As she wished to endow the Company with her worldly goods she gave it her jewels, which were of no slight value, and so much more that the Company in a few years was able to discharge certain obligations, with the help also of the noble gentlemen, Messer Mariano Castellano, and my dear Messer Rafael Casale, who had recently been guardians. She made an agreement with the great and famous silversmith Caradosso by which she gave him two thousand ducats so that he with his magnificent work of art might gratify the wish of that noble and honorable woman. In addition she left us so much property that we shall be able to take care of the annual rent of four hundred ducats and also feed the poor and the sick, who, unfortunately, are very numerous. Out of gratitude for her piety and devout mind and for these endowments our honorable society unanimously and cheerfully decided not only to celebrate her obsequies with magnificent pomp, but also to honor the deceased with a proud and splendid monument. It was also decided from that time forth to have mass said on the anniversary of her death in the Church del Popolo, where she is buried, and to provide for other ceremonies, with an attendance of men bearing torches and tapers, in all devotion, for the purpose of commending her soul's salvation to God, and also to show the world that we hate and loathe ingratitude.

We must not forget the contributions made by the respected and honored lady, Madonna Vannozza from the Catanei family, the proud mother of the distinguished gentlemen, the Duke of Gandia, the Duke of Valentino, the Prince of Squillace, and Madonna Lucretia, Duchess of Ferrara. In her desire to support the Company with her worldly possessions, she donated her jewels, which were quite valuable, along with additional gifts that allowed the Company, with the support of noble gentlemen like Messer Mariano Castellano and my dear Messer Rafael Casale, who had recently served as guardians, to settle certain debts within a few years. She arranged with the renowned silversmith Caradosso, giving him two thousand ducats to create a magnificent piece of art to fulfill the wishes of that noble and honorable woman. Furthermore, she left us enough property to cover an annual rent of four hundred ducats and to provide for the poor and sick, who unfortunately are very many. In gratitude for her piety and devout spirit, and for these generous contributions, our esteemed society unanimously and gladly decided not only to honor her memory with a grand funeral, but also to commemorate the deceased with a proud and splendid monument. It was also resolved that moving forward, a mass would be held on the anniversary of her death at the Church del Popolo, where she is buried, along with other ceremonies attended by men carrying torches and candles, all in devotion, to commend her soul's salvation to God and to demonstrate to the world that we despise ingratitude.

Thus this woman's vanity led her to provide for a ceremonious funeral; she wanted all Rome to talk of her on that day as the mistress of Alexander VI and the mother of so many famous children. Leo X bestowed an official character upon her funeral by having his court attend it; by doing this he recognized Vannozza either[Pg 354] as the widow of Alexander VI or as the mother of the Duchess of Ferrara. As the Company of the Gonfalone was composed of the foremost burghers and nobles of Rome, almost the entire city attended her funeral. Vannozza was buried in S. Maria del Popolo in her family chapel, by the side of her unfortunate son Giovanni, Duke of Gandia. We do not know whether a marble monument was erected to her memory, but the following inscription was placed over her grave by her executor: "To Vanotia Catanea, mother of the Duke Cæsar of Valentino, Giovanni of Gandia, Giuffrè of Squillace, and Lucretia of Ferrara, conspicuous for her uprightness, her piety, her discretion, and her intelligence, and deserving much on account of what she did for the Lateran Hospital. Erected by Hieronymus Picus, fiduciary-commissioner and executor of her will. She lived seventy-seven years, four months, and thirteen days. She died in the year 1518, November 26th."

So, this woman's vanity drove her to arrange for an elaborate funeral; she wanted all of Rome to remember her that day as the mistress of Alexander VI and the mother of many famous children. Leo X gave her funeral an official status by having his court attend; in doing this, he acknowledged Vannozza either[Pg 354] as the widow of Alexander VI or as the mother of the Duchess of Ferrara. Since the Company of the Gonfalone was made up of the top citizens and nobles of Rome, almost the entire city showed up for her funeral. Vannozza was buried in S. Maria del Popolo in her family chapel, next to her unfortunate son Giovanni, Duke of Gandia. We don't know if a marble monument was built in her honor, but this inscription was placed on her grave by her executor: "To Vanotia Catanea, mother of Duke Cæsar of Valentino, Giovanni of Gandia, Giuffrè of Squillace, and Lucretia of Ferrara, known for her integrity, piety, discretion, and intelligence, and deserving much for her contributions to the Lateran Hospital. Erected by Hieronymus Picus, fiduciary-commissioner and executor of her will. She lived seventy-seven years, four months, and thirteen days. She died in the year 1518, November 26th."

Vannozza doubtless had passed away believing that she had expiated her sins and purchased heaven with gold and silver and pious legacies. She had even purchased the pomp of a ceremonious funeral and a lie which was graven deep on her tombstone. For more than two hundred years the priests in S. Maria del Popolo sang masses for the repose of her soul, and when they ceased it was perhaps less owing to their conviction that enough of them had been said for this woman than from a growing belief in the trustworthiness of historical criticism. Later, owing either to hate or a sense of shame, her very tombstone disappeared, not a trace of it being left.[Pg 355]

Vannozza likely died believing she had atoned for her sins and bought her way into heaven with gold, silver, and charitable donations. She even arranged for an extravagant funeral and a falsehood carved deep into her tombstone. For over two hundred years, the priests at S. Maria del Popolo held masses for the peace of her soul, and when they eventually stopped, it was probably less because they felt they had said enough for her than due to a growing belief in the reliability of historical criticism. Later, either out of hatred or shame, her tombstone completely vanished, leaving no trace behind.[Pg 355]

CHAPTER XII

DEATH OF LUCRETIA BORGIA—CONCLUSION

The State of Ferrara again found itself in serious difficulties, for Leo X, following the example of Alexander VI, was trying to build up a kingdom for his nephew Lorenzo de' Medici. As early as 1516 Leo had made him Duke of Urbino, having expelled Guidobaldo's legitimate heirs from their city. Francesco Maria Rovere, his wife, and his adopted mother, Elisabetta, were in Mantua,—the asylum of all exiled princes. Leo was consuming with a desire also to drive the Este out of Ferrara, and it was only the protection of France that saved Alfonso from a war with the Pope. The duke, to whom the Pope refused to restore the cities of Modena and Reggio, therefore went to the court of Louis XII in November, 1518, for the purpose of interesting him in his affairs. In February, 1519, he returned to Ferrara, where he learned of the death of his brother-in-law, the Marchese Francesco Gonzaga, of Mantua, which occurred February 20th. The last of March Lucretia wrote to his widow, Isabella, as follows:

The State of Ferrara found itself in serious trouble again because Leo X, following in Alexander VI's footsteps, was trying to establish a kingdom for his nephew Lorenzo de' Medici. As early as 1516, Leo had made him Duke of Urbino, having expelled Guidobaldo's legitimate heirs from their city. Francesco Maria Rovere, his wife, and his adopted mother, Elisabetta, were in Mantua, which was a refuge for all exiled princes. Leo was also eager to drive the Este family out of Ferrara, and it was only France's protection that kept Alfonso from facing war with the Pope. The duke, to whom the Pope refused to return the cities of Modena and Reggio, therefore went to Louis XII's court in November 1518 to get him interested in his situation. In February 1519, he returned to Ferrara, where he learned of his brother-in-law Marchese Francesco Gonzaga of Mantua's death, which occurred on February 20th. At the end of March, Lucretia wrote to his widow, Isabella, as follows:

Illustrious Lady, Sister-in-law, and Most Honored Sister: The great loss by death of your Excellency's husband, of blessed memory, has caused me such profound grief, that instead of being able to offer consolation I myself am in need of it. I sympathize with your Excellency in this loss, and I cannot tell you how grieved and depressed I am, but, as it has occurred and it has pleased our Lord so to do, we must acquiesce in his will. Therefore I[Pg 356] beg and urge your Majesty to bear up under this misfortune as befits your position, and I know that you will do so. I will at present merely add that I commend myself and offer my services to you at all times.

Dear Lady, Sister-in-law, and Most Respected Sister: The sad passing of your Excellency's husband, of blessed memory, has filled me with such deep sorrow that instead of offering you comfort, I find myself in need of it. I truly empathize with your Excellency during this time of loss, and words can't express how heartbroken and down I feel. However, since this has happened and it's what our Lord has chosen, we must accept His will. Therefore, I[Pg 356] kindly encourage your Majesty to stay strong through this difficult time as is fitting for your position, and I have faith that you will. For now, I simply want to add that I am here for you and ready to offer my help whenever you need it.

Your Sister-in-law Lucretia, Duchess of Ferrara.
Ferrara, the last of March, 1519.

Your sister-in-law Lucretia, Duchess of Ferrara.
Ferrara, the last of March, 1519.

The Marchese was succeeded by his eldest son, Federico. In 1530 the Emperor Charles V created him first Duke of Mantua. The following year he married Margherita di Montferrat. This was the same Federico who had formerly been selected to be the husband of Cæsar's daughter Luisa. His famous mother lived, a widow, until February 13, 1539.

The Marchese was succeeded by his oldest son, Federico. In 1530, Emperor Charles V made him the first Duke of Mantua. The next year, he married Margherita di Montferrat. This was the same Federico who had previously been chosen to be the husband of Cæsar's daughter Luisa. His well-known mother lived as a widow until February 13, 1539.

Alfonso again found his wife in a precarious condition. She was near her confinement, and June 14, 1519, she bore a child which was still-born. Eight days later, knowing that her end was near, she dictated an epistle to Pope Leo. It is the last letter we have of Lucretia, and as it was written while she was dying, it is of the deepest import, enabling us to look into her soul, which for the last time was tormented by the recollection of the terrors and errors of her past life of which she had long since purged herself.

Alfonso once again found his wife in a serious situation. She was about to give birth, and on June 14, 1519, she delivered a stillborn child. Eight days later, knowing that her end was near, she dictated a letter to Pope Leo. This is the last letter we have from Lucretia, and since it was written while she was dying, it holds great significance, allowing us to glimpse her soul, which one last time was troubled by memories of the fears and mistakes from her past life that she had long since tried to overcome.

Most Holy Father and Honored Master: With all respect I kiss your Holiness's feet and commend myself in all humility to your holy mercy. Having suffered for more than two months, early on the morning of the 14th of the present, as it pleased God, I gave birth to a daughter, and hoped then to find relief from my sufferings, but I did not, and shall be compelled to pay my debt to nature. So great is the favor which our merciful Creator has shown me, that I approach the end of my life with pleasure, knowing that in a few hours, after receiving for the last time all the holy sacraments of the Church, I shall be released. Having arrived at this moment, I desire as a Christian, although I am a sinner, to ask your Holiness, in your mercy, to give me all possible spiritual consolation and your Holiness's blessing for my soul. Therefore I[Pg 357] offer myself to you in all humility and commend my husband and my children, all of whom are your servants, to your Holiness's mercy. In Ferrara, June 22, 1519, at the fourteenth hour.

Most Holy Father and Respected Master: With all due respect, I kiss your Holiness's feet and humbly commend myself to your holy mercy. After enduring over two months of suffering, early on the morning of the 14th of this month, as it pleased God, I gave birth to a daughter, hoping then to find relief from my pain. However, that relief did not come, and I must face my natural end. The favor shown to me by our merciful Creator is so great that I welcome the end of my life, knowing that in just a few hours, after receiving the holy sacraments of the Church one last time, I will be at peace. As I reach this moment, I wish to ask your Holiness, in your mercy, for all the spiritual comfort you can provide and your blessing for my soul, even as I acknowledge my sins. Therefore, I[Pg 357]offer myself to you in complete humility and entrust my husband and children, all of whom serve you, to your Holiness's care. In Ferrara, June 22, 1519, at the fourteenth hour.

Your Holiness's humble servant,
Lucretia D'este.

Your Holiness's devoted servant,
Lucretia D'este.

The letter is so calm and contained, so free from affectation, that one is inclined to ask whether a dying woman could have written it if her conscience had been burdened with the crimes with which Alexander's unfortunate daughter had been charged.

The letter is so calm and composed, so free from pretense, that it makes you wonder if a dying woman could have written it if her conscience was weighed down by the crimes that Alexander's unfortunate daughter was accused of.

She died in the presence of Alfonso on the night of June 24th, and the duke immediately wrote his nephew Federico Gonzaga as follows:

She died in front of Alfonso on the night of June 24th, and the duke quickly wrote to his nephew Federico Gonzaga as follows:

Illustrious Sir and Honored Brother and Nephew: It has just pleased our Lord to summon unto Himself the soul of the illustrious lady, the duchess, my dearest wife. I hasten to inform you of the fact as our mutual love leads me to believe that the happiness or unhappiness of one is likewise the happiness or unhappiness of the other. I cannot write this without tears, knowing myself to be deprived of such a dear and sweet companion. For such her exemplary conduct and the tender love which existed between us made her to me. On this sad occasion I would indeed seek consolation from your Excellency, but I know that you will participate in my grief, and I prefer to have some one mingle his tears with mine rather than endeavor to console me. I commend myself to your Majesty. Ferrara, June 24, 1519, at the fifth hour of the night.

Dear Sir, Esteemed Brother, and Nephew: I must inform you that our Lord has just taken the soul of my beloved wife, the duchess. I feel compelled to share this with you because our shared affection makes me believe that one’s joy or sorrow impacts the other. Writing this brings me to tears, as I now face the loss of such a dear and sweet companion. Her admirable behavior and the love we shared meant everything to me. In this moment of sadness, I would turn to your Excellency for comfort, but I know you share in my grief, and I would rather have someone to weep with me than to try and console me. I entrust myself to your Majesty. Ferrara, June 24, 1519, at five o'clock at night.

Alfonsus, Duke of Ferrara.[244]

Alfonsus, Duke of Ferrara.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

The Marchese Federico sent his uncle Giovanni Gonzaga to Ferrara, who wrote him from there as follows:

Marchese Federico sent his uncle Giovanni Gonzaga to Ferrara, who wrote to him from there as follows:

Your Excellency must not be surprised when I tell you that I shall leave here to-morrow, for no obsequies will be[Pg 358] celebrated, only the offices said in the parish church. His Excellency the Duke accompanied his illustrious consort's body to the grave. She is buried in the Convent of the Sisters of Corpus Christi in the same vault where repose the remains of his mother. Her death has caused the greatest grief throughout the entire city, and his ducal majesty displays the most profound sorrow. Great things are reported concerning her life, and it is said that she has worn the cilice for about ten years, and has gone to confession daily during the last two years, and has received the communion three or four times every month. Your Excellency's ever devoted servant,

Your Excellency shouldn't be surprised when I say that I will be leaving here tomorrow, as there will be no grand funeral, just the services held at the parish church. His Excellency the Duke accompanied his esteemed wife’s body to the grave. She is laid to rest in the Convent of the Sisters of Corpus Christi, in the same vault as his mother. Her passing has brought immense sorrow to the entire city, and his ducal majesty is showing deep grief. Many great things are said about her life, and it's reported that she has worn a hair shirt for about ten years, gone to confession daily for the past two years, and received communion three or four times each month. Your Excellency's ever devoted servant,

Johannes de Gonzaga, Marquis.[245]

Johannes de Gonzaga, Marquis.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Ferrara, June 28, 1519.

Ferrara, June 28, 1519.

Among the numerous letters of condolence which the duke received was one in Spanish from the mysterious Infante Don Giovanni Borgia, who was then in Poissy, France. The duke himself had informed him of the death of his consort, and Don Giovanni lamented the loss of his "sister," who had also been his greatest patron.

Among the many condolence letters the duke received was one in Spanish from the mysterious Infante Don Giovanni Borgia, who was in Poissy, France at the time. The duke had personally told him about the death of his wife, and Don Giovanni expressed his sorrow for the loss of his "sister," who had also been his biggest supporter.

The graves of Lucretia and Alfonso and numerous other members of the house of Este in Ferrara have disappeared. No picture of the famous woman exists either in that city or in Modena. Although many, doubtless, were painted, none has been preserved. In Ferrara there were numerous artists, Dossi, Garofalo, Cosma, and others. Titian may have painted the beautiful duchess's portrait. His likeness of Isabella d'Este Gonzaga, Lucretia's rival in beauty, is preserved in the Belvedere gallery in Vienna; it shows a charming feminine face of oval contour, with regular lines, brown eyes, and an expression of gentle womanliness. There is no portrait of Lucretia from this master's hand, for the one in the Doria Gallery in Rome,[Pg 359] which some ascribe to him and others to Paul Veronese,—although this artist was not born until 1528,—is one of the many fictions we find in galleries. In the Doria Gallery there is a life-sized figure of an Amazon with a helmet in her hand, ascribed to Dosso Dossi, which is said to be a likeness of Vannozza.

The graves of Lucretia and Alfonso, along with many other members of the house of Este in Ferrara, have vanished. There’s no image of the famous woman anywhere in that city or in Modena. While many were undoubtedly painted, none have survived. Ferrara was home to many artists, including Dossi, Garofalo, Cosma, and others. Titian may have created a portrait of the beautiful duchess. His painting of Isabella d'Este Gonzaga, Lucretia's rival in beauty, is kept in the Belvedere gallery in Vienna; it depicts a lovely feminine face with an oval shape, regular features, brown eyes, and a gentle expression of femininity. There is no portrait of Lucretia from this master, as the one in the Doria Gallery in Rome,[Pg 359] which some credit to him and others to Paul Veronese—though this artist wasn’t born until 1528—is one of the many fabrications we encounter in galleries. In the Doria Gallery, there’s a life-sized depiction of an Amazon holding a helmet, attributed to Dosso Dossi, which is said to resemble Vannozza.

Monsignor Antonelli, custodian of the numismatic collection of Ferrara, has a portrait in oil which may be that of Lucretia Borgia,—not because it has her name in somewhat archaic letters, but because the features are not unlike those of her medals. This portrait, however (the eyes are gray), is uncertain, as are also two portraits in majolica in the possession of Rawdon Brown, in Venice, which he regards as the work of Alfonso himself, who amused himself in making this ware. Even if there were any ground for this belief, the portraits, as they are merely in the decorative style of majolica, would resemble the original but slightly.

Monsignor Antonelli, the keeper of the numismatic collection in Ferrara, has an oil painting that might be a portrait of Lucretia Borgia—not because it’s labeled with her name in somewhat old-fashioned letters, but because the features are somewhat similar to those seen on her medals. However, this portrait, with its gray eyes, is uncertain, just like two majolica portraits owned by Rawdon Brown in Venice, which he believes were created by Alfonso himself, who enjoyed making this type of pottery. Even if there’s some reason to think this is true, the portraits, being just in the decorative style of majolica, would look only slightly like the original.

The portrait in the Dresden gallery which is catalogued as a likeness of Lucretia Borgia is not authentic. There are no undoubted portraits of her except those on the medals which were struck during her life in Ferrara. One of these is reproduced as the frontispiece [246] of the present volume; it is the finest of all and is one of the most noteworthy medals of the Renaissance. It probably was engraved by Filippino Lippi in 1502, on the occasion of Lucretia's marriage. On the reverse is a design characteristic not only of the age but especially of Lucretia. It is a Cupid with out-stretched wings bound to a laurel, suspended from which are a violin and a roll of music. The quiver of the god of love hangs broken on a branch of the laurel, and his bow, with the cord snapped, lies on the[Pg 360] ground. The inscription on the reverse is as follows: "Virtuti Ac Formæ Pudicitia Præciosissimum." Perhaps the artist by this symbolism wished to convey the idea that the time for love's free play had passed and by the laurel tree intended to suggest the famous house of Este. Although this interpretation might apply to every bride, it is especially appropriate for Lucretia Borgia.

The portrait in the Dresden gallery that is listed as a likeness of Lucretia Borgia isn’t genuine. There are no confirmed portraits of her except for those on the medals made during her lifetime in Ferrara. One of these is shown as the frontispiece [246] of this book; it's the best of all and one of the most remarkable medals from the Renaissance. It was likely engraved by Filippino Lippi in 1502 to celebrate Lucretia's marriage. The back features a design that reflects not just the era but especially Lucretia herself. It depicts Cupid with outstretched wings tied to a laurel tree, from which hang a violin and a sheet of music. The quiver of the god of love is broken on a branch of the laurel, and his bow, with the string snapped, lies on the[Pg 360] ground. The inscription on the back reads: "Virtuti Ac Formæ Pudicitia Præciosissimum." Perhaps the artist used this symbolism to suggest that the time for love's freedom had ended and intended the laurel tree to signify the famous house of Este. While this idea could apply to any bride, it is particularly fitting for Lucretia Borgia.

Whoever examines this girlish head with its long flowing tresses will be surprised, for no contrast could be greater than that between this portrait and the common conception of Lucretia Borgia. The likeness shows a maidenly, almost childish face, of a peculiar expression, without any classic lines. It could scarcely be described as beautiful. The Marchesana of Cotrone spoke the truth when in writing to Francesco she said that Lucretia was not especially beautiful, but that she had what might be called a "dolce ciera,"—a sweet face. The face resembles that of her father—as shown by the best medals which we have of him—but slightly; the only likeness is in the strongly outlined nose. Lucretia's forehead was arched, while Alexander's was flat; her chin was somewhat retreating while his was in line with the lips.

Whoever looks at this girlish head with its long, flowing hair will be surprised, as there’s a stark contrast between this portrait and the typical image of Lucretia Borgia. The likeness depicts a maidenly, almost childlike face with a unique expression and no classic features. It could hardly be called beautiful. The Marchesana of Cotrone rightly said in her letter to Francesco that Lucretia wasn’t particularly beautiful, but she had what could be described as a "dolce ciera,"—a sweet face. The face resembles her father’s—according to the best medals we have of him—but only slightly; the only similarity is in the strongly defined nose. Lucretia's forehead was arched, while Alexander's was flat; her chin was a bit receding, whereas his was level with the lips.

Another medal shows Lucretia with the hair confined and the head covered with a net, and has the so-called lenza, a sort of fillet set with precious stones or pearls. The hair covers the ear and descends to the neck, according to the fashion of the day, which we also see in a beautiful medal of Elizabetta Gonzaga of Urbino.

Another medal depicts Lucretia with her hair tied back and her head covered with a net, wearing the so-called lenza, a type of headband adorned with precious stones or pearls. Her hair covers one ear and falls to her neck, reflecting the style of the time, which is also evident in a beautiful medal of Elizabetta Gonzaga of Urbino.

The original sources from which the material for this book has been derived would place the reader in a position to form his own opinion regarding Lucretia Borgia, and his view would approximate a correct one, or at least would be nearer correct than the common conception of this[Pg 361] woman. Men of past ages are merely problems which we endeavor to solve. If we err in our conception of our contemporaries how much more likely are we to be wrong when we endeavor to analyze men whose very forms are shadowy. All the circumstances of their personal life, of their nature, the times, and their environment,—of which they were the product,—all the secrets of their being exist only as disconnected fragments from which we are forced to frame our conception of their characters. History is merely a world-judgment based upon the law of causality. Many of the characters of history would regard their portraits in books as wholly distorted and would smile at the opinion formed of them.

The original sources for this book give readers the chance to form their own opinions about Lucretia Borgia, and their views would likely be more accurate, or at least closer to the truth, than the typical perception of this[Pg 361] woman. People from the past are just puzzles we try to solve. If we misunderstand our contemporary figures, how much more likely are we to be wrong when analyzing individuals whose very existence is unclear? All the details of their personal lives, their personalities, the times they lived in, and their environment—all of which shaped them—exist only as scattered pieces from which we must construct our understanding of their characters. History is essentially a collective judgment based on the principle of cause and effect. Many historical figures would view their portrayals in books as completely misrepresented and would likely find amusement in the opinions formed about them.

LUCRETIA BORGIA.
From a painting in the Musée de Nîmes.

Lucretia Borgia might correspond with the one derived from the documents of her time, which show her as an amiable, gentle, thoughtless, and unfortunate woman. Her misfortunes, in life, were due in part to a fate for which she was in no way responsible, and, after her death, in the opinion which was formed regarding her character. The brand which had been set upon her forehead was removed by herself when she became Duchess of Ferrara, but on her death it reappeared. How soon this happened is shown by what the Rovere in Urbino said of her. In the year 1532 it was arranged that Guidobaldo II, son of Francesco Maria and Eleonora Gonzaga, should marry Giulia Varano, although he himself wished to marry a certain Orsini. His father directed his attention to the unequal alliances into which princes were prone to enter, and among others to that of Alfonso of Ferrara, who, he said, had married Lucretia Borgia, a woman "of the sort which everybody knows," and who had given his son a monster (Renée) for wife. Guidobaldo acquiesced in this view and replied that he knew he had a father who would never com[Pg 362]pel him to take a wife like Lucretia Borgia, "one as bad as she and of so many disreputable connections."[247] Thus the impression grew and Lucretia Borgia became the type of all feminine depravity until finally Victor Hugo in his drama, and Donizetti in his opera, placed her upon the stage in that character.

Lucretia Borgia might align with the image created from the documents of her time, which depict her as a kind, gentle, thoughtless, and unfortunate woman. Her misfortunes in life were partly due to a fate she had no control over and contributed to how people viewed her character after her death. The stigma attached to her was lifted when she became Duchess of Ferrara, but it returned after her death. The quickness of this return is evident from what the Rovere in Urbino said about her. In 1532, it was decided that Guidobaldo II, the son of Francesco Maria and Eleonora Gonzaga, would marry Giulia Varano, even though he preferred to marry someone from the Orsini family. His father steered him away from considering unequal alliances, citing the example of Alfonso of Ferrara, who, he said, had married Lucretia Borgia, a woman "everyone knows about," and had given his son a monster (Renée) for a wife. Guidobaldo agreed with this perspective and responded that he knew he had a father who would never force him to marry a woman like Lucretia Borgia, "someone as bad as she was with so many disreputable connections." Thus, the perception grew, and Lucretia Borgia became the archetype of all feminine depravity until finally Victor Hugo in his play and Donizetti in his opera portrayed her in that light.

In conclusion a few words regarding the descendants of Lucretia and Alfonso,—the Duke of Ferrara survived his wife fifteen stormy years. He, however, succeeded in defending himself against the popes of the Medici family, and he revenged himself on Clement VII by sacking Rome with the aid of the emperor's troops. Charles V gave him Modena and Reggio, and he was therefore able to leave his heir the estates of the house of Este in their integrity. He never married again, but a beautiful bourgeoise, Laura Eustochia Dianti, became his mistress. She bore him two sons, Alfonso and Alfonsino. The duke died October 31, 1534, at the age of fifty-eight; his brothers, Cardinal Ippolito and Don Sigismondo, having passed away before him, the former in 1520 and the latter in 1524.

In conclusion, a few words about the descendants of Lucretia and Alfonso—the Duke of Ferrara outlived his wife by fifteen tumultuous years. He managed to defend himself against the popes from the Medici family and took revenge on Clement VII by sacking Rome with the help of the emperor's troops. Charles V granted him Modena and Reggio, allowing him to leave his heir the estates of the house of Este intact. He never remarried, but a beautiful woman from a bourgeois background, Laura Eustochia Dianti, became his mistress. She gave him two sons, Alfonso and Alfonsino. The duke passed away on October 31, 1534, at the age of fifty-eight; his brothers, Cardinal Ippolito and Don Sigismondo, had died before him, the former in 1520 and the latter in 1524.

By Lucretia Borgia he had five children. Ercole succeeded him; Ippolito became a cardinal, and died December 2, 1572, in Tivoli, where the Villa d'Este remains as his monument; Elenora died, a nun, in the Convent of Corpus Domini, July 15, 1575; Francesco finally became Marchese of Massalombarda, and died February 22, 1578.

By Lucretia Borgia, he had five kids. Ercole took over after him; Ippolito became a cardinal and died on December 2, 1572, in Tivoli, where the Villa d'Este stands as his memorial; Elenora passed away, a nun, in the Convent of Corpus Domini on July 15, 1575; finally, Francesco became the Marchese of Massalombarda and died on February 22, 1578.

Lucretia's son Ercole reigned until October, 1559. In 1528 his father had married him to Renée, the plain but intellectual daughter of Louis XII. Lucretia had never seen her daughter-in-law nor had she ever had any intima[Pg 363]tion that it was to be Renée. The life of this famous duchess forms a noteworthy part of the history of Ferrara. She was an active supporter of the Reformation, which was inaugurated to free the world from a church which was governed by the Borgia, the Rovere, and the Medici. Renée was therefore described as a monster by the Rovere. She kept Calvin and Clement Marot in concealment at her court a long time.

Lucretia's son Ercole ruled until October 1559. In 1528, his father married him to Renée, the plain yet intellectual daughter of Louis XII. Lucretia had never met her daughter-in-law and hadn't even been given any hint that it would be Renée. The life of this famous duchess is an important part of Ferrara's history. She was a strong supporter of the Reformation, which aimed to liberate the world from a church controlled by the Borgia, the Rovere, and the Medici. As a result, Renée was labeled a monster by the Rovere. She harbored Calvin and Clement Marot at her court for a long time.

By a curious coincidence, in the year 1550 a man appeared at the court of Lucretia's son, who vividly recalled to the Borgias who were still living their family history, which was already becoming legendary. This man was Don Francesco Borgia, Duke of Gandia, now a Jesuit. His sudden appearance in Ferrara gives us an opportunity briefly to describe the fortunes of the house of Gandia.

By a strange coincidence, in 1550 a man showed up at the court of Lucretia's son, reminding the Borgias, who were still living out their family story that was already turning into legend. This man was Don Francesco Borgia, Duke of Gandia, now a Jesuit. His unexpected arrival in Ferrara gives us a chance to quickly outline the fate of the house of Gandia.

Of all the progeny of Alexander VI the most fortunate were those who were the descendants of the murdered Don Giovanni. His widow, Donna Maria, lived for a long time highly respected at the court of Queen Isabella of Castile, and subsequently she became an ascetic bigot and entered a convent. Her daughter Isabella did the same, dying in 1537. Her only son, Don Giovanni, while a child, had succeeded his unfortunate father as Duke of Gandia and had managed to retain his Neapolitan estates, which included an extensive domain in Terra di Lavoro, with the cities of Suessa, Teano, Carinola, Montefuscolo, Fiume, and others. In 1506 the youthful Gandia relinquished these towns to the King of Spain on payment of a sum of money. To the great Captain Gonsalvo was given the Principality of Suessa.

Of all the children of Alexander VI, the most fortunate were those descended from the murdered Don Giovanni. His widow, Donna Maria, lived for a long time in high regard at the court of Queen Isabella of Castile and later became an extreme religious devotee, entering a convent. Her daughter Isabella followed the same path and died in 1537. Her only son, Don Giovanni, became Duke of Gandia as a child after his father’s tragic death and managed to keep his Neapolitan estates, which included a large area in Terra di Lavoro, with the cities of Suessa, Teano, Carinola, Montefuscolo, Fiume, and others. In 1506, the young Duke of Gandia handed over these towns to the King of Spain in exchange for a cash payment. The Principality of Suessa was granted to the Great Captain Gonsalvo.

Don Giovanni remained in Spain a highly respected grandee. He married Giovanna d'Aragona, a princess of the deposed royal house of Naples; his second wife was a[Pg 364] daughter of the Viscount of Eval, Donna Francesca de Castro y Pinos, whom he married in 1520. The marriages of the Borgias were as a rule exceedingly fruitful. When this grandson of Alexander VI died in 1543 he left no fewer than fifteen children. His daughters married among the grandees of Spain and his sons were numbered among the great nobles of the country, where they enjoyed the highest honors. The eldest, Don Francesco Borgia, born in 1510, became Duke of Gandia and a great lord in Spain and highly honored at the court of Charles V, who made him Vice-Regent of Catalonia and Commander of San Iago. He accompanied the emperor on his expedition against France and even to Africa. In 1529 he married one of the ladies in waiting to the empress, Eleonora de Castro, who bore him five sons and three daughters. When she died, in 1546, the Duke of Gandia yielded to his long-standing desire to enter the Society of Jesus and to relinquish his brilliant position forever. It seemed as if a mysterious force was impelling him thus to expiate the crimes of his house. It is not strange, however, to find a descendant of Alexander VI in the garb of a Jesuit, for the diabolic force of will which had characterized that Borgia lived again in the person of his countryman, Loyola, in another form and directed to another end. The maxims of Macchiavelli's "Prince" thus became part of the political programme of the Jesuits.

Don Giovanni remained a highly respected nobleman in Spain. He married Giovanna d'Aragona, a princess from the deposed royal family of Naples; his second wife was a[Pg 364] daughter of the Viscount of Eval, Donna Francesca de Castro y Pinos, whom he married in 1520. The Borgia marriages were typically very fruitful. When this grandson of Alexander VI died in 1543, he left behind no fewer than fifteen children. His daughters married into the nobility of Spain, and his sons were among the country's great nobles, enjoying the highest honors. The eldest, Don Francesco Borgia, born in 1510, became Duke of Gandia and an important lord in Spain, highly honored at the court of Charles V, who made him Vice-Regent of Catalonia and Commander of San Iago. He accompanied the emperor on his campaign against France and even to Africa. In 1529, he married one of the ladies in waiting to the empress, Eleonora de Castro, who gave him five sons and three daughters. When she died in 1546, the Duke of Gandia decided to pursue his long-held desire to join the Society of Jesus and give up his prestigious position for good. It seemed like a mysterious force was pushing him to atone for his family's sins. However, it’s not surprising to see a descendant of Alexander VI in Jesuit robes, as the ruthless determination that marked the Borgia resurfaced in the person of his fellow countryman, Loyola, in a new form with a different purpose. The principles from Machiavelli's "Prince" thus became part of the Jesuits' political agenda.

In 1550 the Duke of Gandia went to Rome to cast himself at the feet of the Pope and to become a member of the Order. Paul III, brother of Giulia Farnese, had just died, and del Monte as Julius III had ascended the papal throne. Ercole II, cousin of Don Francesco, still occupied the ducal throne of Ferrara. He remembered the relationship and invited the traveler to stop at his city on his way to Rome.[Pg 365] Francesco spent three days at the court of Lucretia's son, where he was received by Renée. Whether Loyola's brilliant pupil had any knowledge of the religious attitude of Calvin's friend is not known. The presence of this man in Savonarola's native city and at Lucretia's former residence is, on account of the contrast, remarkable. Francesco left for Rome almost immediately, and then returned to Spain. On the death of Lainez, in 1565, he became general,—the third in order,—of the Society of Jesus. He still held this position at the time of his death, which occurred in Rome in the year 1572. The Church pronounced him holy, and thus a descendant of Alexander VI became a saint.[248]

In 1550, the Duke of Gandia went to Rome to bow before the Pope and join the Order. Paul III, who was Giulia Farnese's brother, had just passed away, and del Monte, now Julius III, had taken the papal throne. Ercole II, Don Francesco's cousin, was still on the ducal throne of Ferrara. He remembered their connection and invited the traveler to stop in his city on his way to Rome.[Pg 365] Francesco spent three days at Lucretia's son’s court, where he was welcomed by Renée. It's unclear whether Loyola's brilliant student knew about the religious views of Calvin's associate. The fact that this man was in Savonarola's hometown and at Lucretia's former residence is notable because of the contrast. Francesco left for Rome soon after and then returned to Spain. After Lainez died in 1565, he became the third general of the Society of Jesus. He still held this position when he died in Rome in 1572. The Church canonized him, making him a saint and a descendant of Alexander VI.[248]

The descendants of this Borgia married into the greatest families of Spain. His eldest son, Don Carlos, Duke of Gandia, married Donna Maddalena, daughter of the Count of Oliva, of the house of Centelles, and thus the family to which Lucretia's first suitor belonged, after the lapse of fifty years, became connected with the Borgias. The Gandia branch survived until the eighteenth century, when there were two cardinals of the name of Borgia who were members of it.

The descendants of this Borgia married into the most prominent families of Spain. His eldest son, Don Carlos, Duke of Gandia, married Donna Maddalena, the daughter of the Count of Oliva, from the house of Centelles. As a result, the family of Lucretia's first suitor, after fifty years, became linked to the Borgias. The Gandia branch lasted until the eighteenth century, when there were two cardinals named Borgia who were part of it.

Ercole II did not discover the heretical tendencies of his wife Renée until 1554, when he placed her in a convent. The noble princess remained true to the Reformation. As the Inquisition stamped out the reform movement in Ferrara while her son was reigning duke, she returned to France, where she lived with the Huguenots in her Castle of Montargis, dying in 1575. It is worthy of note that the Duke of Guise was her son-in-law.

Ercole II didn't uncover the heretical beliefs of his wife Renée until 1554, when he sent her to a convent. The noble princess remained loyal to the Reformation. As the Inquisition suppressed the reform movement in Ferrara during her son's rule as duke, she went back to France, where she lived with the Huguenots at her Castle of Montargis, passing away in 1575. It's important to mention that the Duke of Guise was her son-in-law.

Renée had borne her husband several children,—the he[Pg 366]reditary Prince Alfonso Luigi, who subsequently became a cardinal; Donna Anna, who married the Duke of Guise; Donna Lucretia, who became Duchess of Urbino; and Donna Leonora, who remained single.

Renée had given her husband several children: the hereditary Prince Alfonso Luigi, who later became a cardinal; Donna Anna, who married the Duke of Guise; Donna Lucretia, who became the Duchess of Urbino; and Donna Leonora, who stayed single.

Her son Alfonso II succeeded to the throne of Ferrara in 1559. This was the duke whom Tasso made immortal. Just as Ariosto, during the reign of the first Alfonso and Lucretia, had celebrated the house of Este in a monumental poem, so Torquato Tasso now continued to do at the home of his descendant, Alfonso II. By a curious coincidence the two greatest epic poets of Italy were in the service of the same family. Tasso's fate is one of the darkest memories of the house of Este, and is also the last of any special importance in the history of the court of Ferrara. His poem may be regarded as the death song of this famous family, for the legitimate line of the house of Este died out October 27, 1597, in Alfonso II, Lucretia Borgia's grandson. Don Cæsar, a grandson of Alfonso I, and son of that Alfonso whom Laura Dianti had borne him and of Donna Giulia Rovere of Urbino, ascended the ducal throne of Ferrara on the death of Alfonso II as his heir. The Pope, however, would not recognize him. In vain he endeavored to prove that his grandfather, shortly before his death, had legally married Laura Dianti, and that consequently he was the legitimate heir to the throne. It availed nothing for the contestants to appear before the tribunal of emperor and pope and endeavor to make Don Cæsar's pretensions good, nor does it now avail for the Ferrarese, who, following Muratori, still seek to substantiate these claims. Don Cæsar was forced to yield to Clement VIII, January 13, 1598, the grandson of Alfonso I renouncing the Duchy of Ferrara. Together with his wife, Virginia Medici and his children, he left the old palace of his an[Pg 367]cestors and betook himself to Modena, the title of duke of that city and the estates of Reggio and Carpi having been conferred upon him.

Her son Alfonso II took the throne of Ferrara in 1559. This was the duke Tasso immortalized. Just as Ariosto celebrated the Este family during the reign of the first Alfonso and Lucretia in a monumental poem, Torquato Tasso continued this legacy during the time of his descendant, Alfonso II. By an interesting coincidence, the two greatest epic poets of Italy served the same family. Tasso's story is one of the darkest chapters in the history of the Este family and is also the last significant event in the history of the court of Ferrara. His poem can be seen as the final tribute to this famous family, as the legitimate line of the Este family ended on October 27, 1597, with Alfonso II, the grandson of Lucretia Borgia. Don Cæsar, a grandson of Alfonso I and the son of Alfonso, who was born to Laura Dianti and Donna Giulia Rovere of Urbino, became the duke of Ferrara after Alfonso II died. However, the Pope refused to recognize him. He tried in vain to prove that his grandfather had legally married Laura Dianti shortly before his death, making him the legitimate heir to the throne. It did no good for the challengers to appear before the emperor and pope to back Don Cæsar's claims, nor does it help the people of Ferrara, who, following Muratori, still try to support these claims. Don Cæsar was forced to yield the Duchy of Ferrara to Clement VIII on January 13, 1598, renouncing it as the grandson of Alfonso I. With his wife, Virginia Medici, and his children, he left his ancestral palace and moved to Modena, where he received the title of duke of that city along with the estates of Reggio and Carpi.

Don Cæsar continued the branch line of the Este. At the end of the eighteenth century it passed into the Austrian Este house in the person of Archduke Ferdinand, and in the nineteenth century this line also became extinct.

Don Cæsar continued the Este family line. By the end of the eighteenth century, it was inherited by the Austrian Este house through Archduke Ferdinand, and this branch also became extinct in the nineteenth century.

No longer do the popes control Ferrara. Where the castle of Tedaldo stood when Lucretia made her entry into the city in 1502, where Clement VIII later erected the great castle which was razed in 1859, there is now a wide field in the middle of which, lost and forgotten, is a melancholy statue of Paul V, and all about is a waste. There is still standing before the castle of Giovanni Sforza in Pesaro a column from which the statue has been overturned, and on the base is the inscription: "Statue of Urban VII—That is all that is left of it."[Pg 368]

No longer do the popes control Ferrara. Where the castle of Tedaldo once stood when Lucretia entered the city in 1502, and where Clement VIII later built the grand castle that was demolished in 1859, there is now a vast field with a lonely and forgotten statue of Paul V in the center, surrounded by desolation. Still standing in front of the castle of Giovanni Sforza in Pesaro is a column from which the statue has been knocked down, with the base reading: "Statue of Urban VII—That is all that is left of it."[Pg 368]

INDEX

Adriana de Mila, see Mila, Adriana de.
Albret, Charlotte d', married to Cæsar Borgia, 115, 325.
Aldo Manuzio, 132, 305, 327;
in Venice, 340.
Alexander VI, see Borgia, Rodrigo.
Alfonso d'Este, see Este.
Alfonso of Biselli, see Alfonso of Naples.
Alfonso of Naples, 111, 113;
flees from Rome, 116;
attempt on his life, 147;
murdered, 148.
Allegre, Monsignor d', captures Alexander's mistress, 87, 143.
Amboise, Cardinal George d', 115, 169, 296.
Angelo, Michael, first appearance in Rome, 135; his Pietà, 136.
Aragon, Eleonora of, wife of Ercole d'Este, 54.
Aragona, Camilla Marzana d', wife of Costanza Sforza, 78, 82.
Aragona, Isabella d', of Milan, 334;
guardian of Rodrigo Borgia, 335.
Aragonese of Naples, their fall, 172.
Arignano, Domenico of, 11.
Ariosto, 247, 254, 308-309, 311;
his Orlando, 340.
Asolani, i, 31.
Baglione, Giampolo, his cowardice, 99.
Ballet, the, 255.
Bayard, the Chevalier, his opinion of Lucretia, 332.
Behaim, Lorenz, humanist, 32.
Bella, la, or Giulia Bella, 39;
see also Farnese, Giulia.
Bellingeri, Hector, 188.
Bembo, Cardinal, 31;
eulogizes Alexander VI, 100;
condoles Lucretia on Alexander's death, 291;
dedicates his Asolani to Lucretia, 305, 306, 340.
Beneimbeni, notary, 131.
Bentivoglio, Ginevra, 101.
Bisceglie or Biseglia, see Biselli.
Biselli, 111;
Lucretia duchess of, 113.
Biselli, Alfonso of, see Alfonso of Naples.
Borgia, Alfonso, founder of the family, 3.
Borgia, Angela, married to Francesco Maria della Rovere, 115, 223, 310;
wife of Alessandro Pio, 311.
Borgia, Anna de, Princess of Squillace, 334.
Borgia, Beatrice, sister of Alexander VI, 5.
Borgia, Cæsar, his birth, 12;
his moderation, 29;
at the University of Pisa, 39;
made bishop of Valencia, 48;
his personality, 57-58;
made cardinal, 65;
crowns Federico, king of Naples, 108;
renounces his cardinalate, 113;
sails for France, 115;
made duke of Valentinois, 115;
marries Charlotte d'Albret, 115;
campaigns in the Romagna, 122, 280;
takes Forli, 139;
correspondence with Ercole d'Este, 145;
letter to Gonzaga, 146;
power over his father, 149;
enters Romagna, 159;
takes Pesaro, 161;
Faenza, 166;
made duke of Romagna, 170;
in Naples, 172;
returns from Naples, 188;
his age, 202;
letter to Lucretia, 280;
treachery of his captains, 283;
letter to Isabella Gonzaga, 285;
taken sick, 286;
loses his estates, 293;
in Nepi, 295, 298;
goes to Naples, 299;
to Spain, 299;
confined in Castle of Seville, 300;
escapes, 317-318;
informs Gonzaga of his escape, 319;
his death, 321-322;
his character, 323.
Borgia, Catarina, sister of Calixtus III, 4.
Borgia, Francesco, duke of Gandia, enters the Society of Jesus, 364;
general of the order, 365;
dies in Rome and is canonized, 365.
Borgia, Giovanni, duke of Gandia, son of Vannozza, 12, 93.
Borgia, Giovanni, Cardinal, "the elder," made cardinal, 49.
Borgia, Giovanni, Cardinal, "the younger," 116;
death of, 137;
his parentage, 138.
Borgia, Giovanni, "Infante of Rome," his parentage, 192-194, 295, 335;
at Lucretia's court, 341-342;
his death, 343-344.
Borgia, Girolama, daughter of Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia, 18.
Borgia, Giuffrè, son of Vannozza, his birth, 20;
made archdeacon of Valencia, 40;
marries Donna Sancia, of Naples, 65;
Prince of Squillace, 71;
comes to Rome, 92, 295;
goes to Naples, 299.
Borgia, Isabella, daughter of Cardinal Rodrigo, 19.
Borgia, Isabella, sister of Calixtus III, 4.
Borgia, Juana, sister of Cardinal Rodrigo, 5.
Borgia, Juan Luis, nephew of Calixtus III, 4.
Borgia, Lucretia, daughter of Cardinal Rodrigo and Vannozza, birth, 12-13;
her education, 23;
her modesty, 28;
her linguistic attainments, 31;
letters to Bembo, 31;
betrothed to Cherubino Juan de Centelles, 41;
betrothed to Gasparo de Procida, 42;
married to Giovanni Sforza of Pesaro, 58-60;
returns to Rome, 86;
goes to the Convent of S. Sisto, 107;
rumors concerning, 109;
divorced from Sforza, 109;
betrothed to Alfonzo of Naples, 111;
becomes duchess of Biselli, 113;
regent of Spoleto, 117;
invested with title to Nepi, 118;
gives birth to a son, 121;
her private life, 125;
her weakness, 151;
goes to Nepi, 151;
letters from there, 155-157, 172;
represents the pope in his absence, 173;
charges against her, 175;
objections to her marriage, 184;
nuptials with Alfonso d'Este, 185-187;
prepares to depart, 196;
her age, 201;
her dowry, 204-207;
her character, 212;
her marriage, 216;
her retinue, 222;
leaves Rome, 225;
journey to Ferrara, 232-240;
entrance into Ferrara, 240-244;
her person, 247;
fêtes in her honor, 250-263;
letter to Isabella Gonzaga, 263;
gives birth to a daughter, 282;
duchess of Ferrara, 303;
her library, 304;
corresponds with Giulia Farnese, 313;
bears a son, 326;
another, 328;
regent of Ferrara, 328;
claims Rodrigo's property, 336;
change in her character, 338;
relations with her husband, 341;
her son, Alessandro, 341;
letter to Isabella Gonzaga, 355;
letter to Leo X, 356;
her death, 357;
place of burial unknown, 358;
portraits of, 358-359;
medals of, 359;
posthumous reputation, 361;
her children by Alfonso, 362.
Borgia, Ludovico, governor of Spoleto, 121.
Borgia, Luigi, 325.
Borgia, Luisa, Cæsar's daughter, 325.
Borgia, Pedro Luis, nephew of Calixtus III, 4, 5;
his death, 6.
Borgia, Rodrigo, nephew of Calixtus III, made cardinal, 4;
vice-chancellor, 5;
his sensuality, 7;
his person, 9;
his wealth, 17;
and Adriana Orsini, 23;
witness to marriage of Giulia Farnese and Orsino Orsini, 38;
elected pope, 44;
his coronation, 45;
letter to his daughter, 74;
his abstinence, 94;
secures Lucretia's divorce, 108;
determines to marry Lucretia into house of Naples, 110;
demands hand of Carlotta of Naples for Cæsar, 110;
letter to priors of Spoleto, 117;
assumes control of Nepi, 120;
his intellectual pleasures, 126;
extols Ercole, 188;
his Latin, 189;
falls sick, 197;
letter to the priors of Nepi, 224;
sickness and death, 286;
his immorality, 289-291.
Borgia, Rodrigo, nephew of Alexander VI, captain of the papal guard, 49.
Borgia, Rodrigo, son of Lucretia and Alfonso of Naples, his birth, 121, 194, 295-296;
his death, 333.
Borgia, Tecla, sister of Cardinal Rodrigo, 5.
Borgias, their coat of arms, 45;
their character, 93-94;
family, 203.
Brandolini, Aurelio, 126.
Bull-fighting in Rome, 220.
Burchard, 125;
his diary, 129-131, 177, 289.
Cagnolo of Parma, his description of Lucretia, 248.
Calcagnini, Celio, bridal song, 246, 340.
Calixtus III, 4;
his death, 6.
Calvin, 363.
Cambray, League of, 327.
Canale, Carlo, 21-22.
Capello, Polo, account of Cæsar, 177, 180.
Caracciolo, his De Varietate Fortunæ, 334.
Caranza, Pedro, privy-chamberlain, 49.
Carlotta of Naples, 110.
Carlotta, Queen of Cyprus, 32.
Castelli, Adriano, 132.
Castiglione, 31, 250, 305.
Castle Vecchio, description of, 270-272.
Catanei, see Vannozza Catanei.
Cavalliere, Bartolomeo, letter of, 182.
Caviceo, Jacopo, dedicates his Peregrino to Lucretia, 308.
Centelles, Cherubino Juan de, betrothal to Lucretia, 41.
Charles V, 4, 327.
Charles VIII, 62;
enters Italy, 87;
retreats, 90.
Chrysoleras, 32.
Cieco, Francesco, his Mambriano, 277.
Classic culture, 26.
Collenuccio, Pandolfo, poet and orator, 85;
letter to Ercole, 161, 293-294;
his death, 295.
Colonna, Vittoria, 30, 136, 142.
Copernicus in Rome, 129.
Cortegiano, il, 31.
Cosenza, Cardinal of, 191;
Rodrigo Borgia's guardian, 297.
Costa, Michele, 339.
Cotrone, Marchesana of, letter to Gonzaga, 253.
Croce, Giorgio de, husband of Vannozza, 12, 20.
Dance, the, during the Renaissance, 253.
Decio, Philippo, jurisprudent, 40.
Della Rovere, see Rovere.
Dianti, Laura Eustochia, mistress of Alfonso d'Este, 362, 366.
Diplovatazio, Giorgio, 84.
Dossi, Dosso, 278, 339.
Drama, the, 128.
Eleonora of Aragon, wife of Ercole d'Este, 270.
Enriquez, Maria, wife of Giovanni Borgia, duke of Gandia, 64.
Este, palaces of the, 244;
their history, 266-270;
family expires in Alfonso II, 366.
Este, Alfonso d', 54;
projected marriage with Lucretia, 167, 182;
greets his bride, 236;
becomes duke of Ferrara, 303;
conspiracy against, 315;
suspected of the murder of Strozzi, 327;
under ban of Julius II, 331;
asks the pope's forgiveness, 333;
attends coronation of Leo X, 338;
cultivates the arts, 339;
letter to his nephew on Lucretia's death, 357.
Este, Alfonso II, d', succeeds to throne of Ferrara, 366.
Este, Alfonso Luigi d', son of Renée, 365.
Este, Anna d', wife of the duke of Guise, 366.
Este, Beatrice d', wife of Ludovico il Moro, 54.
Este, Ercole d', 54;
letter to Alexander VI, 55;
letter to Gonzaga, 186;
to his envoys, 198;
relations with Lucretia, 205;
present to her, 217;
letter to Alexander VI, 265;
congratulates Cæsar, 284;
letter to Seregni, 287;
to Lucretia regarding her son Rodrigo, 297-298;
his death, 303.
Este, Ercole II, d', duke of Ferrara, 362, 364.
Este, Ferrante d', his imprisonment and death, 316.
Este, Giulio d', attack on, 310;
its consequences, 315;
his imprisonment and death, 316.
Este, Ippolito d', 56;
made cardinal, 65, 186, 310.
Este, Isabella d', wife of Francesco Gonzaga of Montua, her learning, 30, 54;
meets Lucretia, 239, 245;
her beauty
and vanity, 252;
letter to Lucretia, 263;
congratulates Cæsar on his successes, 284;
predilection for the arts, 340.
Estouteville, Cardinal, his children, 54.
Farnese, Alessandro, 36-37;
made cardinal, 65.
Farnese, family, 36-37.
Farnese, Girolama, 65, 312.
Farnese, Giulia, 35;
her betrothal, 37;
marriage, 38, 39;
"the pope's concubine," 63, 65;
her daughter, Laura, 66;
"Christ's bride," 66;
her beauty, 69;
captured by the French, 87, 123, 311;
her death, 314.
Fedeli, Cassandra, 28, 30.
Federico of Naples, consents to betrothal of Alfonso and Lucretia, 110.
Ferdinand of Naples, congratulates Sforza on his marriage, 62.
Ferdinand of Spain, 299, 302.
Ferno, Michele, describes Alexander's coronation, 46-48, 129.
Ferrara, 191;
Lucretia enters, 240-244;
description of, 272-278.
Ferrari, Cardinal, 185, 224.
Filosseno, Marcello, sonnets to Lucretia, 308.
Florence, her fear of Cæsar, 202.
Foix, Gaston de, 332.
Gaetani, family, 122;
their property given Lucretia, 123;
return to Sermoneta, 296.
Gambara, Veronica, her learning, 30.
Gandia (see also Giovanni Borgia), Duke of, gonfalonier, 103;
murder of, 105-106;
his heir, 106, 177.
Garofalo, Benvenuto, 278, 339.
Ghibbelines, 14.
Gonsalvo, 299.
Gonzaga, Elisabetta, her pilgrimage to Rome, 140;
letter to her brother, Francesco Gonzaga, 140-142.
Gonzaga, Isabella, see Este, Isabella d'.
Gradara, Castle of, 83.
Greek, study of, 32.
Guelf III of Swabia, 267.
Guelphs, 14.
Guicciardini, Francesco, his charges against Lucretia, 176.
Imola, attacked by Cæsar Borgia, 121.
Infessura, 11, 24.
Inghirami, Phædra, 128.
Inquisition, the, 365.
Jovius, Paul, his opinion of Lucretia, 338.
Jubilee of 1500, 137, 140.
Julius II (see also Rovere, Giuliano della), 298, 312;
offends Lucretia, 313;
takes Perugia and Bologna, 317;
forms League of Cambray, 327;
places Alfonso under his ban, 331;
his death, 338.
Lanzol family, 4.
Leo X, 338;
his court, 340.
Literature during the Renaissance, 96.
Lopez, Juan, made chancellor, 49.
Louis XII, 116;
takes Milan, 121;
opposes marriage of Lucretia and Alfonso d'Este, 169;
congratulates Alexander VI, 198.
Loyola, Ignatius, 4, 364.
Lucia of Viterbo, Sister, 257.
Ludovico il Moro, 45; hatred of the pope, 89.
Macchiavelli, his theory of the ruler, 98-99;
his "Prince," 100.
Majolica, 83.
Malatesta, the, of Rimini, 77.
Malatesta, Sigismondo, 25.
Malipiero, letter of, 180.
Manfredi, Astorre, surrenders to Cæsar, 166.
Mantua, Isabella of, see Este, Isabella d'.
Mantua, Marquis of, his letter on Alexander's death, 288.
Manuzio, Aldo, see Aldo Manuzio.
Marades, Juan, made privy-chancellor, 49.
Marot, Clement, at court of Renée, 363.
Matarazza of Perugia, 178-179.
Matilda, Countess, 267.
Maximilian, Emperor, opposition to Lucretia's marriage, 184, 329.
Melini, the brothers, 127.
Micheletto, confesses that Alfonso of Biselli was murdered by Alexander's orders, 346.
Mila or Mella family, 4.
Mila, Adriana, 5;
married to Ludovico Orsini, 23.
Montefeltre, the, 232.
Montefeltre, Agnesina di, 142.
Nepi, 119;
given to Ascanio Sforza, 120;
description of, 152-155;
unhealthful climate of 158.
Nepotism, 14.
Novel, the, during the Renaissance, 26.
Nugarolla, Isotta, her learning, 30.
Orsini, Adriana (see also Mila, Adriana de), captured by the French, 87, 223.
Orsini, Laura, daughter of the pope, 66;
betrothed to Federico Farnese, 114;
betrothed to Raimondo Farnese, 312.
Orsini, Orsino, 23;
betrothed to Giulia Farnese, 37;
the marriage, 38.
Paniciatus, N. Marius, his poems in honor of Lucretia, 245.
Paul III, 36.
Pazzi conspiracy, the, 14.
Perotto, 177.
Perugino, 100, 133.
Pesaro, history of, 76-79;
description of, 79-86;
captured by Cæsar Borgia, 161.
Pesaro, Giovanni of, see Sforza, Giovanni.
Philosophy, study of, during the Renaissance, 29.
Piccolomini, Cardinal, his children, 34;
elected pope, 296.
Pietà of Michael Angelo, 136.
Pinturicchio, 100;
his portrait of Giulia Farnese, 133;
portraits of the Borgias, 134.
Pius II, admonitory letter to Cardinal Borgia, 7.
Pius III, 296.
Poliziano, Angelo, 21.
Pollajuolo, Antonio, sculptor, 134.
Pompilio, Paolo, dedicates his Syllabica to Cæsar Borgia, 39, 129.
Pontanus, 125;
his epigrams, 176.
Porcaro, the, adherents of the Borgias, 46;
the brothers, 127.
Posthumus, Guido, see Silvester, Guido Posthumus.
Pozzi, Gianlucca, 185;
description of Lucretia, 213;
letter to Ercole d'Este, 220, 229-232.
Prete, el, his account of Lucretia's wedding, 214-215, 218.
Principe il, 100.
Procida, Gasparo de, betrothed to Lucretia, 42;
the contract dissolved, 51, 111.
Pucci, Lorenzo, 66;
letter to his brother, 67.
Pucci, Puccio, 37, 65.
Ravenna, battle of, 332.
Reformation, the, 363.
Renaissance, the, education of women during, 24-33;
immorality during, 96-101, 135;
the theater, 97, 251;
traveling, 208;
the dance, 253;
dress, 260.
Renée of France, wife of Ercole II, 362-363;
placed in convent, 365;
dies in France, 365.
Requesenz, 300, 319, 321.
Reuchlin, in Rome, 131.
Romagna, Duke of, see Borgia, Cæsar.
Rome, society of, 133;
sack of, 362.
Romolini, Francesco, 40.
Romolini, Raimondo, goes to Rome, 182.
Rovere, Francesco Maria della, secures Pesaro, 331.
Rovere, Giuliano della (see also Julius II), his children, 34;
goes to France to urge Charles VIII to invade Italy, 73, 115, 196;
becomes pope, 298, 314.
Sadoleto, 340.
Sancia of Naples, Donna, gossip concerning, 95;
banished from Rome, 134;
her death, 334.
Sangallo, Antonio di, Alexander's architect, 134.
Sannazzaro, his epigrams, 125, 176.
Sanuto, Marino, his diary, 178, 289.
Saraceni, 188; letter regarding the bridal escort, 199-201;
letter to Ercole d'Este, 220, 222-232.
Savonarola, 95, 276.
Serafina of Aquila, 126.
Sermoneta, 122.
Sessa, see Suessa.
Sforza, the palace of, 81;
tragedies among, 334.
Sforza, Ascanio, made vice-chancellor, 44;
joins the Colonna, 73;
leaves Rome, 116, 143.
Sforza, Battista, her learning, 30.
Sforza, Blanca, 183, 185.
Sforza, Cattarina, 101;
surrenders to Cæsar, 139;
her life, 139;
released, 143;
her death, 144.
Sforza, Galeazzo, succeeds Giovanni, 331.
Sforza, Ginevra, 28.
Sforza, Giovanni, of Pesaro, offered Lucretia's hand, 50;
betrothed to her, 52;
marriage, 58;
his person, 59;
his relations with the pope uncertain, 71;
letter to his uncle, Ludovico il Moro, 71;
leaves Rome, 73;
returns, 102;
flees from Rome, 104;
protests against divorce, 108;
divorced from Lucretia, 109;
appeals to Gonzaga for help, 159-160;
leaves Pesaro, 160, 179;
returns to Pesaro, 294;
his death, 330.
Sforza, Ippolita, 28.
Sforza, Ludovico, captured by king of France, 143.
Silvester, Guido Posthumus, poet, 85, 179.
Sixtus IV, 14.
Soriano, defeat of the pope at, 104.
Sperulo, Francesco, Cæsar's court poet, 126.
Spoleto, the castle of, 119.
Squillace, Prince of, see Borgia, Giuffrè.
Stage, the, during the Renaissance, 97.
Strozzi, Ercole, eulogizes Cæsar Borgia, 100;
poem on death of Cæsar, 324;
murder of, 326.
Strozzi, father and son, 277, 307.
Suessa, Giovanni Borgia, duke of, 71.
Taro, battle of the, 91.
Tasso, Torquato, his Aminta, 83, 366.
Tebaldeo, Antonio, 277, 308, 340.
Theology, study of, during the Renaissance, 29.
Tiepoli, Ginevra, wife of Giovanni Sforza, 330.
Tisio, Benvenuto, see Garofalo.
Titian, 327.
Torelli, Barbara, 327.
Trivulzia of Milan, 29.
Troche, Cæsar's confidant, 191.
Urbino, Elisabetta of, her learning, 30;
her beauty, 252.
Urbino, Guidobaldo of, in command of papal troops, 102.
Valentino or Valentinois, see Borgia, Cæsar.
Vannozza Catanei, mistress of Rodrigo Borgia, 10;
her children, 12;
her home, 15;
marriage to Carlo Canale, 22, 295;
charged with theft, 346;
gives her house to Church of S. Maria del Popolo, 346;
her last years, 347-351;
her bequests, 351;
her death, 351;
her obsequies, 353.
Vasari, his account of Pinturicchio's work, 133.
Vatican, the orgy in, 178;
life in, 189.
Villa Imperiale, 83.
Vinci, Leonardo da, 100.
Virago, meaning of the term, 28, 101.
Zambotto, Bernardino, his description of Lucretia, 247.

Adriana de Mila, refer to Mila, Adriana de.
Charlotte d'Albret, who was married to Cæsar Borgia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Aldo Manuzio, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__;
in Venice, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Alexander VI, see Borgia, Rodrigo.
Alfonso d'Este, see Este.
Alfonso of Biselli, refer to Alfonso of Naples.
Alfonso of Naples, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
fleeing from Rome, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
assassination attempt, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
murdered, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Monsignor d'Allegre catches Alexander's mistress, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Cardinal George d'Amboise, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Michelangelo first appears in Rome, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__; his Pietà, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Eleonora of Aragon, the wife of Ercole d'Este, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Camilla Marzana d'Aragona, wife of Costanza Sforza, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Isabella d'Aragona from Milan, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
guardian of Rodrigo Borgia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Their decline, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Domenico d'Arignano, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__;
his Orlando, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Asolani, me, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Giampolo Baglione, his cowardice, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
The ballet, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
The Chevalier Bayard's view on Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Lorenz Behaim, humanist, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
La Bella, or Giulia Bella, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
see also Giulia Farnese.
Hector Bellingeri, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Cardinal Bembo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
praises Pope Alexander VI, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
condoles Lucretia on Alexander's death, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
dedicates his Asolani to Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Notary Beneimbeni, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Ginevra Bentivoglio, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Bisceglie or Biseglia, see Biselli.
Biselli, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Lucretia, Duchess of __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Alfonso of Biselli, refer to Alfonso of Naples.
Alfonso Borgia, the founder of the family, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Angela Borgia, who is married to Francesco Maria della Rovere, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__;
wife of Alessandro Pio, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Anna de Borgia, Princess of Squillace, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Beatrice Borgia, sister of Alexander VI, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
César Borgia, his birth, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his moderation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
at the University of Pisa, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
becomes bishop of Valencia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his personality, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
becomes essential, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
crowns Federico, king of Naples, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
resigns from his cardinalate, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
sailing to France, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
becomes Duke of Valentinois, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
marries Charlotte d'Albret, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
campaigns in Romagna, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
takes Forli, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
correspondence with Ercole d'Este, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letter to Gonzaga, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
gains power over his dad, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
enters Romagna, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
takes Pesaro, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Faenza, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
becomes Duke of Romagna, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
in Naples, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
returns from Naples, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his age, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letter to Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
betrayal by his captains, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letter to Isabella Gonzaga, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
gets sick, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
loses his properties, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
in Nepi, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
heads to Naples, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
to Spain, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
held captive in the Castle of Seville, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
escapes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
informs Gonzaga about his escape, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his passing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
his character, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Catarina Borgia, the sister of Calixtus III, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Francesco Borgia, Duke of Gandia, joins the Society of Jesus, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
general of the order, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
dies in Rome and is canonized, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Giovanni Borgia, Duke of Gandia, son of Vannozza, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Giovanni Borgia, Cardinal, "the elder," was made a cardinal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Giovanni Borgia, Cardinal, "younger," __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
death of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his parentage, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Giovanni Borgia, "Infante of Rome," his parentage, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__;
at Lucretia's court, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
his death, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Girolama Borgia, the daughter of Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Giuffrè Borgia, the son of Vannozza, was born __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
made archdeacon of Valencia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
marries Donna Sancia from Naples, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Prince of Squillace, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
comes to Rome, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
heads to Naples, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Isabella Borgia, daughter of Cardinal Rodrigo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Isabella Borgia, the sister of Calixtus III, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Juana Borgia, the sister of Cardinal Rodrigo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Juan Luis Borgia, the nephew of Calixtus III, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Lucretia Borgia, daughter of Cardinal Rodrigo and Vannozza, was born on __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
her education, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
her humility, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
her language skills, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letters to Bembo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
engaged to Cherubino Juan de Centelles, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
engaged to Gasparo de Procida, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
married to Giovanni Sforza from Pesaro, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
returns to Rome, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
goes to the Convent of S. Sisto, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
rumors about her, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
divorced from Sforza, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
engaged to Alfonzo of Naples, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
becomes Duchess of Biselli, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
regent of Spoleto, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
invested with title to Nepi, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
gives birth to a son, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
her personal life, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
her weaknesses, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
goes to Nepi, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letters from there, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__;
represents the pope when he is not present, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
charges against her, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
objections to her marriage, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
wedding to Alfonso d'Este, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
getting ready to leave, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
her age, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
her dowry, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
her character, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
her marriage, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
her crew, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
leaves Rome, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
trip to Ferrara, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
entry to Ferrara, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
her look, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
celebrations in her honor, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
letter to Isabella Gonzaga, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
gives birth to a daughter, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
duchess of Ferrara, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
her library, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
corresponds with Giulia Farnese, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
has a son, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
another, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
regent of Ferrara, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
claims Rodrigo's property, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
change in her character, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
relations with her husband, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
her son, Alessandro, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letter to Isabella Gonzaga, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letter to Leo X, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
her death, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
burial site unknown, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
portraits of her, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
her medals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
after death reputation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
her kids by Alfonso, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Ludovico Borgia, Spoleto governor, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Luigi Borgia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Luisa Borgia, Caesar's daughter, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Pedro Luis Borgia, the nephew of Calixtus III, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
his passing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Rodrigo Borgia, the nephew of Calixtus III, was made a cardinal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
vice chancellor, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his sexuality, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his look, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his wealth, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
and Adriana Orsini, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
witness to the marriage of Giulia Farnese and Orsino Orsini, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
elected pope, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his coronation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letter to his daughter, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his abstinence, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
secures Lucretia's divorce, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
plans to marry Lucretia into the Naples family, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
demands Carlotta of Naples's hand for Cæsar, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letter to the priors of Spoleto, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
takes charge of Nepi, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his intellectual interests, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
praises Ercole, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his Latin, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
gets sick, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Letter to the priors of Nepi, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
illness and death, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his wrongdoing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Rodrigo Borgia, Alexander VI's nephew and the captain of the papal guard, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Rodrigo Borgia, the son of Lucretia and Alfonso of Naples, was born on __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__;
his passing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Tecla Borgia, the sister of Cardinal Rodrigo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
The Borgias, their family crest, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
their character, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
family, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Aurelio Brandolini, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Bullfighting in Rome, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Burchard, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his diary, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.
Cagnolo of Parma, his portrayal of Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Celio Calcagnini, wedding song, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Calixtus III, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his death, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Calvin, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
League of Cambray, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Carlo Canale, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Polo Capello, account of Caesar, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Caracciolo, in his De Varietate Fortunæ, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Pedro Caranza, chamberlain, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Carlotta of Naples, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Carlotta, Queen of Cyprus, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Adriano Castelli, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Castle Vecchio, description, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Catanei, see Vannozza Catanei.
Bartolomeo Cavalliere, letter from, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Jacopo Caviceo dedicates his Peregrino to Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Cherubino Juan de Centelles is engaged to Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Charles V, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Charles VIII, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
enters Italy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
retreats, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Chrysoleras, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Francesco Cieco, his Mambriano, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Classic culture, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Pandolfo Collenuccio, poet and speaker, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letter to Ercole, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__;
his death, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Vittoria Colonna, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Copernicus in Rome, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
The Courtier, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Cardinal of Cosenza, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Rodrigo Borgia's guardian, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Michele Costa, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Letters from the Marchesana of Cotrone to Gonzaga, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Giorgio de Croce, Vannozza's husband, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Renaissance dance, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Philippo Decio, lawyer, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Della Rovere, refer to Rovere.
Laura Eustochia Dianti, the lover of Alfonso d'Este, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Giorgio Diplovatazio, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Dosso Dossi, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Drama, the, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Eleonora of Aragon, the wife of Ercole d'Este, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Maria Enriquez, the wife of Giovanni Borgia, Duke of Gandia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Este Palaces, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
their history, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
family ends with Alfonso II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Alfonso d'Este, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
projected marriage with Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
greets his wife, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
becomes Duke of Ferrara, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
conspiracy against him, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
suspected in Strozzi's murder, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
under Julius II's ban, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
asks the pope for forgiveness, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
attends Leo X's coronation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
supports the arts, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letter to his nephew about Lucretia's death, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Alfonso II d'Este becomes the ruler of Ferrara, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Alfonso Luigi d'Este, the son of Renée, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Anna d'Este, the wife of the Duke of Guise, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Beatrice d'Este, the wife of Ludovico il Moro, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Ercole d'Este, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letter to Alexander VI, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letter to Gonzaga, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
to his ambassadors, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
relations with Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
presents to her, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letter to Alexander VI, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
congrats Cæsar, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letter to Seregni, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
to Lucretia about her son Rodrigo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
his passing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Hercules II d'Este, Duke of Ferrara, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Ferrante d'Este, his imprisonment and death, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Giulio d'Este, attack on, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
its aftermath, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his arrest and death, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Ippolito d'Este, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
becomes a cardinal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Isabella d'Este, the wife of Francesco Gonzaga of Mantua, her education, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
meets Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
her looks
and vanity, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letter to Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
congratulates Caesar on his victories, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
her interest in the arts, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Cardinal Estouteville, his kids, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Alessandro Farnese, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
becomes essential, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Farnese family, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Girolama Farnese, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Giulia Farnese, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
her engagement, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
marriage, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
"the pope's partner," __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
her daughter, Laura, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
"Church," __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
her beauty, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
captured by the French, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__;
her passing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Cassandra Fedeli, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Federico of Naples agrees to the engagement of Alfonso and Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Ferdinand of Naples congratulates Sforza on his marriage, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Ferdinand of Spain, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Michele Ferno describes Alexander's coronation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Ferrara, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Lucretia arrives, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
description of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Cardinal Ferrari, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Marcello Filosseno, sonnets for Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Florence and its fear of Caesar, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Gaston de Foix, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Gaetani family, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
their property granted to Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
return to Sermoneta, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Veronica Gambara, her knowledge, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Duke of Gandia, also known as Giovanni Borgia, gonfalonier, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
murder of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
his heir, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Welcome Garofalo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Ghibellines, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Gonsalvo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Elisabetta Gonzaga, her journey to Rome, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
Letter to her brother, Francesco Gonzaga, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Isabella Gonzaga, see Este, Isabella d'.
Gradara Castle, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Study of Greek, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Guelf III of Swabia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Guelphs, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Francesco Guicciardini, his claims about Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Cæsar Borgia assaults Imola, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Infessura, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Phædra Inghirami, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
The Inquisition, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Paul Jovius, in his view of Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
1500 Jubilee, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Julius II (also known as Giuliano della Rovere), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
affronts Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
takes Perugia and Bologna, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
forms the League of Cambrai, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
places Alfonso under his ban, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his passing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Lanzol family, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Leo X, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his court, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Renaissance literature, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Juan Lopez, now chancellor, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Louis XII, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
takes Milan, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
opposes the marriage of Lucretia and Alfonso d'Este, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
congrats Alexander VI, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Ignatius Loyola, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Sister Lucia of Viterbo, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Ludovico il Moro, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__; animosity toward the pope, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Machiavelli, his theory of the ruler, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
his "Prince," __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Majolica, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
The Malatesta of Rimini, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Sigismondo Malatesta, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Letter from Malipiero, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Astorre Manfredi surrenders to Caesar, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Isabella of Mantua, see Este, Isabella d'.
Letter from the Marquis of Mantua about Alexander's death, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Aldo Manuzio, refer to Aldo Manuzio.
Juan Marades, appointed privy-chancellor, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Clement Marot, at Renée's court, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Matarazza from Perugia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Countess Matilda, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Emperor Maximilian opposed Lucretia's marriage, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
The Melini brothers, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Micheletto admits that Alfonso of Biselli was killed on Alexander's orders, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Mila or Mella family, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Adriana Mila, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
married to Ludovico Orsini, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
The Montefeltro, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Agnesina of Montefeltro, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Nepi, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
given to Ascanio Sforza, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
description of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
toxic atmosphere of __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Nepotism, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Novel during the Renaissance, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Isotta Nugarolla, her knowledge, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Adriana Orsini (see also Mila, Adriana de), taken captive by the French, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Laura Orsini, the pope's daughter, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
engaged to Federico Farnese, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
engaged to Raimondo Farnese, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Orsino Orsini, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
engaged to Giulia Farnese, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
the wedding, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
N. Marius Paniciatus, his poems celebrating Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Paul III, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
The Pazzi plot, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Perotto, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Perugino, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
History of Pesaro, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
description of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
captured by Caesar Borgia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Giovanni of Pesaro, refer to Sforza, Giovanni.
The study of philosophy in the Renaissance, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Cardinal Piccolomini, his kids, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
elected pope, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Michaelangelo's Pietà, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Pinturicchio, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his portrait of Giulia Farnese, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
portraits of the Borgias, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Pius II, a warning letter to Cardinal Borgia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Pius III, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Angelo Poliziano, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Antonio Pollajuolo, sculptor, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Paolo Pompilio dedicates his Syllabica to Cæsar Borgia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Pontanus, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his epigrams, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
The Porcaro, backers of the Borgias, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
the brothers, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Guido Posthumus, refer to Silvester, Guido Posthumus.
Gianlucca Pozzi, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
description of Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letter to Ercole d'Este, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
The Prete, his story about Lucretia's wedding, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Principle it, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Gasparo de Procida, engaged to Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
the contract ends, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Lorenzo Pucci, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letter to his brother, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Puccio Pucci, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Battle of Ravenna, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
The Reformation, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Women's education during the Renaissance, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
immorality during, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__;
the theater, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
traveling, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
the dance, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
outfit, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Renée of France, the wife of Ercole II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
placed in a convent, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
dies in France, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Requesenz, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Reuchlin in Rome, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Duke of Romagna, refer to Borgia, Cæsar.
Roman Society, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
sack of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Francesco Romolini, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Raimondo Romolini heads to Rome, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Francesco Maria della Rovere takes control of Pesaro, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Giuliano della Rovere (also known as Julius II), his children, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
goes to France to convince Charles VIII to invade Italy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__;
becomes pope, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Sadoleto, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Donna Sancia of Naples, rumors about, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
exiled from Rome, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
her passing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Antonio di Sangallo, Alexander's architect, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Sannazzaro, his epigrams, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Marino Sanuto, his journal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Saraceni, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__; letter regarding the bridal escort, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__;
letter to Ercole d'Este, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Savonarola, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Serafina from Aquila, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Sermoneta, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Sessa, see Suessa.
The Sforza Palace, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
tragedies within, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Ascanio Sforza appointed vice-chancellor, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
joins Colonna, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
leaves Rome, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Battista Sforza, her knowledge, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Blanca Sforza, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Cattarina Sforza, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
surrenders to Caesar, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
her life, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
is released, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
her passing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Galeazzo Sforza succeeds Giovanni, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Ginevra Sforza, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Giovanni Sforza of Pesaro offered Lucretia's hand, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
engaged to her, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
marriage, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
his appearance, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
His relationship with the pope is unclear, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
letter to his uncle, Ludovico il Moro, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
leaves Rome, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
returns, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
escapes from Rome, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
anti-divorce protests, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
divorced from Lucretia, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
appeals to Gonzaga for help, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__-__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
leaves Pesaro, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__;
returns to Pesaro, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Zurita, Anales de Aragon, v. 36.

[1] Zurita, Annals of Aragon, vol. 36.

[2] Zurita (iv, 55) says he died sin dexar ninguna sucesion. Notwithstanding this, Cittadella, in his Saggio di Albero Genealogico e di memorie su la Familia Borgia (Turin, 1872), ascribes two children to this Pedro Luis, Silvia and Cardinal Giovanni Borgia, the younger.

[2] Zurita (iv, 55) states he died without leaving any heirs. However, Cittadella, in his Saggio di Albero Genealogico e di memorie su la Familia Borgia (Turin, 1872), attributes two children to this Pedro Luis: Silvia and the younger Cardinal Giovanni Borgia.

[3] Raynaldus, 1460. No. 31.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Raynaldus, 1460. No. 31.

[4] Statura procerus, colore medio, nigris oculis, ore paululum pleniore. Hieron. Portius, Commentarius, a rare publication of 1493, in the Casanatense in Rome.

[4] Tall stature, medium color, with black eyes and a slightly fuller mouth. Hieron. Portius, Commentary, a rare publication from 1493, in the Casanatense in Rome.

[5] Gianandrea Boccaccio to the duke, Rome, February 25 and March 11, 1493. State archives of Modena.

[6] Sanuto, Diar. v. i, 258.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Sanuto, Diary, vol. i, 258.

[7] Abstract of the marriage contract in the archives of the Capitol. Cred. xiv, T. 72. From an instrument of the notary Agostino Martini.

[7] Summary of the marriage contract in the archives of the Capitol. Cred. xiv, T. 72. From a document by the notary Agostino Martini.

[8] See Adinolfi's notice quoted by the author in his Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter. 2d Aufl. vii, 312.

[8] See Adinolfi's notice cited by the author in his History of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages. 2nd ed. vii, 312.

[9] The letter, with the inscription "A Messer Carlo Canale," is printed in the edition of Milan, 1808. Angelo Poliziano, Le Stanze e l'Orfeo ed altre poesie.

[9] The letter, addressed to "Mr. Carlo Canale," is included in the Milan edition from 1808. Angelo Poliziano, Le Stanze e l'Orfeo and other poems.

[10] In the archives of Mantua there is a letter from the Marchesa Isabella to Carlo Canale, dated December 4, 1499.

[10] In the Mantua archives, there’s a letter from Marchesa Isabella to Carlo Canale, dated December 4, 1499.

[11] Lodovico Gonzaga to Bartolomeo Erba, Siamo contenti contrahi in nome nro. compaternità cum M. Carolo Canale, et cussi per questa nostra ti commettiamo et constituimo nostro Procuratore. Note by Affò in his introduction to the Orfeo, p. 113.

[11] Lodovico Gonzaga to Bartolomeo Erba, We are happy to agree to enter into a partnership with M. Carlo Canale, and by this letter, we appoint you as our representative. Note by Affò in his introduction to the Orfeo, p. 113.

[12] M^a Adriana Ursina, la quale è socera de la dicta madona Julia (Farnese), che ha sempre governata essa sposa (Lucrezia) in casa propria per esser in loco de nepote del Pontifice, la fu figliola de messer Piedro de Mila, noto a V. Ema Sig^ria, cusino carnale del Papa. Despatch from the above named to Ercole, Rome, June 13, 1493, in the state archives of Modena. And again she is mentioned in a despatch of May 6, 1493, as madona Adriana Ursina soa governatrice figliola che fu del quondam messer Pietro del Mila.

[12] M^a Adriana Ursina, who is the mother-in-law of the aforementioned madona Julia (Farnese), has always managed her daughter-in-law (Lucrezia) in her own household as she is in the position of the Pope's granddaughter. She was the daughter of Messer Pietro de Mila, known to Your Excellency, a blood relative of the Pope. Despatch from the above named to Ercole, Rome, June 13, 1493, in the state archives of Modena. She is also mentioned in a despatch of May 6, 1493, as madona Adriana Ursina, the governing daughter of the late Messer Pietro de Mila.

[13] Jacobus Burgomensis de claris mulieribus, Paris, 1521.

[13] Jacobus Burgomensis On Famous Women, Paris, 1521.

[14] Accedit studium illud tuum et perquam fertile bonarum litterarum in quo hac in aetate seris.... Non deerit surgenti tuæ virtuti commodus aliquando et idoneus praeco.—At tu Cæsar profecto non parum laudandus es; qui in hac aetate tam facile senem agis. Perge nostri temporis Borgiæ familiæ spes et decus. Introduction to the Syllabica. Rome, 1488. Gennarelli's Edition of Burchard's Diary.

[14] Your enthusiasm and fertile mind for good literature in this age... There will surely be a suitable promoter for your rising talents. —But you, Caesar, are certainly to be praised; how easily you take on the role of an elder in this time. Continue to be the hope and glory of the Borgia family of our day. Introduction to the Syllabica. Rome, 1488. Gennarelli's Edition of Burchard's Diary.

[15] Regarding Cæsar's studies at Pisa, see Angelo Fabroni, Hist. Acad. Pisan. i, 160, 201.

[15] For insights about Cæsar's studies in Pisa, refer to Angelo Fabroni, Hist. Acad. Pisan. i, 160, 201.

[16] On June 16, 1491, some changes were made in this contract, which Beneimbene has noted in the same protocol-book.

[16] On June 16, 1491, some updates were made to this contract, which Beneimbene has recorded in the same protocol book.

[17] Cum simonia et mille ribalderie et inhonestate si è venduto il Pontificato che è cose ignominiosa et detestabile. Despatch of Giacomo Trotti, Ambassador of Ferrara in Milan, to the Duke Ercole, August 28, 1492, in the archives of Modena.

[17] Since simony and a thousand corruptions and dishonorable acts have sold the Papacy, which is a disgraceful and detestable thing. Dispatch of Giacomo Trotti, Ambassador of Ferrara in Milan, to Duke Ercole, August 28, 1492, in the archives of Modena.

[18] These stanzas were written by Hieronymus Porcius, who printed them in Hieronym. Porcius Patritius Romanus Rotæ Primarius Auditor.... Commentarius; a rare publication of Eucharius Silber, Rome, September 18, 1493. The stanzas of Michele Ferno of Milan conclude:

[18] These lines were written by Hieronymus Porcius, who published them in Hieronym. Porcius Patritius Romanus Rotæ Primarius Auditor.... Commentary; a rare release by Eucharius Silber, Rome, September 18, 1493. The lines by Michele Ferno of Milan conclude:

Borgia stirps: bos: atque Ceres transcendit Olympo,
Cantabunt nomen sæcula cuncta suum;

The Borgia family: the bull: and Ceres rises to Olympus,
People of all ages will sing its name;

which turned out to be a true prophecy. See Michæl Fernus Historia nova Alexandri VI ab Innocentii obitu VIII; an equally rare publication of the same Eucharius Silber, A. 1493.

[19] Ex arce Spoletina, die v. Oct. (Di propria mano). Vr. vti fr. Cesar de Borja Elect. Valentin. Published by Reumont in Archiv. Stor. Ital. Serie 3, T. xvii, 1873. 3 Dispensa.

[19] From Spoleto, on October 5th (written by his own hand). See also Caesar Borgia's Elect. Valentin. Published by Reumont in Archiv. Stor. Ital. Series 3, Volume 17, 1873. 3 Dispensa.

[20] Era venuto il primo marito de la dicta nepote, qual fu rimesso a Napoli, non visto da niuno.... Despatch of Gianandrea Boccaccio, Bishop of Modena, Rome, November 2, 1492, and November 5 and 9. Archives of Modena.

[20] The first husband of the mentioned niece arrived, who was sent back to Naples, unseen by anyone.... Dispatch of Gianandrea Boccaccio, Bishop of Modena, Rome, November 2, 1492, and November 5 and 9. Archives of Modena.

[21] Despatch of that date in the archives of Mantua. Lucretia was still sometimes designated as the Pope's niece.

[21] Dispatch from that date in the archives of Mantua. Lucretia was still occasionally referred to as the Pope's niece.

[22] Gianandrea Boccaccio to Duke Ercole, Rome, February 25, 1493.

[23] Ms. Memoirs of Pesaro, by Pietro Marzetti and Ludovico Zacconi, in the Bibl. Oliveriana of Pesaro.

[23] Ms. Memoirs of Pesaro, by Pietro Marzetti and Ludovico Zacconi, in the Oliveriana Library of Pesaro.

[24] Boccaccio's despatches, Rome, February 25, March 11, 1493.

[24] Boccaccio's letters, Rome, February 25, March 11, 1493.

[25] Magni et excellentis ingenii et preclare indolis; præ se fert speciem fillii magni Principis, et super omnia ilaris et jocundus, e tutto festa: cum magna siquidem modestia est longe melioris et prestantioris aspectus, quam sit dux Candie germanus suus. Anchora lue è dotato di bone parte. Despatch of March 19, 1493.

[25] He has a great and excellent mind and remarkable character; he clearly shows the qualities of a great prince's son, and above all, he's cheerful and delightful at every celebration: with great modesty, he has a far better and more outstanding appearance than his brother, the Duke of Candia. Anchora is equipped with good parts. Dispatch of March 19, 1493.

[26] Mai fù visto il più carnale homo; l'hama questa madona Lucrezia in superlativo gradu. Boccaccio's Despatch, Rome, April 4, 1493. The word carnale is to be taken only in the sense of nepotism, as it is plainly so used elsewhere by the ambassador.

[26] It had never been seen a more carnal man; this lady Lucrezia has him in the highest regard. Boccaccio's Dispatch, Rome, April 4, 1493. The word carnale should be understood only in the sense of nepotism, as it is clearly used that way by the ambassador elsewhere.

[27] Cod. Aragon, ii, 2.67, ed Trinchera.

[28] Carte Strozziane, filz 343. In the archives of Florence.

[28] Carte Strozziane, box 343. In the Florence archives.

[29] Lelia Ursina de Farnesio congratulated him on his appointment, January 13, 1494. Ibidem.

[29] Lelia Ursina de Farnesio congratulated him on his appointment on January 13, 1494. Ibidem.

[30] In the earlier edition of this work I found some difficulty in the passage: "Chredo che questa puta sia figlia del Papa, como Madonna Luchretia è nipote di S. R. Signoria." I am now convinced that the è is an error of the writer or the copyist and should be simply the conduction e. Lorenzo Pucci's brother Giannozzo was married to Lucrezia Bini, a Florentine, who is mentioned later in this same letter.

[30] In the previous edition of this work, I had some trouble with the phrase: "I believe this girl is the Pope's daughter, just as Madonna Lucrezia is the niece of His Excellency." I’m now convinced that the è is a mistake by the writer or the copyist and should simply be the conjunction e. Lorenzo Pucci's brother Giannozzo was married to Lucrezia Bini, a Florentine, who is mentioned later in this same letter.

[31] This letter is printed in Atti e Memorie Modenesi, i. 433.

[31] This letter is printed in Atti e Memorie Modenesi, vol. 1, p. 433.

[32] Despatch of Giorgio Brognolo to the Marchese, Rome, May 6 and 15, 1494. Archives of Mantua.

[32] Message from Giorgio Brognolo to the Marchese, Rome, May 6 and 15, 1494. Archives of Mantua.

[33] Despatch of Jacomo Trotti to Duke Ercole, Milan, June 11, 1494. May 1st the women were still in Rome, for on that date Madonna Adriana wrote a letter from there to the Marchesa of Mantua recommending a friend to her. The letter is in the Mantuan archives.

[33] Dispatch from Jacomo Trotti to Duke Ercole, Milan, June 11, 1494. On May 1st, the women were still in Rome, as on that date, Madonna Adriana wrote a letter from there to the Marchesa of Mantua recommending a friend to her. The letter is in the Mantuan archives.

[34] The letter is published in Ugolino's Storia dei Conti e Duchi d'Urbino, II. Document No. 13. I saw the original in the state archives of Florence; only the address is in Alexander's hand, the rest is written by the Chancellor Juan Lopez, who signs himself Jo. Datarius.

[34] The letter is published in Ugolino's History of the Counts and Dukes of Urbino, II. Document No. 13. I saw the original in the state archives of Florence; only the address is in Alexander's handwriting, while the rest is written by Chancellor Juan Lopez, who signs it as Jo. Datarius.

[35] Memorie di Tommaso Diplovatazio Patrizio Constantinopolitano e Pesarese, da Annibale Olivieri. Pesaro, 1771.

[35] Memories of Tommaso Diplovatazio, Nobleman from Constantinople and Pesaro, by Annibale Olivieri. Pesaro, 1771.

[36] Regarding Collenuccio see the works of his compatriot Giulio Perticari, Opp. Bologna, 1837. Vol. ii, 52 sqq.

[36] For information about Collenuccio, check out the works of his fellow countryman Giulio Perticari, Opp. Bologna, 1837. Vol. ii, 52 sqq.

[37] This information is given by Marino Sanuto, Venuta di Carlo VIII, in Italia; original in the Paris library, also a copy in the Marciana. He calls Giulia "favorita del Pontefice, di età giovane, et bellissima savia accorda et mansueta."

[37] This information comes from Marino Sanuto, "Arrival of Charles VIII in Italy;" the original is in the Paris library, and there’s also a copy in the Marciana. He describes Giulia as "the Pope's favorite, young, incredibly beautiful, wise, agreeable, and gentle."

[38] According to one of Brognolo's despatches (Mantuan archives) Giulia and Adriana returned December 1st, on which date Pandolfo Collenuccio, who was in Rome, wrote, "Una optima novella ce è per alcuno. Che M^a Julia si è recuperata, et andò Messer Joan Marrades per Lei. Et è venuta in Roma: e dicesi, che Domenica de nocte allogiò in Palazzo." Archives of Modena.

[38] According to one of Brognolo's messages (Mantuan archives), Giulia and Adriana returned on December 1st. On that day, Pandolfo Collenuccio, who was in Rome, wrote, "There’s great news for some. Lady Julia has recovered, and Mr. Joan Marrades went for her. She has arrived in Rome, and it is said that she stayed in the Palace on Sunday night." Archives of Modena.

[39] Despatch of Giacomo Trotti, Milan, December 21, 1494. Archives of Modena.

[39] Dispatch of Giacomo Trotti, Milan, December 21, 1494. Archives of Modena.

[40] Che li pareva ogni hora vedere messer Bartolomeo da Calche venire a Sua Ecc^ia cum una staffetta, chel papa fosse preso, e li fosse taliata la testa.

[40] It seemed to him every hour to see Messer Bartolomeo da Calche coming to His Excellency with a messenger, that the Pope had been captured and his head had been cut off.

[41] Trotti to the Duke of Ferrara, Milan, December 24, 1494.

[42] This is the date given by Marino Sanuto in his Ms. History of the Invasion of Charles VIII, fol. 470.

[42] This is the date provided by Marino Sanuto in his manuscript, History of the Invasion of Charles VIII, page 470.

[43] These dates are from the Diary of Marino Sanuto, vol. i. fol. 55, 58, 85.

[44] Il di de S. Laurentio il Duca de Gandia figliuolo del Papa, intrò in Roma accompagnato dal Card. de Valentia, et tutta la corte con grandissima pompa. Despatch of Ludovico Carissimi to the Duke of Ferrara, Rome, August 15, 1496. Archives of Modena.

[44] On the feast day of St. Lawrence, the Duke of Gandia, the Pope's son, entered Rome accompanied by Cardinal de Valentia and the entire court with great pomp. Dispatch from Ludovico Carissimi to the Duke of Ferrara, Rome, August 15, 1496. Archives of Modena.

[45] Boccaccio to Ercole, March 24, 1495.

[46] The report is given in Diar. Marino Sanuto, vol. i, 258, and is reprinted in part in the Civiltà Cattolica, March 15, 1873, p. 727. The entire passage is as follows: Da Roma per le lettere del orator nostro se intese et etiam de private persone cossa assai abominevole in la chiesa di Dio che al papa erra nato un fiolo di una dona romana maridata ch'el padre l'havea rufianata e di questa il marito invitò il suocero ala vigna el lo uccise tagliandoli el capo ponendo quello sopra uno legno con letere che dicera questo e il capo de mio suocero che a rufianato sua fiola al papa et che inteso questo il papa fece metter el dito in exilio di Roma con Taglia. Questa nova vene per letere particular etiam si godea con la sua spagnola menatali di spagna per suo fiol duca di Gandia novamente li venuto.

[46] The report can be found in Diar. Marino Sanuto, vol. i, 258, and is partially reprinted in Civiltà Cattolica, March 15, 1873, p. 727. The entire passage reads: From Rome, through the letters of our orator, it was heard and also from private individuals about a rather detestable matter in the church of God, that the pope fathered a child with a Roman woman who was married, and her husband had her father killed by inviting him to the vineyard, where he was murdered by having his head cut off and placed on a stick with letters that said this is the head of my father-in-law who seduced his daughter with the pope. Upon hearing this, the pope had him sent into exile from Rome with punishment. This news came through private letters, and there was also joy with his Spanish entourage, the son of the Duke of Gandia, who had recently returned from Spain.

[47] Epitaphia clarissimarum mulierum que virtute: arte: aut aliqua nota claruerunt. Codex Hartmann Schedel in the State Library of Munich.

[47] Epitaphs of the most distinguished women who shone through virtue, skill, or some notable trait. Hartmann Schedel's Codex in the State Library of Munich.

[48] Lod. Zacconi, Hist. di Pesaro, Ms. in the Bibl. Oliveriana; also Pietro Marzetti.

[48] Lod. Zacconi, History of Pesaro, Manuscript in the Oliveriana Library; also Pietro Marzetti.

[49] Letters in the Gonzaga archives in Mantua.

[50] Battista Almerici I, and Pietro Marzetti, Memorie di Pesaro, Ms. in the Oliveriana. These chronicles are often confusing as to dates and full of mistakes.

[50] Battista Almerici I, and Pietro Marzetti, Memorie di Pesaro, Ms. in the Oliveriana. These chronicles can be quite confusing regarding dates and are filled with errors.

[51] Marino Sanuto, Diar. vol. i, 410. March, 1497.

[52] This document is given in part by Amati in Strozzi's Periodico di Numismatica, Anno III, part ii, p. 73. Florence, 1870.

[52] This document is provided in part by Amati in Strozzi's Periodico di Numismatica, Year III, part ii, p. 73. Florence, 1870.

[53] In the archives of Modena. Letters of Donato Aretino from Rome.

[53] In the archives of Modena. Letters from Donato Aretino in Rome.

[54] Letter of Ludovico Carissimi, Rome, August 8, 1497. Archives of Modena.

[54] Letter from Ludovico Carissimi, Rome, August 8, 1497. Archives of Modena.

[55] Et mancho se è curato de fare prova de se qua con Done per poterne chiarire el Rmo. Legato che era qua, sebbene S. Ex^tia tastandolo sopra ciò gli ne habia facto offerta. Despatch from the Ferrarese ambassador in Milan, Antonio Costabili, to Duke Ercole, Milan, June 23, 1497. Archives of Modena.

[55] And he made sure to test himself here with Done to clarify the Rmo. Legato that was here, although S. Ex^tia had made an offer about it after examining it. Despatch from the Ferrarese ambassador in Milan, Antonio Costabili, to Duke Ercole, Milan, June 23, 1497. Archives of Modena.

[56] Concerning this, Pandolfo Collenuccio, a member of Cardinal Ippolito's suite in Rome, wrote to the Duke of Ferrara, December 25, 1498 (1497), as follows: El S. de Pesaro ha scripto qua de sua mano: non haverla mai cognosciuta ... et esser impotente, alias la sententia non se potea dare.... El prefato S. dice però haver scripto così per obedire el Duca de Milano et Aschanio. The autographic letter is in the archives of Modena.

[56] Regarding this, Pandolfo Collenuccio, a member of Cardinal Ippolito's entourage in Rome, wrote to the Duke of Ferrara on December 25, 1498 (1497), stating: El S. de Pesaro has written that he has never known her ... and is incapable; otherwise, the sentence could not be given.... The aforementioned S. says, however, that he wrote this to obey the Duke of Milan and Aschanio. The original letter is in the archives of Modena.

[57] In the same despatch from Milan, June 23, 1497, the Ferrarese Ambassador Costabili stated that Sforza had said to the Duke Ludovico: Anzi haverla conosciuta infinite volte, ma chel Papa non gelha tolta per altro se non per usare con Lei. Extendendose molto a carico di S. Beat^no.

[57] In the same message from Milan, June 23, 1497, the Ferrarese Ambassador Costabili mentioned that Sforza told Duke Ludovico: “Actually, I have known her countless times, but the Pope has not removed her for any other reason than to use her with you.” He went on at length about S. Beat^no.

[58] The original of this letter is in the archives of Modena.

[58] The original of this letter is in the Modena archives.

[59] Bisceglie, formerly pronounced and written Biseglia or Biselli. Quadrata is now Corato, near Andria.

[59] Bisceglie, once pronounced and spelled Biseglia or Biselli. Quadrata is now Corato, close to Andria.

[60] Despatch of Joh. Lucidus Cataneus, Rome, August 8, 1498. Gonzaga archives.

[60] Dispatch from Joh. Lucidus Cataneus, Rome, August 8, 1498. Gonzaga archives.

[61] The briefs are in the state archives of Venice.

[61] The documents are in the archives of Venice.

[62] The instrument is in Beneimbene's protocol-book.

[62] The instrument is in Beneimbene's protocol book.

[63] The instrument is in Beneimbene's protocol-book.

[63] The tool is in Beneimbene's protocol book.

[64] Diary of Marino Saruto, ii, 751.

[64] Diary of Marino Saruto, vol. ii, p. 751.

[65] This brief is in the state archives of Spoleto.

[65] This document is in the state archives of Spoleto.

[66] The Bull of Investiture, written on parchment, is dated Rome, 1499, Non. (the month is not given). It is an absolute donum. The document is now in the archives of Modena.

[66] The Bull of Investiture, written on parchment, is dated Rome, 1499, Non. (the month is not specified). It is an absolute donum. The document is now in the archives of Modena.

[67] Both briefs are preserved in the archives of the State-house of Nepi.

[67] Both briefs are kept in the archives of the Statehouse of Nepi.

[68] The documents concerning this sale, dated February 11 to 15, 1500, are preserved in the archives of Modena.

[68] The documents related to this sale, dated February 11 to 15, 1500, are kept in the archives of Modena.

[69] Manuscript in the Vatican, No. 5205.

[70] Collocutores itinerantes Tuscus et Remus, Romæ in Campo Floræ, 1497.

[70] Traveling speakers Tuscus and Remus, in Rome in the Field of Flowers, 1497.

[71] See the author's essay, Das Archiv der Notare des Capitols in Rom, and the protocol-book of the Notary Camillus de Beneimbene, 1457 to 1505. Proceedings of k. bayr. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München, 1872. Part iv.

[71] Check out the author's essay, The Archive of Notaries of the Capitol in Rome, and the protocol book of Notary Camillus de Beneimbene, 1457 to 1505. Proceedings of the Royal Bavarian Academy of Sciences in Munich, 1872. Part iv.

[72] In the Codex Hartmann Schedel in the state library of Munich.

[72] In the Codex Hartmann Schedel at the state library in Munich.

[73] Piazza (Gerarchia Cardinalizia) states that he saw it as late as 1712.

[73] Piazza (Cardinal Hierarchy) mentions that he observed it as late as 1712.

[74] In the Gonzaga archives.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ In the Gonzaga archives.

[75] In questa mattina ho hauto lo adviso de la morte del R^mo Card. Borgia mio fratre passato de questa vita in Urbino. Forli, January 16, 1500. Archives of Modena.

[75] This morning I received the news of the death of the R^mo Card. Borgia, my brother, who has passed away in Urbino. Forli, January 16, 1500. Archives of Modena.

[76] A. 1500, Jan. 22 (this is incorrect), mori il Carle Borgia fiolo de Papa Alex^o a Orbino. Silva Cronicarum Bernardini Zambotti. Ms. in the library of Ferrara.

[76] A. 1500, Jan. 22 (this is incorrect), Carle Borgia, son of Pope Alexander, died in Urbino. Silva Cronicarum Bernardini Zambotti. Ms. in the library of Ferrara.

[77] La bona memoria del Cardinale Borgia mio fratre. Rome, July 30, 1500. Gonzaga archives.

[77] The good memory of my brother, Cardinal Borgia. Rome, July 30, 1500. Gonzaga archives.

[78] Cittadella's opinion that Giovanni Borgia, junior, was a son of Pierluigi, Alexander's brother, is also incorrect.

[78] Cittadella's view that Giovanni Borgia, junior, was a son of Pierluigi, Alexander's brother, is also wrong.

[79] Femina quasi virago crudelissima et di gran animo. Venuta di Carlo VIII, p. 811, Ms. Virago here means amazon.

[79] A woman who is as fierce as a warrior and has a great spirit. Coming from Carlo VIII, p. 811, Ms. Virago here means amazon.

[80] Over the Porta Romana and on the bastions may still be seen the colossal arms of Paul III and those of his son carved in stone. The inscription reads:

[80] You can still see the huge coats of arms of Paul III and his son carved in stone over the Porta Romana and on the bastions. The inscription says:

P. ALOISIVS FARNESIVS DVX I. CASTRI ET NEPETE MVNIMENTVM HOC AD TVTELAM CIVITATIS EXSTRVXIT. MDXL.

P. Aloisivs Farnesivs Dux I. Castri et Nepete munimentum questo ad tutelam civitatis exstruxit. 1540.

[81] His correspondence with Gonzaga is preserved in the archives of Mantua.

[81] His letters to Gonzaga are kept in the archives of Mantua.

[82] Ad. Pisaurenses: Guidi Posthumi Silvestris Pisaurensis Elegiarum Librii ii, p. 33. Bonon, 1524.

[82] Ad. Pisaurenses: Guidi Posthumi Silvestris Pisaurensis Elegiarum Book ii, p. 33. Bologna, 1524.

[83] Pietro Marzetti, Memorie di Pesaro. Ms. in the Oliveriana.

[83] Pietro Marzetti, Memories of Pesaro. Manuscript in the Oliveriana.

[84] Compare Sannazzaro's epitaph on Alexander VI with the epigram of Guido Posthumus: In Tumulum Sexti.

[84] Check out Sannazzaro's epitaph on Alexander VI alongside Guido Posthumus's poem: In Tumulum Sexti.

[85] Cardinal Ferrari to Ercole, Rome, February 18, 1501. This is the first of the letters regarding this subject in the archives of Modena.

[85] Cardinal Ferrari to Ercole, Rome, February 18, 1501. This is the first letter about this topic in the Modena archives.

[86] Ercole's letter to his ambassador in Florence, Manfredo Manfredi, April 25, 1501. Archives of Modena.

[87] Ferrari to Ercole, May 1, 1501.

[88] Girolamo Saerati to Ercole, Rome, May 8, 1501.

[89] Bartolomeo de' Cavallieri, Ferrarese ambassador to France, to Ercole, Chalons, May 26, 1501.

[89] Bartolomeo de' Cavallieri, the ambassador from Ferrara to France, to Ercole, Chalons, May 26, 1501.

[90] At least such was the plan advocated by Monsignor de Trans, French ambassador in Rome. Letter of Aldovrandus de Guidonibus to Duke Ercole, Lugo, April 25, 1501. State archives of Modena.

[90] At least that was the proposal supported by Monsignor de Trans, the French ambassador in Rome. Letter from Aldovrandus de Guidonibus to Duke Ercole, Lugo, April 25, 1501. State archives of Modena.

[91] Bartolomeo de' Cavallieri to Ercole, Lyons, June 22, 1501.

[92] Ercole to Giovanni Valla, July 8, 1501. Ercole to the Cardinal of Rouen, July 8, 1501.

[93] Despatches of Bartolomeo de'Cavallieri, Ferrarese ambassador at the court of France, to Ercole, July 10, 14, and 21, 1501.

[93] Letters from Bartolomeo de'Cavallieri, the Ferrarese ambassador in France, to Ercole, July 10, 14, and 21, 1501.

[94] Despatch of the same, undated.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Same dispatch, no date.

[95] Ercole to Giovanni Valla, his special envoy to the Cardinal of Rouen, in Milan, July 21 and 26, 1501.

[95] Hercules to Giovanni Valla, his special envoy to the Cardinal of Rouen, in Milan, July 21 and 26, 1501.

[96] Da Roma accertasi, che la figliola del papa ha partorito.... Giov. Alberto della Pigna to the duke, Venice, March 15, 1498. Archives of Modena.

[96] From Rome, it's confirmed that the pope's daughter has given birth.... Giovanni Alberto della Pigna to the duke, Venice, March 15, 1498. Archives of Modena.

[97] One of the first statements that Cæsar was his brother's murderer is found in a despatch of the Ferrarese ambassador at Venice. De novo ho inteso, como de la morte del Duca di Candia fo causa el Cardinale suo fratello. Pigna's despatch to Ercole, Venice, February 22, 1498.

[97] One of the first claims that Cæsar was responsible for his brother's murder is reported in a message from the Ferrarese ambassador in Venice. I have recently learned how the death of the Duke of Candia was caused by his brother, the Cardinal. Pigna's message to Ercole, Venice, February 22, 1498.

[98] The Malipiero letter (Archiv. Stor. It. VII, i, 490) contains the following: Si dice, que il sig. Giovanni Sforza ha fatto questo effetto (the murder of Gandia) perchè il Duca (di Gandia) usava con la sorella, sua consorte, la qual è fiola del Papa, ma d'un altra madre (which was incorrect). The Venetian ambassador, Polo Capello, refers to this rumor (si dice) in his well known Relation of September, 1500.

[98] The Malipiero letter (Archiv. Stor. It. VII, i, 490) contains the following: It is said that Mr. Giovanni Sforza committed this act (the murder of Gandia) because the Duke (of Gandia) was involved with his sister, his wife, who is the daughter of the Pope, but from a different mother (which was incorrect). The Venetian ambassador, Polo Capello, mentions this rumor (it is said) in his well-known account from September 1500.

[99] Cavallieri to Ercole, Lyons, August 8, 1501. The Pope has written his nuncio that he agreed to the duke's demands, for the purpose of concluding the marriage, which would be extraordinarily advantageous to himself and the Duke of Romagna.

[99] Cavallieri to Ercole, Lyons, August 8, 1501. The Pope has told his envoy that he agrees to the duke's requests to finalize the marriage, which would be extremely beneficial for both himself and the Duke of Romagna.

[100] Despatches of the Ferrarese ambassador, Bartolomeo Cartari, from Venice, June 25, July 28, and August 2, 1501. Archives of Modena.

[100] Reports from the Ferrarese ambassador, Bartolomeo Cartari, from Venice, June 25, July 28, and August 2, 1501. Archives of Modena.

[101] Ercole's letter to Pozzi in Ferrara, August 25, 1501. Maximilian's letters are not in the Este archives but in Vienna.

[101] Ercole's letter to Pozzi in Ferrara, August 25, 1501. Maximilian's letters aren’t in the Este archives; they’re in Vienna.

[102] The instrument was drawn by Beneimbene.

[102] The instrument was created by Beneimbene.

[103] Cardinal Ferrari to Ercole, Rome, August 27, 1501.

[104] Ducal Records, September 1, 1501.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Duke's Records, September 1, 1501.

[105] The letter is reproduced in Zucchetti's Lucrezia Borgia, Duchessa di Ferrara, Milan, 1869.

[105] The letter is included in Zucchetti's Lucrezia Borgia, Duchessa di Ferrara, Milan, 1869.

[106] Ed altre cose che egli disse per maggiormente magnificare il fatto. Matteo Canale to the Duke of Ferrara, Rome, September 11, 1501.

[106] And other things that he said to further glorify the event. Matteo Canale to the Duke of Ferrara, Rome, September 11, 1501.

[107] Quale mi pare già essere optima Ferrarese. Despatch from Rome, September 15th.

[107] It seems to me that the Ferrarese version is already the best. Despatch from Rome, September 15th.

[108] Che voleva havessimo veduto che la Duchessa non era zoppa. Saraceni to Ercole, Rome, September 16th.

[108] He wanted us to see that the Duchess wasn't lame. Saraceni to Ercole, Rome, September 16th.

[109] Rome, September 23d, Saraceni.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Rome, September 23, Saraceni.

[110] Despatch, September 25th.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Dispatch, September 25th.

[111] To this Ercole replied in reassuring terms. Letter to his orators in Rome, September 18, 1501.

[111] In response, Ercole replied with comforting words. Letter to his representatives in Rome, September 18, 1501.

[112] Despatch of Matteo Canale to Ercole, Rome, September 18, 1501.

[112] Message from Matteo Canale to Ercole, Rome, September 18, 1501.

[113] Both bulls are in the archives of Modena. The first is a copy, the second an original. The lead seal is wanting, but the red and yellow silk by which it was attached is still preserved. I first discovered the facts in a manuscript in the Barberiniana in Rome.

[113] Both bulls are in the archives of Modena. The first is a copy, and the second is an original. The lead seal is missing, but the red and yellow silk that held it is still preserved. I first discovered this information in a manuscript at the Barberiniana in Rome.

[114] Mandate of the Pope regarding certain taxes, dated July 21, 1502: Nobili Infanti Johanni Borgia, nostro secundum carnem nepoti; and in another brief, dated June 12, 1502, Dil filii nobilis infantis Johannis Borgia ducis Nepesini delecti filii nobilis viri Cæsaris Borgia de Francia, etc. Archives of Modena.

[114] Mandate from the Pope about certain taxes, dated July 21, 1502: Noble Infant John Borgia, our second nephew by blood; and in another brief, dated June 12, 1502, the son of the noble infant John Borgia, Duke of Nepi, chosen son of the noble man Caesar Borgia from France, etc. Archives of Modena.

[115] Geradi to Ercole, Rome, September 28th.

[116] Datum in civitate Hispali, January 7, 1502. Yo el rey. Archives of Modena. In Liber Arrendamentorum Terrarum ad Illmos Dnos Rodericum Bor. de Aragonia Sermoneti, et Jo. de bor., Nepesin. Duces infantes spectantium et alearq. scripturar. status eorundem tangentium. Biselli, 1502.

[116] Date in the city of Seville, January 7, 1502. I, the king. Archives of Modena. In the Book of Land Rentals for the Illustrious Lords Roderic Bor. of Aragon Sermoneti, and Jo. de Bor., Nepesin. The infants dukes concerning and other related scripts. Biselli, 1502.

[117] Lucretia to Ercole, October 18th; Ercole to Lucretia, October 23d.

[117] Lucretia to Ercole, October 18; Ercole to Lucretia, October 23.

[118] Gerardo to Ercole, October 15, 1501.

[119] Ercole to Don Francesco de Roxas, October 24, 1501.

[120] Gerardo Saraceni to Ercole, Rome, October 26, 1501.

[121] Per essere queste romane salvatiche et male apte a cavallo.

[121] These wild and poorly suited Roman horses.

[122] Gerardo to Ercole, October 26, 1501.

[123] The orator Manfredo Manfredi to Ercole, Florence, November 22 and 24, 1501.

[123] The speaker Manfredo Manfredi to Ercole, Florence, November 22 and 24, 1501.

[124] The duke to his ambassadors in Rome, October 7, 1501.

[125] Ercole to Gerardo Saraceni, November 24, 1501. Other letters of like import were written by the duke to his plenipotentiaries.

[125] Ercole to Gerardo Saraceni, November 24, 1501. The duke also wrote other letters of similar importance to his representatives.

[126] Ercole to Gerardo Saraceni in Rome, October 11, 1501.

[127] Despatch of the Ferrarese ambassadors to Ercole, Rome, October 31, 1501.

[127] Dispatch of the Ferrarese ambassadors to Ercole, Rome, October 31, 1501.

[128] Il quale mal effecto volendo nui fugire, seamo condescesi a contrahere la affinita cum soa Santità. Responsum illmi Dni ducis Ferrarie D. Augustino Semetie Ces Mtis secretario. Ferrara, November 22, 1501.

[128] In wanting to avoid this bad outcome, we have decided to form an alliance with His Holiness. Response from the illustrious Duke of Ferrara, D. Augustino Semetie, Secretary to His Majesty. Ferrara, November 22, 1501.

[129] Che il procedere del Duca era un procedere da mercatante. Ercole to Gerardo Saraceni, December 1, 1501.

[129] That the Duke's actions were those of a merchant. Ercole to Gerardo Saraceni, December 1, 1501.

[130] Ercole to Alexander VI, December 1, 1501.

[131] Despatch of Giovanni Lucido, in the archives of Mantua.

[131] Dispatch of Giovanni Lucido, in the archives of Mantua.

[132] The report of this agent, who signs himself El Prete, is preserved in the archives of Mantua.

[132] The report from this agent, who goes by the name El Prete, is kept in the archives of Mantua.

[133] The Farrarese agent, Bartolomeo Bresciani, who had been sent to Rome on matters connected with the Church, is no less complimentary. He says, la Excell. V. remagnera molto ben satisfacto da questa Illma Madona per essere dotada de tanti costumi et buntade. (To the duke, October 30, 1501.) He informed him also that Lucretia often conversed with a saintly person who had been secluded in the Vatican for eight years.

[133] The Farrarese agent, Bartolomeo Bresciani, who was sent to Rome regarding matters related to the Church, is equally complimentary. He says that the Excellency will be very well satisfied with this Illustrious Lady for being endowed with so many virtues and qualities. (To the duke, October 30, 1501.) He also informed him that Lucretia often talked with a holy person who had been secluded in the Vatican for eight years.

[134] Despatch of Gianluca Pozzi to Ercole, Rome, December 25, 1501.

[134] Dispatch from Gianluca Pozzi to Ercole, Rome, December 25, 1501.

[135] Pozzi to Ercole, Rome, December 25, 1501.

[136] Fu necessario che la abreviasse, Gianluca and Gerardo to Ercole, Rome, December 30, 1501.

[136] It was necessary for her to shorten it, Gianluca and Gerardo to Ercole, Rome, December 30, 1501.

[137] E ciò nello scopo, che se mancasse essa Duchessa verso lo Illmo Don Alfonso non fosse più obbligato di quanto voleva esserlo circa dette gioje. Ercole to Cardinal Ippolito, December 21, 1501. There is a letter of the same date regarding the subject, written by Ercole to Gianluca Pozzi.

[137] And this was the purpose, that if the Duchess were to fail towards the Illustrious Don Alfonso, he would no longer be bound to the same extent as he wished to be concerning those joys. Ercole to Cardinal Ippolito, December 21, 1501. There is a letter of the same date on the same subject, written by Ercole to Gianluca Pozzi.

[138] Pozzi to Ercole, January 1, 1502. Archives of Modena.

[139] El Prete to Isabella, Rome, January 2, 1502.

[140] Pozzi to Ercole, Rome, December 28, 1501.

[141] Pozzi and Saraceni, Rome, December 28, 1501.

[142] Rome, January 9, 1502.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Rome, January 9, 1502.

[143] La Illma Madama Lucrezia porta tutte le bolle piene et in optima forma. Pozzi and Gerardo to Ercole, Rome, January 6, 1502.

[143] The Illustrious Madam Lucrezia brings all the documents full and in great shape. Pozzi and Gerardo to Ercole, Rome, January 6, 1502.

[144] In the archives of the municipality of Nepi, where I copied the brief from the records. There is a similar letter in the same form and of the same date, addressed to the commune of Trevi, in the city archives of that place. The latter is printed in Tullio Dandolo's Arte christiána—Passeggiate nell' Umbria, 1866, p. 358.

[144] In the archives of the town of Nepi, where I copied the document from the records. There is a similar letter in the same format and from the same date, addressed to the town of Trevi, in the city archives there. The latter is printed in Tullio Dandolo's Arte christiána—Passeggiate nell' Umbria, 1866, p. 358.

[145] Beltrando Costabili to Ercole, Rome, January 6, 1502.

[146] Lucretia's colors were yellow and dark brown (morrelo aperto), while Alexander's were yellow and black.

[146] Lucretia's colors were yellow and dark brown, while Alexander's were yellow and black.

[147] Spogli di Giambattista Almerici. i, 284. Ms. in the Oliveriana in Pesaro.

[147] Spogli di Giambattista Almerici. i, 284. Manuscript in the Oliveriana in Pesaro.

[148] Si per attendere a lavarse il capo, como anche per essere assai solitaria et remota di soa natura. Despatch from Rimini, January 22, 1502.

[148] It is for waiting to wash one's hair, as well as being quite solitary and remote by nature. Despatch from Rimini, January 22, 1502.

[149] Ferrante to Ercole, Rimini, January 23, 1502.

[150] The expression is lavarsi il capo.

[150] The phrase is wash your head.

[151] Ferrante to Ercole, Imola, January 27, 1502.

[152] Gianluca to Ercole, January 31, 1502.

[153] Bernardino Zambotto. See Monsignor Giuseppe Antonelli's work, Lucrezia Borgia in Ferrara, sposa a Don Alfonso d'Este, Memorie storiche.... Ferrara, 1867.

[153] Bernardino Zambotto. Refer to Monsignor Giuseppe Antonelli's book, Lucrezia Borgia in Ferrara, married to Don Alfonso d'Este, Historical Memories.... Ferrara, 1867.

[154] The ambassador Beltrando Costabili to Duke Ercole, Rome, January 7, 1502.

[155] The duke to his ambassador in Rome, Ferrara, January 22, 1502, in the Minute Ducali a Costabili Beltrando Oratore a Roma.

[155] The duke to his ambassador in Rome, Ferrara, January 22, 1502, in the Ducal Minutes to Costabili Beltrando, Ambassador in Rome.

[156] Isabella Gonzaga, who watched the parade from a window of the palace, describes this scene to the duke. Letter to her husband, Ferrara, February 2d, in the Archivio Storico Ital. App. ii, 305. Her report excels in some particulars the picture given by Marino Sanuo (Diar. vol. iv, fol. 104, sq.). Ordine di le pompe e spectaculi di le noze de mad. Lucretia Borgia. Reprinted in Rawdon Brown's Ragguaglio sulla vita e le opere di M. Sanudo, ii, 197, sq.

[156] Isabella Gonzaga, who watched the parade from a palace window, describes this scene to the duke. Letter to her husband, Ferrara, February 2nd, in the Archivio Storico Ital. App. ii, 305. Her account surpasses some details provided by Marino Sanudo (Diar. vol. iv, fol. 104, sq.). Order of the pomp and spectacles of the wedding of lady Lucretia Borgia. Reprinted in Rawdon Brown's Ragguaglio sulla vita e le opere di M. Sanudo, ii, 197, sq.

[157] Letters in the archives of Modena.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Letters in the Modena archives.

[158] This is according to Isabella Gonzaga; Cagnolo's report mentioned, instead of this woman, another Adriana, the wife of Francesco Colonna of Palestrina.

[158] This is based on Isabella Gonzaga's account; Cagnolo's report referred to another woman, Adriana, who is the wife of Francesco Colonna from Palestrina.

[159] Ms. chronicle of Mario Equicola in the library of Ferrara, in the University, formerly the Paradiso.

[159] Ms. account of Mario Equicola in the library of Ferrara, at the University, previously known as the Paradiso.

[160] Paolo Zerbinati, Memorie, Ms. in the library of Ferrara, p. 3.

[160] Paolo Zerbinati, Memories, Ms. in the library of Ferrara, p. 3.

[161] The Ms. is in the library of Ferrara: Nicolai Marii Paniciati ferrariensis, Borgias. Ad. Excell. D. Lucretiam Borgiarm III. Alphonsi Estensis Sponsam celeber MDII. One epigram is as follows:

[161] The manuscript is in the library of Ferrara: Nicolai Marii Paniciati ferrariensis, Borgias. To the Honorable D. Lucretiam Borgia III. Alphonsi Estensis, Famous Bride MDII. One epigram is as follows:

Tyndaridem jactant Heroica secula cujus
Armavit varies forma superba Duces,
Haec collata tibi, merito Luoretia cedit,
Nam tuus omne Helenes lumen obumbrat honor:
Illa neces populis, diuturnaque bella paravit:
Tu bona tranquillae pacis opima refers.
Moribus illa suis speciem temeravit honestam:
Innumeris speciem dotibus ipsa colis:
Ore deam præstas: virtute venustior alma:
Foeda Helenæ facies æquiparata tuæ.

The children of Tyndareus brag about their heroic pasts.
They equipped several proud leaders at the height of their power,
This tribute to you truly surpasses Lucretia,
For your honor dims the light of all Hellenes:
She brought death to the people and endless wars:
You bring the advantages of a peaceful calm.
Her behavior ruined her decent appearance:
You are decorated with countless beautiful gifts:
In your face, you look like a goddess: more charming because of your character:
Your beauty is comparable to Helen's, but without the disgrace.

[162] Cælii Calcagnini Ferrariensis. In Illustriss. Divi Alphonsi Primogeniti Herculis Ducis Ferr. ac Divæ Lucretiæ Borgiæ Nuptias Epithalamium. Laurentius de Valentia Imprimebat Ferrariæ Deo Opt. Max. Favente. Calend. Febr. MDII.

[162] Cælii Calcagnini Ferrariensis. In the illustrious wedding of the most divine Prince Alphonsus, son of Hercules, Duke of Ferrara, and the Blessed Lucretia Borgia, an Epithalamium. Printed by Laurentius de Valentia in Ferrara, with the favor of the Almighty God. February Calendar, 1502.

[163]

Est levis hæc jactura tamen, ruat hoc quoque quicquid
Est reliquum, juvet et nudis habitare sub antris,
Vivere dura liceat tecum pulcherrima virgo.

This loss is minimal, but let whatever happens happen.
What’s left, may it be a joy to live under open caves,
To endure challenges with you, the most beautiful girl.

Ludovici Areosti Ferrariensis Epithalamion, in vol. i of Carmina Illustrium Poetarum Italorum, p. 342-346.

[164] Di mediocre statura, gracile in aspetto, di faccia alquanto lunga, il naso profilato e bello, li capelli aurei, gli occhi bianchi, la bocca alquanto grande con li denti candidissimi; la gola schietta e bianca ornata con decente valore, ed in essere continuamente allegra e ridente. See Lucrezia Borgia in Ferrara. Ferrara, 1867.

[164] Of medium height, slender in appearance, with a somewhat long face, a finely shaped and beautiful nose, golden hair, white eyes, a fairly large mouth with very white teeth; a pure and white throat adorned with decent virtue, and always cheerful and smiling. See Lucrezia Borgia in Ferrara. Ferrara, 1867.

[165] Agnolo Firenzuola, vol. i. Della perfetto bellezza di una donna.

[165] Agnolo Firenzuola, vol. i. On the Perfect Beauty of a Woman.

[166] Fu essa Lucrezia di venusto e mansueto aspetto, prudente, di gratissime maniere negli atti, e nel parlare di molta grazia e allegrezza, says Alfonso's secretary, Bonaventura Pistofilo, in his Vita di Alfonso I d'Este. The epithets venusta, gentile, graziosa, amabile, are conferred upon her by all her contemporaries.

[166] She was Lucrezia, beautiful and gentle in appearance, wise, with charming manners in her actions, and speaking with much grace and cheerfulness, says Alfonso's secretary, Bonaventura Pistofilo, in his Life of Alfonso I d'Este. The adjectives beautiful, kind, graceful, and lovely are given to her by all her contemporaries.

[167] Isabella's remarkable letters regarding the marriage festivities in Ferrara are printed in the Notizie di Isabella Estense by Carlo d'Arco. Archivio Storico Ital. App. ii. 223, sq. The letter of the Marchesa of Cotrone of February 1st is in the library of Mantua, and there are several other letters in the archives of that city written by her to Gonzaga regarding the festivities.

[167] Isabella's impressive letters about the wedding celebrations in Ferrara are published in the Notizie di Isabella Estense by Carlo d'Arco. Archivio Storico Ital. App. ii. 223, sq. The letter from the Marchesa of Cotrone dated February 1st is in the library of Mantua, and there are several more letters in the archives of that city written by her to Gonzaga about the celebrations.

[168] Qual Madama Sposa danzò molte danze al suono delli suoi Tamburini alla Romanesca e Spagnuola: report of Niccolò Gagnolo of Parma, who had accompanied the French ambassador to Ferrara. Zambotto used this description of the wedding festivities in his chronicle, and it was subsequently reprinted in Lucrezia Borgia in Ferrara, etc.

[168] Qual Madama Sposa danced many dances to the sound of her tambourines in the Roman and Spanish style: report of Niccolò Gagnolo of Parma, who had accompanied the French ambassador to Ferrara. Zambotto used this description of the wedding festivities in his chronicle, and it was later reprinted in Lucrezia Borgia in Ferrara, etc.

[169] The Cassaria was first produced in 1508, and the Suppositi in 1509. Giuseppe Campori, Notizie per la vita di Lod. Ariosto, 2d ed. Modena, 1871, p. 67.

[169] The Cassaria was first released in 1508, and the Suppositi followed in 1509. Giuseppe Campori, News about the Life of Lod. Ariosto, 2nd ed. Modena, 1871, p. 67.

[170] Despatch of the Ferrarese orator, Bartolomeo Cartari, to Ercole, Venice, January 25, 1502. Archives of Modena.

[170] Dispatch of the Ferrarese envoy, Bartolomeo Cartari, to Ercole, Venice, January 25, 1502. Archives of Modena.

[171] Cartari says in the same despatch that the robes he had described were intended for presents. Li Ambasciatori Veneziani le presentarono due vesti grandi in forma di palii velluto Cremesino foderati di ermelini, quali levatesi di sopra loro le presentarono. Cagnolo.

[171] Cartari mentions in the same message that the robes he talked about were meant as gifts. The Venetian ambassadors presented him with two large velvet cloaks lined with ermine, which they offered to him after taking them off. Cagnolo.

[172] Ano dato materia di ridere ad hogni homo cum suo presente. The Marchesana of Cotrone to the Marquis of Mantua, Ferrara, February 8th.

[172] There's something funny about every person in this situation. The Marchesana of Cotrone to the Marquis of Mantua, Ferrara, February 8th.

[173] Violas arcu pulsantes. Cæsar Borgia to Ercole, Rome, September 3, 1498.

[173] Pulsating violas. Caesar Borgia to Ercole, Rome, September 3, 1498.

[174] See Isabella's letters of February 3d and 5th.

[174] See Isabella's letters from February 3rd and 5th.

[175] Zuccheti reproduces the letter.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Zuccheti shares the letter.

[176] P.S. Li gentilhomini de lo Ill^mo. Sig. Duca de Romagna poichè sono stati qui XII giorni sono stati da me licentiate per essere impertinente e senza fructo alcuno a la Santità de N.S. et allo Ill^mo. Sig. Duca de Romagna. Minute Ducali a Costabili Beltrando, February 14, 1502.

[176] P.S. The gentlemen from the Illustrious Lord Duke of Romagna, since they have been here for twelve days, have been dismissed by me as they are unnecessary and of no benefit to His Holiness and the Illustrious Lord Duke of Romagna. Ducal Minutes to Costabili Beltrando, February 14, 1502.

[177] Cittadella (Guida del Forestiere in Ferrara, Ferrara, 1873) ridicules the story of the looking-glass that disclosed the love of Ugo and Parisina. See his Castello di Ferrara, Turin, 1873, and the description of the castle in the Notizie storico-artistiche sui primarii palazzi d'Italia, Firenze, Cennini, 1871.

[177] Cittadella (Guide for Visitors in Ferrara, Ferrara, 1873) mocks the tale of the mirror that revealed the romance between Ugo and Parisina. Check out his Castello di Ferrara, Turin, 1873, and the description of the castle in the Historical-Artistic Notes on the Main Palaces of Italy, Florence, Cennini, 1871.

[178] Luigi Napoleone Cittadella, La Stampa in Ferrara. Ferrara, 1873.

[179] See first part of Villari's well known biography of Savonarola.

[179] See the first part of Villari's famous biography of Savonarola.

[180] Maxime intendendo che continuano dormire insieme la nocte. Se ben intende ch'el Sig. Don Alfonso el dì va a piacere in diversi loci come giovene; il quale, dice S. Stà. fa molto bene. Beltrando Costabili to the duke, Rome, April 1, 1502.

[180] Maxime understood that they continue to sleep together at night. Although he knows that Mr. Don Alfonso goes out to various places during the day like a young man; the one who says S. Stà. is doing very well. Beltrando Costabili to the duke, Rome, April 1, 1502.

[181] Silver carlins. Obverse: JOANNES. BOR. DVX. CAMERINI; the Borgia arms surrounded with lilies and the crest of the Lenzuoli. Reverse: S. VENANTIVS DE CAMERI. They are described in the Periodico di Numismatica e Sfragistica per la Storia d'Italia diretto dal March. C. Strozzi, Flor. 1870, A. III, Fascic. ii, 70-77, by G. Amati, and also in A. IV, fasc. vi, 259-265, by M. Santoni. Both writers erroneously describe this Giov. Borgia as the son of the Duke of Gandia, and Amati even confuses Valence in Dauphiné with Valencia in Spain.

[181] Silver carlins. Front: JOANNES. BOR. DVX. CAMERINI; the Borgia arms surrounded by lilies and the crest of the Lenzuoli. Back: S. VENANTIVS DE CAMERI. They are described in the Periodico di Numismatica e Sfragistica per la Storia d'Italia directed by March. C. Strozzi, Flor. 1870, A. III, Fascic. ii, 70-77, by G. Amati, and also in A. IV, fasc. vi, 259-265, by M. Santoni. Both authors mistakenly identify this Giov. Borgia as the son of the Duke of Gandia, and Amati even confuses Valence in Dauphiné with Valencia in Spain.

[182] In the state archives of Modena there are several letters regarding Lucretia's illness written by the Ferrarese physicians Ludovicus Carrus and J. Castellus.

[182] In the state archives of Modena, there are several letters about Lucretia's illness written by the physicians from Ferrara, Ludovicus Carrus and J. Castellus.

[183] The duke to Costabili, his ambassador in Rome, October 9-23, 1502.

[184] Despatch of Bartolomeo Cavalieri to Ercole, Macon, September 8, 1503.

[184] Dispatch of Bartolomeo Cavalieri to Ercole, Macon, September 8, 1503.

[185] Bembo, Opp. iii, 309.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Bembo, Opp. iii, 309.

[186] Minute Ducali a Costabili Beltrando, Ferrara, August 28, 1503.

[186] Note from Ducali to Costabili Beltrando, Ferrara, August 28, 1503.

[187] One of these medals is preserved in the cabinet of the Oliveriana in Pesaro. It is reproduced in the Nuova Raccolta delle Monete e Zecche d'Italia di Guidantonio Zanetti, p. 1.

[187] One of these medals is kept in the cabinet of the Oliveriana in Pesaro. It is featured in the Nuova Raccolta delle Monete e Zecche d'Italia by Guidantonio Zanetti, p. 1.

[188] See Giulio Perticari, Op. Bol. 1839, vol. ii. Intorno la morte di Pandolfo Collenuccio. Perticari's opinion is too one-sided and optimistic. The beautiful elegy which he states Collenuccio wrote shortly before his death was written at a much happier time.

[188] See Giulio Perticari, Op. Bol. 1839, vol. ii. About the death of Pandolfo Collenuccio. Perticari's view is too biased and overly positive. The beautiful elegy he claims Collenuccio wrote shortly before his death was actually written during a much happier period.

[189] The document is in the Este archives.

[190] This is the record already mentioned, Liber Arrendamentorum terrarum ad III^mos Dominos Rodericum Borgiam de Aragonia, Sermoneti, etc., et Johannem Borgiam Nepesini Duces, infantes spectantium. Biselli, 1502

[190] This is the record already mentioned, the Book of Land Leases for the three Lords Roderic Borgia of Aragon, Sermoneta, etc., and John Borgia of Nepi, Dukes, and their sons. Biselli, 1502

[191] Raxo pavonazo trovato in Guardaroba. De dito raso se ne fodrato dui ziponi e dui boniti per Don Rodrigo e Don Joanne (Braccia 6). De dito raso se ne posto in la capa de Don Rodrigo—Tela d'oro. De dita tela se ne posto a fodrare due cape de raxo pavonazo per Don Rodrigo e Don Joane—braza 12. Dite peze de fuxo doro tirato se ne pose per commission de la Signora nei saioni de Don Rodrigo e Don Joanne, etc. Estratti dall' inventario di roba di Lucrezia Borgia, 1502-1503. Archives of Modena.

[191] Raxo peacock fabric found in the wardrobe. Two pieces and two beautiful items made from this fabric were prepared for Don Rodrigo and Don Joanne (Braccia 6). This fabric was used to line Don Rodrigo's cape—gold cloth. From this cloth, two capes of peacock fabric were made for Don Rodrigo and Don Joanne—braccia 12. These pieces of gold thread fabric were commissioned by the Lady for the cloaks of Don Rodrigo and Don Joanne, etc. Extracted from the inventory of Lucrezia Borgia's possessions, 1502-1503. Archives of Modena.

[192] Ercole to his ambassador in Rome, December 31, 1503.

[193] Costabili to Ercole, May 6, 1507.

[194] Manfredo Manfredi's despatch to Ercole, Florence, August 20, 1504.

[194] Manfredo Manfredi's message to Ercole, Florence, August 20, 1504.

[195] Perche la mogliera del Duca di Candia, che fu morto dal Duca Valentino ha procurato questo acto de tencione et vendicta et che Lei è parente del Re di Spagna. Letter of Giovanni Alberto della Pigna to Ercole, Venice, June 18, 1504.

[195] Because the wife of the Duke of Candia, who was killed by Duke Valentino, has arranged this act of tension and revenge, and she is related to the King of Spain. Letter of Giovanni Alberto della Pigna to Ercole, Venice, June 18, 1504.

[196] Costabili's despatch to Duke Ercole, Rome, October 27, 1504.

[196] Costabili's message to Duke Ercole, Rome, October 27, 1504.

[197] The contract is in Beneimbene's protocol-book.

[197] The contract is in Beneimbene's protocol book.

[198] Another list of the year 1516 contains a number of magnificently bound breviaries and books of offices, but there are no additional works of a secular nature. For this catalogue I am indebted to Foucard, who copied it from an inventory of the personal property of Lucretia Borgia in the archives of Modena.

[198] Another list from the year 1516 includes several beautifully bound breviaries and books of offices, but there are no other secular works. I owe this catalog to Foucard, who transcribed it from an inventory of Lucretia Borgia's personal property found in the archives of Modena.

[199] Dissertazione del Sig. Dottor Baldassare Oltrocchi sopra i primi amori di Pietro Bembo, indirizzata al sig. Conte Giammaria Mazzucchelli Bresciana. In the Nuova Raccolta d'Opuscoli Scientifici del Calogerà, vol. iv. Lettere di Lucrezia Borgia a messer Pietro Bembo dagli autografi conservati in un Codice della Bibl. Ambrosiana. Milano eoi Tipi dell' Ambrosiana, 1859.

[199] Dissertation by Dr. Baldassare Oltrocchi on the early loves of Pietro Bembo, addressed to Count Giammaria Mazzucchelli from Brescia. In the New Collection of Scientific Works by Calogerà, vol. iv. Letters from Lucrezia Borgia to Messer Pietro Bembo from the manuscripts preserved in a Codex of the Ambrosian Library. Milan, Tipi dell'Ambrosiana, 1859.

[200] Laeto nata solo, dextrâ, rosa, pollice carpta;
Unde tibi solito pulcrior, unde color?
Num te iterum tinxit Venus? an potius tibi tantum
Borgia purpureo praebuit ore decus?

[200] Born from the joyful earth, holding a rose in your right hand,
Why do you look even more beautiful than usual? Where does your glow come from?
Has Venus touched you once more? Or did
Does Borgia grant you beauty with her purple lips?

[201] Ad Bembum de Lucretia.
Si mutatur in X. C. tertia nominis hujus
Littera lux fiet, quod modo luc fuerat.
Retia subsequitur, cui tu hæc subiunge paraque,
Subscribens lux hæc retia, Bembe, parat.

[201] To Bembus regarding Lucretia.
If it changes to X. C., which is the third letter of this name.
Light will emerge, which was simply light.
The nets come next, which you should add and get ready.
By subscribing to this light, Bembus sets up these nets.

[202] La prima inscrizion ch'agli occhi occorre,
Con lungo honor Lucrezia Borgia noma,
La cui bellezza ed onestà preporre
Debbe all' antiqua la sua patria Roma.
I duo che voluto han sopra sè torre
Tanto eccellente ed onorata soma,
Noma lo scritto: Antonio Tebaldeo,
Ercole Strozza: un Lino, e un Orfeo.

[202] The first inscription that grabs your attention,
With great honor, Lucrezia Borgia is named,
Whose beauty and virtue should be greater than
Her historic homeland of Rome.
The two who decided to praise her
With such an outstanding and respected job,
Wrote this: Antonio Tebaldeo,
Ercole Strozza: one like Linus and another like Orpheus.

[203] See the Marquis Giuseppe Campori's work: Una Vittima della Storia, Lucrezia Borgia, in the Nuova Antologia, August 31, 1866.

[203] Check out Marquis Giuseppe Campori's work: Una Vittima della Storia, Lucrezia Borgia, in the Nuova Antologia, August 31, 1866.

[204] Frizzi Storia di Ferrara, iv, 205.

[205] Cose tutte che sono in ontà del vero, says Antonio Cappelli. Introduction to his Lettere di Lodovico Ariosto, Bologna, 1866. The eclogue is in Ariosto's Opere Minori i. 267. Angela Borgia is mentioned in the last canto (stanza 4) of the Orlando.

[205] “These are all things that reflect the truth,” says Antonio Cappelli. Introduction to his Lettere di Lodovico Ariosto, Bologna, 1866. The eclogue can be found in Ariosto's Opere Minori i. 267. Angela Borgia is mentioned in the last canto (stanza 4) of Orlando.

[206] The bull is in the archives of the house of Gaetani.

[206] The bull is stored in the archives of the Gaetani family.

[207] As late as January 15, 1519, a few months before her death, Lucretia wrote to Giulia. The 13th of that month, Pietro Torelli, the Ferrarese ambassador in Florence, reported that he had received a letter for Giulia and would attend to it. Archives of Modena.

[207] As late as January 15, 1519, just a few months before her death, Lucretia wrote to Giulia. On the 13th of that month, Pietro Torelli, the Ferrarese ambassador in Florence, reported that he had received a letter for Giulia and would take care of it. Archives of Modena.

[208] Fioravanti Martinelli Carbognano illustrado, Rome, 1644.

[208] Fioravanti Martinelli Carbognano illustrated, Rome, 1644.

[209] In the record of her household expenses, under date of November 20, 1506, there is the following entry: A Garzia Spagnolo per andare a Venezia per la nova del Duca Valentino che era fugito de progione. November 27, she wrote to Gonzaga.

[209] In her household expense records, dated November 20, 1506, there is an entry: A Garzia Spagnolo to go to Venice for the news of Duke Valentino, who had escaped from prison. On November 27, she wrote to Gonzaga.

[210] Record of Lucretia's household expenses for the year 1506 (Archives of Modena): July 31, 1506, a Federigo Cancelliere del Duca Valentino per andare per le poste in Spagna dal Duca.

[210] Record of Lucretia's household expenses for the year 1506 (Archives of Modena): July 31, 1506, a Federigo Cancelliere del Duca Valentino for going to Spain by post for the Duke.

[211] Despatch of the Ferrarese ambassador to France, Manfredo Manfredi, to Duke Alfonso, January, 1507.

[211] Dispatch of the Ferrarese ambassador to France, Manfredo Manfredi, to Duke Alfonso, January, 1507.

[212] Letters of Hieronymus Magnaninus to his master, Alfonso, Ferrara, April 11 to 22, archives of the Este.

[212] Letters from Hieronymus Magnaninus to his master, Alfonso, Ferrara, April 11 to 22, Este archives.

[213] Cæsaris Borgiæ Ducis Epicedium per Herculem Strozzam ad Divam Lucretiam Borgiam Ferrariæ Ducem. In Strozzi Poetæ Pater et Filius, Paris, 1530.

[213] An Eulogy for Cæsar Borgia, Duke, by Hercules Strozzi, honoring the Divine Lucretia Borgia, Duchess of Ferrara. In Strozzi, Father and Son, Paris, 1530.

[214] See Cittadella's genealogy of the house of Borgia.

[214] Check out Cittadella's family history of the Borgia house.

[215] Letter of Giulio Alvarotti from France, February 14, 1550, in the archives of Modena.

[215] Letter from Giulio Alvarotti in France, February 14, 1550, in the Modena archives.

[216] Campori; Una Vittima della Storia; Antonio Capelli, Lettere di L. Ariosto, Introduction, p. lxi. Also W. Gilbert, Lucrezia Borgia, Duchess of Ferrara, ii, 240.

[216] Campori; A Victim of History; Antonio Capelli, Letters of L. Ariosto, Introduction, p. lxi. Also W. Gilbert, Lucrezia Borgia, Duchess of Ferrara, ii, 240.

[217] Despatch of Girolamo Cassola, Augsburg, February 27, 1510. Archives of Modena.

[217] Dispatch from Girolamo Cassola, Augsburg, February 27, 1510. Archives of Modena.

[218] This he announced to the Marchese Gonzaga from Pesaro, November 4, 1505. Archives of Mantua.

[218] He announced this to Marchese Gonzaga from Pesaro on November 4, 1505. Archives of Mantua.

[219] Copies of the following instruments concerning the last Sforza of Pesaro are in the archives of Florence: will of Giovanni Sforza, July 24, 1510; agreement between Galeazzo and the Papal Legate, October 30, 1512; Galeazzo's will, March 23, 1515; Isabella's marriage contract, Pesaro, September 29, 1520. The epitaph in the Lateran is as follows: Isabellas Sfortiæ Joannis Pisaurensium P. Feminæ Sui Temporis Prudentia Ac Pietate Insigni Exec. Test. P. Vix. Ann LVII. M. VII. D. III Obiit Ann. MDLXI. XI Kal. Febr. Consensu Nobilium De Mutis De Papazurris. Above is a profile in marble.

[219] Copies of the following documents about the last Sforza of Pesaro are in the archives of Florence: will of Giovanni Sforza, July 24, 1510; agreement between Galeazzo and the Papal Legate, October 30, 1512; Galeazzo's will, March 23, 1515; Isabella's marriage contract, Pesaro, September 29, 1520. The epitaph in the Lateran reads: Isabellas Sfortiæ Joannis Pisaurensium P. Feminæ Sui Temporis Prudentia Ac Pietate Insigni Exec. Test. P. Vix. Ann LVII. M. VII. D. III Obiit Ann. MDLXI. XI Kal. Febr. Consensu Nobilium De Mutis De Papazurris. Above is a marble profile.

[220] J'ose bien dire que, de son temps, ni beaucoup avant, il ne s'est point trouvé de plus triomphante princesse, car elle était belle, bonne, douce et courtoise, à toutes gens. Le Loyal Serviteur Histoire du bon Chevalier, le seigneur de Bayard, chap. xlv.

[220] I dare say that, in her time, and long before that, there has never been a more triumphant princess, for she was beautiful, kind, gentle, and courteous to everyone. Le Loyal Serviteur Histoire du bon Chevalier, le seigneur de Bayard, chap. xlv.

[221] Despatch of this ambassador in the archives of Mantua.

[221] Sending this ambassador in the Mantua archives.

[222] Per trovarmi tuttavia involta in lachryme et amaritudine per la morte del Duca di Biselli mio figliolo carrissimo.

[222] Yet to find myself wrapped in tears and sorrow for the death of my dearest son, the Duke of Biselli.

[223] The instrument is in the Liber Arrendamentorum, from Lucretia's chancellery.

[223] The document is in the Liber Arrendamentorum, from Lucretia's office.

[224] El quale zipon de Dernascho e brochato, sua Signoria el manda a donare a don Rodrigo suo figliolo a Barri.

[224] This zipon from Dernascho is embroidered, and his Lordship orders it to be given to his son, Don Rodrigo, in Barri.

[225] October 24, 1506. Spesa per un nocchiero, che ha condotto Don Giovanni Borgia de Finale a Ferrara. November 5, 1506. Tela di renso sottile per far camicie mandato a Carpi al sig. Don Giovanni Borgia.

[225] October 24, 1506. Payment for a boatman who brought Don Giovanni Borgia de Finale to Ferrara. November 5, 1506. Fine linen fabric for making shirts sent to Carpi for Mr. Don Giovanni Borgia.

[226] May 15, 1508. Berette per Don Giovanni e Don Rodrigo Borgia. May 25th. Spesa per guanti a Don Giovanni e Don Rodrigo Borgia. October 16th. Bartolommeo Grotto, maestro de li ragazzi, per pagare certi libri zoè Donati e regule per detti ragazzi. December 15. Per un Virgilio comprato da Don Bartolommeo Grotto a don Giovanni.

[226] May 15, 1508. Expenses for Don Giovanni and Don Rodrigo Borgia. May 25th. Spending on gloves for Don Giovanni and Don Rodrigo Borgia. October 16th. Bartolommeo Grotto, master of the boys, for paying certain books like Donati and rules for those boys. December 15. For a Virgil bought by Don Bartolommeo Grotto for Don Giovanni.

[227] Unica in disgracia.

Unica in disgrace.

[228] Letters in the Este archives show that there was another Don Rodrigo Borgia, who, in the year 1518, was described as the "brother" of the Duchess Lucretia, and was then under the care of tutors in Salerno. His guardians were Madama Elisabetta—who may have been his mother—and her daughter Giulia. Lucretia, to whom the letters of Giovanni Cases (Rome, May 12, September 3, 1518) and another by Don Giorgio de Ferrara (Rome, December, 1518,) are addressed, seems to have acted as a mother to this child. This second Rodrigo died, a young clerk, in 1527. August 30th of that year the Ferrarese ambassador in Naples, Baldassare da Fino, wrote from Posilipo as follows: Lo Ill^mo et Rev. Signor Don Rodrico de Casa Borgia, stando in Ciciano, cum la Signora Madama sua matre, sono da 15 giorni che, prima vexato da Febre continua, se ne morse—a sheet without any address, in the archives of Modena. Again, in January, 1535, this deceased son of Alexander VI is mentioned in a report sent from Rome, which contains the following words: Era venuta nuovamente un Vescovo fratello di Don Roderico Borgia, figliuolo che fu di Papa Alessandro.... Avvisi di Roma. State archives of Modena.

[228] Letters in the Este archives reveal another Don Rodrigo Borgia, who, in 1518, was referred to as the "brother" of Duchess Lucretia and was being supported by tutors in Salerno. His guardians were Madama Elisabetta—who might have been his mother—and her daughter Giulia. Lucretia, to whom the letters from Giovanni Cases (Rome, May 12, September 3, 1518) and another from Don Giorgio de Ferrara (Rome, December 1518) were addressed, appears to have taken on a motherly role for this child. This second Rodrigo passed away, a young clerk, in 1527. On August 30th of that year, the Ferrarese ambassador in Naples, Baldassare da Fino, wrote from Posilipo as follows: Lo Ill^mo et Rev. Signor Don Rodrico de Casa Borgia, stando in Ciciano, cum la Signora Madama sua matre, sono da 15 giorni che, prima vexato da Febre continua, se ne morse—a sheet without any address, in the archives of Modena. Furthermore, in January 1535, this deceased son of Alexander VI is mentioned in a report sent from Rome, which includes the following statement: Era venuta nuovamente un Vescovo fratello di Don Roderico Borgia, figliuolo che fu di Papa Alessandro.... Avvisi di Roma. State archives of Modena.

[229] Printed in the Italian edition of Roscoe's Life of Leo X, vii, 300.

[230] Cittadella N 31. She endeavored to secure the Prebend of S. Jacopo for him. In her record of household expenses there are entries of purchases of clothing for him, beginning with December 23, 1517.

[230] Cittadella N 31. She tried to obtain the Prebend of S. Jacopo for him. In her account of household expenses, there are entries for clothing purchases for him, starting from December 23, 1517.

[231] Two golden bracelets—per donare alla Regina de Franza, 27 Aprile, 1518; other articles of personal adornment—mandati per lo Illmo D. Joanne Borgia al Re de Franza (November 16, 1518). The ambassadors Carlo da Correggio and Pistofilo Bonaventura informed Lucretia of his favorable reception at the court of France, in letters dated December, 1518, and January to March, 1519. State archives of Modena.

[231] Two golden bracelets—to give to the Queen of France, April 27, 1518; other items of personal jewelry—ordered for the Illustrious D. Giovanni Borgia for the King of France (November 16, 1518). The ambassadors Carlo da Correggio and Pistofilo Bonaventura informed Lucretia of his warm welcome at the court of France in letters dated December 1518 and between January and March 1519. State archives of Modena.

[232] Documents in the State archives of Florence, among the papers regarding Urbino. CI. I. Div. C. Fil. xiv. In 1534 Giulia Varano married Guidobaldo II of Urbino and brought him Camerino, which, however, he was compelled to relinquish in 1539 to Paul III, who gave it to his nephew Octavio Farnese.

[232] Documents in the State archives of Florence, among the papers about Urbino. CI. I. Div. C. Fil. xiv. In 1534, Giulia Varano married Guidobaldo II of Urbino and brought him Camerino, which he was forced to give up in 1539 to Paul III, who then gave it to his nephew Octavio Farnese.

[233] Copia di una lettera da Roma di 19 Novembre, 1547. State archives of Modena.

[233] Copy of a letter from Rome dated November 19, 1547. State archives of Modena.

[234] Despatch of Beltrando Costabili to Ercole, Rome, March 7, 1504.

[234] Dispatch from Beltrando Costabili to Ercole, Rome, March 7, 1504.

[235] Magnifico et prestanti viro maiori honorandmo D. Ludovico Romanellio Ducali Secretario Ferrarie. Omissis. Il Papa mi ha mandato Don Michiele il quale habiamo cominciato examinare cum turtura de queste sue sceleranze fin qui [=e] sta saldo et nulla confessa non so m[=o] se fara cussi in futurum. Omissis. Dixe che Papa Alexandro fù quello che fece ammazzare Don Alfonso, marito che fù della Ducessa. Rome XX. Lulii, 1504. Thadeus Locumtenens Senatus. In the archives of Modena.

[235] To the esteemed and distinguished man, the honorable D. Ludovico Romanelli, Ducal Secretary of Ferrara. Omissions. The Pope has sent me Don Michiele, whom we have started to interrogate regarding his misdeeds thus far [=and] he is steadfast and has confessed nothing; I don’t know if he will do so in the future. Omissions. He said that Pope Alexander was the one who had Don Alfonso, husband of the Duchess, killed. Rome, July 20, 1504. Thadeus, Lieutenant of the Senate. In the archives of Modena.

[236] The documents are in the archives of the Sancta Sanctorum.

[236] The documents are in the archives of the Holy of Holies.

[237] Act of December 4, 1503, in the same archives.

[238] Archives of the Sancta Sanctorum. The instrument is dated April 1, 1504.

[238] Archives of the Sancta Sanctorum. The document is dated April 1, 1504.

[239] Archives of the Sancta Sanctorum.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Sancta Sanctorum Archives.

[240] Ibid.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Same here.

[241] This was reported to Cardinal Ippolito by Girolamo Sacrati from Rome, November 2, 1515. Archives of Modena.

[242] Vannozza's will, in the archives of the Capitol, Cred. xiv, T. 72, p. 305, among the instruments drawn by the notary Andrea Carosi.

[242] Vannozza's will, located in the archives of the Capitol, Cred. xiv, T. 72, p. 305, is among the documents prepared by the notary Andrea Carosi.

[243] In the diary of Marino Sanuto, vol. xxvi, fol. 135.

[244] This letter is quoted by Zucchetti.

[244] This letter is referenced by Zucchetti.

[245] Printed in Zucchetti's work. Che da forse dieci anni in qua la portava el silizio.... This is not, as Zucchetti supposes, the goat-hair shirt.

[245] Printed in Zucchetti's work. For about ten years now, it has been brought the silizio.... This is not, as Zucchetti thinks, the goat-hair shirt.

[246] In this translation it appears on the cover.

[246] In this version, it's shown on the cover.

[247] Di quella mala sorte che fù quella, e con tante disoneste parti. See Ugolino Storia dei Duchi d'Urbino, ii, 242.

[247] About that bad luck that it was, and with so many dishonest parts. See Ugolino Storia dei Duchi d'Urbino, ii, 242.

[248] J. M. S. Daurignac, Histoire de S. François de Borgia, Duc de Gandie, Troisième Général de la Compagnie de Jesus. Paris, 1863.

[248] J. M. S. Daurignac, History of St. Francis of Borgia, Duke of Gandía, Third General of the Society of Jesus. Paris, 1863.

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LUCRETIA BORGIA. From a portrait attributed to Dosso Dossi, in the possession of Mr. Henry Doetsch, London.

FERDINAND GREGOROVIUS

LUCRETIA BORGIA

ACCORDING TO ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF HER DAY

TRANSLATED FROM THE THIRD GERMAN EDITION

BY JOHN LESLIE GARNER

TO

DON MICHELANGELO GAETANI

DUKE OF SERMONETA

TO DON MICHELANGELO GAETANI DUKE OF SERMONETA

CONTENTS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

INTRODUCTION

BOOK THE FIRST

LUCRETIA BORGIA IN ROME

CHAPTER I

LUCRETIA'S FATHER

CHAPTER II

LUCRETIA'S MOTHER

CHAPTER III

LUCRETIA'S FIRST HOME

TRAJAN'S FORUM, ROME.

CHAPTER IV

LUCRETIA'S EDUCATION

CHURCH OF S. MARIA DEL POPOLO, ROME.

VITTORIA COLONNA. From an engraving by P. Caronni.

CHAPTER V

NEPOTISM—GIULIA FARNESE—LUCRETIA'S BETROTHALS

FARNESE PALACE, ROME.

CHAPTER VI

HER FATHER BECOMES POPE—GIOVANNI SFORZA

ALEXANDER VI. From an engraving published in 1580.

CHAPTER VII

LUCRETIA'S FIRST MARRIAGE

CHURCH OF ARA CŒLI, ROME.

CHAPTER VIII

FAMILY AFFAIRS

CHAPTER IX

LUCRETIA LEAVES ROME

CHAPTER X

HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF PESARO

TASSO. From an engraving by Raffaelle Morghen.

CHAPTER XI

THE INVASION OF ITALY—THE PROFLIGATE WORLD

CHARLES VIII. From an engraving by Pannier.

SAVONAROLA. From a painting by Fra Bartolommeo

NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI. From an engraving by G. Marri.

CHAPTER XII

THE DIVORCE AND SECOND MARRIAGE

CHAPTER XIII

A REGENT AND A MOTHER

CHAPTER XIV

SOCIAL LIFE OF THE BORGIAS

CHAPTER XV

MISFORTUNES OF CATARINA SFORZA

CHAPTER XVI

MURDER OF ALFONSO OF ARAGON

CÆSAR BORGIA. From a painting by Giorgione.

CHAPTER XVII

LUCRETIA AT NEPI

CHAPTER XVIII

CÆSAR AT PESARO

The Duke's Retinue

Prominent Men in the Duke's Household.

CHAPTER XIX

ANOTHER MARRIAGE PLANNED FOR LUCRETIA

GUICCIARDINI. From an engraving by Blanchard.

CHAPTER XX

NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE HOUSE OF ESTE

CHAPTER XXI

THE EVE OF THE WEDDING

ERCOLE D'ESTE, DUKE OF FERRARA.

GUICCIARDINI.

CHAPTER XXII

ARRIVAL AND RETURN OF THE BRIDAL ESCORT

CASTLE OF S. ANGELO, ROME.

BOOK THE SECOND

LUCRETIA IN FERRARA

CHAPTER I

LUCRETIA'S JOURNEY TO FERRARA

LUCRETIA BORGIA.
From a portrait attributed to Dosso Dossi, in the possession of Mr. Henry Doetsch, London.

ACCORDING TO ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS
AND CORRESPONDENCE OF HER DAY

VITTORIA COLONNA.
From an engraving by P. Caronni.

ALEXANDER VI.
From an engraving published in 1580.

TASSO.
From an engraving by Raffaelle Morghen.

CHARLES VIII.
From an engraving by Pannier.

SAVONAROLA.
From a painting by Fra Bartolommeo

NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI.
From an engraving by G. Marri.

CÆSAR BORGIA.
From a painting by Giorgione.

GUICCIARDINI.
From an engraving by Blanchard.

ARIOSTO.
From a painting by Titian.

BENVENUTO GAROFALO.
From an engraving by G. Batt. Cecchi.

CARDINAL BEMBO.
From an engraving by G. Benaglia.

JULIUS II.
From an engraving published in 1580.

ALDO MANUZIO.
From an engraving by Angustin de St. Aubin.

LEO X.
From an engraving published in 1580.

LUCRETIA BORGIA.
From a painting in the Musée de Nîmes.